CDN Ed Developmental Psychology Childhood and Adolescence 4th Edition Shaffer Solutions Manual

Instructors Manual for Developmental Psychology: Childhood and Adolescence 4ce
Part 3: Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development
Chapter 10:
Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance
General Coursemate Resources for Chapter 10
http://www.developmentalpsych4ce.nelson.com
Student Site
• Learning Objectives for Chapter 10
• Chapter Outline and Summary for Chapter 10
• Interactive Quiz (multiple choice questions) for Chapter 10
• Self-Study Questions (short answer and essay questions) for Chapter 10
• Beyond the Book (activities and projects) for Chapter 10
• Flashcards (vocabulary practice) for Chapter 10
• Games (Concentration and Crosswords) for Chapter 10
• Multi-Media (videos) for Chapter 10
Instructor Site (also available on CD-ROM)

• PowerPoint® Lecture Slides for Chapter 10
• Multi-Media (videos) for Chapter 10
• Image Gallery for Chapter 10
• Test Bank (multiple-choice, short-answer, and essay assessment questions) for Chapter 10
• Computerized Test Bank for Chapter 10
Chapter Outline Ideas for Instruction Specific Coursemate Resources

What is Intelligence? Learning Objectives
• Psychometric Views 1 to 5
• Information-Processing
Viewpoint Lecture Topic
• Gardner’s Theory of Multiple 10-3
Intelligences
How is Intelligence Learning Objectives Activity 10-2 in Beyond the Book,

Measured? 6 to 9 Chapter 10 (Coursemate Student Site)
• Stanford-Binet
• Wechsler Lecture Topic
• Distribution of IQ Scores 10-4
• Group tests
• Newer approaches
• Assessing infant intelligence
• Stability in IQ
What do Intelligence Tests Learning Objectives

Predict? 10 to 11
• Scholastic achievement
• Vocational outcomes
• Health, adjustment and life
satisfaction
Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 9-1

Chapter 10: Intelligence: Measuring Mental Performance
Factors that Influence IQ Learning Objective

Scores 12
• Heredity
• Environment Lecture Topic
10-1
Social and Cultural Learning Objectives Activity 10-1 in Beyond the Book,
Correlates 13 to 14 Chapter 10 (Coursemate Student Site)
• Home environment
• Birth order, and family size Lecture Topic
• Social class, racial and ethnic 10-2
differences
• Why do groups differ in
intellectual performance?
Improving Cognitive Learning Objective

Performance Through 15
Compensatory Education
• Long-Term Follow-ups
• Parental Involvement
• Intervening Early
Creativity and Special Learning Objectives

Talents 16 to 18
• What is Creativity?
• The Psychometric
Perspective
• The Multicomponent
Perspective

CHAPTER OUTLINE
I. What is intelligence?
A. Psychometric views of intelligence
1. Alfred Binet's singular component approach
2. Factor analysis and the multicomponent view of intelligence
a. Early multicomponent theories of intelligence
b. Later multicomponent theories of intelligence
B. A modern information-processing viewpoint
1. Context
2. The experiential component
3. The componential (or information-processing) component
C. Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences
II. How is intelligence measured?
A. The Stanford-Binet intelligence scale
B. The Wechsler Scales
C. Distribution of IQ scores
D. Group tests of mental performance
E. Newer approaches to intelligence testing
F. Assessing infant intelligence
1. Do DQs predict later IQs?
2. Evidence for continuity in intellectual performance
G. Stability of IQ in childhood and adolescence
III. What do intelligence tests predict?
A. IQ as a predictor of scholastic achievement
B. IQ as a predictor of vocational outcomes
C. IQ as a predictor of health, adjustment, and life satisfaction
IV. Factors that influence IQ scores
A. The evidence for heredity
1. Twin studies
2. Adoption studies
B. The evidence for environment
1. A secular trend: The Flynn effect
2. Adoption studies
V. Social and cultural correlates of intellectual performance
A. Home environment and IQ
1. Assessing the character of the home environment
2. Does the HOME inventory predict IQ?
a. Which aspects of the home environment matter most?
b. A hidden genetic effect?
B. Birth order, family size, and IQ
C. Social class, racial, and ethnic differences in IQ
D. Why do groups differ in intellectual performance?
1. The cultural/test bias hypothesis
a. Does test bias explain group differences in IQ?
b. Motivational factors
c. Impacts of negative stereotypes
2. The genetic hypothesis
a. Criticisms of the genetic hypothesis
3. The environmental hypothesis

