Social Scientist

Mass Political Participation and Democracy

Author(s): K. Seshadri
Source: Social Scientist, Vol. 2, No. 11 (Jun., 1974), pp. 3-25
Published by: Social Scientist
Stable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/3516953 .
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 ff SESHADRI

MassPoliticalParticipation
andDemocracy

THE conceptofparticipation is once againreceivinga lotofattention,

as themechanisms providedin thebourgeois politicalstructure are pro-
vinginadequateto satisfy the aspirationsfora newsocialstructure and to
voicethediscontent againsttheexisting one. The 'liberal'democracy to
whichthewestern nationspaid such homage has proveditselfto be an
apologyand a justification forthestatus quo in socialrelations
createdby
theindustrial civilizationwhereinonlya fewelites couldassumetherole
of all-knowinU, representatives of the masseswho by and large are
apatheticto theintricate processofdecision-making. Basingtheirobserva-
tionon normaltimes,someofthe Westernapologists of 'apathy,'postu-
latedapathyitselfas an essentialcondition fortheworkinc, ofdemocracy.l
It is truethatpeopledo notalwaysparticipate, butwhencrucialissuesare
thrown intothefore,participationofthemassesalwaystakesplace. With
theadventofgreatereducationand the increasingdiscontent caused by
industria]isation
moreand morepeoplewanttohavea greatershareinthe
decision-making process.Participationhas assumeda greatersignificance
todayin thecontextofthe'New Left'movements, particularlyin France,
and thepopularacceptanceof 'participatory democracy'as beingsomew
thingmorethandemocracy in theliberalsenseoftheterm.
The Westernpolitical scientistsimplfrby 'participation'al}

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4 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

activitiesthatsupportthesystem includint,thosewhichnzaybe tempora-

rilyopposedto therulingpartyor elite whileanyactionof themassesto
upsetthewhole'apple cart'is 'massaction'. The first is democratic and
thesecondis totalitarian in itspotentiality and hencehas to be avoided.
Manypoliticaltheorists oftheWest havealso arguedthatsinceit
is impossibleforeverybody to competejall that is necessaryis to create
the conditionswherebycitizensare empoweredto participatein the
electionsto choose their representatives. AfterhavinO elected their
representatives thereis no need forfurther participationby thepeople
becausethe.electedrepresentatives or theelitesshould be givensuicient
elbowroom foradjustments and manouvre. Afterall, democracyis a
matterofadjustment, peacefulsettlement ofdiSerences,consensus build-
ingand conflict-resolution on thebasisof'giveand take.' To be sure,the
architectonics ofpoliticsis loasedon the theor thatunderneaththesur-
faceofany societfr thereliesa wide area ofconsensusas generally mani-
festedin theconstitution or suchotherinstrurnent.All theconflicts and
diSerencesare onlyon thesurfaceand theseare naturalIy resolvedbythe
institutionalised'legal' methods. Forthistypeof democratic resolution
of'conflicts'theparticipation thatis necessarv is onlytheminimaloneof
supportingthe 'system.' In fact,as is arguedbysome,it is necessary
thatthereshouldbe a certainamountofapathyand indiSerence.2 (Sweet
are theusesofadversity!) Onlyundersuchconditions can theelitesuccess
fullyworkthesystem. Too muchof participation leads to masssociety
which,in turn leads to theestablishment oftotalitarianism. Thisis a
perverted viewofthe'masses'and theirrolein themakinU, ofhistory.As
longas themassesare theobjectsofhistory becauseoftheirapathy,poverty
and hencean apoliticalattitude,whichis whattheynaturally willexhibit
in certainsocieties,and at certainperiods,theeliteswill playtheirpart.
It is notintendedhereto go backto theabe-oldcontroversy starting from
Plutarch,regardingthe role of heroesin history, to ThomasCarlyle,
CharlesKinC,sley and H W C Davis.8
Theseideasthat1lnderplay theroleofthemasseswouldbe discerned
in mostwritings ofMax \\7eber in his analsrsisofa universal bureaucracy
and thoseofvariousotherearlierelitistslikeMosca and Palsetoand also
contemporarily in manyWestern writings.NIoscaand Paretobecameapo-
logistsoftherisinOFascistand counter-revolutionary movenaents in their
country.In the final analysis the argument advancedbythepolitical
theorists,thatcertainamountofelbowroommustlbegivento theleaders
to adjustand manipulate differences in order to maintainstability and
thatmassparticipation inhibits thisadjustment is but an extension ofthe
elitisttheories. WhenCmasses' are bein;,discussed, it is notto be viewed
as an amorphous conU,lomeration or a heterogenous multitude.Without
a classdefinitionofthe'masses'one wouldcertainlvbe led to theconclu-
sionsdrasvnby thevariouscriticsof'masssociety.' A fewexamplesare in
order: J Orteffla, Y Gasset speak of mass predominanceleadinffl to

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 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRACY 5

degeneration. Theyare hedonistic and workonlywhenwhipped.Le Bon5

feelsthatcrowdsare powerful fordestruction and notforcreatinga civili-
zation. Shakespeare hasalso shownhow Roman mobsbehave afterthe
speechesofBrutusas wellas ofAntonwr. Sometimes massescan be utilised
bytherulingelitesfortotalitarian dictatorshipsor to establish'garrison
states'accordingto Laswell.6 Theyare the fertilegroundforbreeding
bureaucracyand overcentralisation.The masseswhenviewedas consi-
stirlgofclassesby analysing the social distinctionsbetweenthe classes
and thereasonsforthesesocialdistinctions, willbe foundto be not those
amorphous groupsofhetero^,eneous menwhohaveno interest in anyinsti-
tutionand are,thereforeM availableforanydestructive act.
Perhaps,it is relevantheretorecapitulate evenby wayofa paren
thesisthattheclassicaleconomistslike Adam Smithand Ricardc)held
thatthesocietyis composedofclassesand theirincomedetermined their
classes. Only,theyh<rnestly feltthatthesesocialinequalities wereneces-
saryand le;,itimate.7The distinction bctweenthe socialscientists ofthe
classicaltypeand thoseofthemodernis thatwhilethe former had some-
thingto say,thelatterhave a lotto conceal.
There is a greatdeal of 'pluralist'svritinO, which>hile ostensibly
criticisina theelitist theory,plltSforththe countertheorytllattherecan
bencxconcentration of powerin any one homogeneous groupbutthat
it issharedbydiSerentgroupsand these groupsrepresenting diSerent
interestspractisethe arts of conciliationarld coalition-formation and
preventanysingleunifiedgroupfromeven approachinC a monopoly of
politicalresources. 8 Kornhauseralso makesa rathersimilarobservation
"Moderndemocracy diminishes thelegitimacy oftheelites,but it also
encouragesa multiplicity of competingelites."9 Itmay wellbesoin
termsofnumbers whocompeteforleadership. It doesnotalterthequa-
litativeclasscomposition ofthe ruters. It matters littlewhether 'n' num-
ber ofelitesdecideor 'x' numberdecideas lonU, as theydecideoverthe
headofthe'masses'ofthepeople. This dispersalis only confined to the
'nto-guardian' classeswiththe slightdifference thatPlato did not even
theoretically permitofupwardmobility amongclasses.
A deeper examination of this'dispersalof power'theorywould
reveaIthatthe different interestgroupswhich cometo thebargaining
tableand evolvea consensus are notmutuall-opposedgroupswithmutu-
allyexclusive interests but groupssvhoseinterestsare mutually comple-
mentary.In manycasesthesamepersons pla! 'multiple roles'champion-
ing different interests: the same caste groupsw;th a slight'make up'
becomethefarmers'lolDbw, the trade urlions'representatives, business
interests and so on. Like a set of ventriloquists the same groupspeaks
eith different xroices.Thereis a closelinkabebetweenthepoliticalelites,
the bureaucratic elites,the ruralgentlyand the busirless communities
urhich sharethecakewithoutconflictwhile the majority of the peopIe
just 'standand star(v) e' noteven consciousof howthewholeprocessis

