International Journal for the Advancement of Counselling 13: 107-I 18, 1990.

© 1990 Kluwer Academic Publishers. Printed in the Netherlands.

Counselling Maori people in New Zealand [Aotearoa]*

M A S O N D U R I E & G A R Y I-IERMANSSON
Palmerston North Hospital; and Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand

Abstract. This paper is an edited version of a seminal address given to a national association of
counselors in New Zealand by a senior Maori figure professionally involved in the helping field. It
focuses on a particular indigenous ethnic minority in terms of appropriate counseling, but has
relevance for other traditionally-based cultures. After some attention to the societal context, the
address considers major directions of western thought and how these have been reflected in
counseling. It then suggests that these are largely inappropriate for Maori people, elaborating
contrasts, Three major dimensions of Maori culture relevant to counselling are presented and
developed. Finally, attention is given to ways in which counseling in New Zealand might be better
developed along bicultural lines.

Introduction

N e w Z e a l a n d is a small country situated in the South Pacific. It was first

settled b y Polynesian migrations o v e r the period A D 800--1350. Pockets o f
E u r o p e a n settlement followed, with planned and extensive colonization by
the British beginning around 1840. The process o f colonization, although
relatively amicable, involved land wars and this, along with disease epi-
demics, greatly diminished the Maori population towards the end o f the
nineteenth century. At present the c o u n t r y ' s population o f just o v e r three
million people is m a d e up o f around 91% European (mainly British) stock,
8% Maori, and I % Pacific Island Polynesian. There is quite considerable
intermarriage and m i x e d - b l o o d heritage ( N e w Zealand Official Year Book,
1988).
F o r s o m e time, N e w Zealand has been regarded as something o f a m o d e l
of racial h a r m o n y . O v e r recent years, however, there h a v e been signs that
this v i e w is at best naive. Considerable attention is n o w focussed on issues o f

* This paper is based on an address given by Mason Durie (of the Rangitane and Raukawa Maori
tribes) to a recent New Zealand Counseling and Guidance Association's Annual Conference at
Palmerston North, New Zealand. The address was ~'anscdbedfrom tape and edited for publication
by Gary Hermaasson. Correspondence should be addressed to Dr. Hermansson, Guidance and
Counseling Programs, Massey University, Palmerston North, New Zealand.
108

cultural identities and cross cultural relationships, with a trend towards

emphasising Pakeha [European]/Maori biculturalism.
Counseling is reasonably well established in New Zealand (cf. Webster &
Hermansson, 1983). Typically it has followed overseas leads and has best
served middle-upper class Pakehas. As part of the ongoing cultural identity
struggles, there has been a growing challenge to develop counseling models
that better serve indigenous cultures - both the traditional culture of the
Maori people and the culture of New Zealanders as a whole.
Some literature reveals movement in the former direction. The relevance
for Maori people of standard counseling concepts and qualities has been
considered (Hermansson, 1974), along with value conflicts (Gibbs, 1983),
the need for social action perspectives (Awatere, 1981) and cultural aware-
ness in training (Gibbs, 1984) and for recognizing the particular cultural
contexts of Maori people (Ross, 1985). More recently there has been a series
of empirically-based works examining the scope of Maori perspectives in the
training of human-service professionals such as doctors (Abbott & Durie,
1987a), psychologists (Abbott & Durie, 1987b) and counselors and psycho-
therapists (Abbott & Durie, 1987c).
However, perhaps the most powerful catalyst for change in perceptions
and for developments along culturally appropriate lines was a recent address
given to a national conference of counsellors (the New Zealand Counseling
and Guidance Association) by a prominent Maori leader. The address was
particularly significant because it was embedded in a culturally appropriate
framework - it was on a Maori Marae [a traditional meeting centre],
involved ritual greetings and formal linkages to ancestors and land, was
delivered without notes in the oral tradition of Maoridom, and was structured
consistent with the cultural elements being promoted.
The orator, Dr. Mason Durie, a prominent member of the Rangitane and
Raukawa Maori tribes and a leading New Zealand psychiatrist, embodies
biculturalism. What he had to say was very significant for counselors in New
Zealand, and, even though the concepts were developed within that setting,
they have meaning for other locations where the counseling needs of those
from more traditional cultures are an issue (cf., Richardson, 1981).

