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Limits of Firepower: An Interview with Gen.

Robert Scales

HOMEFRONT
Dirty Harry is lucky
I\\PMJW`WЅKM

A CIT Y UNDER SIEGE — SPRING 1972

HEROES WHO GAVE THEIR ALL TO SAVE SOUTH VIETNAM


rs
Jungle Critteth
fe e bush
in
Menacing w ild li
a r ing t o Sav e a Life
D brea k r u les
s
T wo U.S. sold ierou nded a lly
to rescue a w

South Vietnamese soldiers


encounter small-arms fire
from communist troops
south of embattled An Loc
in April 1972.

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AUTUMN ON THE COVER
2023 South Vietnamese
soldiers of the 5th Airborne
Brigade face NVA fire
along Highway 13 south of
An Loc on April 10, 1972.
DIRCK HALSTEAD/GETTY IMAGES,
COLORIZATION: BRIAN WALKER;
INSET: SILVER SCREEN COLLECTION/
GETTY IMAGES

22 UNCOMMON
VALOR AT AN LOC
American advisers rallied South
Vietnamese troops in a valiant
[\IVLWЄIOIQV[\KWUU]VQ[\NWZKM[
*a2WPV,0W_IZL

2 VIETNAM
6 Feedback   :MÆMK\QWV[ “The Vietnamese
8 Intel Chow Line Invasion, Water Buffalo
giant forest
A Long-Overdue Welcome Home 56 Media Digest scorpion can
14 Tactics 64 Hall of Valor grow up to
Mobile Riverine Force Highest-Scoring American Sniper
16 Arsenal
12 inches long.”
The U.S. Navy’s River Monitors —See story, page 50

EYEWITNESS TO WITHDRAWAL
Did Nixon’s Vietnamization policy ever
stand a chance? A former signal sergeant who
experienced the U.S. drawdown weighs in.
By David L. Anderson

38
30
DARING TO SAVE A LIFE
What if an allied soldier was critically wounded
but U.S. policy dictated you should not help him?
Two American soldiers faced a fateful choice.
By John B. Haseman and John M. Harris

WILDLIFE OF VIETNAM
Every soldier who fought in Vietnam
seems to have a wildlife story (or two).
Here’s a look at some critters and
crawlies that could be found in the bush.
By Zita Ballinger Fletcher

46
50
THE LIMITS OF FIREPOWER
Drawing both on experience and expertise,
Gen. Robert Scales weighs the blessings and
curses of artillery in relation to the Vietnam War
in this exclusive interview. By Warren Wilkins
VISIT HISTORYNET.COM MICHAEL A. REINSTEIN CHAIRMAN & PUBLISHER

AUTUMN 2023 VOL. 36, NO. 2

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The M50 Ontos had six forward-facing
106mm recoilless rifles capable of firing
either high-explosive or flechette rounds.
Editors’ Response: The M50 Ontos was
designed as an anti-armor system, but there
were not very many VC/NVA tanks to fight in
Vietnam at that stage of the war. So the prima-
ry—but not only—use in Vietnam became
bunker or other hardened position busting. The
106mm had two primary types of ammunition,
HEAT and flechette, used for hard and soft
targets respectively.
The main problem with the Ontos is that all
six of the guns were externally mounted on the
hull, which means that they had to be reloaded
manually from the outside. So once all six tubes
were fired, the crew had to pull back from
enemy contact in order to reload. Furthermore,
before you even engaged targets it was helpful to

Anti-Armor
have some idea of what kind of targets you were
most likely to encounter. If you were sent up

System
against a bunker it wasn’t very useful to be
loaded with flechette.
The six externally mounted guns were
bore-sighted to shoot parallel to the direction of
fire. The mount holding the six guns had a
40-degree traverse, so it was not necessary to
The Summer 2023 issue of Vietnam shows and describes
aim by pointing the whole vehicle.
the M50 Ontos with six forward-facing 106mm recoilless ri-
The Ontos and its forerunner, the M56
ÆM[1_I[IV)ZUa0LQZMK\ÅZMKZM_UIV\ZIQVMLWV Scorpion, were the closest things the U.S. ever
\PMIVL\PM!UUZMKWQTTM[[ZQÆM[1V>QM\VIU_Q\P had to the German assault guns of World War II.
\PM!\P4QOP\1VNIV\Za*ZQOILM1KIZZQML\PM!QV Those German tracked guns were turretless and
KWUJI\[Q\]I\QWV[?MPILIIVLQ\[RMMXI\\PMÅZMJI[M only fired straight ahead. There were some other
<PM¼[IVLM^MV\PM!¼[XZQUIZaX]Z- key differences. The German assault guns had
FEEDBACK XW[M_I[IV\Q̆\IVS1VM^MZMVKW]V\MZML only a single gun, but it was internally mounted
MVMUa\IVS[IVL_MKIZZQML\PM!UW[\Ta and reloaded from inside the vehicle. Most of
JMKI][MQ\_I[UWZMMЄMK\Q^MIOIQV[\J]VSMZ[\PIV\PM the German assault guns did not have a turret,
4)??PI\_MLQLPI^M_MZMÆMKPM\\MZW]VL["IJW]\ and the only way to aim the gun was by pointing
\QVaIZZW_[IJW]\\PM\PQKSVM[[WNIXMVKQTTMIL1[]XXW[M the entire vehicle. The German guns had very
aW]KW]TLKWUXIZMQ\\W\PMMY]Q^ITMV\WNOZIXM[PW\WZ[PW\- heavy frontal armor and could withstand a
O]V_Q\PI_QLMVQVOIVLLM^I[\I\QVO[XZMIL1LWV¼\]VLMZ- pretty heavy hit, but the Ontos not so much.
[\IVLPW_\PM7V\W[_W]TL][MQ\[[<PMWVTa\PQVO1 However, its very steep-sloped front meant that
it generally had a good chance of deflecting most
KIV\PQVSWNQ[\PI\\PMa_W]TL][MÆMKPM\\MZW]VL[IOIQV[\
frontal shots from RPGs.
TIZOMOZW]X[WNI\\IKSQVOMVMUa1\TWWS[TQSM\PMO]V[KW]TL
VW\JMUW^ML?W]TLITTJMXZMTWILML\WJMI^IQTIJTMITTI\
WVKM'<PMMV\QZM^MPQKTM_W]TLPI^M\WJM¹IQUMLºNWZIVa Man vs. Machine
][MWN\PM I was with the 2nd Battalion, 11th Marines in
)\.WZ\0WWLQV!!JMNWZMUa>QM\VIU\W]ZW]Z[Y]IL Vietnam from April ’68–May ’69. Our team in
TMILMZIKIZMMZ;O\*]ZSM_I[KITTMLWV\WLWILMUWV[\ZI- the FDC was excellent and we did have a FADAC
\QWVNWZ[WUM^Q[Q\QVOJQO_QO[1JMTQM^M\PMKTIQU_I[\PI\ in the FDC bunker. It was covered and never
PMIVL\PMKW]TLPQ\I\MTMXPWVMXWTMI\!aIZL[_Q\P used. We, led by Sgt. Bickford, would have given
\PMO]VLQ[UW]V\MLNZWU\PMRMMXIVLPQULWQVO\PMIQU that computer a run for its money.
IVLÅZMWN0-ZW]VL[1JMTQM^M\PMKTIQU_I[PM_W]TLPQ\ Mike Casey, Philadelphia, Pa.
Q\I\TMI[\WVKMW]\WN\PZMM[PW\[IVL1¼UXZM\\a[]ZM1[I_
CORBIS VIA GETTY IMAGES

Q\LWVM -UIQTaW]ZNMMLJIKSWVVietnam magazine to


vietnam@historynet.com[]JRMK\TQVM".MMLJIKS
2QU1V\ZI^QI5MLNWZL6A=;)ZUa>QM\VIU^M\MZIV)XZQT 8TMI[MQVKT]LMKQ\aIVL[\I\MWNZM[QLMVKM
! ·)XZQT!)UMZQKIT,Q^Q[QWV!\P4QOP\1VNIV\Za*ZQOILM+
2]Ta¼!·)XZQT¼;8̆.QZMJI[M["4B*ITLaIVL\PM0I_S0QTT @VietnamMag

6 VIETNAM
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VIETNAM VETS HONORED
IN WASHINGTON, D.C.
F
or three days in May, Vietnam veterans and their families were the time for veterans to reconnect and share their
guests of honor on Washington, D.C.’s National Mall during a com- common experiences.
memoration of the 50th anniversary of the withdrawal of the last The U.S. Vietnam War Commemoration,
combat troops from Vietnam. It marked another effort in the long- which hosted the event, was established by Presi-
overdue attempt to reconcile the selfless service of so many Vietnam veter- dent Barack Obama in 2012 and authorized by
ans with the politically charged homecoming experienced by many. Hun- Congress to honor all veterans who served in the
dreds of veterans and their families attended the event, which began May 11 U.S. armed forces at any point from 1955–1975,
with a ribbon-cutting to open “Camp Legacy,” the regardless of location. The commemoration offi-
Vietnam veterans
accompanied by their
epicenter of activities, and a flyover by four vintage cially continues through Veterans Day, 2025.
families were honored UH-1 Huey helicopters. Speakers included U.S. Secre- Addressing the difficult circumstances many
by the nation in a long- tary of the Navy Carlos Del Toro who, on behalf of all Vietnam veterans and their loved ones faced after
U.S. ARMY PHOTO BY MR. CHRISTOPHER KAUFMANN

overdue homecoming
commemoration held in
the service branches, said it is “absolutely essential that the war, Del Toro added, “There are no words that
Washington, D.C. we, as a nation, take time to focus on this period in our can do justice to the grief, for the sacrifices made
country’s history, and especially, to thank these most by the service members and their survivors. No
deserving of our citizens, our Vietnam veterans.” words. But we can look you in the eye and tell you
Over the next three days, dozens of organizations took part in the com- sincerely that we stand with you today in solidar-
memorative event, which was open to the public and included panel discus- ity. You have our thanks, our respect and our
sions, musical performances, dramatic storytelling, drill teams, precision steadfast support.”
parachute jumps, film screenings, video montages, and more. It was also a —Larry Porges

8 VIETNAM
HOMEFRONT
Enemy Soldier’s
Diary Returned
The Battle of Dak To was one of the bloodiest en-
gagements of the Vietnam War. For three weeks
in November 1967, American and South Viet-
namese forces fought communist troops in the
Central Highlands. Casualties on both sides num-
bered in the thousands. During the battle, Sgt.
Peter Mathews of the U.S. Army’s 1st Cavalry Di-
vision was ordered to Hill 724 to count enemy
dead and search for documents and military in-
telligence. Abandoned backpacks were scattered
at the bottom of the hill near some enemy bodies.
Mathews found a diary written in Vietnamese.
The journal’s 93 pages contained poems, colorful
drawing, and prose written in ornate handwrit-
ing. Mathews, with no idea if the diary’s owner
was alive or dead, decided to keep it. He later said,
“I recognized the beauty of it.… I just thought it
was something to really cherish.”
After his return to the U.S., Mathews left the
past behind in a box—until 55 years later, in 2022.
AUTUMN ’71
In his final appearance as James Bond, Sean Connery stars with Jill St. John
Visiting the home of a business client, he spotted in Diamonds Are Forever. The film features two memorable car chase
a traditional Vietnamese hat, which awakened scenes–a rather campy one where Bond avoids villains in a Moon buggy, and
his desire to return the journal to its owner. The another where he drives a 1971 Ford Mustang Mach 1 on two wheels through
client helped connect Mathews with someone the streets of Las Vegas. Viewers will note an editing snafu where the Mustang
who translated the diary. The book came to life. enters a narrow alley on its right-side wheels, and exits on its left-side wheels.
Inside were love poems to a girlfriend and reflec-
Introduced by host Don Cornelius as
tions on soldierly life. One poem read, “Moun- “four beautiful people who represent a
tains, birds, singing, waiting for spring but sleep- mighty mountain of soul,” Gladys Knight
ing with a gun,” along with verses on the glories & the Pips perform live on the first
of Ho Chi Minh and the Communist system. syndicated episode of Soul Train. So
It also contained its owner’s name and address. begins a 35-year syndication run for the
show that refers to itself as the “Hippest
The diary belonged to Cao Van Tuat, a 21-year- trip in America.” Through the years most
old from a village near North Vietnam’s coast. performances are live and boast the likes
The Vietnamese government spotted an online of James Brown, Aretha Franklin, Billy
story in a New Jersey newspaper on Mathews’ Preston, Sly and the Family Stone, and
search for the diary’s owner and found Tuat’s The Jackson 5. The catchy theme song “TSOP (The Sound of Philadelphia),” as
performed by MFSB featuring The Three Degrees, is adopted in 1973.
family, who were able to see colorful excerpts
from the diary online. It was a bittersweet mo- Clint Eastwood stars in Dirty Harry as a hardboiled San Francisco cop
ment. Tuat had been killed in the battle and his chasing a killer on the loose. The script takes cues from Dave Toschi, the
body was never recovered. His family had no real-life chief investigator of the infamous Zodiac Killer. Others considered for
photos of him, so the diary was one of the few the role of “Dirty Harry” Callahan included Frank Sinatra, Steve McQueen, and
tangible remembrances of his life. Paul Newman. ...A mysterious airplane passenger known as D.B. Cooper
(right) leaps from the rear of a Boeing 727 into the
In March 2023, Mathews and his wife flew to
Pacific Northwest night sky with a parachute and
Vietnam to hand over the diary to Tuat’s younger $200,000 in ransom money. Cooper left behind eight
sister, Cao Thi Nong, 78. The event was major cigarette butts in his armrest ashtray; however, no
news in Vietnam. Mathews said that the book felt readable fingerprints were obtained. The butts were later
like a “cinder block” until he handed it over to destroyed while in police custody prior to DNA testing
becoming routine. ...John Lennon releases the single
HISTORYNET ARCHIVES (ALL)

Tuat’s sister, adding, “It felt light once I gave it to


“Imagine”—considered by most to be his best
her.” The war has stayed with Mathews, but re- post-Beatles song. The word “imagine” today appears
turning the diary has given him joy. He reflected, at the center of a mosaic at Strawberry Fields, the
“It’s a fairytale ending after all these years.” five-acre memorial landscape dedicated to Lennon in
—Larry Porges New York City’s Central Park. —Brian Walker

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 9
The 1954 Geneva Convention partitioned Vietnam into a communist north and a theoretically
democratic south led by Prime Minister Ngo Dinh Diem. As part of his efforts to woo American
support, Diem presented this carved ivory table lamp to U.S. Ambassador to Vietnam Donald
R. Heath on Nov. 14, 1954, as a present for President Dwight D. Eisenhower. The carving on
the electrically wired lamp depicts a Vietnamese army on the move—on the front, four men
ride elephants while other soldiers follow on foot past
RELIC onlooking peasants. The carving is attached to a wooden

SPOTLIGHT
base containing a silver plaque engraved in French that
reads, “Le President Ngo-dinh Diem a L. E. Dwight D.
Eisenhower, President des Etats-Unis d’Amerique.” On Jan.
11, 1955, Eisenhower sent a note back to Diem, thanking him for the “lovely gift” while noting
that, “Viet-Nam is very much in our thoughts these days and you may be sure of our sympathy
with your Government in the great difficulties and task of preserving the freedom and
civilization of Vietnam.” On Oct. 26, 1955, Diem was elected president of the Republic of
Vietnam by a suspicious landslide. Even though Diem’s government was riddled with
nepotism, corruption, and religious persecution, Eisenhower continued to court him because
he saw Diem as a necessary evil to combat the growing influence of the communist north. In
1957, Eisenhower invited Diem to the U.S. for a state visit, where the South Vietnamese
leader was hailed as a conquering hero. The honeymoon would not last forever, though, and
U.S. support for Diem soon waned. The South Vietnamese president was overthrown and
assassinated in an American-backed coup on Nov. 2, 1963.