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6 SOCIAI. SCIENTIST

takIngplace oncetheyperform thequinquennialritualat thehustings.It

is thispluralistmodel that is also being applied to Soviet societyto
examinehowdue totheoperationofpluralintereststhe partyinterests,
thestateinterests, the group interests, the technicalinterests, etc., the
socialiststatewould graduallyerode and resolveitselfinto a 'good'
polyarchical state. Thisis one ofthearguments in supportof'congruence
theory.' In a classsocietyit is quite naturalthat diSerentgroupswill
presstheirdemands. Buteventhereas long as the system's equilibrium
is maintained, theseinterests play the role to achievemaximumpayoff
forthemselves.Butthis is diSerentfromthe ideologicalunityof all
groupsin a socialistsocietywherethe interestofeach groupis notcon-
tradictory to theotherbutall are mutuallycomplementary to eachother
in theiraim ofachievingthegoal. This corresponds withtheinterests of
themajority ofthepeoples,theworkint, masses. In thebourgeois society
theseforcesarealwayskept in the background or suppressed whenthey
tryto forcethenaselves to thefore^,rourld.The mistakeoftheseWestern
theorists, thegenuineamongthem,liesin theirassumptions thatthereis
a homogeneity in thesociety's social and economiclifeand theseare per-
fectly integrated societies.
Shouldthestudyofpoliticalscienceconcernitselfon howvarious
leadelscometo power,how theymanipulatepower,how theybuildup
theirfollowing, how theyfighttheirrightsand in shortwho getswhat,
whenandhow,orshouldit be moremeaningful in termsoftheprogress of
thepeopletowardsachievinga lifethatis happierthan the existingone,
removing exploitation ofanykind,removinU, hunaer,priation andrisery,
makingeveryindividualhurnanreallyequal so thatdemocracycan
be meaningful and real. This alternative is dismissedby mostwestern
politicalscientists
as beingold-fashioned and classicalsince nowherecan
therebe a democracy in thereal senseoftheterm. Afterall, democracy
likeFrenchspellinghas manysilent letters. This is especiallyso in the
moderndayswhen governmental functions have becometoo complexto
permitofconstant popularintervention.
Therefore, everypoliticalsystemhas a big stratuinofapoliticals
whoforvariousreasonsdo not displayinterest in politicalaSairs. Like
an ice-bergonly a small sectionof the people appear on the political
arenaand therefore it is implicitlyassurned thattheseare thepeoplethat
matter. Sinceonlyfewpoliticalactivistsmatter,it is enoughto study
howthesemenOet'recruited' to politics-whattheirpsychological motiva-
tionsor personality factors are.1o Thushas comeabouta sreritable arrax
ofpsycho-political literature thattriesto explainpoliticalprocesses.Gul-
turaland socialsetting forma part of the social integument sincethey
ignorethewholekernelinside,namely,the movementof themasses. It
is onlythepoliticalactiviststratum on thetop,accordingto thesestudies,
thatdramatisesocial cilangessshile the whole massesare mere passive
elements.However,one ofthemainplankson svhichdemocracyis said

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 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRACY 7

to standis freedom to participate in the decision-making ofthestateor in

thecontrolofthosewhomake decisions. This does notmean,however,
thatpoliticsshouldbe concerned onlywiththosewho make thedecisions
or howand whomakethedecisionscometooccupyandperpetuate them-
selvesin thosepositions. Sucha view pointcouldonlylead to thedefeat
ofthemostimportantcomponerlt of democracynamely,participation.
Here it is thatthebehavioural persuasion createda seemingly iconoclastic
imageofthenew generation of politicalscientists followingthetrailof
Laswell. In a bid to findout theviews,opinionsand the 'miranda'of
thepeopleso as to advisethe policy-makers as to whatthepeoplewould
standup forand whattheywollldnot,theydevisedthenewmethodology
thathas nowcomeintovogue thatmakeselaborateuse ofstatistical tests
in verymanycasesfor theirown sakeratherthanto thrownewlighton
dark spots. Thisis a sort ofpragmatism thatcan be tracedbackto the
so-calledrealisticphilosophers of the Aristotlean vintage just to finda
correlation betweenwhatone findssuperficially and one'sowndeclara-
tions. Thisviewwouldonlyresultin 'copingup with'day to day pro-
blemsin an incremental manner.Thoughthebehavioralists couldprotest
thattheyare not politicalrealistsin thissensebutbelievein applying
modelsand constructing theory yetin realitywhathas happenedis only
an accumulation and replication ofmindless data. Likethe almanacthe
researches are fullof 'facts'and no ideas-and as in the almanacmany
are uselessand irrelevantfacts. They are noteventruths.Forall the
galaxy of politicalscientists who espousedthis new 'revolution,' in a
matterofcoupleofdecadesthe balloon was prickedand thesophistry is
shownforwhatit is irltheverycountry ofitsorigin.1t The onlyfavourz
able featuresabout this 'revolution'is that it seeks to demolishthe
artificialboundaries in thedisciplines ofsocialsciences.
The questionthatDavid Easton asks about theworkofpolitical
scientistsin U S is also relevant, thoughhisansweris inadequate.He asks,
How can we accountfortheneglectof the wayin whichthedis-
tributionofpouZer withinthe systempreventsmeasuresfrombeing
takenin sufficient degreeand timetoescape the resortto violencein
theexpression ofdemands,a conditionthat threatens to bringabout
deepestcrisisof politicalauthoritythattheUnited Stateshas ever
suffered?' 2
ShedoWtheAmerican politicalsciencejargon,like 'system'and 'demands'
whatseemsto botherany academic politicalscientist morethantheex-
plosionof violencein thecontemporary periodand thesuSeringsofthe
peopleas a result,is thethreatto the (established)politicalauthority.
In fact,the threatsto (established)politicalauthority today,whetller
in India or UnitedStatesor Franceis nottheexistenceofpluralist forces
at the super-structural level but a more profoundcontradiction at the
sub-stratum.This cannot be resolvedby a fess corrections hereand
a fesscorrectic)ns therebutcalls forfundamental changesin theproduc-

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8 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

tion relationsand till theseare broughtabout, involvement of the

xnasses in politicalstrugglessometimes characterised byviolence,cannot
be avoided. Violenceeruptsnotnecessarily because ofthemassesseek-
ingto'exprcsstheirdemands'butbecause thepolitical 'powersthatbe'
feeltheirpositionthreatened and do theirbestto suppressthemassesby
coercion. Since withintheexisting systemit is impossible forthefunda-
nentalchangesto be brought about,thethreatto thesystenu will always
persist and massactionswillalwayserupt. It is no useresortingto psrr-
chopathological analysesofcertainindividualsto explainpoliticaluphe-
avals,as HaroldLaswelldoes,as at best,theywould,ive onlythereasons
wh certainindividuals join certainmovementsand notwhya qualita-
tivelydiSerentthingcalleda 'movement' takesplace.
A lookat thetremendous crisisthatis takint,placein the collntry
woulddemonstrate thatthe 'system'cannotfunctionifit is to produce
the'outputs'thatitis at presentdoing. Apartfromcorruptionanclin-
efficiency, there is an entrenchment of vestedinterestsat everylevel
debilitating theroutinefunctioning oflaw and order. 'rhereis politically
no alternative thatwouldcanalise the popular discontent intochannels
ofrevolutionary activity notparliamentary game. Evenif therewere
to be a two-party system withmoreor lessthesameclass composition, it
would not preventmass agitationwiththe opposition partytrying to
'exploitthesituation.' This challengeby themassescannot be merely
explainedawa) by empiricaldata whichis not informed by a proper
theory.
Since'toomuchofparticipation' is a dangerousthingforthefunc-
tioning of'democracy', and thepoliticalelitesby themselvescannot as-
certainwhatthepreferenceof thepeople are,theyshouldbe giventhe
knowledge about the peoples' preferences obtainedin a 'scientific'
manner.Thisempiricism considersthatanyadventureintoideasismere
speculationand that ideologyhas become unnecessary sincewhatis
necessary has alreadybeenachieved. Thereis an end ofideologyaccorZ
dingly when,as a matteroffact,thewaris yetto begin and the swords
have to be unsheathed.Asthepoet J R Lowellwrote:
It's warwe areon, notpolitics
It's systems thatare wrangling nownotparties.
If politicsisjusta sortofa chessgame as it is pictorially represented on
thejacketsofmanypoliticalbooks, let the playersplay thembutthe
chessmenin the real societyare not lifelesswoodenthings,butmen
and womenwithfleshand blood. Withthenewtechnological and scien-
tilScrevolutionand the exploitationthat takes place undercover of
religion, ruleof law, parliamentary democracyand legalequalityand
suchotherolderand newervarieties ofopiates,these pseudotheoriescan-
notpassmusterforlong. A{uchofthemumbojumbomic,hthave had
its relevancebut as timewearsout the bluS is called. One doesnot
wantto soundromantic bysayingthisbutonlywishesto demonstrate that