Address

"Tena Koutou. Tena Koutou. Tena Koutou Katoa...'" [Greetings]

The significance of culture

Culture plays an extremely important part in counseling. It is something we

are increasingly recognizing, but it is certainly nothing new. We know in
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counseling that the culture of poverty, for example, matters when we deal
with people. If 'well-off' people deal with those who are poor there is a
cultural clash, because those who understand the culture of poverty will have
quite different ideas about what they need from counseling to those who
understand the culture of affluence (el., Hollingshead & Redlich, 1958).
We also have cultural differences in terms of age. We know that people
who enjoy the culture of youthfulness may expect something very different
from those of us who enjoy ('endure') the culture of ripened years (Kimmel,
1976). Furthermore, if anyone ever experiences a debilitating illness they get
to know that there is a culture of sickness and a culture of health (Illich,
1976). If we are dealing with people who have a disability or who are unwell,
that is a culture altogether different from the culture of health.
Another major cultural dimension involves differences that go with
ethnicity. People from one ethnic background are likely to go into a
counseling situation with very different expectations to people from another
ethnic background (Higginbotham, 1977). Ethnic difference is the dimension
we are going to examine here, although we should bear in mind that the other
cultural dimensions (socioeconomics, age, health) invariably operate as well.

Historical trends in counseling

Talking about ethnic factors in counseling means considering, firstly, where

counseling is coming from. Most counseling theories in New Zealand come
from either the United States or the United Kingdom. A lot of our ideas about
counseling are imported from these western contexts. And where did their
ideas come from? Probably from the Greeks in the 4th century BC! An
excursion through the literature on philosophy (cf. Russell, 1962) and
counselling (el., Shertzer & Stone, 1980) will reflect the following kinds of
developments.
One of the founders of modem thinking, Aristotle, took us on the path of
dualism, the division of things. He considered that there were two ways of
looking at the world - in terms of matter or in terms of spirit. So you might
say that modem western thought looks right back to those Grecian times,
when such a division was established. Other people took that up, and by the
time of the 16th and 17th centuries thinking had become very strongly
influenced by the ideas of reductionism. That is, if you want knowledge, the
way you f'md it is to dissect things. A basic scientific principle is that smaller
and smaller detail will give you knowledge about the whole. If you want to
find out what constitutes water, you analyze it. If you want to find out what
you will be having for a meal, you take it to the Department of Health and
they analyze it. They divide it into little bits. So we see emerging, as an
110

integral part of western thinking, the idea of reductionism, getting down

ultimately to the atoms (the atomistic view).
Descartes led the school of rational thinkers and said that not only can you
talk about matter or spirit, but an additional distinction is that of body or
mind. This reintroduced the idea of dualism and became referred to as
'Cartesian Dualism'. The notion of the mind and the body as distinct entities
has become one of the hallmarks of much that is done in medicine and in
counseling. The idea of dualism, though, has gone even further than that. We
took the mind and split it again, so that we talk about emotions on the one
hand and thoughts on the other. We talk about experience the one hand and
behaviour on the other. The one subjective the other objective.
What then do western thinking and western culture bring to the processes
of counseling? They bring all of these things. They bring the notion of
dualism; mind and body, thinking and feeling, experience and behaviour,
subjectivity and objectivity. They bring also the possibility that we can
obtain more knowledge by going into things in greater depth; getting to the
heart of the matter. So that when counsellors work with clients, they often try
to get more and more detail about them as people and about their situations.
They hope that the detail will provide some greater insight about their
circumstances.
That is a very broad look at some of the things that influence counseling
from a western perspective. Certainly the American, United Kingdom, and
European textbooks over the years have carried these basic notions in them.
For a fuller consideration of such matters as they impact on counselling in
particular, see, for example, Lucas (1985) and Mickunas (1986).