WORDS FROM
THE WAR
The following is an excerpt from a
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Maj. Brian Shul, a decorated
American pilot who barely
[]Z^Q^MLIÅMZaKZI[PQV
Vietnam but whose Air Force
career continued for another
20 years, died May 20 at age
;P]T_I[ÆaQVOI<̆ 
Trojan ground attack air-
Col. Harry E. Sexton, a deco- plane near the Cambodia bor-
rated naval aviator whose 26- der in 1974 as an adviser for
year Marine career included the CIA’s Air America—the
more than 400 missions in last of his 212 combat mis-
Vietnam, passed away Feb.15 sions in Southeast Asia—
in California. He was 90 years _PMV[UITTIZU[ÅZMNZWU
old. Sexton joined the Marine the ground hit his airplane.
Corps in 1952 during the Ko- The T-28 crashed in the jun-
rean War and served two OTMIVLMZ]X\MLQVÆIUM[
\W]Z[WNL]\aQV>QM\VIUÅZ[\ *ILTaJ]ZVMLIVLJTQVLML
I[IRM\ÅOP\MZXQTW\IVL\PMV from a melted helmet visor,
ÆaQVO*MTT)0̆/+WJZII\- Shul hid from enemy troops
tack helicopters. He com- for hours before being air-
manded Marine Light Heli- lifted to safety. Shul’s burns
copter Squadron (HSL) 367, were so severe that doctors
Daniel Ellsberg, whose leaked “Pentagon Pa- based near Da Nang. On Sept.
pers” revealed the U.S. government’s guarded 10, 1970, Sexton’s group es-
views of the Vietnam War, died on June 16 at corted Marine transport heli-
age 92. Ellsberg, a Harvard-educated former KWX\MZ[NMZZaQVO=;/ZMMV
Marine, was a RAND Corporation analyst *MZM\[IVL>QM\VIUM[MNWZKM[
who became an adviser to Secretary of De- 70 miles into Laos as part of
fense Robert McNamara in 1964. He spent a covert mission, Operation
two years in Vietnam for the DoD assessing Tailwind. After two days of
\PM_IZIVLIKKWUXIVQML\ZWWX[QV\PMÅMTL PMI^aÅZM\PMITTQMLNWZKM[
Initially pro-war, his views changed over needed immediate ex- gave him little chance of sur-
time. In 1967, he joined three dozen others in traction. Sexton led a recov- viving. He endured 15 opera-
compiling the Pentagon Papers—a 7,000-page ery team in actions that later tions. Although his face and
study commissioned by McNamara—detailing earned him the Navy Cross, PIVL[_MZMLQ[ÅO]ZMLPM
\PMKWVÆQK\¼[PQ[\WZaIVLZM^MITQVO\PI\NW]Z the nation’s second highest _I[ÆaQVO\_WLIa[IN\MZPQ[
successive presidents from Eisenhower to medal for sailors and Ma- release from the hospital. His
Johnson had expanded the war illegally, mis- rines. According to his cita- Air Force career continued

CLOCKWISE FROM TOP LEFT: HULTON ARCHIVE/GETTY IMAGES; U.S. NAVY; BRIAN SHUL VIA EDWARD PERNOTTO
leading Congress and the public. In 1971, Ell- tion, he “braved the intense for two decades and included
sberg leaked the papers to the New York PW[\QTMÅZMI[PM[SQTTN]TTaKW- time with the A-10 Thunder-
Times and the Washington Post, who pub- ordinated the extraction ef- bolt demonstration team as
lished them after court battles debating the forts of twenty-two Marine well as piloting the SR-71
First Amendment. President Richard M. and United States Army and *TIKSJQZL7^MZPQ[KIZMMZPM
Nixon ordered illegal wiretaps and a break-in Air Force aircraft which re- logged more than 5,000
WN-TT[JMZO¼[NWZUMZX[aKPQI\ZQ[\¼[WЅKMTMIL- sulted in the safe medical PW]Z[QVÅOP\MZRM\[*WZVQV
ing to the Watergate scandal and Nixon’s res- evacuation of all of the casu- 1948 in Quantico, Va., Shul
ignation. Ellsberg was charged with alties.” During his career, _I[QV[XQZML\WÆaIN\MZ[MM-
espionage, conspiracy, and crimes that could ;M`\WVIUI[[MLÆQOP\ QVO\PM6I^a*T]M)VOMT[I[I
have seen him spend decades in prison, but hours in jets and helicopters. child. He joined the Air Force
his case was thrown out in 1974. Ellsberg Along with the Navy Cross, in 1970. Retiring in 1990,
continued his activism and advocated nu- he was awarded two Legion of Shul turned to writing and
clear disarmament. In 2018 he was awarded Merit medals, the Distin- photography, publishing
Sweden’s Olof Palme Prize, which noted how guished Flying Cross, and 44 seven books on aviation and
his “moral courage” had led to an “untold Individual/Strike Flight Air nature. In 2011, he was in-
number of saved lives.” He is survived by his Medals before retiring in ducted into the Air Force
second wife, children, and extended family. 1978. Legends Hall of Fame.

12 VIETNAM
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ponent of the MRF was River Assault Flotilla 1,
The MRF faced threats from floating
initially consisting of the 9th and 11th River As-
mines, swimmer saboteurs, and
suicide attack boats, as well as from sault Squadrons. Each squadron could carry a
land ambushes with recoilless rifles. battalion. Many of TF 117’s boats were modified
conversions of World War II-era Landing Craft
Mechanized-6 (LCM-6), and included armored
troop carriers, heavily armed monitors for fire
support, and radar-equipped command boats.
An important innovation was mounted field ar-
tillery on barges, increasing the mobility and op-
erational range of the artillery battalion. Each
barge carried two 105mm howitzers, crews, and
ammunition. Field artillery requires stationary
firing platforms and fixed aiming points, which
meant that the barges had to be beached and se-
cured along a waterway bank to fire effectively.

RIVERINE
The most significant riverine operations were
the CORONADO I through XI series from June
1967 to July 1968. Initially the MRF’s tactics sur-

OPERATIONS
prised the VC. Accustomed to defending against
attacks from land and air, VC defenses initially
faced away from water. But the VC adapted
quickly. While underway, principal security
threats to the MRF came from command-deto-
HOW MOBILE RIVERINE FORCE nated mines in the centers of the channels. Hug-
OPERATIONS WORKED IN VIETNAM ging shorelines brought boats closer to land am-
bushes with heavy fire from recoilless rifles and
By David T. Zabecki B-40 rockets. While anchored, the most critical
threats were from floating mines, swimmer sabo-
Riverine warfare was a central element of combat in Vietnam. The French teurs, and suicide attack boats.
and Viet Minh struggled for control of the Red and Black Rivers. Later, the The 2nd Brigade had to operate with only two
South Vietnamese and Americans contested with the Viet Cong for the battalions instead of three, depriving the brigade
lower Mekong and its tributaries. With 15,600 square miles of land and commander of the ability to attack with the stan-
more than 15,000 miles of waterways, the Mekong Delta was of vital strate- dard one-third of his force in reserve. It also took
gic importance. Producing some 16 million tons of rice per time to get the attack force in position to make
TACTICS year, the Delta was the foundation of the Republic of Viet- the landings. The afloat force could only move at
nam’s economy. For the communists, the Mekong River a speed of 6 to 10 knots, indicating to the VC that
running south from Cambodia was the southernmost branch of the Ho Chi an attack was coming. Typical operations lasted
Minh Trail, bringing vital support to 28 VC battalions and 69 separate com- two to four days. Once ashore, the main tactical
panies in the Delta, totaling some 82,500 troops. By 1966 the communists problem was to seal off the objective area to pre-
controlled almost 25 percent of the Delta’s population, and their primary vent VC from escaping. When the troops disem-
objective was to cut off the South’s rice supply. The twofold objective of the barked, the boats moved to blocking positions
allies was to sever the flow of supplies to the VC, and eliminate VC forces along nearby waterways to prevent VC from us-
and infrastructure. The U.S. Navy’s lighter patrol forces of Task Forces 115 ing them to withdraw. But the VC quickly learned
and 116 patrolled the Mekong, Co Chien, Long Tau, and Bassac Rivers and the drafts of TF 117’s various boats and took up
their tributaries to deny the use of those waters to the VC. positions secured partially by streams too shal-
TF 117, also known as the Mobile Riverine Force (MRF), was the striking low for the boats to navigate. That made it almost
arm of the joint Army-Navy riverine warfare campaign. Established in late impossible for the assault force to encircle the ob-
1966, the MRF was based closely on the French Dinassauts (Divisions Na- jective completely. Marshy ground and numer-
vales d’Assaut), integrated units of naval and army forces established for ous intersecting waterways made it difficult to
riverine warfare in the late 1940s. The MRF’s ground combat element would move fast on foot. Helicopters solved that prob-
have been a natural mission for the U.S. Marine Corps, but all the Marines lem, with part of the assault force landing in the
BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES

in South Vietnam were deployed in the north. The mission fell to the 9th VC rear. Helicopter assets were always at a premi-
Infantry Division’s 2nd Brigade. Initially, TF 117 only had capacity to main- um, however; forces north of the Delta often had
tain and transport two battalions at any time. The battalions rotated, with higher priority. As time went on, the VC became
one maintaining security for their base camp at Dong Tam. The Navy com- more elusive and difficult to engage decisively. V

14 VIETNAM
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SERVICE EMBLEM CHOICE: Card #:________________________________________ Exp. Date: ______ /______
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Night Navigator
Suppression Raytheon Radar enabled night
Fire and precision navigation.
Mark 16 20mm
cannon
Additional Firepower
Crew often mounted a Mk 2 81mm/
M2 .50MG, and up to 3 light MGs
and other weapons.
Heavy Hitter
Forward turret with 40mm
cannon and M2 .50 MG or
105mm Howitzer

Ad Hoc
Bumpers
Old tires protected
the hull and armor
from collision
impacts.
Armor Protection
Armor plate augmented with
hardened steel bars and
polyurethane blocks
protected against RPGs.

RIVER MONITORS By Carl O. Schuster

On May 24, 1969, a B-40 rocket hit Monitor M-92-1 of River Squadron (RIVRON Designation: Monitor
9) as it was supporting a reconnaissance mission on the My Tho River, wounding Crew: 11-13
three crewmen with fragments. The monitor turned and returned fire with its Length: 18.5m/61ft
40mm and 20mm cannon while the embarked Army liaison directed artillery fire Beam: 5.3m/17ft 6 inches
Draft: 1m/42 inches/3ft 6 inches
and a helicopter strike on the enemy position. Nine Viet Cong reportedly were
(full load)
killed during the 30-minute engagement. The monitor itself suf-
Displacement: 76 tons (full load)
ARSENAL fered no significant damage. Propulsion: 2 x 220shp GM/Detroit
Introduced into service in September 1967, the monitors Diesels – 2 propellers
constituted the battleships of the Mobile Riverine Force. Heavily armed and ar- Top Speed: 8.5kts
mored, they suppressed enemy fire during ambushes and river assaults. Like the Fuel: 450 gallons diesel in two tanks
force’s armored transport carriers (ATCs), they were modified Landing Craft Max Range: 200km/110nm@6kts
Mechanized 6 (LCM-6) boats from World War II. They differed from the ATCs in Electronics: 1 x Raytheon 1900
having the landing ramps removed and their bows rounded off to reduce water Nav Radar, 2 x AN/ARC-46 &
resistance. Monitor gun turrets were armored against shrapnel and small arms fire. 1 x AN/PRC-25 radios
The hull and superstructure were better protected with an armor plate covered by Armor: Hull/Superstructure: 20mm
18 to 24 inches of polyurethane and welded hardened steel bars that either deto- steel splash plate covered by urethane
nated or “shorted-out” enemy shaped charge rounds. The polyurethane absorbed blocks & spaced XAR-30 22mm
the warhead’s blast stream. Below, water blisters protected against underwater hardened steel bars; Turrets: 22mm
damage and added buoyancy that reduced the boat’s draft. hardened steel armor plate
Armament: FWD Turret: 1 x 40mm
Two sets of river monitors were built during the Vietnam War. Eight were
Mk 3 & M2 .50 MGs; Aft Turrets: 3 x
converted into flamethrower variants called Zippos. The last 10 of the 24 built re-
20mm Mk 16 cannon; Well Deck: 1 x
ILLUSTRATION BY GREG PROCH

placed their 40mm cannon with a Mk 49 105mm howitzer turret with a ring of Mk 2 Mod 1 Combined 81mm mortar/
bar armor and better superstructure protection. The monitors were turned over to .50 M2 MG Mount, 4 x .30 M1917
the South Vietnamese Navy on June 30, 1969. They had played a key role for two initially/later M60 7.62mm MGs, 2 x
years, delivering firepower to support the troops operating along the riverbanks, Mk 18 40mm MGs (hand cranked),
but had no role in the U.S. Navy’s post-Vietnam “blue water” operations. V crew small arms (M16s, M79s)

16 VIETNAM
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Harvey Logan, aka Kid Curry,


had a reputation as a killer.

Plus!
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Vicksburg Cha r
Former teachefor
tastes combate
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Elmer Ellswor

PATTON’S EDGE
A fresh look
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The Wild Bunch’s


KID CURRY
Prelude to Gettysburg

Stalled at the RANGER BATTALIONDAY


THE MEN OF HIS 1STTIL THE
Susquehanna ENRAGED HIM—UN THEY SAVEDN HOW MANY MEN DID HE KILL?
BUTCHER OF BATAA
+ JUDGMENT COMES FOR THE
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Ending Slavery An Army Wiped Out


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Remarkable Life
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THE QUARTERLY JOURNAL on Jim Crow Invasion Stripes
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Can-Do City
Witness to the
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spy John André

ARMS DOUBLE
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In 1775 the WAFFEN-SSR’S FAVOR
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First Woman to Die Tragic Death of CIA’s Barbara Robbins


JULY 3, 1863: FIRSTHAND ACCOUNT OF CONFEDERATE ASSAULT ON CULP’S HILL + BEHIND THE SCENES ON BILLY WILDER’S THE SPIRIT OF ST. LOUIS

50 th A N N I V ER SA RY
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WHY A NAVY PILOT IN KOREA HAD TO

16 CRUCIAL DECISIONS OF THE Security Breach KEEP SILENT ABOUT HIS VICTORIES
1862 SEVEN DAYS CAMPAIGN Intercepts of U.S.
radio chatter
75TH ANNIVERSARY HOWARD HUGHES
FLIES THE SPRUCE GOOSE (JUST ONCE)
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April 2021 WINTER 2023 CRASH AFTER CRASH THE HARROWING WINTER 2023
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HISTORYNET.com HISTORYNET.com
FIRST FLIGHT ACROSS THE UNITED STATES HISTORYNET.COM
Faced with soggy C-rations, young U.S. Marines
decided to aim for some of the more generous rations
being enjoyed by their U.S. Army counterparts.

sweeping personnel remained on Baldy to probe


the dirt-packed main supply route each morning
for mines that the local Viet Cong forces may
have planted during the hours of darkness. So
let’s say maybe 100 gyrenes remained on the hill
to take care of their Army brethren until we were
better able to fend for ourselves.
Because the 1st Cav had something like 428
helicopters of all sizes, shapes, and capabilities,
we were able not only to deploy our troops with
unprecedented surprise and mobility, supported
by our gunships and rocket-firing aerial artillery,
but also to feed ourselves very comfortably com-
pared to usual infantry grunts. Choppers that
weren’t in use chasing after NVA and VC bad
guys could find gainful employment resupplying

CHOW LINE
our sky soldiers not only with C-rations and wa-
ter in five-gallon cans but also pretty fair (if sog-
gy) ice cream, milk reconstituted from powder at

INVASION
processing plants in Yokohama, Japan, occasion-
al cases of warm Budweiser beer, and large #10
cans of beef stew, corned beef hash, ham and
beans, and other delicacies, which—heated over
THIS MAJOR FACED A CHOICE outdoor field ranges by our battalion cooks and

WHEN THE MARINES “INFILTRATED”


liberally doused with Red Devil hot sauce, tabas-
co, and other condiments—made for a pretty
THE 1ST CAV’S CHOW LINE decent meal after a hard day searching for and
fending off the NVA.
By Bob Orkand On our first day at LZ Baldy, troopers of the
7th Cav ate cold C-rations like most combat in-
In October 1967, as the North Vietnamese Army made final preparations fantrymen in Vietnam. On Day 2, “B” rations
for what would become known in early 1968 as the Tet Offensive, the 5th (the vastly improved meals originating in the
Marine Regiment was redeployed northward to reinforce the demilita- large #10 cans) were very much du jour. By the
rized zone. Replacing the leathernecks on Hill 63—which dominated third day, milk, ice cream, candy bars, and even
the southern portion of the Que Son Valley 22 miles south of Da Nang— some homemade brownies were being fed to our
was our Army contingent, the 3rd Brigade of the cavalrymen in the evenings.
REFLECTIONS 1st Cavalry Division (Airmobile). The 1st Cav— Now I’ll say this for the 19- and 20-year-old
famed for our yellow shoulder patch with a horse’s leathernecks obliged to consume Marine-man-
head—was the Army’s first and only airmobile division, with a huge inven- dated cold C-rations on the far side of LZ Baldy:
tory of helicopters capable of shifting men and materiel around the battle- they sure weren’t no slouches! When the delicate
field at a moment’s notice. This “materiel” included food—GI rations. aromas of our “home-cooked” gourmet meals
Seasonal monsoon rains gripped much of South Vietnam when our began wafting over the hill to the Marine can-
unit, the 1st Battalion, 7th Cavalry (Airmobile)—wiped out at the Battle of non-cockers and minesweepers, they began—
the Little Big Horn but resurrected as a combat assault force using Huey cautiously at first—infiltrating our chow line.
helicopters—was airlifted from fighting on the Bong Son Plain into the Their jungle fatigues looked a little different
Que Son Valley, replacing the 5th Marine Regiment and redesignating from ours; the Marines (who weren’t infantry-
their hill and principal outpost as Landing Zone (LZ) Baldy. It was an apt men and therefore were not used to living,
description for the small mound dominating the valley. The monsoons breathing, and sleeping with their M16 rifles
made it impossible for our large cargo helicopters to sling-load in the bri- slung across their backs) looked cleaner and
gade’s supporting 105mm artillery pieces. wore fatigues that weren’t as filthy as those worn
U.S. MARINE CORPS

The Marines were tasked to leave behind a battery of six 155s to keep the by our cavalrymen. Other than that, you’d con-
2nd NVA Division off our backs until the monsoons passed by. Along with clude that they looked like normal American
the 80 or so Marines of Whiskey Battery, a platoon of perhaps 15 mine- boys a couple of years out of high school.