VI. Improving cognitive performance through compensatory education

A. Long-term follow-ups
B. The importance of parental involvement
C. The importance of intervening early
VII. Creativity and special talents
A. What is creativity?
B. The psychometric perspective
C. The multicomponent (or confluence) perspective
1. Sternberg and Lubart’s investment theory
a. Intellectual resources
b. Knowledge
c. Cognitive style
d. Personality
e. Motivation
f. A test of investment theory
g. Promoting creativity in the classroom
VIII. Applying developmental themes to intelligence and creativity
OBJECTIVES
What is Intelligence?
Students should be able to

1. Describe the testing procedure developed by Alfred Binet and discuss how his procedure could be used
to determine a child’s mental age.
2. Compare and contrast the factor-analytic models of intelligence developed by Spearman, Thurstone,
Guilford, and Carroll.
3. Distinguish between fluid and crystallized intelligence.
4. Outline the key components in Sternberg’s triarchic theory of intelligence.
5. Describe Gardner’s theory of multiple intelligences.
How is Intelligence Measured?

6. Describe a variety of methods that have been used to assess intelligence in preschool and school-aged
children.
7. Describe and evaluate the Bayley scales of infant development.
8. Identify three measures of early information-processing ability that correlate with later IQ scores.
9. Discuss the stability of IQ scores during childhood and adolescence.
What Do Intelligence Tests Predict?

10. Discuss how well IQ can predict scholastic achievement, vocational outcomes, and general
adjustment and life satisfaction.
11. Summarize the evidence concerning genetic and environmental influences on IQ.

Factors That Influence IQ Scores

12. Describe how a child’s home environment can be assessed, and identify the aspects of the home
environment that appear to exert the greatest influence on intellectual development.
Social and Cultural Correlates of Intellectual Performance

13. Summarize the findings that relate to social class, racial, and ethnic differences in IQ, and discuss
three potential reasons for these differences.
14. Identify two levels of intellectual ability proposed by Jensen.
Compensatory Education

15. Evaluate the overall effectiveness of compensatory interventions such as Head Start and Learning to
Learn, and identify some factors that can influence the effectiveness of these types of programs.
Creativity

16. Differentiate between convergent and divergent thinking.
17. Describe the key aspects of the investment theory of creativity and discuss the results from research
studies designed to test this theory.
18. Discuss some methods for promoting creativity in classroom settings.
19. Define each of the highlighted glossary terms in the chapter.
20. Discuss how the four central developmental themes of the text relate to this chapter’s material.
KEY CONCEPTS
If nothing else, my students should learn

1. The different ways in which intelligence is defined and can be measured.
2. The factors that are most likely to influence how intelligence is measured and understood.
STUDENT MOTIVATION
This chapter is important to psychologists because

1. Intelligence tests are frequently used in educational and other settings. When used properly intelligence
tests can be useful tools.
2. The concept of intelligence has been and continues to be highly debated. A better understanding of the
limitations of intelligence testing can help psychologists to make better use of intelligence tests.
Students should care about the content in this chapter because

1. Having a better (i.e., broader) conception of what intelligence is can help students to recognize the
importance in context in defining intelligent behaviour.
2. The previous two chapters have examined cognitive development. This chapter is an attempt to
measure some of the outputs associated with this cognitive development.

BARRIERS TO LEARNING
Some common misconceptions and stumbling blocks related to this chapter are
1. Intelligence tests have been used to incorrectly claim that some cultural groups are less intelligent than
others. Emphasize what intelligence tests can and cannot do. Discuss the impact of cultural bias on the
validity of intelligence tests.
2. Intelligence is a concept that many people feel that they have an understanding of, but often their
understanding is limited to academic intelligence. Explain the different ways in which intelligence can be
defined.