Maori culture

Well, how does that get along with Maori thinking? The answer is it could
not be more different! Maori thinking goes in quite the opposite direction.
You don't obtain knowledge by looking for detail, dissecting, uncovering, or
going deeper and deeper. You go "outwards'. Knowledge is obtained from
the relationship that people have with wider systems. Not through a
relationship with their own feelings, their own thinking, or their own
intelligence, but the relationship that they have with the sky, the land, their
families, and with things that are much bigger than the individual.
The recently promoted wholistic approach in counselling (el. Gross, 1980)
has some relevance to this stance, but the notion that knowledge comes from
your relationship with the wider world has always been part of Maori
tradition. There is a branch of medicine now called dialogical medicine,
which has to do also with the attempt not to create dualism but to do the
 111

opposite. Not to talk about mind or body, but to talk about mind and body; to
bring those things that Descartes separated back together again.
So, wholism, dialogical medicine, taha Maori [the Maori dimension], are
very similar in orientation. This means of course that some ideas about
mental health have been quite foreign to Maori people. The idea, for
example, that you should verbalize your feelings, is a fairly strange way of
looking at things for a Maori. The Maori word for anger, and I ' m sure those
with Maori clients will have seen them in an angry state from time to time, is
"puku" [stomach], 'riri' [battle]. There is no pretense that anger is somehow
separate from the whole body. Anguish, 'mamae', is the same word that you
might use to describe pain.
Maori people have never separated emotions as if they were something
distinct from the whole bodily experience. Yet counsellors regularly expect
people to talk about their feelings. Many counselors are fight at home when
someone arrives in a state of fury and they look at them and say, "Tell me
what you're feeling?" They see it as very positive when people say "I feel
really angry!" If they actually 'listen' with their eyes, of course, this is
obvious. In Maori terms at least, there is no need to have people verbalize
what is there.
If you go to a Maori tangi [a funeral], very seldom will Maori people say
"'I'm very sorry, please accept my condolences, please accept my sympathy".
They have no need to put it into words. Their tears say it all. There has been a
tendency for some counsellors to see words as 'legitimizing' feelings. If
people can talk about their anger, somehow that makes it different and more
acceptable. The feeling itself is not sufficient.
For Maori people this dichotomy, between thoughts on the one hand and
feelings on the other, is a fairly artificial one. Thoughts are not necessarily
superior to what is felt, and the idea of talking about feelings is a foreign one.
Of course, it is recognized that counseling is based very much on middle-
upper class values (Sue, 1981). Such people seem to value talking about their
feelings. We have taken to the idea that a real essence of 'self' is thinking
about and articulating inner processes.
So that is one problem that Maori people have with modem counseling;
having to talk about feelings when in fact the feelings speak for themselves.
Another problem is the notion that to be mentally healthy a person has to be
'self actualized'. A trend that has swept the western world over the last
decade and a half has been that individuals should be self-sufficient,
autonomous, independent, self-directed, and govemed principally by what is
best for them as individuals (cf. Csikszentmihalyi & Graef, 1979; Sue,
1981). Such qualities are often equated with mental health, but a Maori with
those qualities is extremely unhealthy.
Maori people would regard someone who is independent and directed by
112

his or her own thoughts and feelings as a person in a very bad way.
Independent living and feeling, and regarding oneself as sufficient as an
individual is very unhealthy in Maori terms. It fails completely to ac-
knowledge where someone has come from and where their strength lies. Yet
over and over again, counselors in New Zealand put Maori people into
conflict by encouraging them to be independent. It is not necessarily an
unhealthy concept all around the world, but within Maori culture it is. Yet
when working with people who have got emotional problems of one sort or
another, many counsellors are directly or indirectly saying such things as
"You must think for yourself. It is important that you decide what's right for
you." Something must be done about that attitude when dealing with Maori
people, because it exposes them to foreign expectations that do not match
what is in their hearts.
So, if New Zealand counsellors pay too much attention to western mental
health theories they will take in some ideas that are quite strange for Maori
people. That is not to say that there is anything wrong with the theories
themselves, except to say that they are culturally bound (Wrerm, 1962) and
cannot be transposed easily from one culture to another.
What then should counseling be acknowledging if its going to be of value
to Maori people?