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 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRACY 9

theexistentialist descriptions
and solipsist cannotsatisfy anymore."Many
philosophers", said Marx,"haveinterpreted theworld,but thepointisto
changeit." There is nothingrhetoricalabout this. Sometimesone
wonderswhetherthebourgeois scientistsevade thebroadgeneralisations
and seekrefugeunderempiricism to highlight insigniScant facts.1 3
A gooddeal ofempiricalworkhas heendoneon politicalparties
and theirrolein mobilising the people and makingthemparticipatein
the processofdecision-making. But thesedo not explaina patentfact
as to howin theU S A thereis so muchoffanfare to makea merechoice
betweenTweedledomand Tweedledeeand in electionafterelectionthe
system spewsouta Kennedyor a Johnson or a Nixon,theonlydiSerence
betweeneachofthesebeingthenaxnewhiletheybehave almostin the
same diabolical fashiontowardscountrieslike CCuba,or Vietnamor
Chilewhichexhibitthe 'temerity' to questiontheunwantedinterference
ofU S intheirinternalaSairs. How to explainthe factofthe Gongress
Partyin India whose unpopularity is patentto any casualobserver
oftheIndiansceneand isa byword foldishoncsty and ineEciencyamong
the Indian people, winnint,electionafterelectionwith a thumping
majority. In thefaceofthesefactsone has to be waryahout the End-
ingsand interpretations suchas theonesbeing venturednow and then
byourtribecallingitself'politicalscientists' insteadofbeingmorecandid
and callint,itselfpoliticalquacksliftinachapterand Xrerse fromrhatever
someforei;,ner says,sincesuch banalities become sacred g,ospelsonce
someoneelsefromtheXV-est saysit. The factthat the ideologyof any
given time is the ideologyof the rulingclass, thereforethe various
theorists thathavecomeup withcontemporary, 'theories'on politicslike
thoseof'politicaldevelopment'1s 'systemstheory' arethe apoloCistsof
thestatus quo tryinb their best to 'maintain the equilibrium' and 'manage
tensions.'Itserves as a good defence of the dominant classeswhoshape
theculturalvalues. It is said that diSerentiatedstrlletures haveto be
createdtotacklethediversefunctions thathaveto be performed by 'poli-
ticalsystems'ina moredevelopedsocietyand to maintainthesystem and
adapt itself. So what?\ghatis so novel aboutsucha simplethingthat
is foundso wellexemplified in naturalscienceitself?The giraffe develops
a neck,theelephantitsproboscisand thechameleonitscolour pattern.
The rnainquesthas become,to thebrandofcomparative politicalscienti-
ststheidentification ofthestructures tllathaveto performthesediverse
functions and see theirinterrelationship. Now,thepoint is not >7hether
all thisanalysisis staticor dynamicand ifit is theformerhowtomakeit
thelatter. The pointis morefundamental: \ghereit is staticor dynamic
it is certainlydangerous ifone concedes thatthe'system'suchas theone
thatis being enduredtodayhas tolzedestroyed.If thisstateapparatus,
arhichhas been devisedasan organformaintainin^, exploitativesocial
relationand forcrushing anyattempts atcllant,ina it ly theuseofan iron
heeleithetitso^rnorborrowed(as happelledin Chile withthekillingot

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 SCIENTIST
SOCIAL
10

cango oninto
SalvadoreAllende)is acceptedas a 'given'thenone
president over
efficaciesofone political 'approach'
debatesabouttherelative
endless these
ofpolitica]science keep dealing whith
other.Butwhileprofessors
the
crises
intricacies, are not warded oW,masseswillnotwait. Thereseemsto
ofelitesoperating bywhichsonsanddaughters an
a divinerighttheory
be thus main
of power,
evenwidowscf elitesin theirturnwearthemantle
a continuousthreadofsuccession.Theorising on thosedealsand
taining
chicanary a holy pedestal.Together
itpoliticalscienceis elevating
calling tG
pay of these groupse
withthemassmediaand the presswhichis in the
alsojoin in thechorusofsingingthe praise ofdemoctacyt
intellectuals
the who are
benefit? How are people,
Whom doesthisconsensus-building buildup
ofthis consensus which helps
notgoingtobethe beneficiaries
be interested in thewhole process ofbargainin^,
politicaldevelopment, have
among the leadersof the diCerent interests? The systemtheorists
of'goals'by adapting the re-
laidgreatemphasisupon theachievement to 'con-
sources' and establishing'harmony'by inducingtheindividuals are
the structures
form' to the 'value system'. A11thisis possibleonlyif by
and forthe maintenanceof the structures participation
maintained prescribed ritual
tothe
thepeopleshouldnotgo beyonda givenadherence the'harmony'.
qualitativelyor for
quantitatively, thatwould destroy
either of
liketheelectricalregulators whichperform thefunction
Thestructures in working
maintaining a particularamountofvoltagetokeepthegadget
is
condition, have also tosee thata particularquantumofparticipation
maintained and it does notexceedthis.
The quantitatively impressive literature on politicaldevelopment
does assumebyparticipation
whichemphasisestheneedforparticipation
typeof participation. Maintaining thesestructurese
a system-supporting aboutwhat-
toseehowanychangecould ever be brought
itis impossible conditiorls
evermeansmightbe adopted,forchanging the socio-economic
ofthisstructural functioning, thepoor
ofthesociety. Bytheinexorability grow richer.
the rich would
wouldremainpoorifnotbecomepoorerwhile at least
aid whose ostensible purpose
Thisis whathappenedwithforeign worlfl. In a
theevilsofposrerty in thenations of the third
wasto mitigate While the
Raj in India.
waythisis what happenedevenin Panchayati self-reliance
Raj was institutedforthepurposeof creating more
Panchayati forleader-
masses of thepoor people and affiording conditions
amongthe very opposite
fact the
shipto be generatedfromamong them,in actual these 'demo-
grabbed
happened. The sameold traditionalclassesagain Thus, forall
and turnedthemfortheirown benefit.
cratic' institutions people had no
theexhortations fromthenationalleaders, thecommon
grappling with this
interest in thePanchayatiRaj institutions.Without
leadingto a conclusion
problemany analysisoftheexistentialsituation
tryingto rationalisethe
thatpeopleare generallyapatheticand lateron
situationwouldbe notmerelysuperficial butpernicious.The institutions
decentralizationthushaveservedtoreactivise thetraditional
ofdemocratic

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 POLITIC.AL PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRACY ll

elites. Sincethewholeviewis existentialist, thetheoristsare busycharac-

terisingdifferent forms ofpowerdistribution and themechanicsusedfor
it bydifferent l?zbels.
Going into an interminable discussionas towhether a particular
stateis monocracy or polyarchy or any other satisfies orslythe'academic'
thirstfor descriptions, classification,explanationand evaluation. Even
here,to startwith,description is nevercompleteand like thesixblind
menofHindoostaneach person'sdescription dependsuponhisownchoice
and pointofview. Therefore, thereis nothing likean objectivity indepen-
dent ofone's commitment.It is not 'objectivity'thatcharacterises the
modernsocialsciencetheories but'objectivism' whichisostensiblydisint-
erested,butill fact,concealstheinterests ofthe rulingclassesin a confu-
singpseudo-scientific languageand meaninglessand irrelevant concepts.
The factsone choosesare dependentupontheconceptualframeone has
constructed and thedescription, in turn,dependsupon theso selected
factsand finallythe evaluationis dependenton the description and the
normsone setsto measuretheobjectby. (Even the objectivityofthe
physicalsciencesis measuredby the standardsand toolswhichare the
creationofhumanagencyand hence subjectiveto thatextent). Hence
whenapproachesto theunderstanding ofpoliticsclaimto be scientifically
neutral,sincethebehavioralrevolution has usheredin positiveempiricism
byintroducing measurement, it is difficultto take it at its facevalue.
Noneofthepoliticalscientists couldpredictthedifferent military coups
norexplainwhyVietnamcoulddefyUSA's military might. Theydo not
eventakein theircalculations the workingof the CIA and thevarious
underhand dealingsthataffect'politicaldevelopment.'
PoliticalScienceas viewedin thenarrowsenseis onlya procedural
scienceand nota substantive science. It doesnotdeal withhowtoalter
thesocio-economic lifeofthesociety, howtoexpelexploitation ofanykind
butit indulgesin thesterilemechanicsofleadership-building, bargaining
pressurising.rhe following wordsfromone of themorecandidtheorists
wouldbe revealing.
The factremainsthatsomeformof functionalism is theonlycurrent
alternative to Marxismas thebasisofsomekind ofgeneraltheory in
politicalscience.l5
Expressions like,'someformoffunctionalism' and 'some kindofgeneral
theory'are significant and indicatean air of desperation, something to
clingto in orderto saveone'sselffromthe'spectrethat is haunting' over
theworld! Whyclingto thisas thoughit werethelaststraw? Insteadof
facingtherealissuesquarelywhy shouldpseudo-theories and academic
subterfuges be offered tO thenationsof thethird world?
WhileFascismand Communism weredubbedtogether, as 'enemies
ofopensociety,'howis it thatwhile fascismis nowdead as a dodo,com-
munism in spiteofthegreatschismstillholdssuch a threatas tostrain
socialscientists tooffer somealternative or the other --anly to be rejected