18 VIETNAM
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I was at that time the only major left in our battalion. The other major had Then again, these were after all merely post-
sustained lung damage in the crash of the unit’s command and control heli- adolescent American boys—just like our caval-
copter and had been medically evacuated out of theater. So I was holding rymen—who were helping protect our rear ends
down two jobs: battalion executive officer and S-3 (operations officer). until we could take care of ourselves. Did we in
One evening on the third day, I was eating my pretty decent evening meal the Army have any ingrained right to live better
al fresco on a small folding field table when the battalion’s mess steward came than our leatherneck brothers in arms?
charging up the hill in a state of high dudgeon. I looked up into the cloudy sky as the rains
“Major! Major!” he exclaimed at the top of his lungs. “The f—g Marines are ceased for the moment, praying for divine guid-
bucking our chow line!” ance along with the wisdom of Solomon. Inspi-
As mess sergeant, he had every right to be incensed at this invasion of the ration from above arrived mere moments later. I
Army’s turf. After all, he was accountable for how many rations were con- knew what had to be done. “Feed the bastards,”
sumed and if his count reflected a hundred or so extra meals being consumed I instructed the mess steward. And we did.
each day for maybe a week or two, his jungle boots might be held to the fire.
What to do? I could of course direct that the “f—g Marines” be returned to Bob Orkand, a retired lieutenant colonel of
their own side of the hill, destined to eat cold C-rations made soggier by the infantry, was drafted during his senior year at
itinerant monsoon rains. Columbia University.

The Water Buffalo He told me to be outside my hooch that night


with flipflops and a towel. I was desperate enough
*a2IUM[>I]OPV so I was there and waiting. He showed up with a
towel and flipflops himself. We went to the motor
James Vaughn, shown here at pool and snuck past the guard.
the Hai Van Pass in Vietnam, got Soon we got to the “water buffalo.” The water
into a sticky situation in search
of a shower during the war. buffalo is a GI slang term used for a 250-gallon
water tank mounted on a two-wheeled trailer.
The trailer is small enough to be dragged by a
jeep or a three-quarter-ton utility truck. Woburn
told me if I squeezed my shoulders and crossed
my arms, I could fit through the top of the water
buffalo’s manhole. I did as he said and in I went.
He followed me in. It felt great. We soaked in the
water. It was cool and I got all the soap rinsed off.
The next morning I went to the motor pool to
dispatch a truck for the communications center.
When I got there, I was alarmed to see that the
sergeant from the motor pool was filling his cof-
fee pot from the water buffalo. I said, “Hey, that
During Vietnam’s dry season there is not a lot of water. It is rationed. As thesays ‘Non-Potable’ (i.e. not for drinking water) on
dry season progressed our water turned yellow. In the communications the outside of the water buffalo.”
center we had a five-gallon plastic jug. We used to fill it for our drinking “It is okay,” he replied. “I fill the tank myself
water. We would take a pillowcase and fold it in quarters and put it under from the water tower.”
the opening of the five-gallon jug. We used it to filter out sand. One of the “Yeah, but you don’t know what was in the
things that was down on the list when it came to rationing was showers. It tank before you filled it,” I answered.
might have been at least a week since I had taken a shower. You can imagine He was not concerned. “I have been filling the
the odor of the average guy when we did not shower for a week and the water buffalo for months, so I know the water is
temperature was over 100 degrees. clean,” he assured me. “Come on in and have a
One day someone came to the communications center and announced cup of coffee.”
the water was on in the enlisted men’s shower. I asked the captain if I could I declined his offer.
go and shower. His response was, “Please do.” That told me I was pretty ripe.
I went to my hooch and got my soap and towel, then headed for the shower. After leaving Vietnam in 1970, James Vaughn
COURTESY OF JAMES VAUGHN

Once I was all lathered up, the water ran out. I dried off, but sure did feel became a CPA and ran his own tax practice.
uncomfortable. I felt all sticky after I got dressed. The temperature was 100
degrees, so I was sweating. Specialist 4 Woburn heard me complaining and ,WaW]PI^MZMÆMK\QWV[WV\PM_IZaW]
asked, “Do you want to take a bath?” I thought he had lost his mind or was _W]TLTQSM\W[PIZM'Email your idea or article to
goofing on me. I asked, “How is that going to happen?” Vietnam@historynet.com, subject line: Reflections

20 VIETNAM
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Three U.S. advisers seek protection from
incoming North Vietnamese artillery on April 3,
1972. The communist assault on the South,
dubbed the Easter Offensive, triggered intense
fighting in and around the town of An Loc, just
60 miles north of Saigon, inspiring acts of
sacrifice and heroism among both South
Vietnamese and American defenders.

22 VIETNAM
UNCOMMON
VALOR AT
AN LOC
AS U.S. TROOPS WITHDREW FROM VIETNAM,
AMERICANS WHO REMAINED GAVE THEIR ALL
TO HELP VIETNAMESE ALLIES PROTECT SAIGON
By John D. Howard
South Vietnamese paratroopers
march north along National
Route 13 (QL 13), the main road
from Saigon, on April 8, 1972.
The troops are heading to the
provincial capital of An Loc to
try to counter the gains made
by the communists when they
poured over the Cambodian
border a few days earlier.

aster came early in 1972 and the North Vietnamese Army field artillery battalions.
(NVA) came with it. On March 30, “Holy Thursday,” three The term “adviser” was a misnomer. By 1972,
NVA divisions stormed out of Laos and across the DMZ. It advice was rarely solicited and when offered, rare-
was the first of multiple assaults that struck not only the ly heeded. However, U.S. advisers often cajoled
northern provinces of South Vietnam but also Kontum in the and encouraged their counterparts, particularly
Central Highlands and An Loc, only 60 miles north of Sai- in dire situations when spirits were flagging. The
gon. North Vietnam was “going for broke,” committing its entire combat presence of even a lone American adviser was a
capability—14 divisions and 26 separate regiments, all with attached ar- morale booster, as every ARVN soldier knew they
mor and heavy artillery units. Enemy forces numbered 130,000 troops and would not be abandoned as long as one American
1,200 tracked vehicles, primarily tanks. Aging Communist revolutionaries was with them.
controlling Hanoi’s Politburo believed the time was right to achieve a deci- The advisers’ primary role was employing the
sive military victory, topple South Vietnam’s government, and embarrass massive air assets President Richard M. Nixon
the United States. had sent to South Vietnam. U.S. air power proved
As U.S. military personnel continued to withdraw, American troop decisive in blunting the 1972 enemy offensive.
strength was brought down to 69,000. Only two U.S. combat brigades re- Advisers routinely exposed themselves to NVA
mained—their missions were restricted to guarding airbases and patrolling fire while working with USAF forward air con-
the surrounding areas. Although the Military Assistance Command, Viet- trollers, identifying lucrative targets and adjust-
PREVIOUS SPREAD & ABOVE: AP PHOTO

nam (MACV) listed 5,300 men as “advisers,” the only Americans fighting ing air strikes to ensure bombs were “on target.”
on the ground were a handful of men serving with provincial advisory Americans who remained on the front lines,
teams and Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) divisions and regi- especially advisers with airborne and Marine
ments. As a result of Vietnamization, battalion advisers were only autho- battalions, suffered significant casualties. Adm.
rized in the Airborne Division, Marine Division, and selected Ranger Chester Nimitz’s famous quote after World War
units. There were also battalion advisers, mainly NCOs, with the ARVN II’s Battle of Iwo Jima in 1945 was equally applica-

24 VIETNAM
ble to the advisers who helped turn back the NVA
DEMILITARIZED
offensive 27 years later: “Uncommon valor was a ZONE
common virtue.”

E
arly in 1972, allied intelligence personnel Loc Ninh Quang
Tri
were watching NVA build-ups in Laos and
Cambodia but had no idea of the timing of Quan Loi LAOS
a possible offensive. When it occurred, the ARVN
Joint General Staff (JGS) and MACV were sur- An Loc
prised by its scale and ferocity. With fighting rag- Kontum
ing in three areas, military officials were unable to CAMBODIA
determine the communist main attack. The focus
of III Corps, the ARVN headquarters responsible
SOUTH
for provinces surrounding Saigon, was on enemy Lai Khe
VIETNAM
attacks in Tay Ninh. These were diversionary op-
erations, masking the movement of three NVA
An Loc
units: 5th VC Division, 9th VC Division, and
SAIGON
7th NVA Division. The 5th and 9th were VC in
name only; they were manned and equipped by
the North Vietnamese Army. The situation grew MILES

more tenuous on April 5, 1972, when those divi- SAIGON 0 100

sions—36,000 troops organized into combined


arms teams of infantry, armor, heavy artillery, and
engineers—poured across the Cambodian border
into Binh Long Province. The immediate threat to The Battle for An Loc
the government in Saigon was clear April 13– July 20, 1972
Maj. Gen. James F. Hollingsworth, commander
On March 30, 1972, 130,000 NVA troops and their heavy armor
of the Third Regional Assistance Command
attacked South Vietnam. One prong entered from Laos into the
(TRAC), urged Gen. Nguyen Van Minh, III Corps northern provinces, another crossed the Cambodian border and
commander, to reinforce An Loc, the provincial attacked the Central Highlands city of Kontum, while a third
capital. Hollingsworth, a 1940 graduate of Texas invaded north of An Loc, directly threatening the capital of Saigon.
A&M University, was one of Gen. George S. Pat-
ton’s outstanding tank commanders during World
War II. He led from the front and during his ser- If An Loc was lost, there were no ARVN
vice in three wars he was awarded three Distin- troops to stop an enemy move on Saigon.
guished Service Crosses (DSC), the nation’s sec- President Nguyen Van Thieu issued a direc-
ond highest award for valor, four Silver Stars and tive that An Loc must be held at all costs.
six Purple Hearts, plus four Distinguished Service The well-publicized order caught the atten-
Medals and 38 Air Medals. Known as “Holly,” he tion of the communists, challenging them
was also a Korean War veteran and had served a to quickly capture it. The pivotal battle for
previous Vietnam tour as assistant division com- An Loc and the heroism of U.S. advisers
mander of the famed 1st Infantry Division. Advis- there was a microcosm of the fighting
ers revered him and were grateful for the air sup- throughout South Vietnam in what the U.S.
port he was able to muster. press now called the Easter Offensive.
Hollingsworth

O
The district town of Loc Ninh, a few miles
from the Cambodian border, fell on April 7 when n April 7, 1972, President Thieu
the NVA overran it, killing or capturing nearly convened a meeting of his key ad-
RIGHT: BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES; MAP BY JON C. BOCK

1,000 soldiers. Two U.S. advisers were killed and visers and corps commanders to assess the military situation; it
seven were listed as missing in action. Only 100 was a grim session. General Minh outlined his circumstances and request-
ARVN defenders and one American, Maj. Tom ed more troops to reinforce An Loc, surrounded by the 5th and 9th VC
Davidson, managed to escape the battle and Divisions. He also pointed out the 7th NVA Division had cut the main
make their way to An Loc, which was 15 miles supply route, QL (National Route) 13, into the provincial capital, isolating
south and obviously the enemy’s next target. The the defenders.
5th ARVN Division defended An Loc with three Because of the enemy’s proximity to Saigon, the president made the un-
infantry regiments, two ranger battalions, and precedented decision to commit the country’s last reserve, the 1st Airborne
provincial forces. Brigade, to III Corps. He also directed the 21st ARVN Division move from

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 25
Top and middle: South Vietnamese tanks the relatively quiet Mekong Delta region and join
and troops move up Route 13 toward An Loc.
Bottom: The communists controlled much of the battle in Binh Long Province.
An Loc in the early days of the offensive, forcing By the afternoon of April 8, the 1st Airborne
the South Vietnamese defenders into a small Brigade, augmented by the 81st Airborne Ranger
southern sector at the top of this aerial photo.
Battalion, was assembled south of An Loc, ready
to fight. The 81st was originally activated as a re-
action force during the days of cross-border op-
erations into Cambodia, Laos, and North Viet-
nam. Now, it was employed as an elite infantry
battalion. It was teamed with the Airborne Divi-
sion because its advisers were part of the Air-
borne Division Assistance Team, also designated
MACV Team 162. The brigade’s 2,000-plus para-
troopers were tasked to open QL 13 into An Loc.
Soldiers of the 7th NVA Division, 8,600 strong,
had prepared extensive defensive fortifications
along the vital supply route. The NVA easily
stopped the 1st Brigade.
With a stalemate occurring, Hollingsworth
recommended a mission change: reinforce An
Loc with the 1st Airborne Brigade and have the
21st ARVN Division clear QL 13. The paratroop-
ers were needed because on April 13 the NVA
kicked off an armor and infantry attack that
threatened the town.
Late in the afternoon of April 14, the 6th Air-
borne Battalion, about 400 paratroopers, con-
ducted a helicopter assault into an LZ near key
terrain just south of An Loc. Two American ad-
visers, Maj. Richard J. Morgan and 1st Lt. Ross S.
Kelly, accompanied the battalion commander, Lt.
Col. Nguyen Van Dinh, in the first lift. The high
ground, Hill 169 and an adjacent feature called
Windy Hill, was needed for an artillery firebase.
It would provide support for the 5th ARVN Divi-
sion because all its guns had been destroyed by
incoming fire.
Initially, the landing was unopposed. Yet the
NVA reacted quickly and stopped the paratroop-
ers from gaining the summits of the two hills.
The advisers called in air strikes. Kelly, accompa-

FROM TOP: AP PHOTO; HENRI BUREAU/SYGMA/CORBIS/VCG VIA GETTY IMAGES; UPI PHOTO
nying attacking troops, directed U.S. Army AH-
1G Cobra rocket and machine gun fire to within
25 meters of his position, forcing the enemy to
withdraw. It was a “danger close” call, but a nec-
essary one.
As the high ground was taken, Morgan, the
senior adviser with the battalion commander,
suffered a severe leg wound. He needed immedi-
ate evacuation or would bleed to death. Fortu-
nately, a U.S. Army Huey helicopter responded
to Kelly’s request for a medevac. The pilots
braved enemy mortar and artillery fire to rescue
Morgan and five ARVN paratroopers who were
also seriously wounded.
Kelly, a 1970 graduate of West Point with less

26 VIETNAM
Route 13 became a battlefield during
the assault when U.S. advisers called
in B-52 bombers. Here smoke rises
from a bomb strike on May 19, 1972,
as South Vietnamese troops fought to
reach ARVN units and their American
advisers farther north.

than two years in the Army, was now the lone communist commander was determined to annihi-
American responsible for the battalion’s desper- late them, regardless of the cost. By April 20, the
ately needed air support. The old Army expres- 6th Battalion had fewer than 150 effective fighters.
sion “operating way above his pay grade” de- Seriously injured soldiers died for the lack of medi-
scribed Kelly’s circumstances. cal treatment. U.S. helicopters only flew medevac

T
missions for wounded U.S. advisers—so the evacu-
he remaining battalions, the 5th, 8th, and ation burden fell on the Vietnamese Air Force
81st, plus the brigade headquarters, arrived (VNAF) helicopter pilots, most of whom were sadly
on April 15-16. CH-47 Chinook helicop- lacking fortitude.
ters brought in six 105mm howitzers and em- Supply shortages and the VNAF’s reluctance to
placed them on the high ground, secured by two fly caused morale to plummet. Having grown used 6th Airborne
rifle companies of the 6th Airborne Battalion. to the robust support from the U.S. Army, the fail- The men of the ARVN’s 6th
Maj. John Peyton, Morgan’s replacement, was in ure of the ARVN and VNAF to perform critically Airborne Battalion were
the airlift and joined Kelly on the afternoon of needed tasks was a shock to the paratroopers, in- outmanned and outgunned
as they tried to defend two
April 16. Peyton was only on the ground two days cluding the battalion commander. Lt. Col. Dinh hills just south of An Loc
before he too was badly wounded and evacuated. was psychologically overwhelmed and stayed in his during North Vietnam’s 1972
Again, Kelly was a one-man operation. foxhole, almost in a trance. Remnants of two rifle Easter Offensive, but the
The North Vietnamese commander was not companies on the hills, less than 50 men, were reconstituted unit helped
about to allow an ARVN firebase to operate in his forced off and escaped to An Loc. Eighty other eventually break the
area of responsibility. Within 24 hours, NVA ar- paratroopers, who were not on the high ground, communists’ grip on the
town. Their unit patch diplays
tillery fire destroyed all six howitzers and its formed a tight perimeter and waited for the NVA. the battalion’s trademark
stockpile of ammunition. The battalions airlifted Kelly began to work what little magic he had left. parachute logo.
TOP: AP PHOTO; BOTTOM: HISTORYNET ARCHIVES

in on the 15th and 16th were ordered to move He coordinated with the brigade senior adviser, Lt.
into the town and join the 5th ARVN Division Col. Art Taylor, and his deputy, Maj. Jack Todd, for assistance to allow them
defenders who were fending off major NVA at- to break out to the south, away from An Loc. Todd called Kelly at 7:30 p.m.
tacks. The 6th Airborne Battalion was left on its and said three B-52 strikes were scheduled just after dark to hit the concen-
own. Two NVA regiments with eight tanks began trations of North Vietnamese threatening the 6th Battalion. U.S. intelli-
to systematically isolate and destroy the 6th. gence had a good “fix” on enemy locations. The bombers would drop “dan-
Kelly used every air sortie at his disposal to ger close,” meaning less than 1,000 meters from the friendlies, the minimum
keep the numerically superior foe at bay. The safe distance from B-52 bombs.

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 27
On Oct. 17, 1972, Kelly was awarded the Dis-
tinguished Service Cross for his bravery. Without
his personal example, forceful urgings, and time-
ly orchestration of airstrikes, no one would have
survived. His actions belied his rank and experi-
ence and his professionalism saved the day.