Essential concepts for counseling Maori

There are three dimensions that counseling theory and practice have not
given enough attention to when it comes to Maori people. These are:
whanaungatanga, whakamanawa, and mauri. Most Maori people would say
that these are three vital ingredients of Maori mental health. It is quite likely,
though, that professionals who have done courses in mental health, whether
in counseling, psychiatry, psychology, or social work, will not know about
them as such. Yet, many of the people such professionals deal with in New
Zealand will be Maori.

Whanaungatanga
Whanaungatanga [Fa-now-na-tongue-a] is addressed to some extent in
mental health theory. It has to do with a person's relationship to their family.
Of course there are families and 'families'. For example, a fellow younger
than me might be introduced as my older brother, my 'tuakana'. That doesn't
have anything to do with his age. It has to do with the fact that his father is an
older brother to my father. So, in Maori terms, he is my older brother, even
though he is, in european terms, my younger cousin. The concept of 'family'
in Maoridom is a lot broader than the way people usually think of it. The
 113

extended family is still significant. If you consider therapy for Maori

families, therefore, you are likely to need a very large room, because it will
involve family in a very big way.
The relationship of the individual to whanaungatanga is crucial. Often,
when I work with a Maori patient, I spend the first interview without talking
specifically to him or her at all. I talk to the family. When I feel that I have a
brief from and some understanding of the family, I then start talking to the
patient. But for the most part, the family has the background and detail that I
need, not the individual. The systemic stance of family therapy (el., yon
Bertalanffy, 1968; Bowen, 1978) relates well to this orientation.
So, whanaungatanga is an extremely important concept to Maori mental
health. It is, of course, one that has been made difficult by the westernization
of New Zealand. If we talk about family in Maori terms, a third of it might be
in one part of the country like Gisborne, a third in another part like
Wellington, and the other third perhaps in Auckland. That is a problem that
Maori people have to contend with. The motor vehicle accident rate for
Maori youth is extremely high. A good part of this is that people are moving
from one part of their family to another, at all hours of the night, after work
and feeling tired. Trying to keep some concept of whanaungatanga going in
present day times is very difficult and can take its toll.

Whakamanawa
Whakamanawa [Far-car-mana-wa]. What is meant by that? Literally, "to
encourage someone". In counseling, there seems to be a tendency to avoid
actively and ostensibly bolstering people, rather helping them identify and
experience for themselves their resources and strength. Yet, from a Maori
point of view, such explicit encouragement is an extremely necessary
concept.
Whakamanawa embraces several things. As well as encouragement, it
embraces manaakitanga [man-are-key-tongue-a], or caring for someone.
Interestingly enough, as things have become more and more professional,
whether in counselling, medicine or social work, it could be argued that the
real compassionate side of our operation has fallen off. Professionals are
much better at talking to people, but they often seem to lack or at least not to
demonstrate real compassion.
Human service professionals seem weaker when it comes to 'down-to-
earth' caring for people. Do they always make sure that a person they are
talking to has a cup of coffee or tea before getting things underway? Do they
ask people to lie down for a while if they are really distressed? Do they know
how to and are they prepared to show such basic compassion for people?
Such manaaMtanga is very important for Maori people.
Another thing professionals seem to be somewhat weak on is the concept
114