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 SCIENTIST
SOCIAL
12
Marxand Engelsconstructed
their
by owncontradictions.Thisis because of the massestochange
theory
their on thebasisofthe inherentstrength
as beingmoreiinportant
Theydo notregardthesuperstructuresto preserve
history. thesystem
theorists whowish
theyare unlikethewestern
than
massonslaught.
from
"To preachto the workers that theyshouldin all circurrlstances
themintothearmsofthe
frorn
abstain politics"said Engels,"is to drive whattheanti-
Thisis precisely
or thebourgeoisrepublicans."l6
prIests writin3s
theorists
participationist seemto be doingin highlysophisticated
ofthe peoplewith supporting
the'apathy'amonga greatmajority fact, thereis againnothing
about
evidencefromelectionstudies. In
empirical had
thathas been discovered
new by these empiricalscientists.Hegel
participatein the affairs the
of
ago arguedthatall citizenscannot thestateare tooalientobe at
long of
becauseformostofthemtheaffairs
state God on earthhas to serveitstrue
home in it.' 7 The stateas a marchof dwellsagain on thesame
purpose and notpanderto the beast! Jaspers of a
mission-infralapsarianism
theme. Statein its gloryvindicatesits
secularyvariety! trenchantl
Amongotherthinbs, it is thiselitistviewthatMarxhad
mass participa-
opposed.Participation to Marxras alwaysclass-based
and notelitist.
tion the workeris educatedto brint,
It is an essentialprocessby which Since the
about the revoluticon and to take hold of statepower.
to the levelof therulina
working classis themajority,raisingthem is thefirst step in the
This
classis to win the battle of democracy.
8
revolution.l
of interests as contemplated by the Brestern
Therecan be no harmony groupsarld
betweendifferent
theorists.Thereis a divergencofinterests
as Marxistsoclologists
society are arbuing. |9
Marx had postulated massparticipation,
Timeshavechangedsince much
andLenin'searlyexperiments withSoviets. Thingshave become
tier to the
morecoTnplicated and betweenthebasiclocal declsion-making and
nationaldecision-makint, tier thereare anynumberofcomplicated it
steps1hat receiveinformation, screen
technicalised
hi^,hly intermediary uThere the
pronouncedin countries
and feedit. This has to be more has to be hastened svithout
processofindustrialisation and modernisation
procedures as requiredbyclas-
beingundulydelayedby thecumbersome the
Again it is in such societiesthat
sical democraticfunctioning. r{le in the great
superstructure ofpoliticalideasllaveto playan importantto Soeialism.
transformation fromfeudal and semi-feudalconditions change.This
oneto lDring aboutthis
Politicalbattleis themostimportant and participation, svithout
cannotbe done withoutm.assmobilisationin outlookand in theirold-
of change
imbuingthepeoplerith thespirit energs, of the people tosvards the
fashiorledthinkin. To molilise the WoI kers' political
increasin3 the peasantsand
greatleap folward,tosvards

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 POLITIC.AL PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRACY 13

consciousnessin orderto span the gulfbetweenthe diSerentstagesin

developmentis a steptowardstheliquidationofthedisparities.Apathy
and iIldiXerenceare incompatiblewith this greatchaIIenve. How far
Chirls'sexperience is successfulor otherwiseis beyondourpale here,but,
whatis relevantis thatgreaterand greaterparticipation ofthe peoplein
thepro;,rammes ofnationaldevelopment are not incompatible mriththe
comp]icated and highlytechnicalnatureofthepresentdayadministration,
becausein thefinalanalysisitis the participating massesthat haveto
chan,e thesocietyand nottheadministration. Involvement ofthemasses
in development workdoesnotmeanthetypeof massactionvisualizedby
thevarioustheorists on masssocietiesmentioned earlier. It is a dynamic
relationshlpbetweenthe leaders erhoare ready to educate themasses
and in turngel theireducationftomthemassesreOarding theiraspirations
and capacities. The elitealonecannotachievemuch withouttheactive
involvement ofthemassesat everylevel. Thislineadoptedsllccessfully
durinCtheanti-Japatlese warperiodhas been themainlineofMao Tse-
Tungand theprocessofmutual interactlonbetweentheleadersand the
masseshas alwaysbeen stressedby the Chinese Communist Partyinits
bid to ridthepartyof individualistbu-eaucrats,subjectivists and eIites
and howsuccessful it was in advancingthe Chinesesocietw is a matterof
acknowledged fact. The question,"But at whatexpense? ", can also be
easilyansweredif the balanceof material'advantagesthattheChinese
peoplegainedand theintangiblefactors that theyare said tohavelost,
is struck. At whatcast.did the ATestern'democracies'becornetheso-
called(welfare states'oftodawr and at whatlengthoftime? Whilejudging
theprogressmade by communist-dominated countriesdevelopment is
juxtaposedto sacrifice sincein a shorttimespanthe 'sacrifice' madebya
fewleisurely classes appears very intense. But the sacrificeand silent
suScringofstheworking classesand peasantrywho formthe majority,
startingfromtheFrenchRevolution, theIndustrial Revolution, thecrises
and strikesand warstilIthepresentdayofaffluence does notfigure at all
on the deblt side of the Westernprogress.This questionhas been
bandiedaboutso oftenthatwe ncednotlabourit further.
The pointis, whether any developinC, societycan aSord theeaswt
optimism, of coursereinforced withsuch sampIesurvews as are madein
affluentWestern societies, ofleaving the complicatedmattersofstateto
be decidedlJytheelite noteventhe electedrepresentatsves? A society
whereexploitation reducedthe massof people to degradation,poverty
and diseasecan ill aSord the luxuryof allowinga fewofits'intelligent'
eliteto decide theirdestiny. The developmental theoristswhileprofess-
in3to eliminatethegrindingpoverty of these nationsofthethirdworld
wantgreaterparticipation ofthepople, particuIarly thedevelopl7lentalists
inpoliticaltheorykeepin:,the Anglo-saxonrnodelas the standardof
democratic polity judge the othercountries as beinbless participant.29
Apartfromotherfundamerltal criticismofthis presumption, howcan one

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14 SOCIAL SCIE]!JTIST

accepta theory thatassurnes a basic identityof interestsamongtherich

and the poor people while in truththeyare mutuallyopposedas is
evidencedb largeaccumulation ofwealthontheone handand margina-
lisationontheother? As Mao Tse-Tungsays, "The truthof anyknow-
ledgeand theory is determinednot by subjectivefeelings,but by the
objectiveresu]ts in socialpractice."2t Social practicepointsundoubtedly
in thedirection ofthewidening ofthegulf between'therichand poor.'
The experiences ofTelanganarevoltduring1946to 194g are ,er-
manehere. Insteadofquotingwhatsomepeoplesaid aboutthe French
Revolution or theAmericanWar ofIndependenceor theRussianRevoI-
tion or the movement in Yenan (on whichMao Tse-Tunghas written)
whichare temporally as well as spatiallyso far away,I wouldliketo
recapitulate theexperiences in TelanganadurinU, the liberationstruggle
there. Killingofsomeofthelocal deshmukhsand jagirdars,afterthey
weretriedby the'peoples'courtswas considered an atrocitybythe 'enli-
ghtened'pressand publicwhilethemaJority ofthevilIaC,ers
inthoseareas
feltthatthepunishments wereveryjustand had beenIon;,overdue.Rar-
elydid punishment exceeclthecrimenordid any cnminal tyrantescape
thepunishment byvirtueofthemultifarious technicalloopholescletrly
seededin thebourgeoislaw for protectingthe rrchercriminals.Here,
whatis important is thatthemostnon-participant, mosttimidpeasantrv
and labourinaclassesaccustomed to centuries
ofinhumanexploitation and
slavery, beganto participate, becauseparticipationherewas a classparti-
cipationwhich*vasmeant to safeU,uard theirinterests.The Con;,ress
government afterthe 'policeaction'orlceagain'restored'theland tothe
'rightfulowners'afterAlinobhaBhav-e'demonstrated' how revolutions
shouldbe peacefuland startedthe Bhoodanmovement in Telangana
It is difficult
to sav whether Mao waswrongwhenhe saidthata revolution
is nota dinnerparty,or writinaan essayor paintingapicture or doing
embroidery and thatit cannotbe so refined,so leisurelyand gentle,so
temperate,kind, courteous,restrainedand magnanimous.One fact
againemergedafterthis'gentlerevolutionary' VinobhaBhavestartedthe
movement.Therewas ,reaterparticipation ofthe rehabilitatedfeudal
elements, thepolice,All India Radio and a teamofgramdanworkers and
a teamofpublicity-makers but nonefromamongthe peasantry.From
thenonwards, slowlybutgraduallv,theparticipation ofthepeasants,rD
kersand theruralpeortaperedoS.
Durinbthefirst generalelectiontheCommunist leader,Ravi Nara-
yan Reddr,polledmorethan evenPandit Nehru and setup a record.22
As electionafterelectionprovedto be ofno consequenceto the peopleat
large, the poll turn-over also grewthin,untilfinally todaythedistrict
panchayatleadershlp has also passed into the handsoftheverykulaks
whoma coupleofdecadesago themasses tried to eliminatefromthe
leversofpower,witha greatdeal ofsacrifice.Apartfromt}lesplitin the
-peasantmovement led bytheCommunists, thegeneralapathyeaused by