D
uring the 6th Battalion’s ordeal, the 81st
Airborne Ranger Battalion was undergo-
ing its trial by fire. It was lifted in on April
16, arriving with 450 soldiers and three U.S. ad-
visers: Capt. Charles Huggins, senior adviser;
Capt. Albert Brownfield, Huggins’ deputy; and
Sgt. First Class Jesse Yearta, light weapons advis-
er. The unit was detached from the airborne bri-
gade and directed to fight its way into An Loc
and occupy positions in the northeastern sector
of the town’s perimeter. The NVA had attacked
several days earlier and gained a significant lodg-
ment, almost to the center of the town. The
communists had nearly reached the east-west
thoroughfare that bisected An Loc, leading one
American defender to report: “The bastards are
almost to Sunset Boulevard.”
As the 81st moved off the LZ, Yearta was hit by
artillery shrapnel but refused evacuation. An
ARVN medic patched him up. Yearta, a hardcore
soldier, continued the mission. At 36, he had
come of age in the Cold War army and spent most
of his career in airborne units. He was known as a
Top: An AC-130H Spectre, armed with a 105mm howitzer (visible jutting out of “hard ass,” but the troops held him in high esteem
the side fuselage) and bravely directed from the ground by U.S. Sgt. Jesse Yearta,
delivered the firepower that helped beat back the NVA in An Loc. Above: A South because he was a fighter and genuinely concerned
Vietnamese soldier surveys the damage after the U.S. bombing. for their welfare. The Airborne Rangers of the 81st
had an unbounded affection for Yearta.
Kelly’s cajoling and the news of the upcoming bombing strikes snapped On the night of April 22, the battalion was di-
Dinh out of his depressed state. He made the difficult decision to leave the rected to launch a counterattack to eliminate en-
seriously wounded soldiers behind and prepared the men to move. When emy positions. Huggins was provided a Spectre
the first 500-pound bombs began to fall, 80 exhausted men headed to the gunship, a USAF AC-130 aircraft equipped with
southeast, away from the enemy. Kelly led while Dinh, farther back in the a 105mm cannon and twin 40mm Bofors guns,
column, kept the troops moving. The shock of three successive B-52 strikes to assist the attackers. The Spectre had cutting
and rapidity of movement gave the bedraggled force some breathing space. edge technology sensors that allowed it to fire
Throughout the night and into the next day, Kelly continued to serve as very near friendly forces, almost within the 50-
“point man” for the small group. On more than one occasion, he called in meter bursting radius of the 105mm shells. A
air strikes on pursuing enemy troops. When Kelly found a suitable pickup rolling barrage was planned with the troops fol-
zone, the adviser used U.S. air strikes to seal off the area and protect the lowing closely behind it.
incoming helicopters. Yearta volunteered to accompany the lead
Finally, VNAF helicopters arrived but they only touched down briefly company so he could direct the Spectre’s fire. Not
and several hovered a few feet off the ground, making it impossible for the taking a chance that he might become separated
walking wounded to get aboard. They were not taking any enemy fire. from his radio operator, he carried his own AN-
Without warning, they “pulled pitch”—taking off with Kelly hanging on to PRC 77 radio so he could maintain constant
FROM TOP: U.S. AIR FORCE; AP PHOTO

one UH-1’s struts and leaving 40 soldiers on the ground. contact with the airplane. To ensure the Spectre
Threats from the battalion commander failed to intimidate the pilots, gun crew could track the leading friendlies amid
who refused to land again. Fortunately, the corps commander and Holling- battlefield obscuration, Yearta continually fired
sworth forced the VNAF to return the next day, but they only retrieved half small pen flares that the aircraft’s sensors easily
of the 40 men left behind. Those 60 rescued paratroopers became the 6th identified. He adjusted both the 105mm cannon
Airborne Battalion’s nucleus as reconstitution began immediately. and the Bofor guns by constantly sending correc-

28 VIETNAM
Amid the rubble of An Loc, a
monument to South Vietnamese
soldiers stands almost undamaged on
June 14, 1972, toward the end of the
costly “battle that saved Saigon”—
saved for the time being, at least.

tions, positioning himself almost within the blast killed during the Easter Offensive. One officer, Capt. Battle for
area. The fire was so devastating the NVA was
pushed back and original defensive positions
Ed Donaldson, was wounded on April 7, evacuated,
returned to duty in An Loc, and was wounded again,
An Loc
APRIL 13–JULY 20, 1972
were restored. for which he required extended hospitalization.
Later, Yearta was asked about the Spectre’s
support that night. He replied in typical fashion,
Five battalion advisers with the 1st Airborne Brigade
and the 81st Airborne Ranger Battalion were awarded 7,500
“Damn! They are good ol’ boys.” Yearta became a the Distinguished Service Cross for their actions in An SOUTH VIETNAMESE
legend among the advisers for the pen flare epi- Loc. In addition to Kelly and Yearta, DSCs were award- FORCES
25,000+ REINFORCEMENTS, U.S. AIR
sode and was later awarded the Distinguished ed to: Capt. Michael E. McDermott, 5th Airborne Bat- FORCE AND U.S. NAVY FIREPOWER

2,280
Service Cross for his valor. talion; Capt. Charles R. Huggins, 81st Airborne Rang-
The siege of An Loc lasted 66 days and resulted ers; and 1st Lt. Winston A.L. Cover, 8th Airborne
in the destruction of three NVA divisions. It was Battalion. For McDermott, it was his second DSC, the KILLED
ironic that the reconstituted 6th Airborne Battal- first being presented in 1967 when he was a lieutenant PLUS: 2,091 MISSING

ion, still commanded by Lt. Col. Nguyen Van


Dinh, broke the enemy’s grip on the town. On
in the 101st Airborne Division. With two DSCs, a Sil-
ver Star, and a Purple Heart, McDermott became one 35,704
June 8, 1972, the 6th Airborne linked with the of the most decorated soldiers of the Vietnam conflict. NVA AND VC FORCES
town’s defenders after fighting its way from An Loc was destroyed in the Easter Offensive. Only
the south. In mid-June, President Thieu declared
the siege lifted and the 1st Airborne Brigade was
rubble and burned-out communist tanks remained.
The town was rebuilt and today commerce flourishes.
10,000
sent to the northernmost province of Quang Tri One would not know that a climactic struggle oc- PLUS: 15,000KILLED WOUNDED, 40 TANKS
to participate in a counteroffensive. curred there five decades ago; there is no evidence of DESTROYED. N. VIETNAMESE FIGURES:
2,000 KILLED, 5,000 WOUNDED
The 1st Airborne Brigade and the 81st Air- the battle. Several cemeteries are located just south of
borne Ranger Battalion paid a heavy price for An Loc where the remains of NVA soldiers are interred. At each cemetery,
their part in what some journalists called the there is a large statue and plaque dedicated to the heroism and sacrifice of
“battle that saved Saigon.” From April 7 thru June the communist “freedom fighters.”
21, the 1st Airborne suffered 346 killed in action After South Vietnam surrendered in April 1975, NVA soldiers desecrat-
(KIA), 1,093 wounded, and 66 missing; the 81st ed the 81st Airborne Ranger cemetery in An Loc that the town’s citizens
lost 61 KIA and 299 wounded. had meticulously tended to when the 1972 battle ended. Like other ARVN
cemeteries, there is no trace of it today. V

T
he An Loc campaign took its toll on
MACV Team 162. Nineteen airborne ad- During the 1972 Easter Offensive, John Howard served as senior adviser
visers began the operation in April 1972. with the reconstituted 6th Airborne Battalion and 11th Airborne Battalion.
Of that number, 10 were wounded and one, Sgt. On a 2011 trip to Vietnam, he returned to Tan Khai and An Loc. For further
AP PHOTO

First Class Alberto Ortiz Jr., died from his reading he recommends James H. Willbanks’ book, The Battle of An Loc
wounds. He was the first of five airborne advisers and Dale Andradé’s book America’s Last Vietnam Battle.

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 29
An American soldier directs a helicopter into
landing position in 1969 by holding his rifle over
his head. Co-author Capt. John Haseman
performed a similar move during the airlift rescue
of a badly injured South Vietnamese soldier in
1972, helping to guide the chopper’s copilot (and
co-author) John Harris to a safe landing area.

DARING TO
SAVE A LIFE
WHEN A VIETNAMESE ALLY WAS WOUNDED,
TWO AMERICAN SOLDIERS HAD TO CHOOSE
BETWEEN OBEDIENCE AND COMPASSION
By John B. Haseman and John M. Harris

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 31
Haseman was Deputy District Senior
Adviser (DDSA) in Mo Cay District on
Nov. 20, 1972, when he accompanied
an ARVN combat operation. This
photo was taken directly before a
land mine took off the foot of a South
Vietnamese soldier, forcing Haseman
to decide between official Army
policy and his desire to save the life
of a badly wounded comrade.

John Haseman was a captain assigned as a Deputy District Senior Adviser can do to help you. I want to go with you on all
(DDSA) in Mo Cay District, Kien Hoa Province, in the Mekong Delta. He operations, dangerous or not. Please don’t leave
had arrived at Advisory Team 88 in July 1971 and was DDSA in Ham Long me behind.” Taken somewhat aback, he answered
District for 10 months before being reassigned to Mo Cay in May 1972. that he was glad to know it and would not leave
me behind again.
ov. 20, 1972, began as an ordinary day, at least at the On Nov. 20, I prepared to accompany Manh
start. My boss, the Mo Cay District Senior Adviser on my first combat operation with him—a
(DSA), had departed about a week earlier for much-de- two-company RF sweep through a contested part
served home leave that included several days of hospital of western Mo Cay District. The operation line of
care. He was seriously wounded during a major battle in march was centered on a seldom-used rural road.
July 1972 with an NVA regiment in which the Mo Cay A company-sized unit would be about 200 me-
District Chief had been killed in action. I was introduced to the new Dis- ters out on each flank. The troops were well-
trict Chief, Maj. Manh, before my superior departed for the U.S. At that spaced and well-led. There had been no enemy
time there were no main force Army of the Republic of Vietnam (ARVN) contact. My interpreter and I were with the com-
units stationed in the province; except for provincial and district level offi- mand group, which included Manh, his radio
cers, the soldiers were all locally recruited Regional Force and Popular operator, his personal bodyguard and security
PREVIOUS SPREAD: APA/GETTY IMAGES; TOP: COURTESY OF THE AUTHORS

Force (RF/PF). staff, and a platoon of RF soldiers to provide


My first operational meeting with Maj. Manh had taken place several close-in security. I carried the advisory team’s
days earlier. A small convoy that included the newly assigned Province In- PRC-25 radio—I always carried it on tactical op-
telligence (S-2) officer was ambushed just a few kilometers south of Mo Cay erations. The Vietnamese commander and the
town. Manh hurried off with a small security force without telling me. advisory team interpreter always offered to carry
When told of the incident by Mo Cay’s communications officer, I quickly it instead, but I did not want to wonder where the
followed with my interpreter. When I arrived at the ambush scene, Manh’s radio was if we had contact with the enemy.
first words to me were: “I did not tell you because I did not think you would The road led northwest and then west. The
go out to a dangerous area.” Apparently, he had experienced less-than-good trail was muddy and very rocky and was lined
relations with advisers during his previous duty in the 7th ARVN Division. sporadically with young palm trees and open-ter-
“Sir,” I responded, “I am your adviser while the DSA is away. You know rain rice paddies to the north, with the trees of a
much more about fighting this war than I do, but there are a lot of things I dense coconut forest parallel to the line of march.

32 VIETNAM
Terrain on the south was mixed rice paddies and fruit orchards.
We advanced roughly 3,500 meters when a loud explosion came at
the edge of the tree line on the right flank. A report came in that a
soldier had hit a booby trap that blew off his foot and inflicted head
wounds from shrapnel. Manh stopped forward movement and or-
dered the casualty to be brought to his location on the road. It was
obvious that this soldier was critically wounded.
At this stage of the war, a fairly new official Military Assistance
Command, Vietnam (MACV) policy required that all medical evac-
uations (medevacs) of Vietnamese casualties had to be done by Viet-
namese Air Force (VNAF) helicopters only. American helicopters
were only supposed to evacuate American casualties. The policy was
designed to force the Vietnamese to be more responsive to their
ground force casualties. I disagreed with the policy because, in my
view, it ignored the fact that the extremely cautious Vietnamese pilots
were not nearly as responsive to the ARVN ground troops as U.S.
helicopter pilots were.
Manh and I knelt on the road with his radio operator while he called the
Haseman received the Vietnamese Cross of Gallantry
ARVN side of the joint VN-US Tactical Operations Center (TOC) in the with Bronze Star in Ham Long in early November 1972,
provincial capital of Ben Tre to request a medevac flight. He was told that just before returning to Mo Cay as DDSA.
no VNAF helicopters were available. Visibly upset at the rejection, he
turned to me and asked, “Can you help?” over the road. I asked Manh for a soldier to “pop
I knew at once that this was a test from Manh. Was his adviser truly smoke” to show wind direction and the exact
willing and able to help him when help was really needed? I was fully aware spot where we wanted the helicopter to land.
of the MACV policy on medevac for Vietnamese casualties. Yet, in an im- I stepped to the center of the road and raised
portant and very favorable coincidence, I also knew that a U.S. Army UH-1 my rifle with both hands over my head to guide
(Huey) helicopter was on the ground at adjacent Huong My District. This the pilot. Soon the helicopter was on the ground.
helicopter was detailed to transport the MACV Inspector-General (IG) Soldiers quickly loaded the casualty onboard.
team on inspection missions. Two soldiers—one of them an RF medic—got in
I believed the wounded Vietnamese soldier would die if he did not get to accompany the wounded soldier to the hospi-
prompt medical attention. I refused to remain silent and let this man die for tal. I stepped onto the helicopter’s left skid and
lack of a Vietnamese medevac. I used my radio to call the American side of thanked the command pilot for being willing to
the TOC. The duty officer, a captain, matter-of-factly disapproved my re- help with the medevac.
quest, saying, “You know what the policy is on medevacs.” I argued that this I could not clearly see either the pilot or copi-
was a life-or-death situation for one of “our” soldiers and that it was critical lot and did not get their names. I was very grate-
to have a medevac if he were to survive. I reminded him of the IG team ful that they had come to help when we needed it
helicopter on the ground less than 10 minutes away and strongly urged that so badly. I recommended they take off to the
we needed the medevac. He repeated his refusal. north over the rice paddies and definitely not to
Unknown to me at the time, the duty officer had passed the radio to the fly over the distant tree mass until they had got-
newly arrived Advisory Team 88 Operations (S-3) adviser—a major who ten high enough to avoid potential enemy ground
outranked me. I was angry and frustrated. I outright demanded that the fire. With that, I stepped back and saluted the
nearby helicopter be requested to fly this medevac. In my sense of urgency crew. The pilot lifted off and the Huey was gone.
over the badly wounded soldier lying just a few feet away from me, my The entire time from confirmation of the flight to
open anger was coming very close to insubordination. Fortunately, the take off with the casualty was only about 15 min-
Huong My DSA broke into the contentious radio transmission at that point utes. Manh quickly got the troops back into for-
and told us to calm down while he asked the pilots if they would be willing mation and the operation continued for the rest
to fly the medevac. A few minutes later, he called back to report that the of the day. We had no contact with the enemy,
crew had agreed to fly the mission for us and were on their way to take off, and no additional casualties.

T
with my frequency and call sign, and would contact me after take-off.
The pilot soon radioed me and asked me to confirm our location and his was an extremely important event for
asked about the security situation at the landing zone (LZ). Manh’s security me for many reasons. First and foremost,
COURTESY OF THE AUTHORS

platoon quickly organized an LZ on the road where no palm trees could the medevac was crucial to get the wound-
obstruct the landing. I remained on the radio, confirmed to the pilot that ed RF soldier to a hospital and hopefully save his
the LZ was secure, and described the area. Meanwhile the casualty was life. I was told several weeks later that he had sur-
prepared for evacuation. Moments later we all heard the familiar “whup vived but had needed major surgery to amputate
whup whup” sound of the approaching Huey, which came into sight flying his foot and ankle. I was outraged by the unspo-

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 33
tionship for the remaining months of my assignment was close, profession-
al, and worked well for both of us in the challenges we would face.
Third, I knew I was in trouble with my advisory team senior officers in
BEN TRE
Ben Tre. Full of emotion and adrenaline in the dire circumstances, I had
DON openly challenged U.S. policy on handling medevacs for Vietnamese casu-
NHON alties. Perhaps more significantly, I had been intemperate on the radio and
Anatomy was nearly insubordinate to the Province S-3 adviser. Senior officers do not
Of A Dire take kindly to junior officers demanding anything.
Fourth, in retrospect, the incident provided the district chief the oppor-
Rescue tunity to demonstrate his own sense of responsibility and trust in me—and
MO CAY by important extension, to the other members of the Mo Cay advisory
team. Several days later I accompanied Manh to the monthly District Chief/
DSA meeting in Ben Tre. I was nervous, anticipating perhaps difficult
meetings with the Province Senior Adviser (PSA) and the major I had ar-
Opera tion MEDE VAC gued with on the radio. As the meeting convened, the Vietnamese Province
Route ROUTE Chief asked me to stand up. He thanked me for what I had done on behalf
of his soldier and commended the outstanding counterpart relationship in
Mo Cay District. Manh had told the Province Chief the details of the event,
knowing I was probably in trouble with the senior officers on the advisory
team. I knew from then on that I could trust Manh to be an outstanding
HUONG MY counterpart. His willingness to intercede on my behalf increased my own
trust and confidence in him.
The PSA thanked me in public—but in private he told me not to do it
ken but very real medevac policy corollary: that again. Later that day I met for the first time the major with whom I had
MACV was willing to deny a medevac to an al- argued on the radio. He took me aside and quietly but firmly told me I
lied soldier—in this case, a man who would needed to work on my communications with senior officers. He was cor-
probably have died from severe injuries—just to rect. I had been intemperate and disrespectful on the radio. During his first
attempt to make the Vietnamese air force do tour of duty in Vietnam he was wounded in action during an airmobile
their job better. I knew well that, as an adviser, I assault into the A Shau Valley, and he had earned the right to criticize me.
did not command the RF/PF soldiers fighting “Sir,” I said, “I apologize for being disrespectful on the radio. It was a tense
alongside me. Nevertheless, I thought of them moment for me, and an important test imposed on me by my counterpart.”
all as “my” soldiers—my brothers-in-arms. We I also told him the restriction on using American helicopters to evacuate
laughed together, cried together, talked together, Vietnamese casualties was a lousy policy, and I would do it again if I had to.
fought the common enemy together. I trusted He was a true gentleman. “John,” he replied, “you’re my kind of officer. You
them to be good soldiers and to protect me as are doing a great job. Just work on your communications.” We had a mutu-
best they could. I would do everything I possibly ally respectful relationship from then on.
could to keep them alive. Therefore, I was espe- I never forgot that particular medical evacuation among the many I re-
cially grateful to the flight crew who willingly quested for RF/PF casualties during my 18 months as a district adviser in
agreed to conduct this medevac. I have the high- Kien Hoa Province. The event always stood out in my memory.