of awhi [are-fi]. Awhi means 'to touch, to embrace'. This frequently presents
a real problem for professionals. If they reach out and touch a client the
general reaction is likely to be, "Hello - what's going on here?" Yet touch is
basic to counseling from a Maori perspective.
You may have seen recent Waitangi Day [nationhood commemoration]
'celebrations' on television where the speakers had difficulty being heard
over the top of protesters. The cameras showed one very angry Maori woman
protester with a Maori warden [indigenous community worker] standing
close by. The warden went up to the woman and began rubbing her back. She
wasn't saying, "Are you feeling angry?", or, "Why are you so bothered?",
nor was she restraining her. She was using awhi. It was the most appropriate
way to address that Maori woman's distress.
Counselors usually don't learn much about awhi. Counseling courses are
moving more into it now with 'Touch Therapy' (cf. Willison & Masson,
1986) but this typically has a western perspective. The notion of awhi is
essential for Maori people. If y o u see Maori women, particularly elders,
'counseling' their young people, that is their main tool - awhi.
So, under whakamanawa we see the idea of explicit encouraging and the
concept of manaldtanga; caring for people. Not so much trying to get people
to talk about how they are feeling, but making sure they are actively looked
after when they are distressed. We see also the notion of awhi; touching
people, rubbing them, massaging them, within a cultural context.

Mauri
Finally, another vital concept is that of mauri. You will hear regularly in
Maori speeches the call "Tihei mauri ora" [Behold, there is life]. Mauri is
the essence, the vital ingredient of something. A building, for example, has a
mauri, as does a hill or a lake. It is the heart of it. When we come to people
we talk about the 'mauri ora', the essence of the person. Words such as self
esteem come close to conveying it. If a person has good self-esteem, thinks
well of himself or herself, and if he or she is fulfilling his or her potential, this
conveys something of mauri. But what is left out of most western notions of
mauri, is wairua - the spirit.
One of the things that is vital to mauri of course is the spirit. Westem
thinking has tended to overlook this, or, if it hasn't overlooked it, has tried to
make it all very rational. It has laded to put into rational terms a concept that
largely defies rational explanation. Mauri implies thinking well of yourself,
having high self-esteem, and accepting yourself for what you are, but,
mostly, it involves experiencing things in spiritual terms.
Mauri is very culturally based. A person's mauri depends on many things
including, for example, knowledge of his or her family. A person should
know something about his or her whakapapa [geneology]. When I eventually
 115

do start talking to a Maori patient after I have spoken initially only to the
family, one of the first things I ask is not "What is the problem?", it is, "Who
are you?" I know a Maori person best by f'mding out where he or she is from.
Is the person Tainui, Tuwharetoa, Rangitane [tribes]? If the person is
Rangitane, what 'hapu' [subtribe] do they belong to? That is how I start
really getting to know them.
In my hospital there are forms to fill in when you register a patient. They
include date of birth, name, address, telephone number, and next of kin. You
never see on the forms "hapu" or 'iwi' [tribe]. Yet for Maori people these say
much more than an address. You say to a Maori person "Where are you
from?" "1'm from Porirua/" [an industrial town]. "No, where are you really
from? .... Oh, l'mfrom Ruatoria!" [a provincial area with tribal links]. It is
important that we know something about a Maori person's whakapapa or,
more importantly, that he or she knows something about it.
As counselors, we have a duty to put people in touch with their mauri and
as part of that to put people in touch with their families and tribal origins.
There has been a tendency to do the opposite, to separate. This is likely to do
with what we have inherited from our forebears - notions of reductionism
and of dualism (mind and body, thinking and feeling).