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 POI,IT1C.GL PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRACY 15

the feelingofunconcern withwhat therulingparttis trying todo is also

responsiblefiorthisrelapseintoinaction.
Therefore,mere margirlalchange will not bringabouta socIal
transSormation. It doesnot presupposethat the old traditionalclasses
wouldautomatically geterodedand the peoplewillbe readyforthenew
rolesthatare expectedofthem.Withall thespecial protections provided
in theconstitution or in the PanchayatiRaj legislations,the backward
and weakersectionsofthecommunity have 210t beenable to makeade-
quate use of thern,much less, capture positionsof leadership.Local
communitiescannot developmerelyon theirownstrengthwithout form-
ingpartoftheoverallsystem. The leadershipat thehigherleveRs fort,e
theirconnections withthe entrenchedtraditional leadershipat thelocal
levelsthusrendering it impossibleto bring about anythingmore thar
mereincremental changesin thesocioeconomicsphere.Sincetraditional
leadershipis moredeeplyentrenchedin thcruralareas, it is noterlough
creatint,
a fewstruetures forpeople'sparticipationwithoutgivingit ade-
quate supportfromabove.The programme thattheGovernment ofIndia
has launchedlikethe Small Farmer's Development Agenciesor the Mar-
ginal Farmers and Agricultural Labourers' Development agencies or thc
CrashEmployment Prot,rammes etc.have been conceivecl ofoutsidethe
structllresexisting in the ruralareasand theyare,therefore, provingto
be non-starters. \Vithonlyan administrative set-upand without proper
mobilization ofthepeopleat Iarge,theseare againboundtofounder even
as thecommunity development blocksdid. Programmes cannotbe imple-
mentedwithout thepropermobilisation of themassesand generation of
genuineleadership fromamongthem. In PanchayatRaj, theleadership
thathas sprunU, up is a spuriousone and henceit cannotmobilisepeople;
wherethesocialstructure is feudalor semi-feudal suchschemes whichpro
motesmall-scaledevelopments insteadof breakingthefoudaltieswotrld
strenathen and concentrate wealthanddecision-makinSpower in thesame
old richclasses.Mereexlaortations forparticipatinb irlthe'greatestadven-
ture' of buildina a nev India wouldmean nothinb huts-shatit is-an
exhortation.The Five Year Plan documents detailat lengththeneedfor
popularpartlcipation formakingthe plan successful. Participationis an
opportunity givento thepeople to operatetlleleversofpower,to control
and sharetheproductionand managementofresources.The pointis to
makethepoorersectionsofpeoplethesubjectsoftheirdevelopment rather
thanthe objects. Participation is not a ,iftfromthegovernment buta
supportto thegovernment sshichintendsearnestly tohringaboutchanges
and notto a government thatdeelaresplatitudes fromplatforms and sets
the legal machinery in motionthe momentpeople begin to translate
promlseslntoper:ormance.
* . .

Mobilisation ofthe peopleforimplementing programmes iftaken

up seriously, wouldcertainlybringabout a good deal ofconflict.The
would1e caused by thosewho oppose the pressures
qconflicts fromthe

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 SCIENTIST
SOCIAI,
16
The difficulties encountered
for a legitimate sharein theresources. in point. Apartfrom
people
of aOrarian reform are a case
implementation
in the oflaw are resorted
and violence clevercircumventions is a boC,us
of
theusepressure
total impuU,nity. In sucha situationconsensus-building has to take
to with has to be solved and development
becausea conflict Butif
slogan
not necessarily be accompaniedbyviolence.
Conflict
place. need it thosewho are opposed
whoare responsiblefor is in
erupts,
violence those
social structure- must be punished. It
ofthe and
totransformation
the
vested interests can whipup mass hysteria
moments
such that the actions theseare equated
violent actions whichwilllooklikemass movements involving the
create with political
ofmass politics structures. The3eare
bythetheorists of the traditional
fora radicaltransformation arousalofthe
masses
which are generatedby a clever
movements given to agent
pseudo-mass
reinforced by financialassistance
instincts
baser in man, of actionexcept
and rowdies. Thesehave no programme most oftheagita-
provocateurs rioting, and
and terrorism. The communal to this variety Qf
destruction identification belong
forthelinguistic and regiorlal are notneces-
tions
aetion. All rnass actions forregionaldevelopment to injustices
'mass' attention of thegovernment
so muchfordravingthe accommodatecertain
sarily
inconveniencing the government older to
in
fora separate
for
as
elite in thecorridors ofpowerThe agitation 1969 are
of
sections the priorto this in
in I 972 or a separate Telangana with what happened
Andhra in common
aU,itatio11s whichhad nothing revolted in
engineered 1948 or in Kerala whenpeasantry
to
TelanU,anain 1946
in the 1940's or in Bengal
Ambalapuzha and Punnapradurint, whenGandhijiled the
Vaalar, in 1946,or earlier
during theTebhat,amovement the Bardolaiand
1930 and 1942 movements.Tl1e Champaran, IndianNavyratings,
1921, in supportof Royal
the strikes William
other'satyaarahas',
are mass movements notin thesensein which writers
mutiny in 194625 the earlier
RokkanfollosvinC
Kornhauser, ErikAIlardtand Stern
and awe.
have analysedwithsuchreput,nance masseswillbe mobi-
is not as ifevery day on everyoccasionthe betweenthe
It no intermediary structures
there exists
lisedby elites and
fear is unwarranted and is intendedtoclothe
This
eiitesand the masses.
structures in a cleverlanguagethat
of established of
thefear of breakdown
of socialismlookirzg like a tWiIl brother
up a picture democracy.
wouldconjure virtuous
peopleappearinglike non ofdemocracy.
fascism, and theapathyofthe is the qma
a situation in fact szne
Itis arguedthatsuch of imminent radicalchange,the
during certain periods
In anysociety themasseswill apparentlf
structures betweenthe elitesand ofinterests ofdiSerent
intermediary
since there willbe a greaterconvergence drive any one tothink
disappear days.Thisshouldnct
groupsthan durizag ordinary to a mass society-
development has takenplace leading ofarlyparti-
thata dant,erous which does notpermit
sense.Is not a hegemony the above sense?
inthepejoratsve everl a masssociety in
than
cipationat all,moredangerous

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 POLITICAL PARTICIPhTION ANO DEMOCRACY 17

The involvement ofmassescreatesa tremendous reactionamong

thebourgeois socialscientistsoftheWest thanthe riseofa seriesofhet,e-
monistic,dictatorialmilitaryregimesin thethirdworldcountries.In
fact,'scholarls?'worksare written aboutthe progress madebythesedicta-
torialregimes and the'modernisation' usheredin by themilitary:VVhen
a massleaderlikea FidelCastro,or an Aiditor an Allendeappearson the
sceneattempting to mobilisethemassesforaction,the international sub-
version,ets busyunleashing terrorismin different forms to destroythem
and installitsowntrusted puppetswhoturnintotyrants.Whetherthese
subversions succeedas in thecase ofassassination ofthe IndonesianCom-
munistleader,Aiditalongwithwhomat leasta millionpeoplewerekilled
in 196524 and in thecase ofAllendein Chilein 1973, or miserably failas
inthecaseoftheinvasionofBayofPigsto wipeoutCastro'sregimeunder
theblessings of a 'great' president,the fact remainsthatwhenever a
country ofthethirdworldexhibits massmobilisation, consciolls attempts
are made to scotchit. In thealternative whatis recommended is partici-
patory, peacefuland 'constructive' activitieslikecommunitwr development,
cooperatives, elections,whichwithoutdisturbin.g the status quo give the
illusionofparticipation to thepeople as ifpoliticswerea humanitarian
activity.Religionis not theonlyopiumofthepeople! Theseare styled
as the'Nation-building' activities.This concepthas cauChttheimagina-
tionoftheimitatorsof theWestwho prescribemanywavsofachievint,
thisgoal bydeclaring howthecastesystem has got politicisedz howbar-
gainstakeplacein the'politicalsystem' to establish'consensus' howpro-
blemsfacingthepeoplestarving forfood,and thecrisisofunemploment
couldbe solved by marginaladjustmentsin thc economy, redoingthe
organisation of statesand toningup the administration, whatever that
mightmean. ,NsarCuedearlierifall the structures thatwerecreatedfor
theeconomicdovelopment ofthepeople are onlv servingthericherand
moreprivxleged ppopleto perpetuatethemselvesthewholesvstem is like
therockin:, horsethat givesall the jolts and shocksto theriderssithout
takinghim anywhere.
The otherextremeis thefalsedeISnition and theresultant a,sump
tion of the conceptof participation lDysomeof theA{arxists ofLatin
Americaand thesplintered groupsofMarxist-Leninists in India. \Vithout
reallyinvolving themassesin theprocessofparticipation,shortcutsare
inventedby which revolutioncan T)e brouChtabout. Che Guevera's
fiocusor thedalams ofextremists in Srikakulam f3rall theirindividualacts
ofheroism wereonlyindulging in self-destructiveacts InsteadofmolJi-
lisinCthepeoplefordemocratic action,their stru<,gles onls?resultedin
creatingpanio amongtllepeople. If historical parallelscan l)e cited,the
criticism ofEnc,relsoftheBlanquists is relevant.25Like tne Blanquist<,
these people believe that if a cmallbroupattemptsat a revolutionary
uprisint,it maycarrythe massofthepeopleand accomplisha wictorious
revolution. Withthe nes revivalgiven to Trotskyite ideasofpseudck