WHAT CAN I DO IN CLASS - LECTURE TOPICS
Provide an overview of theories of intelligence, stability and ability to predict IQ, evidence for the role of
heredity and environment, explanations for group differences, effects of compensatory education, and
creativity.
LECTURE 10-1 ROLE OF HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT IN IQ
If you did not use material from Lecture 3-1 earlier, you may wish to incorporate some of it here. Also
see Activity 3-3 (Applying Gottesman's Range of Reaction Notion), and the following summary of the
evidence for a role of heredity and environment presented in text Chapter 10.
This is not a new topic for the students. It was also addressed in Chapter 3. It is useful for the instructor to
remind students of that earlier coverage of evidence for the role of heredity and environment in IQ and to go
over the logic of the kinship and adoption studies. Give examples that show how each type of study provides
evidence for both heredity and for environment. The logic of kinship and adoption studies is clearly
explained in the text, but students often need an additional run-through. (Note--See an old article by
Woodworth, 1941, for some identical twin data showing the importance of environment--even for identical
twins. When environmental experiences were really divergent, IQ differences were as big at 24 points. The
twin with more years of school and social advantages scored considerably higher, demonstrating the wide
range of reaction that IQ performance can have. Point out that it makes sense that, if an individual's IQ could
fluctuate as much as 40 points or more across periods of childhood (as McCall et al., 1973, and others have
shown), identical twins could also be quite divergent in scores despite their shared genetic makeup.)
Resources
McCall, R. B., Appelbaum, M. I., & Hogarty, P. S. (1973). Developmental changes in mental performance.
Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 38, Whole No. 150.
Plomin, R. (1990). Nature and nurture, pp. 67-82, 116-135 . Pacific Grove, CA: Brooks/Cole.
Woodworth, R. S. (1941). Resemblances between identical twins reared apart. (Adapted from Heredity and
environment. New York: Social Science Research Council Bulletin # 47). In H. Munsinger (Ed.),
Readings in Child Development. New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston (1971).
LECTURE 10-2 RELATIONSHIP OF HOME ENVIRONMENT/PARENTING TO IQ AND

ACADEMIC PERFORMANCE: TWO RECENT STUDIES
Note: Some discussion of this topic is presented in this manual with the description of Activity 10-1.
Activity 10-1 would be a useful activity to assign prior to a lecture on this topic. Several points to make
regarding environmental influences on IQ are presented in the commentary on Activity 10-1.
Hart and Risley (a longitudinal study of parenting during the language acquisition years—approximately 6
months to 3 years)
Hart and Risley (1992) report the results of 2½ years of once-a-month observations of unstructured parent-
child interactions in the home setting. Note that the study (a) is longitudinal over 27 months, (b) collected
many observations of child-family interactions (an hour once a month), and (c) observed the parents and
children in the family setting doing what they normally do. These characteristics of the study provide
ecological validity and potentially strong reliability. If families are truly different in the amount of language
input they provide and in their use of prohibitions, it should become clear in the 27 hours of observations
collected in the family setting. Forty families participated. The sample included both African American and
Caucasian families that varied widely in SES. The authors believe that they were able to "capture" authentic
life within these families.

It is rare that such claims can be made in research, especially research involving multiple observations—and
it is probably an overstatement. The authors point out that the families likely represent relatively well-
functioning families for them to have been willing to commit to such a project. Yet they maintain that the
differences were marked enough within that well-functioning sample to give an unambiguous picture of
what parenting factors are associated with IQ test performance (interestingly, this strong relationship shows
up before age 4, the age when Yeates et al. found home environment to be a better predictor of IQ than
maternal IQ-- see text).
Parenting variables included several from the HOME inventory (see Table 9.5 in the text), several indices of
language input, and some items from the Child Rearing Practices Report (McNally et al., 1991).
Results: It was found that child IQ was significantly related to several parenting/family variables and that
some of the correlations were as high as r = .55--a pretty strong correlation in the realm of developmental
research. The parenting/family variables significantly related to IQ were:
Parental Involvement and IQ

• r = +.33 Mother in same room as child
• r = +.33 Mother joins in child's activity
• r = +.39 Amount of speech directed to the child
• r = +.51 Number of different words in speech to child
Quality of Involvement and IQ

• r = +.33 Percentage of parent utterances that were repetitions, expansions, or extensions of an
immediately preceding child utterance
• r = +.54 Percentage of parent utterances that were questions
• r = - .55 Percentage of parent utterances that were imperatives directing the child to "stop," "quit,"
"don't;" i.e., prohibitions
SES and IQ r = +.55

