University of Chile

Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI

BA in International Studies

Path-dependence process of labor incorporation into Latin American political system

Nicolás García A.

Path-dependent process is a type of political science model focused in historical

phenomenon explanation founded on institutional development path choice. Analytic

structure of Path-dependent model is divided in four mean phases (Mahoney, 2001). At

first, the antecedent conditions, associated to historical background that define available

choices, secondly, the critical juncture period, related to sort of institutional development

path assumed by political system, and thirdly, the heritage stage, related to persistence and

reproduction of institutional legacy linked to previous path choice implemented, and

fourthly, the outcome regime, as a final consequence of foregoing phases.

Based on Collier and Collier (1991) book “Shapong The Political Arena: Critical

Junctures, the Labor Movement and Regime Dynamics in Latin America”, will be realized

a comparative analysis of path-dependent process in eight Latin American countries:

Argentina, Brazil, Chile, Colombia, México, Perú, Uruguay y Venezuela, identifying the

impact of labor incorporation path as an influence variable on coup d’État irruption and

subsequent dictatorial regimes.

GONZÁLEZ, J. (1964-65) Presencia de América Latina (Presence of Latin America) [acrylic mural].
University of Concepción, Chile.
University of Chile
Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI
BA in International Studies

Antecedent conditions

The Antecedent conditions associated to main social and economic factors that

influence labor incorporation process in Latin American political system are a) urban and

commercial development, b) industrial expansion, c) isolated production centers linked to

extractivist economic activities, d) excess supply in the labor market, and e) the

incorporation of European immigrants to Latin American working classes (specially in

Argentina, Uruguay and Southern Brazil).

Urban and commercial Latin American accelerated development at the beginning of

twentieth century is connected to two main demographic processes, at first, increase of

population growth rate1, due to high birth rate, and “mean decline of mortality rate,

particularly in children and youth” (Pérez, 2010) , secondly, internal immigration between

rural to urban areas. The social impact of this process is reflected in Latin American cities

proletarianization phenomenon, related to growth of urban peripheric areas by irregular

settlements, with hygiene and household crowding problems.

Latin American industrial expansion since late ninetieth century was characterized

by a lower scale industrialization, with a consolidation period starting at 1930s in

association to Import Substitution Industrialization (ISI) economic policy. The industrial

sector role as labor intensive productive activity fostered working class articulation, and

progressive growth of trade union organizations power, determining factor on stability or

imbalance of political system, through control of productive chains, and necessity goods

supplying.

1
According to Yáñez, Rivero, Baldía-Miró and Carreras-Marín (2014), between 1870 and 1913, Latin American population grew from
39 million to 82 million people.
University of Chile
Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI
BA in International Studies

Latin American ninetieth century is characterized by proliferation of isolated

production centers associated to extractivist economic activities, such as mining: metallic,

non-metal and energetic (coal, natural gas and petroleum), and agriculture. In spite of

peripheric location of this type of installations (from main national urban areas), they have

a strong connection with global markets, supplying natural resources demand of

industrialized economies. According to Collier and Collier (1991) this exploitation model

generated “contexts of work in which class antagonisms and class conflict become sharply

focused”, arousing a strong trade union development. Example: Salpeter works in Northern

Chile.

One of the main economic factors that explain initial worker incorporation process

to Latin American political system is excess supply in the labor market, and consequent

wages decrease (law of supply and demand). In this context, individual worker negotiation

power weakening fostered trade unions creation in defense of workers common interests

and labor rights promotion inside factories (micropolitics), and public agenda through

national trade union centers (macropolitics). Example: Argentine Regional Workers

Federation or FORA (founded in 1901).

Finally, is important to consider international influence, related to European

immigrant incorporation to worker class, particularly in Argentina, Uruguay and Southern

Brazil. The Italian and Spanish immigrants, coming from countries with a large tradition of

trade unionism linked to left-wing movements as anarchism, communism and socialism

impacts through “demonstration effect” in Latin American workers behavior. Example of

that was The Argentinian Law of Residence (1937), used to dismantle of trade unions

through union leader’s deportation (generally Italian illegal immigrants).

University of Chile
Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI
BA in International Studies

Paths of labor incorporation into Latin American political system and aftermaths

The historical period of labor incorporation to Latin American political arena was

characterized for popular mobilization and armed conflicts along the region. From Port

Strike in Valparaíso, Chile (1903), to Revolutions of Uruguay (1904) and Mexico (1910),

this phenomenon reflects the cleavages between proletarians and peasants versus State,

capital and commercial, industrial and landowner oligarchy hegemonic power.