A
est regard for, and am very thankful for, all U.S.
Army aviators, whose skill and responsiveness little over two months later, in February 1973, my assignment as
helped my counterparts and me countless times a district adviser ended when the Paris Agreement mandated
during my 18 months as a district adviser. They the end of the American advisory effort in Vietnam. I spent the
always came when called, regardless of the tacti- final years of my career in Foreign Area Officer (FAO) assignments in Thai-
cal situation on the ground and the time of day land, Indonesia, and Burma, with short stays in the U.S. for language school
(or night). Their courage was limitless and deeply courses and assignments at Fort Leavenworth and on the Army staff. On
respected by us ground soldiers—Americans and Jan. 31, 1995, I retired to my home in western Colorado and embarked on
Vietnamese alike. more than 25 years of writing, lecturing, and traveling as often as I could.
Second, this had been a definitive test by the In early March 2023 I was a panelist at the annual conference at the Viet-
Vietnamese district chief to determine his advis- nam Center, Texas Tech University. That year the conference dealt with
er’s responsiveness and reliability when assis- Vietnam in 1973 and the topic assigned to me was my experiences as a
tance was needed. There was no way I could ex- district adviser at the end of the U.S. tactical commitment in the war. Just
plain that over the radio to the American TOC before our panel was to begin, several other attendees were gathered in
MAP BY JON C. BOCK

personnel. Manh trusted me to be there when he front of our table and the conversation turned to the topic of helicopter and
needed help, and I had passed his test. No adviser tactical air support for advisers in the last months of the war. I expressed my
can succeed without establishing trust. Our rela- thanks to them “for being there when we needed them.” I began to describe

34 VIETNAM
John Harris was a young Army Aviator in 1972
when he and his Huey’s crew were called upon
by Haseman to fly the humanitarian rescue
mission. Harris didn’t hesitate, and helped
direct the chopper’s pilot to a hospital.

the circumstances of that event I had faced long ago, on Nov. 20, 1972, bat Aviation Group, 1st Aviation Brigade, based
when obtaining a U.S. medevac for a seriously wounded Vietnamese sol- in Can Tho, the capital of Military Region (MR)
dier. One of the men paid particular attention, his eyes getting bigger and IV. Our unit’s mission was to provide aviation
bigger as I went along, and then he burst out saying, “I flew that mission!” support to the remaining U.S. advisers who were
And thus, on March 3, 2023, I met Chief Warrant Officer-5 (Retired) John located in all 16 MR IV provinces; the 7th, 9th,
M. Harris, more than 50 years after he flew as copilot on that mission, and 21st ARVN divisions; and the 44th Special
during which he and I had shared a few minutes on the ground on a muddy, Tactical Zone (STZ), located along the Cambodi-
rocky road in Mo Cay District in our efforts to save the life of a soldier. an border.
Each day, we would usually put up a dozen
UH-1 Hueys whose mission would often be sim-
John Harris flew that humanitarian tactical medevac mission more ply stated as, “Upon arrival, fly as directed by the
than 50 years ago. He had been voluntarily activated the previous Province Senior Adviser.” These missions includ-
August as a novice 20-year-old WO1 Army Aviator from an Army ed aerial resupply, visual reconnaissance for both
Reserve troop unit, specifically for duty in Vietnam. He was later advised tactical air and B-52 strikes, personnel transport,
that he was the last USAR soldier mobilized for Vietnam. payroll distribution, offshore naval gunfire sup-
port, and much more. We were advised that while
efore reporting to Vietnam, I had attended the AH-1G Co- the medevac of any ARVN soldiers was to be pri-
bra qualification course. As a new Cobra pilot, it was in- marily performed by the VNAF, if a PSA should
tended that I would be employed in Vietnam as an attack ask us to medevac an ARVN casualty in a time-
helicopter pilot, most likely in an air cavalry troop. I was critical combat situation, the final decision would
COURTESY OF THE AUTHORS

eager to get into the fight and see some action. However, be up to the U.S. helicopter crew.
soon after I arrived in Saigon I was told that due to recent On Nov. 20, 1972, I was eagerly performing
losses, the immediate needs of the Army trumped my specific training, the duties of a UH-1H Huey copilot, often re-
rank, and orders. I was instead ordered to perform duties as a Huey pilot. ferred to in Vietnam as a “Peter pilot” or newbie.
On Nov. 8, 1972, I was assigned to the 18th Aviation Company, 164th Com- Our initial mission was to fly as directed for Kien

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 35
A U.S. helicopter lands to medevac
a wounded South Vietnamese soldier
in November 1965. By 1972, the U.S.
Army had instituted a policy forbidding
American medevac missions of ARVN
soldiers in an effort to force the South
Vietnamese air force to be more
responsive to the needs of its own.

I guessed Hoa Province for the first half of the day, followed by head. During the loading process, I distinctly re-
he had been support in the afternoon for the 44th STZ, located call that although the wounded soldier’s leg,
near Chi Lang. This was my 10th mission in Viet- which was missing his foot, was covered in
heavily nam. I was trying to learn as much as possible from bloody bandages, the expression on his face was
sedated with the aircraft commander with whom I was paired. He rather detached from reality. I guessed he had
multiple was a very experienced captain with two tours in been heavily sedated with multiple doses of mor-
doses of Vietnam under his belt as a pilot. We commenced phine to help him cope with extreme pain.
morphine our support that day by flying a MACV Inspector As we prepared to take off, the aircraft com-
General (IG) team to various district headquarters. mander began to direct me to fly to the nearest
to help him We were on the ground at Huong My District and ARVN aid station. If it had been my first or sec-
cope with relaxed in the advisers’ team house as the inspection ond mission, I most likely would have simply fol-
extreme team went about their work. lowed his instructions without comment. But
pain. Suddenly we received a call requesting an urgent fortunately, while flying a mission a few days ear-
medevac for a gravely wounded Vietnamese soldier lier for advisers in nearby Vinh Long Province,
in the adjacent district of Mo Cay. My aircraft commander first asked me, one of them had pointed out the existence of an
ROLLS PRESS/POPPERFOTO VIA GETTY IMAGES

then the crew chief and door gunner, if we were willing to carry out such a ARVN hospital in Ben Tre. Being rather outgo-
mission. Being new and very “gung-ho,” I was frankly surprised that he had ing, I hastily told the aircraft commander about
even posed such a question. I said we absolutely had to go to the aid of an this hospital and expressed my strong opinion
allied soldier. Both the crew chief and door gunner agreed and off we went. that we should fly there instead of the aid station.
Approaching the casualty site, we established radio contact with the U.S. I said it would take only a few minutes longer for
adviser, who had his troops pop smoke and identified the LZ as secure. us to reach it. I then added, “If I get shot down in
Then we set down following his guidance; he was waving an M16 over his the future, have my foot amputated and a VNAF

36 VIETNAM
helicopter comes to perform my medevac, I certain-
ly hope that he does the right thing and flies me to a
fully functioning hospital, versus a simple aid sta-
tion, which may save my life!”
The aircraft commander acquiesced and allowed
me to fly directly to the hospital. We dropped the
patient off and I certainly felt good for having assert-
ed myself that day. Once I eventually became an air-
craft commander and in charge of my own Huey, I
always told the story of this medevac to my new “Pe-
ter pilots” and recommended to them that if a simi-
lar situation should ever arise, they too should assert
themselves and be sure to do the “right thing.”
When reflecting back on my rather abbreviated
Vietnam tour, I have always been proudest of assert-
ing myself that day to fly that wounded soldier to a
place with a higher level of care. I performed a few
more minor medevacs for Vietnamese soldiers during my tour but none of A 2023 chance meeting at a conference at Texas Tech
them involved any life-threatening injuries. After the Paris ceasefire took University’s Vietnam Center reunited Haseman (right)
and Harris (left), who met for the first time since their
effect, I remained behind for two months and continued to fly as an aircraft shared mission more than 50 years ago.
commander in unarmed Hueys, conducting peace-keeping missions for
the International Commission of Control and Supervision (ICCS), which and helicopter assistance he had often received.
was composed of military representatives from Canada, Poland, Hungary, He then told me the story of one particular mis-
and Indonesia. When I finally left Saigon on March 28, 1973, there were sion in which he desperately attempted to get a
only about 500 U.S. troops remaining. They all departed the following day. U.S. medevac for a critically wounded Vietnam-

I
ese soldier on a patrol with him. As he related the
remained on continuous flying status as an Army aviator for over four details, the hair on the back of my neck literally
more decades, serving as both a Huey and Cobra instructor pilot/tacti- began to stand up. I thought, “What could be the
cal operations officer in multiple assault helicopter companies, attack chances that he was describing the same medevac
helicopter companies, air cavalry troops, and other positions. I served for a mission that I had played a role in?”
year in South Korea and deployed for “contingency operations” with U.S. When he confirmed that the wounded soldier
military forces to areas including Somalia, Bosnia, Kosovo, Uzbekistan, Jor- had lost a foot due to a land mine, I knew it was
dan, and Qatar. While in the U.S. Army Reserve, I flew search-and-rescue, the same mission. During my planning to attend
medevac, and firefighting helicopters for multiple agencies including the the conference, I never dreamed I would relive a
U.S. Forest Service and Kern County Fire Department. I retired from Kern most emotional mission over 50 years later with
County in late 2021 after receiving the Federal Aviation Administration’s the same person I had worked together with to
Wright Brothers Master Pilot Award for safe flight operations for over 50 “push the envelope” on the rules and to do the
years. I like to think that after performing that medevac flight in Vietnam, I right thing when it came to trying to save a
was forever motivated to perform to the best of my ability in all subsequent wounded soldier’s life. V
urgent missions, both military and civil, to which I was called.
In early 2023, I heard from the Vietnam Helicopter Pilots Association (of John Haseman has authored more than 250 arti-
which I am a Life Member) that the Vietnam Center & Sam Johnson Viet- cles and book reviews about Southeast Asia politi-
nam Archive at Texas Tech University in Lubbock, Texas, was hosting a cal-military affairs, as well as many book chapters
conference focused on the 1973 Paris Peace Accords and the withdrawal on the subject. He is the author or co-author of five
from South Vietnam. I was invited to participate on a panel session focus- books, the most recent of which, In the Mouth of
ing on the air war in 1973. the Dragon: Memoir of a District Advisor in the
On March 3, the day before my panel was scheduled to meet, I happened Mekong Delta, 1971-1973 (McFarland, 2022), de-
to notice there was to be a panel on the “Last Phase of U.S. Advisory Efforts” scribes his experiences as a tactical adviser at the
at the end of the war. As I had flown for numerous U.S. advisers during my district level in Vietnam’s Mekong Delta.
tour of duty, I was particularly drawn to that topic. I had a feeling that per-
haps one of the advisers at the conference might have been aboard my air- John Harris retired from the U.S. Army Reserve in
COURTESY OF THE AUTHORS

craft during one of our support missions. When I read that one of the pre- October 2013 as a CW5 with over 44 1/2 continu-
senters, Col. John B. Haseman, had been a district adviser in the Mekong ous years of Army service. He was the last U.S.
Delta at the same time and in the same area I regularly flew in, I became military aviator from any branch of service who
even more optimistic that our paths may have crossed. I introduced myself had flown combat missions in Vietnam to have
and Haseman began to express his gratitude for both the tactical air support retired while still on military flying status.

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 37
President Richard Nixon sits with charts that he used to
illustrate a televised 1971 speech from the White House
announcing the withdrawal of an additional 100,000
U.S. troops from Vietnam by December of that year.
Nixon’s Vietnamization plan entailed a handover of
responsibility for prosecuting the war to South Vietnam.
EYEWITNESS TO
WITHDRAWAL
A FORMER SIGNAL SERGEANT REFLECTS ON
WHAT HE SAW AND EXPERIENCED AS NIXON’S
VIETNAMIZATION POLICY WAS PUT INTO PRACTICE
By David L. Anderson

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 39
Nixon (left) shakes hands
with South Vietnam’s
President Nguyen Van Thieu
at El Toro Marine Corps Air
Station in California in 1973.
Nixon’s plan to rapidly
decrease the U.S. presence
in Vietnam also decreased
the training time for the
handover to ARVN troops.

n June 8, 1969, U.S. President Richard Nixon and Re- throughout most of 1970, these obstacles to rapid

PREVIOUS SPREAD: BETTMANN/GETTY IMAGES; ABOVE: HUM IMAGES/UNIVERSAL IMAGES GROUP VIA GETTY IMAGES
public of Vietnam (RVN) President Nguyen Van Thieu Vietnamization appeared insurmountable.

I
stood side-by-side at Midway Island and formally
launched Vietnamization. The goal was to allow U.S. reported for induction on Oct. 14, 1968, went
operational combat forces to depart South Vietnam as through basic training at Fort Bliss, Texas, and
quickly as possible before the next U.S. presidential received orders for advanced training at the
election, leaving South Vietnam able to defend itself. Seven months after Electronic Warfare School at Fort Huachuca,
this announcement, I arrived in Cam Ranh Bay as a replacement headed for Ariz. Completing the high frequency radio oper-
the U.S. Army’s 1st Signal Brigade. I was about to have a front row seat on ator course (MOS 05B) in five weeks, I remained
Vietnamization in practice as a quality assurance NCO. Communication at Fort Huachuca as an instructor. With contro-
technology is an essential combat support function, which Gen. Creighton versy over the war growing, the Army was having
Abrams, U.S. commander in South Vietnam, had identified from the begin- trouble getting junior NCOs to reenlist. Instruc-
ning as critical if South Vietnam’s Armed Forces were to defend their coun- tors were needed. On Nov. 14, 1969, after only 13
try on their own. months in service, I was promoted to Sergeant
The short time projected for Vietnamization was inadequate for the E-5. Near the end of November, the training com-
South to build an effective national defense force with sufficient training to pany’s first sergeant called me into the orderly
wage modern warfare effectively. Such a project can require years—espe- room, looked across his desk, and said, “Congrat-
cially when the local government’s social, economic, and political founda- ulations, Sgt. Anderson, you’re going to Vietnam.”
tions have been stunted by a century of colonialism and nearly two decades I landed at Cam Ranh Bay on Jan. 6, 1970, with
of violent internal turmoil. From my vantage point in South Vietnam orders to report to Company C, 43rd Signal Bat-

40 VIETNAM
talion at An Khe in the Central Highlands. The 1st
Signal Brigade’s clerk at the 22nd Replacement
DEMILITARIZED
Tactical
Zones
ZONE
Dong Ha
Battalion, a buck sergeant like me, modified the Quang Quang Tri SOUTH
original orders. I literally went up the hill from the Tri
Hue
CHINA The Republic of Vietnam
replacement center to the 361st Signal Battalion. I Phu Bai
SEA was divided into four corps
could not believe my luck. Cam Ranh was a large Thua tactical zones. Anderson
Thien
and secure combat base. In the evenings off duty, was transferred for
I CORPS Da Nang
we wore civilian clothes, and there were a lot of TACTICAL assignment to I Corps, a
ZONE Quang Hoi An
creature comforts with barracks, hot showers, Nam
zone which consisted of
mess halls, snack bars, clubs, a big PX, and a beach Tam Ky ;W]\P>QM\VIU¼[Å^M
just over the hill. There was a problem, however. Quang Chu Lai northern provinces.
My MOS was 05B4H: high frequency radio oper-
LAOS Tin Quang Combat commands de-
Ngai
ator, NCO, instructor. My personnel folder also Quang pended on the 12th Signal
listed college graduate, high-speed code intercept Ngai Group to link their tactical
MILES
networks together and
operator, French linguist (based upon Army test- 0 30 SOUTH connect them to larger
AM
VIETN
ing and six semesters of college French), and a
regional and global com-
secret-cryptology clearance from my work at Fort
II CORPS ZONE munications networks.
Huachuca. The 361st operated tropospheric scat-
ter microwave facilities, and the Table of Organi-
zation and Equipment (TOE) of this high tech-
nology installation that could transmit almost 200
miles did not include any slots for high-frequency
radio operators.
The operations sergeant was on his third
straight tour in Vietnam, all at the same job. We
called him “Grandpa” behind his back, which
was a term of respect because it sure looked like
he ran the whole battalion. I knew virtually noth-
ing about tropospheric scatter communication,
but Grandpa was pleased to have me, mainly be-
cause I was a college graduate who could type
and compose a complete sentence. I soon discov-
ered that everyone in the office except the sarge
were college graduates. He immediately put me
to work as the author of various monthly and
quarterly reports but soon realized that I had a
Author David L. Anderson stands next to a Bell OH-58 Kiowa helicopter used for light
more valuable skill—French language ability. observation at the Phu Bai helipad as Vietnamization was underway. The quality
Vietnamization had created an urgent need for assurance team usually flew to sites in a UH-1 Huey, but occasionally the author flew
a linguist. The operations officer was a signal alone with the engineering officer or sergeant major in a light observation helicopter.
corps major with an ARVN signal captain as a
counterpart. The ARVN officer was in the battal- Molière than to conveying military technology. The mentoring process was
ion to learn to manage this integrated wideband slow and not, I am sure, what Washington envisioned Vietnamization to be.
communication site. The American officer had As bad as the situation was for efforts to Vietnamize the 361st Signal Battal-
studied Portuguese at West Point and didn’t ion across a serious language divide, the ad hoc process received a further
know any Vietnamese. The South Vietnamese setback with my sudden transfer out with no apparent way to bridge the
captain spoke French but little English. With no language gap. The commander of the 1st Signal Brigade later acknowledged
training as an interpreter and only basic conver- in his lessons-learned study that the language barrier hampered training.
COURTESY OF DAVID L. ANDERSON; MAP BY JON C. BOCK