In addition the results showed SES to be significantly correlated with 8 of the 10 parent behaviour measures
(r = .36 to r = .63). Particularly noteworthy were the strong positive correlations between SES and amount
and quality of language input, and the strong negative correlation between SES and use of prohibitions. The
authors emphasised the strong interrelationship of SES, parenting, and IQ in their summary of findings:
As a whole, these measures of the amount of parenting per hour in children's lives were strongly associated
with the existing SES level of the family. Children of lower SES families received substantially less time
and effort from their parents than did children of higher SES parents. These differences in amount of
parenting per hour of child life were strongly correlated with subsequent IQ measures of the children (p.
1103).
The contentive quality of parent's utterances to their children is strongly related to the family's existing SES
level. In lower SES families, a substantial portion (up to 20%) of parent utterances to children function to
prohibit the children's activities, whereas such discouraging words are rarely or never heard in higher SES
families. Instead, children in higher SES families hear many more questions (up to 45% of parent
utterances) and more frequent repetitions and elaborations of their own topics (up to 5% of parent
utterances). These differences in the contentive quality of parent utterances were all strongly correlated with
subsequent IQ measures...the strong relationship between even low levels of prohibitions and unfavourable
child outcomes suggests that prohibitions have a toxic function beyond simply displacing questions and
other high quality contentive categories of parent utterances (p. 1103).

What is perhaps particularly significant about this study is the large body of observations—monthly for 2½
years—that produced both strong numerical data and strong impressions on the authors. Perhaps the
strength of their conviction that there were very real differences between families comes in part from finding
such variation across families in parent questions to children (less than 20% to almost 50% of parental
utterances), in number of vocabulary words (less than 100 different vocabulary words addressed to children
in some families per hour and 500 per hour in others), and in the proportion of parent utterances that
contained repetitions, expansions, and extensions of children's speech ("active listening" features), a five-
fold difference across families.
Resource
Hart, B., & Risley, T. R. (1992). American parenting of language-learning children: Persisting differences in
family-child interactions observed in natural home environments. Developmental Psychology, 28,
1096-1105.
Steinberg et al. on parenting practices and adolescent achievement

A study by Steinberg, Lamborn, Dornbusch, and Darling (1992) provides an interesting extension of the
research presented in the text and above on the relationship between parenting/home variables and IQ. It
allows for a chance to see if parenting variables remain a strong and consistent factor in children's lives as
they enter adolescence. In this study, the relationship between parenting variables and school achievement
(rather than IQ) is studied. Because the notion of the authoritative parent has not been introduced yet in the
text, you will need to take a few minutes to characterize this style for students (see Chapter 15 in the text)
and relate it to the characteristics of parenting associated with IQ in childhood--warmth and responsiveness,
parental involvement, and parental demands (firm, age-appropriate demands versus neglect versus
unrealistic demands).
(Note--See Figure 1, p. 1276, Steinberg et al., 1992, for a path analysis of the over-time impact of parental
authoritativeness on adolescent school performance and school engagement and the mediating effects of
parental involvement in school and parental encouragement of academic success, a good possibility for a TR
Master to accompany this lecture topic.)
The Steinberg et al. study makes a noteworthy contribution to our understanding of the relationship between
parenting practices and child outcomes because of several characteristics:
• The study was longitudinal, with data being collected twice, once in the 1987-1988 school year and once
in the 1988-1989 school year. The authors argued that one of the advantages of the longitudinal approach
for addressing this particular research question is that it allowed for better assessment of possible
interpretations of a relationship between parenting practices and adolescent achievement (i.e., if parenting
practices lie behind achievement, then achievement might be expected to improve over the adolescent
years). Unfortunately the authors did not reassess authoritative parenting after one year to determine if it
was enhanced by high adolescent achievement; rather they assumed from previous research that it would
remain stable and only studied what happened to student outcomes.
Results: The authors report that "the significant partial correlations between parental authoritativeness and
both adolescent performance and engagement provide support for the notion that authoritative parenting
leads to, and not simply accompanies (or follows from), higher achievement." (p. 1275, emphasis added)
• The study was designed to examine the relative contributions of parental encouragement of excellence
and educational involvement to the authoritative parenting effects.
Results: It was found that parental involvement, but not parental encouragement of academic excellence,
accounted for the better school performance of adolescents with authoritative parents. In other words,
authoritative parents who attended school programs, helped with course selection, and monitored student