A need for change

So, these are some of the notions that are overlooked in the counseling of
Maori people. What to do about it? Well, we are beginning to do something
about it, actually. Counselors in New Zealand are gradually being exposed to
these ideas and understandings (cf., Everts, 1988). Whether the ideas are
becoming part of counseling practice with clients though is not certain.
Sometimes the settings in which counselors work make this problematic. For
example, I do some consultation work in the local youth prison where most
of the people I see are Maori; without their families! There are difficulties in
actually implementing Maori values within such a system, and no doubt
others experience the same in their counseling settings. So, what a counselor
considers important and might want to incorporate, may be prohibited by the
system in which he or she works.
There is another more profound limitation, however, to do with training.
This is an issue that really must be looked at closely in New Zealand if we are
going to talk seriously about biculturalism, particularly for the helping
professions (cf. Abbott & Durie, 1987a, 1987b, 1987c). Somehow training
programmes have to be made bicultural. Now that doesn't mean a weekend
on a marae [a traditional meeting-centre] in the second semester. This might
be useful but it would be a bit limited on its own. More substantial changes
116

must be implemented if we are to make our training programmes truly

bicultural in approach. It is starting to be done. Recently, the Waiariki
Community College in Rotorua, an area with a relatively large Maori
population, has started a school of nursing. They have set out their founda-
tion course, their philosophy, along Maori lines. They have five themes:
'Taha wairua' [the spiritual side of health], 'Taha tinana' [the bodily side of
health], 'Taha whanau' [the family side of health]. 'Taha hingengaro' [the
thinking side of health], and 'Taha whetumanawa' [the ethos of health care].
The whole course from the beginning has taken on a Maori perspective.
It can be done, and we should look forward to the time when, no matter
what the professional course, if it is a course to help people in New Zealand it
will take into account our bicultural condition. How can that be done,
though, when most of the faculties are non-Maori? There are very few Maori
lecturers who are involved at universities in such courses (Abbott & Durie,
1967c). Until this changes, it may be necessary for our universities to spend
money to establish Maori advisory bodies for such courses. Not to call on
their advice just from time to time, but rather to make them an integral part.
They must be appointed and paid for their services. The Maori expertise is
there, without formal degrees, perhaps, but nevertheless there.
If we go a step further and look at university councils, where policies for
universities are decided, to my knowledge there are only two Maori people
on university councils in New Zealand. That is a failure of universities to
acknowledge a most important principle, the rights of the Tangatawhenua
[indigenous people]. If you look at the composition of university councils,
the city government is always represented, as are certain local bodies and the
academic staff. But the Tangatawhenua are not. There is a strong case for the
Tangatawhenua, as of right, to be on a university council. In that way it may
be possible to begin shaping our universities and their courses, so that the
important concepts outlined here become deeply ingrained. The benefit of
such moves would be for counseling clients and especially for those who are
Maori. More than that, though, the benefit would be for Aotearoa [New
Zealand].
How much longer do we have to depend on Amerika [the United States] or
Piritene nui [the United Kingdom] for our view of the world? How much
longer do we have to depend on foreign textbooks for telling us how we
function? I believe that we have the opportunity in New Zealand, if we
explore the potential of biculturalism, to develop something that is uniquely
ours. It will include a great deal of what has been mentioned here along with
some of Aristotle's work, which is still being published. It will finish up as a
New Zealand mix, and therefore will be relevant to all, including our Maori
people.
Many of the ideas referred to are not unique to Maoridom. You could say
 117

that what the Maori perspective brings is a reminder to all that there are some
very basic humanistic principles that westem thinking has gradually de-
valued. Spirituality and human values have taken second place behind
scientific thinking. Maori thinking isn't so different from many other
cultures, but it hasn't yet given way to the overwhelming importance of the
scientific approach. It holds that science is of value, but it is just a small part
of life with the human experience being much greater.

"'No reira, tena koutou katoa. Ko hui ahu mai na...'" [Farewell].

Footnote

1. It must be recognized that referring to an ethnic group in a generalized way, such as to 'Maori
people', will lead to denying important cultural variations. Maori people as a group are very
diverse with numerous tribal, regional, community, and family differences. There are, however,
some key elements that are fairly widely accepted. The ideas about Maori people stated in this
paper are based on values commonly expressed by Maori people on marae [traditional
meeting-centres] and at huis [gatherings] around New Zealand.

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