B
sational French, it became my job to help the two
officers communicate. rigade headquarters at Long Binh refused to issue permanent orders
In the 361st Signal Battalion, Vietnamization assigning me to the 361st because my MOS was not authorized for
in 1970 hinged on an American officer mentor- that type of unit. It transferred me to 12th Signal Group at Phu Bai
ing an ARVN officer to take command of a high- for assignment somewhere in I Corps, the five northern provinces of the
ly technical facility through the hand gestures Republic of Vietnam. On Feb. 9, I got off a C-130 at Phu Bai airport. I waited
and college French of a sergeant whose expertise in the transient hooch at Headquarters, Headquarters Detachment, 12th
was tactical, not long-range communication, and Signal Group with my duffle bag packed. I could be off to any of the radio
whose French was better suited to translating telephone/teletype sites the brigade operated in support of the 101st Air-

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 41
gy of this vast system—sometimes referred to as
Top: The 63rd Signal Battalion operated this line-of-sight the AT&T of Southeast Asia—was powerful.
microwave relay at Phu Bai. Bottom: The Phu Bai combat base
was spartan in terms of clubs and post exchange services, but
Through tropospheric scatter, line-of-sight mi-
its gate sign proclaimed it “all right” with two L’s for emphasis. crowave, cable, and other electronic assets, a
commander could connect securely by voice,
teletype, or data from a combat bunker to any-
where in the world as long as 1st Signal Brigade
units in the field kept the complex system up and
working.
It was a daunting task for well-educated and
thoroughly trained signal soldiers with access to
reliable equipment. Would the ARVN be able to
manage this critical military infrastructure on its
own, especially in the short time that Washington
had allowed to accomplish Vietnamization? A
new brigade regulation had created Buddies To-
gether (Cung Than-Thien) to train Republic of
Vietnam Armed Forces signalmen in highly tech-
nical communications skills. Units like ours were
also expected to conduct surveys by special teams
in each corps tactical zone to determine where
American operators could turn over equipment
and operations to the South Vietnamese.
My team consisted of an electric generator me-
chanic (another sergeant), a radio operator (one
of my students at Fort Huachuca), and a drafts-
man. The latter two were SP4s and served as driv-
ers or guards or were assigned other tasks. We
usually traveled with the group’s engineering offi-
cer and the sergeant major from his office. The
colonel had wanted a sergeant first class (E-7) to
be the NCO, but senior NCOs were in short sup-
borne Division (Airmobile); 1st Brigade, 5th ply. He settled for me because of my education
Infantry Division (Mechanized); III Marine and instructor experience, and my rank was at
Amphibious Force (MAF); 1st ARVN Divi- least a hard stripe NCO. There were fewer than
sion; 2nd ARVN Division; or Republic of Ko- 10 E-5 and E-6 NCOs in the group headquarters.
rea Marine Brigade. I could expect to spend The team’s sergeant major (E-9) traveled with us
the next seven months at a division or battal- primarily to back me up if the issues at the site
ion headquarters, if I was lucky, or a small re- turned out to be related to command or person-
Creighton
Abrams mote site if I was less fortunate. nel problems.
As it turned out, I soon learned that I was The U.S. Army history of military communi-
going to be the group’s quality assurance cations in Vietnam describes the urgency of the
NCO in charge of a small team of three or four currently being assembled. task at hand. The recently completed Automatic
Col. D.W. Ogden Jr., the group commander, had created the team and its Digital Network (AUTODIN) could transmit an
FROM TOP: COURTESY OF DAVID L. ANDERSON (2); U.S. ARMY/GETTY IMAGES

“communication evaluation” mission because, I was told, he was tired of average of 1,500 words per minute, but the tacti-
complaints from the combat commanders cal teletype circuits to which it was connected
(termed “customers”) about the quality of The colonel passed traffic at 60 to 100 words per minute. Sig-
signal support from 1st Signal Brigade. The had wanted nal operators experienced continuous mainte-
combat commands had their own signal as- nance problems with their overextended ma-
sets, but depended on the 12th Signal Group
a sergeant chines. In the summer of 1970, the Da Nang tape
to link their tactical networks to others in ÅZ[\KTI[[\W relay received 20 flash messages (highest prece-
the corps tactical zone and from there to the be the NCO, dence) in a 20-minute period from the AUTO-
Integrated Communication System [ICS], but senior DIN. This signal company had to relay these
Southeast Asia and to worldwide networks NCOs were in messages to the tactical units on its circuits at 100
operated by the Strategic Communications
Command at Fort Huachuca. The technolo-
short supply. words per minute, which required about 20 min-
utes per message. This volume of traffic overheat-

42 VIETNAM
The 1st Signal Brigade trained ARVN soldiers
at the RVN signal school at Vung Tau and
through the Buddies Together program.
Language barriers and education gaps meant
that ARVN soldiers required longer training
periods than Vietnamization made available.

ed the recipients’ equipment, requiring transmis- mud in the rainy season and red dust other times),
sion to be slowed to 60 words per minute. As the which made it extremely difficult to establish a
official history records, “Besides such technical working electrical ground for the system. In some
problems, tactical operators lacking special train- cases, poor signal quality or even interrupted trans-
ing on the operation of the new Automatic Digi- mission was owing to where and how deep the met-
tal Network were bewildered by its formats and al grounding rods were installed. Without this basic
procedures. The 1st Signal Brigade had to keep setup at a tactical location, all the immense techni-
troubleshooting teams constantly on the road to cal power to connect the corps level and global sys-
help inexperienced operators.” tem was of no use. It was a variation on the “for want
The group’s Operational Report-Lessons of a nail” adage. In this case, for want of a ground,
Learned (ORLL) for July and October 1970 re- the message was lost; for want of a message, the bat- Signal Ops
corded major emphasis on improved communi- tle was lost.
The 1st Signal Brigade, with
cations through quality assurance inspections. My job took me to signal sites from the DMZ the motto, “First to
Working seven days a week, we were responsible southward to the Batangan Peninsula. Traveling Communicate,” connected
for maintaining the efficient and effective perfor- usually by UH-1 Huey helicopters, we went to commands in the field to a
mance of installations operated by 17 units in 5 Camp Carroll (the 1st ARVN Division’s forward complex communications
system known as the “AT&T
FROM TOP: COURTESY OF DAVID L. ANDERSON; HISTORYNET ARCHIVES

provinces. The QA team conducted 57 site in- command post just south of the DMZ), Quang Tri,
of Southeast Asia.”
spections in six months to improve equipment Dong Ha, Tan My, Hai Van Pass, Da Nang, Hoi An,
Technology including
maintenance, operator efficiency, site operating Tam Ky, Chu Lai, Duc Pho, and Quang Ngai. Our tropospheric scatter, line-of-
procedures, and customer satisfaction. Accord- work also included small fire bases and landing sight microwave, and cable
ing to the ORLLs, “Partly due to the effort of the zones: Hawk Hill (5 miles northwest of Tam Ky), provided network access.
Quality Assurance team the high standards of LZ Sharon (between Quang Tri and Dong Ha), and
customer service provided by units of the 12th FB Birmingham (southwest of Camp Eagle, headquarters of the 101st Air-
Signal Group were maintained or bettered.” borne, about 5 miles from Phu Bai). We went by road to sites in Phu Bai,

T
Hue, and Camp Eagle.
he smallest detail could become significant We tried to get into and out of a site (especially remote ones) in one day
when dealing with modern electronics. In without having to stay overnight. On one occasion, because helicopters
northern I Corps the soil was red clay (red were unavailable and a signal problem at III MAF needed urgent attention,

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 43
As Vietnamization ramped up, so did
U.S. efforts to provide more training to
ARVN troops. Despite the prolonged
U.S. presence in Vietnam, some ARVN
troops showed dependency on U.S.
forces. In this 1969 photo, a U.S.
adviser assists a local soldier in
adjusting his M-16 rifle front sight.

I went from Phu Bai to Da Nang in an open jeep tachment had responsibility for about five perimeter bunkers and had a
along Route 1 over Hai Van Pass with only one quick reaction team in the event of an assault on the base. With the shortage
other soldier to ride shotgun. That we could of junior NCOs in the detachment, I drew the duty as sergeant of the guard,
make that drive at all indicated that by 1970 the reserve force NCO, or staff duty NCO at least one night a week.
level of enemy activity along this key road had Most nights were uneventful, but occasionally I was NCOIC during
declined significantly. My sense was that the ene- probes of the perimeter or other imminent threats. One occurred during my
my was not deterred by the growing size of the last month in Vietnam. Perhaps Charlie knew I was short, because enemy
ARVN but was waiting for U.S. troop withdraw- bombardments and ground probes of Camp Eagle, nearby Camp Evans, and
als to continue. Unknown to me was the CIA’s Phu Bai increased markedly in July and August 1970. Actually, the enemy
Special National Intelligence Estimate of Feb. 5 was testing the progress of Vietnamization and not targeting me specifically.

T
that “Hanoi may be waiting until more US units
have departed, in the expectation that this will here were ARVN troops at many of our bases, but most of them pro-
provide better opportunities with lesser risks, vided perimeter security, manned artillery pieces, or handled sup-
and that Communist forces will be better pre- plies—not operating signal equipment. Similar to what I had wit-
pared to strike.” nessed at the 361st Signal Battalion, there were a few ARVN officers and
Phu Bai was a large and relatively secure base. NCOs shadowing American counterparts, but I observed little interaction
It was not Cam Ranh Bay, but there was a sign at or hands-on communication activity by Vietnamese. Aware of Vietnamiza-
the front gate proclaiming, “Phu Bai is Allright.” tion goals, I wrote to my parents: “The Vietnamization program is really
It received periodic mortar and rocket bombard- going on in earnest over here.… Even 12th Sig. Gp. is getting in on the
ment, especially aimed at runways, helipads, and ARVN training program. We have about 20 ARVN at various sites in the
signal towers. Signalmen are soldier-communi- Group receiving on-the-job training on a buddy system basis.” In retro-
U.S. ARMY

cators who provide specialized skills and defend spect, my estimate of 20 ARVN signalmen over a five-province area sug-
their installations against enemy attack. Our de- gests that the number being trained was woefully small. With the exception

44 VIETNAM
of Camp Carroll, an ARVN command post, I sel-
dom heard Vietnamese spoken at signal facilities.
An exception came when my team worked at
a line-of-sight microwave installation near Chu
Lai. A group of American military and civilian
officials appeared. There were ARVN signal sol-
diers at the site. A high-ranking U.S. officer asked
the American signal officer escorting them how
long it would be before the Vietnamese would be
ready to assume operation of this station on their
own. After a long pause, he reasonably estimated
about eight years. Enlisted ARVN signalmen had
an approximately sixth-grade education. It re-
quired two years or more of hands-on experience
for American soldiers with high school diplomas
to develop the technical knowledge and prob-
lem-solving skills needed for this military occu-
pation. The Nixon administration’s timetable for
Vietnamization and turning over the defense of
the RVN to its own military was measured in
months—not years.
ARVN perimeter guards stand at the Hoi An signal site in May 1970. As the author
Lt. Gen. Walter Kerwin, a senior U.S. adviser, prepared to return to the U.S., whole U.S. combat units were leaving Vietnam in
had estimated in 1969 that it would take five years accord with demands from Washington, D.C. Responsibility for the South’s military
for the ARVN to be self-sufficient. Washington’s communication network shifted from the U.S. government to private contractors.
goal was to have Vietnamization completed by
January 1973. My former unit, the 361st Signal In my two assignments as an impromptu interpreter and as a quality as-
Battalion, had been designated as a test of 1st Sig- surance NCO, I experienced some of the problems with Vietnamization.
nal Brigade’s buddy effort to turn over the fixed Studies of combat support at the time and soon after the war frequently
communication system to the South Vietnamese referenced what I personally witnessed—limitations on the effectiveness
Signal Directorate. That initiative explains the of Vietnamization because of language hurdles and lack of expertise on
presence of the ARVN captain in the battalion S-3 the part of the South Vietnamese to sup-
while I was there. That unit’s 1969 ORLLs assessed
that South Vietnam’s armed forces lacked the
The timetable port modern combat operations. In an oth-
erwise upbeat report on Vietnamization at
“broad scientific and technical education base… for turning the end of 1969, Secretary of Defense Mel-
to allow takeover of the ICS in [a] short time over defense of vin Laird singled out the challenge posed
frame.” This study projected a minimum of four the RVN to its by specialized training as a “serious con-
years for the South Vietnamese to take control own military cern.” “More English language instructors
and more realistically eight to 10 years.
As my return to the United States neared, en-
was measured and more trained technicians to man mili-
tary and civil communications systems are
tire U.S. combat units were leaving the RVN. The in months— required,” he admitted. He added that there
1st Signal Brigade’s primary mission of support not years. “were simply not enough qualified persons
for U.S. forces was narrowing. Gen. Abrams had in the Vietnamese manpower pool to fill all
wanted to keep a residual U.S. combat support the demands for technical skills.”
element to bolster Vietnamization, but the Penta- The bravery of the ARVN soldiers and their ability to shoot straight were
gon mandated sweeping reductions. necessary but not sufficient for battlefield success, as Gen. Abrams had per-
I left Vietnam on Sept. 8, after 1 year, 10 ceived when first receiving his marching orders from Washington. As a na-
months, and 26 days active duty and 8 months tion-state, the Republic of Vietnam had major structural weaknesses to
and 5 days in Vietnam. The 12th Signal Group overcome before it could field a modern military establishment. V
soon afterward relocated to Da Nang, as U.S.
commanders consolidated their remaining Anderson went directly from Vietnam in September 1970 to a classroom at
COURTESY OF DAVID L. ANDERSON

strength and transferred their signal assets to the the University of Virginia, where he later received a Ph.D. in history. After
ARVN. American aid paid private contractors to 45 years of teaching American foreign policy, he is now professor of history
operate the network as a stopgap to meet the emeritus at California State University, Monterey Bay, and a former senior
South’s military communication requirements, lecturer of national security affairs at the Naval Postgraduate School. His
but the days were almost gone when the U.S. twelfth book was Vietnamization: Politics, Strategy, Legacy, published in
Congress and public would pay the bill. 2019 by Rowman and Littlefield.