progress had higher-achieving students. In general, "pushing" children toward higher achievement did not
contribute the way involvement did—with one exception—parental encouragement of excellence did
significantly enhance engagement of the adolescent in school among Hispanic-American students with
authoritative parents.
• The study was designed to determine whether parental involvement or parental encouragement were
associated with higher achievement across types of parenting, or whether the moderating effects of
those variables was found only in the context of authoritative parenting.
Results: It was found that parental involvement and encouragement of excellence more effectively fostered
school achievement in the context of authoritative parenting. The authors suggest that "how parents
express their involvement and encouragement may be as important as whether and to what extent they do."
(p. 1279)
• The study used a large sample that was ethnically and socio-economically diverse, in contrast to most
studies on parenting styles. Adolescents were sampled from nine high schools; included African-, Asian-,
European-, and Hispanic-American students. The sample included children from intact, divorced, and
remarried family structures; and contained students from urban, suburban, and rural communities. (Note—
The authors used a positive-response approach for gaining subject consent to participate from the
adolescents, but a negative-response approach for gaining parental consent. That is, parents had to send
notification if they did not want their child to participate. This procedure resulted in an unusually high
participation rate.)
Results: The findings indicated that the effect of authoritative parenting and parental school
involvement transcended socio-economic class, sex, and age, but not ethnicity. Parenting practices
were less related to student achievement among African-Americans than among other ethnic groups,
consistent with the findings of Dornbusch et al (1987) and Steinberg et al. (1992). Despite relatively high
levels of authoritative parenting among the African-American parents, the efforts of these parents were not
as reliable in producing positive school achievement and engagement in their children. The authors
suggest that these results and those of a subsequent study suggest that peer influences apparently
undermine otherwise beneficial authoritative parenting practices.
One might conjecture that perhaps warm, supportive parental interest and involvement in the learning
process is facilitative and that demands for grades or administering negative consequences for poor
performance have little impact or may even be counterproductive. This conclusion is supported by the lack
of independent contribution to achievement of parental encouragement of excellence (except among
Hispanic students).
Note—It is useful (and intellectually stimulating) for students to look for common threads across chapters.
Alert students periodically to consider whether the conclusions about which parenting variables influence
child outcomes sound similar across such varied domains as IQ, achievement, moral reasoning, social
maturity, and impulse control. If students pay careful attention to the sections detailing the role of parent
variables, they will begin to find repetitious themes—e.g., involvement, warmth, sensitivity, and provision
of rationales. Not all of these factors will be strongly associated with all outcomes, but two or more will
undoubtedly be. Alert students to the fact that studies from the 40s to the 90s all point to the same parenting
variables as important, but the labels applied and the descriptions of those variables may differ. The text
helps to point out these common themes across time, across studies, and across domains of development,
but it is helpful for the instructor to also point them out and suggest that students explicitly look for them in
the text.

Resources
Dornbush,, S., Ritter, P., Leiderman, P., Roberts, D., & Fraleigh, M. (1987). The relation of parenting style
to adolescent school performance. Child Development , 58, 1244-1257.
Steinberg, L, Lamborn, S. D., Dornbusch, S. M., & Darling, N. (1992). Impact of parenting practices on
adolescent achievement: Authoritative parenting, school involvement, and encouragement to succeed.
Child Development, 63, 1266-1281.
LECTURE 10-3 IS INTELLIGENCE WHAT TRADITIONAL IQ TESTS MEASURE?