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18 SOCIAL SCIENTIST

revolution thesegroupshavegrownin variouscountries.Insteadofpre-

paringtheexploitedmassesfor participation in the broad democratic
struggle and sharpening themfora finalrevolution to abolishexploitation
anddiversities, theyrelyon a smallband ofyoungintellectua]s, desperate
and adventurolls characterstodelivertheworldin a straight fightfrom the
gripofimperialism.In the finalanalysis thesedesperateactionsresult
in thefurther splinteringof theworkingclassmovement,further inten-
sification of fractricidal
war amongrevolutionaries to the immense satis-
faction oftheexploitingclasses,leading in theend to eSacement.Exam-
plesofsuchdistorted actionswhichdo notpreparethemassesare notfal
to seekbothabroadand in India. The disastrousresultsare also not
difficult to perceive. Thoughthesegroupsdo not openlyavowtheirdis-
like ofmassparticipation as the Westernpoliticalscientistsmentioned
earlier,in effect,whattheysayis theotherside ofthesame coin.While
the bourgeoissocial scientistspropoundthetheory ofeliteswhodecide
and bargainamong themselves as to whatreforms should be broufflht in
forthewholemassofpeoplewho are apatheticanyway,theserevolutio
nariesalso feelthatthese militantelitesshould decidewhat is goodfor
themasses. We have one typeofelitesreplacedby anothertype.
Comingback to thebourgeois conceptof participation, theIndian
planningexerciseis a typicalexampleof thismc)ckexercisein popular
mobilisation.One has onlyto readthe innumerable speechesof Pandit
Nehru and various others who were workingwith him both in
the ministry as well as in the administrationmen like S K Dey,
V T Krishnamachari, Tarlok Singhand others-to be convincedof the
stressthatwas laid on popularparticipation forthe successof the plan.
It is superfluous to add thatthesesentiments are enshrined in the plan
documents notonlyofIndia butothercountries as well.
In BritaintootheSkeffington Committee. strikes a similarnotewhen
it says,
There is a growingdemandby manygroupsformoreopportunity
to contributeand formoresav in the workingout of policieswhich
affectpeople not merelyat electiontime,but continuously as pro-
posalsare beinghammeredout and, certainly, as theyare being
implemented. 26

Forall thedeclarationsaboutpeoples'participation theIndianplan-

nersnevertookthis aspectseriouslysinceit is the beliefof the policy-
makersthatthe intricacies of policiesare too technicalforthe compre-
hensionofthemassesofthepeople. This beliefis generallysharedby
mostofthemodernwestern politicaltheorists.This is thelogicalcoro-
llaryofboththeelitist modelsorthebargaining process in politicaldecisions
iIR a polyarchy model. In the latter,inspiteof the existenceof partici-
pationand publiccontest whenitcametoa questionofclassesas irlancient
Athens,or races,as in contemporary UnitedStates,therearose a dua2
systemof violenceand quasi-pluralistic social orderas Dahlhas amply

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 POLIT1CXL PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRACY
l9
demonstrated.2 7 The inequa]ity, eitherethnicorclassor both,doesthere-
forestandas an incubusagainstthereal functioning ofparticipationwhich
in theISrstanalysissustainsa democracy.Hence to thinkthatcertain
matters ofpublicpolicyare toocomplicated and technicalforthecommon
massesto understand and react intelligently is onlyan expression of the
innatedesiretoperpetuate theclassdistinctions. To solicittheparticipation
ofthepeople,the"amorphouspeople"in planningis merely seeking their
approvalforthesupportof the system whichmay notbe favourable for
theInajority ofthem. The rightto protest and agitateagainstsuchmea-
sureswhichtheyfeelare notin theirinterest will be withthemnotwith-
standing thepiousdeclarationsby theleadership thateverythina is being
donein theinterests ofthepeople.
The aaitationtnatrockedGujaratand broubhtdownthe ministry
ofChimanBhai Patelin the earlypartof 1974 is thetypeof massparti-
cipationthatwould characterise all suchfailures oftakin,themassesofthe
peopleintoconfidence, so to sasr,and beingunresponsive tothelegitimate
grievances ofthemajority ofthepeople. One wouldbe entitledto ask-
whathas politicalstability, for whichthe 'politicalscientists' propound
theories, to oSer to thesuSeringmajority ofthepcople? Insteadoftaking
punitiveactionsagainsttheelementsthatare responsible forthemisery
causedto themassesand mounting a seriesof pre-emptive strikesagainst
potentialenemiesofthepeople,an indulgencein 'democratic platitudes'
is toout-Nero Neroin callousSddling. Such massactionsare theresult
of a callouz government which indulgesonly in garrulousness and
employsa band oftrigger-happy policemenand a woodenbureaucracy
to suppress theagitation. To blamemass actionis to blanlethethermo-
meterforshowing a hightenlperature.One cannot ibnorethesefactors
thatcausesuchmassactions and at the same time ask thepeople to
'participate'in theplarlninc, and maintainstability in whichpeople have
no stake. The happeningsin Gujarat, whatevermighthave been the
variousforces involvedin it, as in thehappeningsearlierin AndhraPra-
desh,are a portent oftheterrible instability thatis gripping thecountry.
In asocietywhereyawningdisparitiesdividethedifferent classes,
thevillagesand urbanareas,themassesand the elites,to expectpeople
to participate peacefully in the 'nation-building' activitieswhichto the
massesofthepeoplemaymeanat bestsomeincrementalism, istobe either
honestly misguided or to dishonestly desibntomisguidethepeople. There
is tremendous massactivity necessitated bytheuC,ly and starkrealitiesof
thefastdeteriorating socio-economic conditions.Amongothersthechief
symptoms of'everyrealrevolution is theusuallyrapid,suddenand abrupt
increasein thenumberofordinary citizenswhobeginto participate acti-
vels7,independently and eSectively in politicallifeand in theorganisation
ofthestate'.88Thisis onlyonepartoftherevolution. This participation
has to be properly led and theunleashedenergychannelledin the dire-
ctionofdestroyina thedisparities.

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 SCIENTIST
SC)CIAL
amongpoliticalpar-
20
greaterfragmentation
Therehas nevelbeena Eventhesmallest regionalpartieshave
than
ties at the present juncturo. most brazen-faced
go about bet,ginO for votes,gettinainto the it. The
and
split
not forproperly usingpowerbutforablxsingbythe
alliances abetted
opportunistie and there,aided and
is sporadicactionshere who were outwittedin the game of
result
elements
disgruntled amonbthose and causes
This changes the complexionofa movement major party
politics.
power The
as to who is using wllomand forwhatend. various inter-
confusion, beinga medleyof
incountry,
the theCongressParty,itself canitmobilisetlle
by its very nature takeanydecisivestepnor to questio-
cannot
ests theelectionsby resorting area. It
for any action except during each
masses in
praticesand supportint, thedominantcastegroup in organi-
nable l t indulgecl
a good machine forelectionmanouvre. found that a
become
has ofvestedinterests when it
'mass abitation' in support as happened
sing implement itsprogramme,
government
state triedto seriously ministry triedto implement
When tlle Namboodiripad
inKerala in 1959. of the then Prime
it made to the people undertheblessints struz,U,le'.
thepledges
the present Prime Ministerorganiseda 'liberation all support
Minister, in Kerala in 1959
inspiteof
so-called 'liberation struagle' of lumpen
the
The and theinvolvement
from the Central Goverment of the separatist
itreceived
did not assume the dangerousdimensionsofBrahmananda
elemenls, the resignation
Telangana avitation in 1969, deluanding tllat shookthe
There were also variousotheragitations done with
Reddy ministry. Butyet nothingwas
ministries in variousstatesto theroots. as was done in thecaseof the
suchexpUdition to removetheseministries
Namboodiripad ministry.
first with the
party at the time was notin full sympathy
If the ruling at leastafterthe mid-term
of implementation ofland reforms,
programme
under the leadership ofIndiraGandhiapparently
of 1971 the party the declaration
election
more earnest interest in agrarianreform.But whichi
evinced a to lack of politicalwill,
a mere pious one and owing for both
remained
by tlle capacity to mobilisethe masses
turn can be stl^engthened interests in tlze
and punitive action againstvestedlanded The ministries set
pre-emptive remained a non-starter.
areas, the irltended reform land reforms as
rural suchofthe margilwal
upforthepurpose of implementing saddles.
even remainin their
werepromised byA{rsGandhicould not onslaughtof rural
fell like ninepins againstthe terrific
Eachoneof them up on certainemotive
When possible, agitationsvere whipped mass agitationsof
reaction. that
ministries.Butone tlling
slogans,to removethe all oftllemare a proz,ressive
for cause and
indicate is that not oft}zevested
thesetypes by the activeinvolvement
actions are untainted theee
notall mass
divett the tremendous energyunleasheddurinc
interests who try to are antithetic the
to
directions whichin the lonb run is re-
movements rho sacrsScemost. History
illtO
of the very classes of people by sSIahatrna
interests
such betrayals.The withdrawal
pletewithexamplesof