Collier and Collier (1991) path-dependent argument recognize two sorts of critical

junctures associated to labor incorporation to political system. Firstly, the State-led

incorporation, linked to Chile (1920-31) and Brazil (1930-45), differentiated by strategies

of control and depolarization of trade union movement aligned to conservative reformism,

and left repression. Example of that practice’s was communism persecution through

implementation of the National Security Law (1935) under Getulio Vargas government in

Brazilian Estado Novo. The State-led incorporation path carried to an aborted populism

scenario, due to failures in hegemonic power consolidation, and linkage between working

class and left opposition parties.

Secondly, the Party-led incorporation, characterized by higher levels of unión

movement support. This incorporation path is divided in 3 subcategories, at first, electoral

mobilization through traditional parties, linked to Uruguay (1903-16) and Colombia

(1930-45), distinguished by two-party political system. In Uruguay’s case integrated for

Colorado and Liberal parties, and in Colombia´s one, by Conservador and Liberal parties.

The electoral mobilization through traditional parties incorporation pattern turned out in

trade union containment through political system stability.

University of Chile
Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI
BA in International Studies

Secondly, the labor populism, linked to Argentina (1939-48) and Peru (1943-55),

attributed to presence of populist hegemonic parties with a strong anti-oligarchy political

speech, and a monopoly power structures based on trade union linkages, avoiding other

parties from political competition (situation called as “difficult and impossible games”). In

Peru’s case stand out the APRA or Alianza Popular Revolucionaria Americana (party

founded in 1924), with a strong collective support and ideological alignment with the Latin

Americanism left-wing ideal.

In Argentina’s case, the Labor Populism incorporation path is exemplified by

growth of Partido Justicialista or Peronist Party (founded in 1946), with a strong populist

and personalist influence (focused in Jose Domingo Peron leadershio), the Argentinian

major political party distinguished by modernization policy based on social rights

expansion, strong support from subaltern sector of society, freedom of the press restriction,

a foreign policy based on a third position in Cold War bipolar international system, and

persecution of left groups.

Thirdly, the radical populism, labor incorporation path linked to Mexico (1917-40)

and Venezuela (1935-48), characterized by presence of hegemonic catch all parties with

low ideological identification, tendency to political center, strong electoral mobilization and

collaboration with left sectors (including trade unions), such as Mexican Partido Nacional

Revolucionario or PNR (founded in 1929) and Venezuelan Acción Demorática or AD

(founded in 1941, inauguring the Trieno Adeco political period). The radical populism path

differs from others on peasant versus landowner’s cleavage incorporation, and prevalence

of the necessity of change the land ownership relation legacy from colonial past.
University of Chile
Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI
BA in International Studies

Heritages and regime outcomes of labor incorporation path

The Collier and Collier (1991) analysis identify four types of political system heritage

associated with previous labor incorporation path. The authors consider the heritage period

as a result of three variables interaction a) existence of a majority bloc in the electoral arena

located close to the political center, b) links between the unionism and a party or parties

system, and c) linkages between trade unions and government, resulting in final democratic

regime continuity or coup d’État irruption.

At first, the multiparty polarizing system heritage, linked to Chile (1932-73) and Brazil

(1946-64), attributed to “presence of atomized political system with no centrist majority

bloc” (Collier and Collier, 1991, p.63), and failure in trade union movement incorporation

to government and party system. This sort of legacy shows a high level of polarization and

national executive movement to left, and coup d’État irruption and long dictatorship eras of

seventeen years in Chile (1973-90), and twenty-one in Brazil (1964-85).

In Brazil the heritage period is linked to Joao Goulart presidential period (1961-64),

recognized by socialist structural reforms such as land democratization policy through

agrarian reform, educational reform oriented to literacy rate increase, and tax reform

focused on government budget growth. Joao Goulart’s antiimperialist and anti-oligarchic

political alignment impacts on right-wing radicalization of Brazilian elite, promoting a wide

coalition creation that supported coup and dictatorship establishment associated to a

bureaucratic authoritarian model.

University of Chile
Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI
BA in International Studies

Secondly, the electoral stability and social conflict heritage, associated to Uruguay

(1942-73) and Colombia (1958-86), distinguished by two simultaneous political processes,

related to presence of political system stability with a hegemonic electoral majority close to

political center, growth of left opposition associated with trade union movements, and

conflict social and militarization increase. Example of that was Uruguay State of exception

rule under Jorge Pacheco government, linked to social protest and radical left guerrilla

movements repression, such as Uruguayan Movimiento de Liberación Nacional-Tupamaros

(formally founded in 1965) and Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias or FARC in Colombia

(founded in 1964). This heritage period had different outcomes, Uruguay political system

derived into a coup d’État in 1973, and into regime continuity in Colombia.