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 45
THE LIMITS OF
FIREPOWER MAJ. GEN. ROBERT H. SCALES ON
AMERICA’S WAY OF WAR IN VIETNAM
By Warren Wilkins

On the night of June 14, 1969, you were in command of a


105mm howitzer battery at Firebase Berchtesgaden, located
on a hill on the eastern side of the A Shau Valley, when a force
of approximately 100 North Vietnamese sappers attacked the
base. You received a Silver Star for your actions during the
battle. Tell us about that night.
My four guns and two 155mm howitzers were clustered together on this
mountaintop. In May 1969, the NVA [North Vietnamese Army] attacked my
sister battalion on Firebase Airborne. They destroyed guns, killed 13 soldiers,
and completely eviscerated that unit. One month later, they attacked us. They
attacked early in the morning, and the hole that I lived in was right on the
edge of the perimeter. My battery was the first thing they attacked. The god-
damn infantry that protected us had decided that they were going to be in
charge of illumination. The key to defeating a night attack is illumination. So

O
the infantry said that they would handle it, but I didn’t believe them. If you
ne of the nation’s foremost authori- look at Berchtesgaden on Google, you will see this one lone gun at the very
ties on firepower and land warfare, top of the firebase with the tube sticking up almost vertically. Well, that was
Robert H. Scales retired from the my gun. I kept that gun at 1100 mils [milliradians], one-and-a-half second
Army in 2001 after more than three delay on an illumination round, pointed straight up.
decades in uniform, much of it influenced by his We got involved in this horrendous fight, and I had to get to that gun
service in Vietnam. A 1966 graduate of the because the infantry never fired a round of illumination. The first sergeant
United States Military Academy, Scales initially and I fought like hell to get to that damn gun. Finally we got to it, and I
served in Germany before joining the 2nd pulled the lanyard. When that illumination round went off, it changed the
Battalion, 319th Artillery in Vietnam. Scales whole complexion of the battle. All of the sudden, the light went on and the
commanded a howitzer battery in the battalion troops started killing those guys. They [the NVA] were literally caught in
and earned a Silver Star in 1969. He would later the open. We fought like hell, beat them back, and killed a whole bunch of
lead artillery units in Korea, command the Field them. Our main mission as artillerymen was to shoot artillery, but an
Artillery Center at Fort Sill, and serve as the equally important mission for young gunners is to be able to defend your
Commandant of the U.S. Army War College. position. That was a lesson I learned.
Scales holds a doctorate in history from Duke
University and has written a number of critically Prior to the sapper attack, your battery had provided
acclaimed books, including Firepower in Limited artillery support for the 101st Airborne Division during
War, Certain Victory, and Yellow Smoke: The the battle for Hill 937, better known as “Hamburger Hill.”
Future of Land Warfare for America’s Military. In How did the employment of artillery in Vietnam compare
an interview with Vietnam contributor Warren to other American wars?
Wilkins, he discusses his experiences in Vietnam, You can almost draw a graph, starting with the 25th Infantry Division at
the role of firepower in that conflict, and the Guadalcanal, that traces the density of supporting fires dedicated to the
USNI

defining characteristics of American war-making. maneuver mission up through the Pacific battles, the Battle of the Bulge and

46 VIETNAM
U.S. Army airborne troops manning 105mm
howitzers at a firebase in the A Shau Valley stand
ready to provide support to nearby troops in 1968.

the push into Germany, and then forward to Korea. That graph or curve self—and this has been kind of a thesis of all the
goes way up in terms of the ratio of firepower expended versus the maneu- books I’ve written about firepower—that fire-
ver forces employed. Entire ships full of ammunition were expended in power has a limitation. We saw this in the First
1951-52 to preserve American lives. World War when artillery was shocking to both
By the time we got to Vietnam, this idea of trading firepower for man- sides early in the war. By 1917, there were images
power really started to take hold. So when I was there, no infantry unit was of the British “Tommy” [soldier] brewing tea in
allowed to maneuver outside the artillery fan. The infantry in Vietnam the middle of a barrage.
would literally maneuver by fire. Artillery was also used as a navigation aid, In the age of “imprecision”—before what we
to recon by fire and clear the way as units moved through the jungle, and to now call “precision” munitions—the primary im-
fire defensive concentrations. pact of artillery was psychological and not physi-
cal. It’s what’s called the palliative effect of artil-
Speaking of “Hamburger Hill,” you’ve noted that your battery lery. By the time I got to Vietnam [in 1968] the
hammered that hill with thousands of 105mm rounds, air psychological effects of artillery had dropped off
strikes blasted its slopes and summit, and yet the enemy considerably, and the enemy was no longer as in-
KWV\QV]ML\WÅOP\,QL\PQ[KI][MaW]\WZMKWV[QLMZ\PM timidated by our killing power as he was in 1965.
MЅKIKaWNÅZMXW_MZWV\PMJI\\TMÅMTL' Two things always amazed me about artillery—
When I was at Berchtesgaden, I was higher than Hamburger Hill and could one is the enormous pyrotechnic effect of artil-
look down on it through my scope. By the time our infantry had conducted lery going off over the enemy, and the other is the
their fifth or sixth assault, the top of that mountain was completely denud- remarkably few enemy it actually kills.
ed. I would sit there with my scope, and we’d fire and fire and fire. If our So from my experience at Hamburger Hill, I
troops got down, behind a log or something, we could shoot within 40 me- learned that there is a crossover point in the use
ters [of them] if we were very careful. of artillery and firepower at which its ability to
I would look through that scope, and as soon as we lifted our fires, I could influence the maneuver battle diminishes consid-
AP PHOTO

see those little guys [the NVA] come out from those underground bunkers erably. If a soldier is warm and protected—in
and take up positions and start shooting back. I remember saying to my- other words, if he’s down or better yet under cov-

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 47
\PMM`Q[\QVOXWTQ\QKIT
KTQUI\MWZLWaW]IOZMM
_Q\PKZQ\QK[_PWIZO]M\PI\
\PMUQTQ\IZa¼[W^MZZMTQIVKM
WVPMI^a[]XXWZ\QVOÅZM[
]VLMZUQVML)UMZQKIV
XIKQÅKI\QWVMЄWZ\[IVL
NIQTML\WILLZM[[\PM\Z]M
VI\]ZMWN\PMMVMUa\PZMI\'
I argue in my book [Firepower in
Limited War] that in a counter-
insurgency campaign, firepower
has its limits. But I failed to men-
tion the psychological impact of
firepower on the civilian popula-
tion and the deadening effect it
has on the innocent. That is par-
ticularly important when you’re
fighting a war seeking popular
support. So the presence of inno-
cents on the battlefield greatly
diminishes your ability to apply
overwhelming firepower. The
second thing we learned in Viet-
nam was that, after a while, fire-
U.S. Marines man a 155mm gun position on Guadalcanal during World War II. Scales power becomes an inhibitor rather than a facilita-
asserts that “you can almost draw a graph” tracing the “density of supporting fires tor of your ability to maneuver. So the days of
dedicated to the maneuver mission” in American warfare beginning at Guadalcanal. using light infantry as a find, fix, and finish force
were greatly diminished because of its inability to
er—it takes an awful lot of rounds to kill him. And no matter how much move outside the arc of artillery.
artillery and firepower you pile onto that—again I’m talking about “dumb” The Army was on the horns of a dilemma. The
artillery and “dumb” firepower—its ability to influence the battle diminish- center of gravity of the American military in
es with time. That was reinforced in Korea and Vietnam. Vietnam was dead Americans, and the NVA
knew it. In World War II, Col. [Hiromichi] Yaha-
The U.S. military—particularly the Army—clearly favored ra, who served with the Japanese army on Okina-
ÅZMXW_MZW^MZUIVM]^MZQV>QM\VIU?I[\PQ[MUXPI[Q[WV wa, wrote a series of missives in which he said,
ÅZMXW_MZ]VQY]M\W\PI\KWVÆQK\WZ_I[Q\UMZMTaIZMÆMK\QWV essentially, the only way you can beat America is
WN_PI\[WUMPI^MKITTML\PM¹)UMZQKIV_IaWN_IZº' to kill Americans. We lost in Vietnam not be-
We do emphasize firepower, but the Russians do the same. Although the cause we were not able to defeat the enemy in
Russians are far more willing to sacrifice human lives than we are, they have battle, or that we had too little or too much fire-
a very similar doctrine…. In Vietnam it was a career ender if your maneu- power, but because too many Americans died
ver force was caught outside the reach of your artillery. And that psycholo- and we tired of it first, just as Ho Chi Minh pre-
gy continued all the way into Desert Storm. As late as Desert Storm, one of dicted the French would do before us. The only
the cardinal tenets of the American way of war was to never exceed the way to save lives in the close fight in Vietnam was
limits of your artillery. through the use of protective fires. But firepower
The American army was caught in a dilemma in Vietnam. We had became a millstone around our necks in terms of
reached the limit, before the point where we could achieve our maneuver our ability to maneuver. It also had a debilitating
objectives, when artillery was no longer all that helpful. So what do you do? effect on our ability to maintain the “hearts and
Do you start expending more human lives to achieve your objectives be- minds” of the people.
cause you are no longer protected by firepower? Or do you fall back under So we reached a plateau in our use of fire-
the protective arcs of your artillery and refuse to maneuver beyond that and power, beyond which we could not go, and for
give the enemy the advantage? And until the “precision” revolution in 1972, which we had no alternative by 1970. Anytime
that’s sort of where we were. you put maneuver forces forward in close contact
NATIONAL ARCHIVES

with the enemy, soldiers are going to die. Yet we


1VZM\ZW[XMK\LWaW]JMTQM^M\PI\IÅZMXW_MZ̆ÅZ[\IXXZWIKPQV got to a point by 1970-71 where, anytime an
>QM\VIU_I[R][\QÅMLOQ^MV\PMWXMZI\QVOMV^QZWVUMV\IVL American soldier died, it would end up on the

48 VIETNAM
Part of the reason that we rely so heavily on the artillery was that the
revolution at Fort Sill [home of U.S. field artillery] was such that we came
up with by far the best artillery firepower system in the world. We just were
never really able to embed it into the Army’s system until our experiences
in North Africa taught us how to do it and how to provide close support.
But we just hit the wall in terms of our ability to do that, because the enemy
has a vote.
What did the Japanese do at Okinawa? What did the Chinese and North
Koreans do? What did the NVA do? They learned how to effectively count-
er American firepower dominance by maneuvering outside of the [fire-
power] range fan, hugging maneuver units so that they couldn’t bring in
heavy close supporting fires, using camouflage, and going to ground.

<WZML]KM\PMLM[\Z]K\Q^MMЄMK\[WN)UMZQKIVÅZMXW_MZ
the Viet Cong and North Vietnamese would frequently
When discussing the limitations of firepower, Scales
¹P]Oº)UMZQKIVQVNIV\Za]VQ\[QVJI\\TM0W_MЄMK\Q^M
notes that although artillery was at first shocking to was that tactic?
soldiers in World War I, men soon became accustomed It was very effective. I saw that firsthand. They were literally willing to die
to it–enough to brew tea during barrages on the front. under our artillery fan to stay in their holes, frankly longer than we ever
would, in order to continue to kill us. Remember, their purpose was not to
front page of the New York Times. So you have hold ground. Their purpose was to kill us.
two choices to keep those soldiers safe: lock them
in firebases and let the enemy run amok in the Gen. Vuong Thua Vu, former deputy chief of the North
countryside and control the population, or put >QM\VIUM[M)ZUa/MVMZIT;\IЄKPIZIK\MZQbML\PM)UMZQKIV
them out there under the protective umbrella of practice of generating contact with enemy troops and then
firepower but greatly limit their ability to maneu- calling in artillery and air strikes to destroy them as an
ver. It was that juxtaposition between keeping ¹W]\UWLMLÅOP\QVOUM\PWLWNIKW_IZLTaJ]\IOOZM[[Q^M
soldiers safe—our vulnerable center of gravity— army.” Similarly, some of our Australian and South Korean
or being able to maneuver and control territory, allies have suggested that the American infantryman, while
and we were never able to reconcile that. certainly not “cowardly,” nevertheless relied too much on
ÅZMXW_MZ0W_LQL)UMZQKIV[WTLQMZ[IVL5IZQVM[XMZNWZU
The traditional role of the infantry has in infantry combat?
always been to close with and destroy For a drafted army and to some extent a [drafted] Marine Corps, they per-
the enemy. American infantry units in formed remarkably well. Whenever the U.S. Army got involved in what
Vietnam, however, typically sought to [retired Marine Corps general and former U.S. Secretary of Defense] Jim
ÅVL\PMMVMUa[W\PI\ÅZMXW_MZKW]TL Mattis and I call “intimate killing,” they did it remarkably well, considering
destroy him. Did this change in tactics what was at stake. The critics have this wrong, because I suspect if you were
occur organically within individual South Korean, or Australian, or whomever and had
XTI\WWV[IVLKWUXIVQM[QV\PMÅMTL that firepower available to you, you would fight pre-
or was it mandated by some higher cisely the same way. The problem is that you want to
PMILY]IZ\MZ[IVL\PMVKWLQÅMLJa avoid intimate killing, and in that sense the American
formal regulations? army had it right. But the limits of technology pre-
Actually, it was both. One of the amazing things cluded the American army from avoiding intimate
about the American way of war—and we saw this contact without the cost of logistics being so great that
in World War II, particularly as American sol- it was no longer effective.
TOP: NATIONAL LIBRARY OF SCOTLAND; RIGHT: HISTORYNET ARCHIVES

diers became more literate and as the American So I have no problem whatsoever with the tactics
army became more egalitarian—is that tactical that the American close combat forces used in Viet-
innovation in the American army, beginning in nam. My critique has always been with the firepower
North Africa, really came from the bottom up, system that supported them. I have no problem what- In his book Firepower
not the top down. That’s different than the Rus- soever with finding, fixing, and finishing—the three in Limited War, Scales
sian army, which is ruled by norms driven by the words we used to describe Vietnam combat. I do have examines the advantages
and limitations of
general staff. The American soldier, when he a problem with the technology that we used in our firepower by analyzing its
learns something that will keep him alive, will firepower system to do the finishing part. It was always effects in several pivotal
embrace it and proliferate it very quickly. You inefficient, logistically burdensome, and reached a recent conflicts. The book
was placed on the Marine
build a firepower system around what the sol- point of diminishing returns. What the “precision” Corps Commandant’s
diers are telling you makes it most effective. revolution has allowed us to do is reverse that. V Reading List.

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 49
WILDLIFE OF
VIETNAM
A VARIETY OF DANGEROUS AND OPPORTUNISTIC
CREATURES INHABITED JUNGLE BATTLEFIELDS
By Zita Ballinger Fletcher
A green pit viper can be an alarming
but common sight across the jungles of
Southeast Asia, including in Vietnam.
There are many different types of pit
vipers. Like all snakes, these vipers are
deaf and sense vibrations to “hear.”
Pit vipers are one of the most highly
evolved–and dangerous–types of snake.
Their heat-sensing “pit” organs give
them thermal vision which allows them
to strike with high accuracy at moving
objects even in pitch darkness. Retract-
able fangs add to their attack speed.

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 51
Wildlife
of Vietnam

W
hen we think about war,
it is tempting to focus
only on its human
participants. Sometimes
it is all too easy to forget that the natural A
world around us is, in fact, alive and
dynamic, and filled with creatures that can
have unpredictable and dangerous
interactions with humans. Soldiers often
run across these creatures when fighting
in harsh or remote environments—indeed
these creatures often literally run, or crawl,
across them. Wildlife in war zones can be
fascinating, annoying, or even fatal.
Animals and insects remind us that,
despite incredible advances in technology
and weaponry, there are still some things
that humans cannot fully control. The
Vietnam War is a particularly good
example of this—a war in which a
“Spooky” gunship could wipe out enemy
troops in wreaths of fiery destruction, yet
something as tiny and fragile as a single
mosquito could bring death by transmit-
ting malaria. Numerous men who fought
in Vietnam mention their interactions
with wildlife—good, bad, or ugly. Many of
these creatures are common across
Southeast Asia, and there are too many to
describe in a single article. In this
portfolio, we take a look at animals and
insects that posed dangers to soldiers in
Vietnam. In some cases, the danger seems
obvious; in others, not so much. It is
worth noting that the enemy often used
venomous creatures against American and
allied troops when possible. The VC made
use of snakes, spiders, and scorpions to
guard entrances to underground tunnel
systems; “guard” snakes were suspended
from tunnel ceilings to strike intruders,
while spiders and scorpions were released
from baskets to sting interlopers entering
passageways [read more at: www.history-
net.com/tunnel-rats-vietnam]. Sometimes
soldiers had to get creative to keep
unwelcome creatures away from them.
There is no question that the presence of
dangerous wildlife made fighting the
Vietnam War even tougher. V
B

52 VIETNAM
C

There is no
question that
the presence of
dangerous
wildlife made
ÅOP\QVO\PM
Vietnam War
even tougher.

D E
RIGHT, CLOCKWISE FROM TOP: JAMES WARWICK/GETTY IMAGES; STEPHEN DESMOND/ALAMY; MOBRAFOTOGRAFIE/ALAMY
PREVIOUS SPREAD: JOHN SULLIVAN/ALAMY; LEFT, FROM TOP: NATURE PICTURE LIBRARY/ALAMY; EPHOTOCORP/ALAMY;

A The king cobra, the world’s longest venomous snake, can grow up to about 19 feet and when threatened can raise
itself upright to about one third of its full length, which can make it as tall as a person. The king cobra growls, has
sharp eyesight and potent venom, and prefers to eat other snakes. B The bamboo viper is another type of pit viper
found in Vietnam. Pit vipers’ speed, toxicity, and preference for hunting at night make them formidable reptiles.
Rattlesnakes and pythons share the same type of “thermal vision” as pit vipers. C Tigers were once widespread in
Vietnam; these “big cats” hunt alone and prey on large mammals such as deer. Sadly, recent reports indicate that
tigers have possibly gone extinct from both Vietnam and Laos due to hunting. D The Vietnamese funnel web spider
is one of many arachnids that inhabit wooded areas of Vietnam. Despite their delicate appearance, funnel web
spiders can deliver fatal bites and their fangs are often sharp enough to penetrate clothing and shoes. E The
Vietnamese tiger tarantula is a large and highly aggressive spider that lives in muddy undergrowth, often around
rice paddies. It packs a powerful bite and, unlike other tarantulas, tends to be confrontational.

AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 53
Wildlife of Vietnam

F G

CLOCKWISE FROM TOP LEFT: JOHN DOWNER/GETTY IMAGES; ARTERRA PICTURE LIBRARY/ALAMY; DPA PICTURE ALLIANCE/ALAMY; PANTHER MEDIA GMBH/ALAMY;
H I

RIGHT PAGE CLOCKWISE FROM TOP: CULTURA CREATIVE RF/ALAMY; PAKORN LOPATTANAKIJ/ALAMY; JOHN S. LANDER/GETTY IMAGES

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1\Q[IVIOOZM[[Q^M[XMKQM[SVW_V\WSQTTQ\[W_VSQVL_Q\PIXIQVN]T[\QVOIVLXIZITa\QK^MVWUL<PMUW[Y]Q\W_I[
XZWJIJTa\PMUW[\LIVOMZW][KZMI\]ZMNIKMLJa\ZWWX[QV\PM>QM\VIU?IZJMKI][MQ\[JQ\MKW]TLKIZZaUITIZQI

54 VIETNAM
Wildlife in
war zones can
be fascinating,
annoying, or J
even fatal.

L
AU T U M N 2 0 2 3 55
LEADERSHIP LESSONS
FROM A WOLFHOUND
Lt. Gen. Robert F. Foley has led a distinguished nam War and the details of his experiences as an
career in the U.S. Army. Graduating from the infantryman “in country,” especially during Op-
U.S. Military Academy at West Point, he served eration Attleboro.
as a company commander in Vietnam with the Foley is a battle-tested Wolfhound and it is
27th Infantry Regiment, famed as the “Wolf- with justifiable pride that he frequently alludes
hounds,” and received the Medal of Honor for to the prowess of his regiment, organized in 1901
Standing Tall: his actions during Operation Attleboro in No- and fighting under the motto, Nec aspera terrent,
Leadership vember 1966. Foley subsequently rose to become meaning “No fear on earth.” Fearless in combat,
Lessons in the a battalion and brigade commander with the 3rd Foley also shows himself to be fearless in sharing
Life of a Soldier Infantry Division in Germany, served as West his overall views about the Vietnam War itself.
By Lt. Gen. Robert F. Point commandant of cadets, and was com- Some soldiers are leery of wading into politics,
Foley, U.S. Army Ret., manding general of the Fifth U.S. Army. but Foley makes some controversial observa-
Casemate Publishers, In his autobiographical book Standing Tall: tions which merit further reflection. Foley’s crit-
2022, $34.95 Leadership Lessons in the Life of a Soldier, Foley icism of the war is not reactionary; he is well-
offers us an in-depth view of his read on the Vietnam War in addition to having
MEDIA life and military career. The book experienced it himself, and he cites a variety of
DIGEST contains a detailed account of firsthand sources as a foundation for his criti-
ROBERT F. FOLEY VIA CASEMATE PUBLISHERS

Foley’s life, including his family cisms. Foley alludes with regret to a failed op-
background, career milestones, interactions portunity for the United States to form a work-
with comrades, his marriage, faith, and experi- ing alliance with North Vietnamese leaders,
Foley (center) meets ences with mentors. It is a very personal book describing how Ho Chi Minh’s life was saved by
with German officers in U.S. Office of Strategic Services (OSS) officers in
and there is a lot of material to sink into. Readers
1984 during his time
commanding U.S. troops of Vietnam magazine will likely be most interest- August 1945. “After the OSS dissolution on Oc-
stationed in Germany. ed in Foley’s overall observations about the Viet- tober 1, 1945, its solidarity with the Viet Minh

56 VIETNAM
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vanished in the wake of the American and Allies’ pursuit of a new world or-
der,” Foley writes. He also cites the words of Col. Harry Summers, founding
editor of Vietnam magazine, from the latter’s work On Strategy: “Every mili-
tary operation should be directed towards a clearly defined, decisive and at-
tainable objective.” Foley is plainly skeptical of the Eisenhower administra-
tion’s policies based on an abstract “domino theory.” He argues that the
Vietnam War “had no clearly defined objective” and that “conditions for de-
claring war against North Vietnam did not meet the criteria for a national se-
curity interest.”
On Aug. 5, 1966, Foley became the commanding officer of Alpha Company,
2nd Battalion, 27th Infantry (Wolfhounds) while serving in Vietnam. His de-
scriptions of the actions he took in the war zone demonstrate his competent
leadership. For example, his “cure” for VD among his troops was depriving the
stricken misbehavers of bed rest and ordering them instead to participate in
all regular combat duties, regardless of their physical discomfort springing off
helicopters and shuffling through leech-filled rice paddies. The rate of infec-
tions quickly dropped to zero. “We lived with our soldiers 24 hours a day—we
knew them and they knew us,” writes Foley. He allowed his subordinates lee-

e c k i t O u t ! way to devise deceptive methods to counteract communist forces attempting


Ch to infiltrate their base camp in night attacks. Foley also shares humorous anec-

THIS WEEK IN
dotes about his encounter with a bamboo viper and an occasion when he top-
pled into a well, only to be serenaded by his grinning men later with a new
take on an old nursery rhyme: “Ding Dong Dell, there’s a captain in the well!”

HISTORY
Foley describes Nov. 5, 1966, as “the most difficult and devastating day” for
his company in Vietnam. During Operation Attleboro, Foley was ordered to
break into an enemy bunker system to create a corridor through which trapped
comrades could escape back to friendly lines. He and his men were facing
NVA regulars, and because the surrounded Americans were so close to enemy
AN ORIGINAL VIDEO SERIES
bunkers, his options were limited. “I couldn’t employ artillery, close air sup-
Join hosts Claire and Alex as port or gunships,” according to Foley. As his group got stalled in dense under-
they explore—week by week— brush and his men fell down shot all around him, Foley got “angry as hell” and
the people and events that have took matters into his own hands. Accompanied by Pvt. First Class Charles
shaped the world we live in. Dean, who carried ammunition belts for him plus a grenade launcher, Foley
swooped up an M-60 machine gun and led a charge against the NVA. The
NVA fled the battlefield taking heavy losses and Foley succeeded in rescuing
the hemmed-in U.S. troops. He was wounded by shrapnel from a grenade.
Foley was awarded the Silver Star and later received the Medal of Honor for
his actions, but above all credits his fellow Wolfhounds who followed him into
the fray, saying that their “indomitable spirit…made all the difference.”
True to its title, the book chronicles the evolution of a young soldier into an
effective and capable military leader. Foley shares wise observations about
leadership of soldiers that have withstood the test of time throughout military
history, such as: “Good leaders make it a habit to get out of the command
bunker, walk around the unit area, and be accessible—in the chow line, on the
rifle range, in the mess hall, or in the barracks.” Anyone familiar with the his-
tory of war will know that military science is not the science of agreement or
passivity; the edifice of war history is etched with instances in which com-
manders have not agreed with each other—this friction is beneficial. Foley
shares insights about military leadership in difficult moments. “Leaders must
also have the courage to say no when the mission has unacceptable risk, when
essential resources are not provided, or when following orders is simply not an
option,” writes Foley. “A solid background in moral-ethical reasoning is essen-
tial for leaders to feel confident in asserting their beliefs.… They can’t walk by
HISTORYNET.COM the red flags of ethical turmoil and then maintain, during damage recovery,
that there were no indicators.”
—Zita Ballinger Fletcher
HOW DID
BUZZ ALDRIN
FIRST DESCRIBE
THE LUNAR
LANDSCAPE?
A majestic forbidding land,
a very dark desert, magnificent
desolation, or a really groovy place?

For more, visit


HISTORYNET.COM/MAGAZINES/QUIZ

ANSWER: MAGNIFICENT DESOLATION.


BUZZ ALDRIN, THE SECOND MAN TO WALK
THE LUNAR SURFACE, SPOKE THESE WORDS
SHORTLY AFTER NEIL ARMSTRONG SAID
“THAT’S ONE SMALL STEP FOR A MAN,
ONE GIANT LEAP FOR MANKIND.”
Towards the end of
the Vietnam War,
the communist North
resorted to increasingly
conventional battlefield
tactics and threw more
tanks into the fray.

Ferocious Tank Battles


After years of wearing down its South Vietnamese of M48A3s, which could outfight the NVA’s T-54s
and American opponents with a mixture of guer- in long-range duels. Although aided by South
rilla and light infantry tactics, North Vietnam cast Vietnamese and American air support that their
them aside for a thoroughly conventional inva- opponents lacked, the ARVN armored units were
sion in 1972, with both sides putting an unprece- handicapped by corrupt senior officers and a
dented emphasis on armored warfare. William E. fighting doctrine that spread them too thinly
Hiestand does a comprehensive survey of the over the three fronts on which they had to fight.
equipment, organization, doctrine, and combat Despite their formidable arsenal of Soviet- and
practices of the North Vietnamese Army and Chinese-built T-54s and amphibious PT-76 and
the South’s Army of the Republic of Vietnam in Type 63 light tanks, the NVA tankers plunged
No. 303 of Osprey’s “New Vanguard” weaponry into the South with a rather inflexible doctrine
monographs, Tanks in the Easter Offensive 1972. that often caused them to hesitate when they
Tanks in Ironically, by 1972 the ARVN armored ele- should have followed up. They also showed that
JACQUES PAVLOVSKY/SYGMA/CORBIS/SYGMA VIA GETTY IMAGES

the Easter ment had evolved markedly since the early 1960s, they had much to learn about coordinating their
7ЄMV[Q^M! when it inherited its armor from the departing tanks’ operations with their infantry and artillery.
By William E. French, only to be used more for instruments of When evaluating the performance of both
Hiestand, Osprey political rivalry, with M24 light tanks cynically sides, however, the author rightly reminds the
Publishing, 2022, dubbed “voting machines” and their crewmen reader that in practice the Easter Offensive was
$19
“coup troops.” Well trained and motivated, the not determined by tanks or armored personnel
ARVN tankers made the most of their M41A3 carriers alone. The campaign saw extensive allied
Walker Bulldog light tanks—essentially enlarged use of the M72 light anti-tank weapon as well as
M24s with higher velocity 76mm guns—but the debut of the TOW (tube-launched, optically
worked most effectively with their limited supply tracked, wire-guided) missile. The NVA soldier,

60 VIETNAM
A conversational
approach to
interpreting
history!
Listen as
hosts Patrick
and Matt connect
you with your
favorite stories
from the past—
as well as ones
you may have
never heard!
@The HistoryThingsPodcast
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already experienced at using the RPG (rock- ubiquitous 12.7 and 14.7mm machine guns.
et-propelled grenade) and recoilless rifle, also Profusely illustrated with photographs and profiles, Tanks in the Easter
made deadly use of newly introduced AT-3 Sag- Offensive 1972 offers a fascinating evaluation of two armies adapting their
ger anti-tank guided missiles. As for the undis- combat doctrines to new-generation weapons, very much as they went
puted air power backing the ARVN, the NVA along, while the Cold War powers who armed them observed with interest
tankers had to rely on a new generation of of their own.
self-propelled anti-aircraft guns alongside its —Jon Guttman

Bombing North Vietnam


particular history affected U.S. policy toward
Indochina in general and the use and misuse
of USAF air assets from the onset of Ameri-
The first U.S. Air Force F-4E can involvement. With the benefit of hind-
Phantoms to arrive in Southeast
Asia are shown at Korat Airbase sight, Cleaver’s analyses of the air war’s prog-
in Thailand in November 1968. ress include some eyebrow-raising con-
clusions, such as that of the clandestine war
against the Ho Chi Minh Trail by the 606th
Special Operations Squadron and its propel-
ler-driven AT-28Ds, A-1Es, and A-1Hs: “A
squadron that never numbered more than 12
aircraft was more successful in its mission
than the rest of the Seventh Air Force.” An-
other opportunity missed appears in a retro-
spective revelation from North Vietnamese
commander in chief Vo Nguyen Giap that,
“We always knew we would have to cease the
struggle the day the B-52s arrived over Ha-
noi.” The time to have done so effectively,
however, would have been 1965, not 1972.
In recent years, more and more information has Within all the “big picture” overviews of the
come to light on North Vietnam’s air defenses learning processes of air operations such as Roll-
during its war with the United States. On a tactical ing Thunder and the two Linebackers are compel-
level, this has helped the U.S. Air Force and Navy ling accounts on the aerial actions therein, as de-
to check their air-to-air victories against the ene- scribed by airmen from both sides. Among the
my’s...and vice versa. On a strategic level, it has many new additions that emerge from that more
added insights as to how the original establish- personal research is the identity of all five victo-
ment and subsequent changes in doctrine on both ries scored by USAF ace pilot Steve Ritchie (iden-
sides affected the course of the air war. The latest tifying his first “MiG-21” as a MiG-19) and a re-
result of this ongoing compilation, Going Down- vised description of North Vietnamese losses in
town: The U.S. Air Force Over Vietnam, Laos and Operation Bolo on Jan. 2, 1967. It also revises
Cambodia, 1961-75, has a somewhat puzzling ti- Operation Bolo, from seven MiG-21s claimed by
Going Downtown: tle, since a firsthand account by that name has Col. Robin Olds’ wing and five actually shot down
The U.S. Air Force been written by Jack Broughton, a very active par- to four shot down outright and three returning
Over Vietnam, Laos ticipant in bombing North Vietnam (or “going with various degrees of damage. (An improve-
and Cambodia, downtown,” as the Air Force called it). The title is ment? Too bad Robin isn’t around for comment.)
1961-75 a bit confusing, too, since it extends its scope to In sum, Going Downtown should add some
By Thomas McKelvey U.S. Air Force operations elsewhere in Indochina. interesting insights to discussions of lessons
Cleaver, Osprey Reading past editorial anomalies, author learned from Vietnam and is a useful research
Publishing, 2022, Thomas McKelvey Cleaver puts his narrative of tool in combination with the author’s previous
$30 the USAF’s experiences over Indochina within treatment of the U.S. Navy’s involvement in In-
U.S. AIR FORCE

the context of Vietnam’s history with the Western dochina, The Tonkin Gulf Yacht Club.
powers, since American ignorance about that —Jon Guttman

62 VIETNAM
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Alicia, Army Veteran
As a sergeant, Waldron earned his first DSC for
a combined series of 14 sniper missions during
the period from Jan. 16 to Feb. 4, 1969, while serv-
ing with Company B, 3rd Battalion, 60th Infantry.
On Jan. 19, while his company was being resup-
plied near Ap Hoa, Kien Hoa Province, they were
attacked by a force of some 40 VC. Under a heavy
barrage of small arms and automatic weapons
fire, Waldron engaged the attacking force from an
exposed position, killing a number of the VC and
forcing them to break contact.
Three nights later, on the night of Jan. 22, Wal-
dron’s unit was moving through an area heavily
infested with booby traps. Pinpointing a VC
probing force, Waldron engaged them, moving
through open rice paddies from one firing posi-
tion to another. By skillfully deceiving the com-
munists as to the actual strength of the American
unit, Waldron prevented a night assault by the
main enemy element. Eleven days later, on the

HIGHEST
night of Feb. 3, a nearby South Vietnamese Army
unit came under attack. Moving to the sound of

SCORING SNIPER
the guns, Waldron spotted a VC element at-
tempting to flank the ARVN soldiers. He broke
up the attack with deadly accurate fire. Later that
night he killed a VC who was collecting the
ADELBERT WALDRON III KILLED weapons of his dead comrades.
109 ENEMIES IN VIETNAM Waldron received his second DSC for another
combined series of 18 sniper missions in Kien
By David T. Zabecki Hoa Province from Feb. 5 to March 29, 1969. On
Feb. 14, while his squad was on a night patrol near
U.S. Army Staff Sgt. Adelbert F. Waldron III was the highest-scoring Amer- Ap Phu Thuan, Waldron observed a numerically
ican sniper of the Vietnam War, with 109 confirmed kills. He was also the superior VC force maneuvering to assault a near-
most highly decorated, earning the Distinguished Service Cross twice, the by friendly unit. Moving rapidly from one posi-
Silver Star, and three Bronze Star Medals. Born in Syracuse, N.Y., in 1933, tion to another to deceive the enemy as to the
Waldron served in the U.S. Navy from 1953 to 1965, leaving the service as strength of his squad, Waldron killed several VC
a petty officer 2nd class. In 1968 he enlisted in the U.S. Army and at age 35 and broke up their attack. On Feb. 26, near Phu
completed airborne school to earn his jump wings. In late Tuc, Waldron killed a VC rocket team preparing
HALL OF 1968 he was assigned to the 9th Infantry Division in the to fire on MRF boats. At Ap Luong Long Noi on
VALOR Mekong Delta. Upon arriving in-country, Waldron at- March 8, when his company was attacked by a
tended the 9th Infantry Division’s sniper school, estab- large VC force, Waldron killed many of the attack-
lished by the division’s legendary commander, Maj. Gen. Julian J. Ewell. ers and forced them to withdraw. As the official
Waldron was assigned to the 3rd Battalion, 60th Infantry Regiment (3-60), citation for his second DSC reads, “Despite ad- PHOTO: U.S. ARMY COURTESY OF KYLE J. WASKO; MEDAL: HISTORYNET ARCHIVES

part of the Mobile Riverine Force (MRF) operating on the waterways of the verse weather conditions, poor illumination and
Mekong Delta. Waldron’s better-known U.S. Marine sniper counterparts, the pressure of arduous missions night after night,
Carlos Hathcock (93 confirmed kills), Eric R. England (98), and Charles he repeatedly located and engaged many hostile
Mawhinney (103), used bolt-action rifles. Waldron, however, used the semi- elements, killing a number of the enemy.”
automatic M-21 sniper rifle—a 7.62mm M-14 rifle fitted with an optical After returning from Vietnam Waldron served
scope and accurized by the Rock Island Arsenal. He frequently operated at briefly as an instructor for the U.S. Army Marks-
night using a starlight scope. On several occasions he made his kills from a manship Unit. He left the Army in 1970 and
moving boat platform, in one case at a range of more than 900 meters. worked as a firearms instructor at a private para-
As a Specialist 4, Waldron earned the Silver Star in January 1969 while on military training school operated by former Of-
a reconnaissance mission in Kien Hoa Province. After establishing a night fice of Strategic Services operative and merce-
outpost, Waldron spotted enemy movement to his front. For more than three nary Mitchell WerBell. Waldron died in 1995 and
hours he engaged the VC force from his concealed position, killing 11. He is buried in Riverside National Cemetery in Riv-
withdrew only after the enemy finally detected his firing position. erside, California. V

64 VIETNAM
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