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 POLITICAL PARTICIPAT1ON AND DEMOCRACY 1

Gandhiofthe'Satyagraha'movement of 1921svassuch an act of grand

betrayal,thoughtheMahatmacalled thelaunchingof the movement a
'Himalayanblunder.'The dangertha.t a massmovement maytakea most
reactionary line or turnto fascism as German and Ital> witnessed should
rlotblindone to thenecessity ofmobilising themasses to actionforchan-
ginotheexploitative natureofsociety.
No revolution evertakesa straight and easypath; ifit wereso,any
one couldlead a revolution.In a country of India'ssize and complexity
and theindifferent development ofitsvariousregions,any easy formula
to bringaboutchangecannotbe evolved. This ls not to suggestthat
peopleshouldnotuse theavailablelimitedavenuesto bettertheirlotand
tryto brinaaboutcertainstlellctural changesthatwouldeliminate poverty.
The politicaland economicpowerstructure in thecountryis notdesigned
fortheelimination ofpoverty. The powerofthegovernmerlt is derisTed
fromthefeudallandlords and industrial tycoonswho perennially finance
thepoliticalleadershipand the administration. As Dandekarpointsout,
Iftheinterestsofthepoormasses are to be attendedto, the power
baseofthegovernment mustchanae. The powermustflosvfromthe
masses. The richwillhave to be squeezed,notfor electionpurposes
butfortheeconomicdevelopment ofthemasses,to givethemassured
employment and a minimum income.29
Butthisis art,uing in circles. Unlessthe massesget power they
cannot 'squeeze'the rich. The richare notthereto permitthemselves
to be voluntarily squeesedand unlessthev are squeezed,the situation of
thomas3es is notgoinU, to improve.Thisis wherepoliticalprocessassumes
precedence over the economic. This is not an expression of thepetty
patriotism forone'sdiscipline.As Leninpointedout,"The mostessential,
the decisiveinterestsofclasses can be satisfiedonlyby radicalpolitical
changesin general".s° The hiChestformof economicstruggle is the
politicalstrugglewithoutvaginb whichin the mostdogged fashionno
ecorlomic chanaescan be brought about.
The factthatsucha simplemeasurelike land reform has notbeen
implemented shows theentrenchment ofthefendalelements in thepower
structure and the happyco-existence of theseclasseswiththeeconomic-
allypowerful capitalistclasswithout evervorkizzC at crosspurposes.The
largeindustrial houseshavebeerlCrowing in spiteofthegovernment hold-
ing the 'commandinO heights'of the economy.8 1 The table on the
follosving page SllOWS the riseof a fewas an illustration.It is not an
exhaustive list.
In theagricultulal sectoreven accordingto thefalseaccounting of
thegonernmental revenuerecordsonlyfivemillionhectaresout ofa total
of 150 millionhectaresunder cultivation have been redistributed. As
reaardssurplusland and wasteland distributed, thepictureis no better.
The capacityoftheland ownirlg gentry to hoard foodgtainsin spite of
goodharvests and to thwartthe government's half-hearted attemptsat

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 SOCIAL SCIENTIST
22
GROWTHOF INDUSTRIALHOUSES
OfRUPeeS)
(in CrOreS
1958 1967-68 PBrCentage
lncrease
Tata 223.41 584.63 161.5
Bir1a 112.87 579.63 413.5
MaRtinBUrn 72.94 174.29 138.9
SahU Jain 55.1 1 79.68 44.58
ThaPar 19.60 103.30 427.00
Sri Ram 19.82 107.41 441.9

PrOCUrement haVe a1SOC1ear1YindiCatedthat P1aYinU,the Oame OfPO1itiCS

aCCOrding tOthe 'rU1eSOf the game' bY the maSSeSmaY nOt 1DeCOndUCiVe
tO their bare eXiStenCenOttOSPeakOfriSingabOVethe VerYCOnSerVatiVe
POVertY 1inedraWnbY the eCOnOmiStS. Whi1eat the OVera11natiOna11eVe1
the Sma11bUt POWerfU1 CaPitaXiStgrOUPSCOntrO1 the SitUatiOnWithOUt
;eOPardiSingthe (COmmandingheiShtS' POSitiOnaSSUmedbY the PUb1iC
SeCtOrat the 1OWer1eVe1the feUda11ar1d1OrdS maniPU1atethe eieCtiOnS
and keeP Or remOVemen frOmOffiCeS aCCOrd;nOtOthe eXigenCieS Ofthe
SitUatiOn.
The PeCU1iaritYOfthe Ind;an eCOnOmiC deVe1OPment iS the PreSer-
VatiOnand maintenanCeOffeUda1tieS at the rUra11eVe1a1ODgBrithindUS-
and deVe1OPment
triaXiSatiOn OfCaPita1;Sm.It ShOUIdbe Urgedthata tOta1
deStrUCtiOn Of feUdal PrOdUCtiOn re1atiOnSdO nOt take P1aCe in anY
SbOUrgeOiS demOCratiC'reVO1UtiOn. There are a1WaYSa feWAdjUStmentS
and aiIgnmentSin eVerYePOCh;theSe Wi11be mOre SO in a COUntrYOf
India'S SiZeanD diVerSitY. BUt,bEZ and 1arge, in the indUStriaTiSed SOCie-
tieS Of the WeSt the dOminantSOCia1 reXatiOnS are nO mOre feUda1
and thereiS nO CO-eXiStenCeOffeUda1re1atiOnSW;thCaPita1iStPrOdUCtiOn
reXatiOnSaS iS the SitUatiOnin India. ThiS iS a1SOreSPOnSib1e fORthe
COnfliCtinC rePreSentedin manY PO1itiCa1
intereStS PartieS in India. BUt
abOVea11the rU1ingC1aSSeSmaintainaVeneer OfSOCia1;Sm. ThUS, in a11
P1an dOCUmentS and reSO1UtiOnSbrOadand VAgUeSOCiaXiStiC SeneraiiSatiOnS
are indU1gedin, Whi1eat the OPeratiOna1 1eVe1S nOindiCatiONS are giVenaS
tOhOWthe reSOUrCeS haVetObe mObi1iSed and hOWthe StrangiEhO1d Ofthe
rUra1riChand the mOnOPO1Y hOUSeSiS tObe CUrbed. THereSOre, t11ePanS
ChaYatiRa; inStitUtiOnS Or the CO-OPeratiVeinStitUtiOnS WhiChaCCOrd-
ing tO the P1anningCOmmiSSiOn'S rePOrTSare the ager1CieStO imP1ement
the PrOgramrI1eS fOrthe POOrerSeCtiOnS And tOmObiiiSethe PartiC;PatiOn
OfthemaSSeS)inStead OffU1fi11ing theSe 1Oft}fUnCtiOnS remain statas quo-
mainta;ninginStitUtiOnS dOminatedbY 1OCa1tYrantSand bOSSeS.
The bUreaUCraCY and the OtherCOmPOI1entS Ofthe State aPParatUS
are a1SOgeared tO maintain th;S SYStemAnd WhenCVCr a StreetriOtOra
ViO1entbUtShOrt-1iVeda DitatiOnta1;eSP1aCeIt iS e3Si1Ydea1tWithin an ad
hoc manner. TheSe 'anOmiC'OUtbUrCtS are PaRtOfthe SYStemPrOVidinG