Thirly, the cathegory of stalemated party system, associated to Peru (1956-68) and

Argentina (1957-66), characterized by populist party monopoly (APRA in Perú and

Peronist Party in Argentina). According to Collier and Collier (1992) “The labor movement

was largely at the center rather than on the left, yet the ongoing ban meant that the labor

movement was not linked to the governing coalition during a major part of (Peru) or

throughout (Argentina) the heritage period” (p. 505).

Electoral majority weakening of these parties have as consequence the political system

stagnation and subsequent coups of 1966 in Argentina (leaded by antiperonist armed forces

that implements an bureaucratic authoritarian dictatorship model), and 1966 in Peru (guided

by revolutionary armed forces, that organize an nationalist left-wing dictatorship leaded by

Juan Velasco Alvarado, distinguished by agrarian reform execution and State economic

intervention on strategic sectors such as metallic and energetic mining, in addition to water

and electricity utility services. (Contreras and Cueto, 2004).

University of Chile
Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI
BA in International Studies

Fourthly, the heritage pattern of integrative party system, linked to Mexico (1940) and

Venezuela (1958-72), is differentiated by presence of center electoral majority, trade unions

close to government coalition and democratic regime continuity. According to Collier and

Collier (1991) this sort of legacy “contained social conflict and polarization, and were

stable and hegemonic” (p. 503), based on one-party system (monopoly) in Mexico

(dominated by Partido Revolucionario Institucional or PRI), and two-party cooperative

system (duopoly) in Venezuela related to Puntofijo Pact (1958) between two major

Venezuelan parties Acción Democrática (AD) and Social Christian Party (COPEI).

Conclusion

Under Latin American comparative path-dependent analysis, can be identified the

following influencing factors on coup d’État irruption, a) the absence or wakening of trade

union movement in political system structure, b) the absence or wakening of electoral

majorities (process related to political atomization dynamic), c) political system cooptation

by hegemonic and non-cooperative party, and d) social conflict and militarization.

In spite of Collier and Collier (1991) focalization on endogenous or domestic

variables as determinant factor on coup d’État irruption, it’s important to consider the

external or international systemic factors associates to Cold Ward macrostructure, such as

United States interventionist action in Southern Cone countries through Operation Condor

execution, in support of bureaucratic authoritarian regimes of four from eight countries

included in Collier and Collier’s (1991) comparative research (Argentina, Brazil, Chile and

Uruguay), with the objective of consolidation to an reactive influence sphere against

transnational left expansion.

University of Chile
Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI
BA in International Studies

References

- BÁEZ SILVA, C. (2002 ). El Partido Revolucionario Institucional. Algunas Notas

sobre su Pasado Inmediato para su Comprensión en un Momento de Reorientación.
Los Años Recientes. Convergencia. Revista de Ciencias Sociales, vol. 9, N° 27.
Mexico City: National Autonomous University of Mexico. Available on
https://ww-w.redalyc.org/articulo.oa?id=1-05/10502-708

- CONTRERAS, C., & CUETO, M. (2004). Historia del Perú contemporáneo : desde
las luchas por la independencia hasta el presente (3a. ed.). Lima: Pontifical Catholic
University of Peru.

- COLLIER, R., & COLLIER, D. (1991). Shaping the political arena : critical
junctures, the labor movement, and regime dynamics in Latin America . Notre
Dame, Indiana: University of Notre Dame Press.

- MAHONEY, J., (2001). Path-dependent Explanaitions of Regime Change: Central

America in Comparative Perspective. Mahoney, J. Path-Dependent Explanations of
Regime Change: Central America in Comparative Perspective. Studies in
Comparative International Development, Vol. 36, 111–141 (2001). United States:
Springer New York. Available on https://doi.org/10.1007/BF02687587

- PÉREZ, H. (2010). América Latina en la transición demográfica, 1800-1980.

Revista Población y Salud en Mesoamérica. vol. 7, N°2. San José: University of
Costa Rica . Available on
https://www.researchgate.net/publication/40542747_America_Latina_-n_la_transici
on_demografica_1800-1980

- YÁÑEZ, C.; RIVERO, R.; BADIA-MIRÓ, M.; CARRERAS-MARÍN, A. (2014).

Nuevas series anuales de población de América Latina desde el siglo XIX hasta el
2000. Scripta Nova. Revista Electrónica de Geografía y Ciencias Sociales.
Barcelona: University of Barcelona., vol. XVIII, Nº 471. Available on
http://www.ub.es/geocrit/-sn/sn-471.htm.
University of Chile
Faculty of Philosophy & Humanities – IEI
BA in International Studies