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 POLITICAL PARTICIPATION AND DEMOCRACY 23

a sortof negativefeedbackto the inputsof thesystem. In fact,many

oftheseagitations are led b menwho are interested in maintaining the
system and wantto gain a fewpositionsdeniedto themin the regular
legalprocess. Once the5!getsvhattheywant,theycall offtheagitations
and conveniently forget themasses. The conductof theAndhrasepara-
tistsis a clearcase.
ESectiveorganisation of the massesof the people is essentialfor
participation and notverbalplatitudes and exhortations. MassparticiIJa-
tion,therefore, cannotbutbe class-oriented and bytheverynaturecannot
besecretive. Mass participation shouldfreethe commonman fromthe
tutelageoftheelitesand intellectuals and makehim freeto act withfull
senseofresponsilJility inhisaction. It is, therefore, at once an educative
processand a processof self^assertion; France and even United States
with all theiraffluencewitnessedparticipatory action by studentsin
decision-making, an experience thatrepudiatesthetheorists anclapologists
ofapathyreferred to earlier. Participation of the massesis necessary to
rejectthebureaucracy thathas entrenched itselfand standsas an incubus
in thepathofprogress; to rejectthe politicalpartywhichhas builtitself
up as a singledominantpartyclistributing patronageto the thinsection
ofthepeopleat thetopand byvirtueofsuchcapacityable to keepdiver-
gentintereststogether;to break the ramshackle interlockingpolitical
institution thatis incapable of movingforwardand to democratically
destroy thecapitalistsocialsystem whichwitha11itspanoplyofglibixltel-
lectualapologies,legal quibblinbs anclcleveralibisperpetuates and multi-
pliestheevilsofan unjust socio-economic dispensation manifestingitself
in hoardingand black-marketin¢, adlllterationand corruption, inflation
and unemployment.It is a guaranteeagainstanarchyand populi.sm to
shich thissystem wouldotherwise ultimately lead, ifmassactionsare not
organisedto purgeit oftheseelements.

' WalterLippman,ThcPublicPhilosophy, Boston,LittleBron, and Co 19O5,p39.

s MorrisH Jones,;'InDefenceofAnathy'',Political StudiesII, 1954,pp 25-37.
s GarethStedmanJones, 'History!The PovertyofEmpiricism"in RobinBlackburn (ed)
Ideology
inSocialScicnsc, Bingay,Suffolk,Fontana,1972,p 98
4 JoseOrtega,Y Gasset,Rcw'toftheMasses,\'VWlSiorton Co. Inc., 1957.
5 GustaveLe Bon, ThcCrozud:.1 Study ofthcPopularw71ffind,
ErnestBenn, 1952.
6 HaroldD Laswell,"The Garrison State", EheAmericanournal ofSocioZogy, XLVI,
1941,pp 455-468. Othersare WalterLippman,Hannah.Xrendt, and Eric Fromm,
whoalsowantthemasseskeptawayfromactiveinvolvement in politics. Karl Jas-
persin'Diegestigcsituationde Zeit' Leipzig, 1931, anticipatesthe mosthorrible
working ofmassmindin history and vants us togetbackto religion. I do not pre-
tendto knowmorethanthisaboutthisbook.
7 Marxhimself acknowledges thisbysaying"no creditis due tome fordiscovering the
existenceofclassesin modernsociety or thestruggle
betweenthem. L ongbeforeme
bourgeoishistorianshad descril)edthehistoricaldevlopment of thisclassstruggle
and
bourgeois economi.sts,economicanatomyof the classes". Marx to Weydemeyerz
LetterwrittenfromLolldonon March5, 1852. SeZected Wo?ks,Vol. I, Progress
Publishers,
Moscow,1969,p 528.

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24 SOCIAL SCIENTIST
8 RobertA Dahl (citingRajni Kothari,)Polyarchy NewHaven, Yale University Press,
1971,pp 117-118.
9 WilliamKornhauser, PolicsofMass Society, New York, FreePress,1959,p 238.
o In fact,thisapproachis notentirely modernas some makeitoutto be bycallingit
a BehaviouralRevolution. Aristotle and latterlyHobbesdid go intohumannature
as determinants of political bel1aviour.Graham\Vallasand CharlesE Merriam
are consideredas having onceagain reawakened this spirit. CharlesE Merriam
gavesuchan importanceto psychology thathe rejectedhistory as being irrelevant
to politicalscience.Then came variousotherpsychological treatments of political
personalitiesand analysis of certain psychologicalmomentsthat deternuined
politicaldecisions.SeeGrahamWallas,HumanJVature in Politics,and Artof Thou,ht,
London,JonathanCape, 1926;CharlesEMerriamJVewAspectsof Politics,Chicago,
1925.
t 1 Seefor instance Christian Bay,"Politicsand Pseudo-Politics: A CriticalEvaluation
ofSomeBehaviouralistLiterature", American Political
ScienceReview LIX,Marchl965,
39-85; Charles McCoy and JosephPlaford (eds) Apolitical Politics,New York,
ThomasY CrowellCo., 1967.
The much advertisedDavid Easton's "Nesv Revolutionin BehaviouralScience"
AmericanPoliticalScienceReview,Vol. LXIII, No, 4, December 1969shouldnothow-
everbe mistaken to be in thecategory ofchallenges toBehaviouralism.It isan attem-
ptto further strengthen it byusingknosvledge forreform.
2 David Easton,op.cit.
Thisis soughtto be answeredinDavidEaston'spaperquotedearlierinwhichhesays
thatpost-behaviouralists join thevenerabletradition of'Greekclassical philosophy',
Karl Marx,JohnDesveyand modernexistentialism. Strangebedfellows forMarx
indeed!
l 4 Incidentally, theword"development" broughtin liberalgrantsfromsuchagencies
liketheFordFoundationwhenresearch on the'underdeveloped'countries waslaun
ched.
1 5 WG Runciman,SocialScience andPoliticalTheory, Cambridge University Press,1973
p 4525.
16 LetterfromF Engelsto T Cuno,January24, 1872,Setected [1zorks,Vol 2, Moscosst,
1973p 42o.
17 "Hegel'sPhilosophy ofRight" (ed) R A Knox, OxfordUniversityPress,1940,p201.
1 8 "Communist Manisfesto", Selected
T1;orks,
Vol, I p 216.
9 StanislovOssowski,ClassStructlarc inSocialConsciousness, London, 1963,criticisesin
generalhow Hegel's'thoughtless inconsistency and managerialsensebecome really
disgusting' p 125. Marx in a diSerentcontextsays,'To be consciouslyan integral
partofsomething is to participateconsciously in it,tobe consciouslyintegralto it.
\Vithout this consciousness thememberofthestatessrould be an animal...Participa-
tionin politicalmatters ofgeneralconcernand participation in the Stateare,there-
fore,identical'. See Karl Marx, 'Critique of Hegel'sPhilosophy of Right'Cambridge
University Press,1970pp 117-118.
20 GA Almondand S Verba, Civic Cult2lse,, Boston,Little13rossrnand Co, 1965p 10.
21 Mao Tse-Tung,"On Practice,on the Relation betweenKnowledgeand Practice,
betsveen Knowingand Doing "SelectedReadings fromthe Works of Mao fse-Tung
Peking1971.
22 Inthe 1952 GeneralElectionsRavi !!Tarayan Reddy polled 3,09,162voteswhile
PanditNehru at theheightofhispopularityand powerpolled2,33,581voteswith
alltheelectoralmachinery and moneythat wereplaced at his disposal. C.ompared
to theAllahabadconsistituency of Nehru,t{1e Nalgondaconstituency is veryback-
wardwithinadequatetransport andintractable terrain.

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 POLITICAL PGRTICIPATION AND DEMOCRACY 25

93 Thiswas comparedto the mutiny on thePrincePotemkin in CzaristRussiain 1905.

by I,enin as the dressrehearsalofthe OctoberRevolution. India
It was described
had onlya dressrehearsal!
24 Donald Hindley,"Dilemmasof Consensusand Division: Indonesia'sSearchfora
PoliticalFormat,"Government andOpposition 4, WinterI969, p 69.
is Marx and Ellgels,"SelecfedWorks"Vol 2, Progres3Pa1blishers, Moscow, 1973,
pp 380-382.
2 6 Peopleand Planning, Reportof the Committeeon "Public Participat.ion in Plann-
ing"London,Her Majesty'sStationery Oice, p 3, Reprinted1972. The I;rench
Planningalso solicitsmaximumparticipation ofthevarioussectionsofthepeople
butinfactit becomesan instrument in thehandsofthe illdustrialists and bureau-
cratswhohavealreadypreparedtheplansand onlyseeka ratification fromthebroad
section3ofthepeopleas a democratic ritual.
27 RobertADahl, Polyarchy, NewHaven,Yale University Press1971,pp 92-93.
2 8 VI Lenin,"The TasksoftheProletariat in ourRevolution lDraft ofa Platform for
theProletariatParty",Selected WorksVol II, ProgressPululishers,Moscow1967p 28
29 V M Dandekar,"Have We TurnedtheCorner [Keekly
? "Illustrated oflndia,October
2, 1973.
VI Lenin,CollectedXt'orksVol 5 pp 390-391.
31 The expression'commandingheights'svasused in the Tsventieth Party Congress
oftheCommunist PartyoftheSovietUnion'sresolutionwith referenceto China's
intoSocialismundertheleadershipof thePeople's Demo-
lzeacefultransformation
craticGovernment.

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