ALTERNATE CONCEPTUALIZATIONS OF INTELLIGENCE
To overview text coverage of IQ, what IQ tests measure, and its stability and ability to predict.
You might consider expanding on the text coverage of Sternberg's triarchic theory of intelligence, Gardner's
theory of multiple intelligences, or Vygotsky's readiness to learn (zone of proximal development) notion.
The latter is described below. It is a good choice because it relates to Chapter 8 material on cognition, can be
related to Lecture 8-4 on the mechanisms of cognitive change, and can be related to material on the role
adults/parents/teachers play in children's development covered in many places in the text. A discussion of
Vygotsky's notion of zone of proximal development is a particularly appropriate extension if your class
includes teacher education students.
Vygotsky: Zone of Proximal Development

Vygotsky introduced the notion of zone of proximal development to psychology in North America. It refers
to what a child can do with help, rather than what a child knows or can already do. According to Vygotsky,
cognitive growth takes place within that zone where the child is being given the guidance he/she needs to be
able to eventually understand or do something on his/her own. If a child does not know how to make
pancakes, but can accomplish the task with the help of an adult (or another child with knowledge of the
component skills—someone more knowledge/skilled than the child), that task is within the child's zone of
proximal development.
Several researchers have shown that children's ability to profit from help/guidance is not as well predicted
by their IQ scores as one might expect. Instead. they suggest that it is more informative to assess children
using a TEST-TRAIN-RETEST PROCEDURE (Belmont, 1989; Brown & Ferrara, 1985). This procedure
allows for assessment of what a child can learn when given a chance to have adult guidance. It also indexes
the child's ability to transfer the skills learned with adult help. According to research discussed by Brown
and Ferrara (1985), not all average-IQ children are alike and not all high-IQ children are alike regarding
speed of learning or ability to transfer after they have received help learning something new. These authors
have found that, among low-IQ children, some are relatively slow learners with low transfer to related tasks,
some are slow learners with high transfer, some are fast learners with low transfer, and some are fast
learners with high transfer. Similar trends occur for high-IQ children. (See Figure 7, p. 291, Brown &
Ferrara.) Brown and Ferrara and others argue that these individual differences are not a part of the typical IQ
profile but should be taken into consideration in developing individual learning plans for children. This
recommendation is consistent with Vygotsky's views provided below:
Suppose I investigate two children upon entrance into school, both of whom are ten years old
chronologically and eight years old in terms of mental development. Can I say they are the same
age mentally? Of course. What does this mean? It means that they can independently deal with
tasks up to the degree of difficulty that has been standardized for the eight-year-old level. If I stop at
this point, people would imagine that the subsequent course of mental development and of school
learning for these children will be the same, because it depends on their intellect…Now imagine

that I do not terminate my study at this point, but only begin it. These children seem to be capable
of handling problems up to an eight-year-old's level, but not beyond that. Suppose that I show them
various ways of dealing with the problem. Different experimenters might employ different modes of
demonstration in different cases: some might run through an entire demonstration and ask the
children to repeat it, others might initiate the solution and ask the child to finish it, or offer leading
questions. In short, in some way or another I propose that the children solve the problem with my
assistance. Under these circumstances it turns out that the first child can deal with problems up to a
twelve-year-olds' level, the second up to a nine-year-old's. Now, are these children mentally the
same?
When it was first shown that the capability of children with equal levels of mental development to
learn under a teacher's guidance varied to a high degree, it became apparent that those children were
not mentally the same age and that the subsequent course of their learning would obviously be
different. This difference between twelve and eight, or between nine and eight, is what we call the
zone of proximal development. (Vygotsky, 1978, pp. 85-86)
Brown and Ferrara (1985) suggest that procedures for mapping zones of proximal development "have the
potential for providing diagnostic tools with prescriptive significance" (p. 298). In other words, by knowing
where the zone of "readiness to learn” is, educators can plan activities that are both within the realm of the
possible and challenging for the child. Anyone who has taught knows what a difficult balancing act that can
be. Brown and Ferrara are suggesting that there are assessment procedures being developed that will help
take the guesswork out of defining that band of instruction for which a child is ready if provided with
appropriate guidance.
Note—The notion of zone of proximal development is very similar to Feurerstein's notion of mediated
learning. Similar educational implications follow from the two views. (See text for a brief description of
Feurerstein's test of intelligence.)
Note--The Brown, Palincsar, and Armbruster (1984) study provides a good example of what can be
accomplished with poor reading comprehenders when they are provided guidance within their zones of
proximal development and provided adult guidance in acquiring more successful reading comprehension
strategies than they used formerly.
Resources
Belmont, J. M. (1989). Cognitive strategies and strategic learning: The socio-instructional approach.
American Psychologist, 44, 142-148.
Brown, A., L., & Ferrara, R. A. (1985). Diagnosing zones of proximal development. In J. V. Wertsch (Ed.),
Culture, communication, and cognition: Vygotskian perspectives. Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
Brown, A. L., Palincsar, A. S., & Armbruster, B. B. (1984). Instructing comprehension-fostering activities
in interactive learning situations. In H. Mandl, N. L. Stein, & T. Trabasso (Eds.), Learning and
comprehension of text. Hillsdale, NJ: Erlbaum.
Vygotsky, L. S. (1978). Mind in society: The development of higher psychological processes. Cambridge,
Mass: Harvard University Press.
Gardner: Theory of Multiple Intelligences

Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences (see text) has had a great impact on educational curriculum
development (Campbell, Campbell, & Dickinson, 1992; Gardner, 1993, Gardner & Hatch, 1989).
According to Gardner (1983, 1993), typical tasks valued in school focus almost exclusively on linguistic and
logical-mathematical intelligence. Programs such as music, art, and physical education, involving musical,

visual, and bodily-kinesthetic intelligence, are viewed as "frills" in a program of basic education.
Interpersonal and intrapersonal intelligence are given brief attention as values clarification, ethics, and co-
operative learning. By contrast, programs based on multiple intelligence theory feature a wide variety of
activities that encourage students to develop and explore many different skills. Teachers provide students
with many opportunities to explore different methods of learning so as to build upon each student's aptitudes
and develop all of their intelligences (Gardner & Hatch, 1989). As an integral part of the program, the
curriculum presents a variety of activities that require use of the various intelligences to complete. For
example, during a lesson on comets, children may be encouraged to make paper "comets" in an art activity,
read about comets in a variety of sources and write a report, compose a song about a comet's motion through
space, draw comets to various scales using graph paper, or present questions about comets to others in the
class.
In addition, multiple intelligence theory provides a framework for creative remediation of learning
problems. If a student is having difficulty grasping a concept one way, teachers are encouraged to vary the
activity using a different "intelligence" to solve the problem. For example, a teacher noticed that one of her
students was having difficulty learning the basic multiplication facts. Because the girl was a talented artist,
the teacher suspected that she might be skilled at visualization. The girl visualised colourful, unique patterns
for each number and was able to illustrate each multiplication fact on flash cards, memorizing the set in
about two weeks. Another student, who was reading and writing at the second-grade level although she was
beginning sixth grade, created a movement alphabet using her body to create a ballet featuring each of the
26 letters of the alphabet. She "danced" her writing assignments for the next four months and was reading
and writing at grade level by the end of the school year. As she became more proficient at reading and
writing, she was able to complete her assignments seated with the rest of the class (Campbell, Campbell, &
Dickinson, 1992). It is important to note that Gardner maintains that use of a preferred intelligence may
facilitate learning at the initial stages, but that this learning will transfer to less preferred intelligences quite
readily. He also maintains that each intelligence can be developed, and that by doing so, the individual gains
in being able to process information from a variety of modalities. He advocates not only using the preferred
modality to facilitate initial learning, but developing the less preferred modalities to broaden the ways an
individual can successfully experience and process new information.
Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences emphasizes the importance of cultural values in defining
intelligent behaviour. In Frames of Mind (1983), he describes types of intelligent behaviour in other cultures
that are not as valued in our culture. Only those Puluwat males in the Caroline Islands who are the most
skilled navigators are chosen by the tribal elders to sail around hundreds of islands as master sailors.
Similarly, complex forms of tribal dance are performed, and skilled dancers are honoured in Bali. According
to Gardner (1983, 1993) both classroom teachers and intelligence researchers must consider the societal
context of behaviour to arrive at a workable definition of intelligence—a view not unlike the
Vygotsky/Rogoff emphasis on socio-cultural context as a major factor in defining what is adaptive and
valued, and not unlike Piaget's definition of intelligence as adaptive behaviour.
Despite the applications and implications of Gardner's theory of multiple intelligences, several weaknesses
do exist (see text, p. 352). First, the theory of multiple intelligences describes what intelligence might be,
rather than giving a clear rationale for intelligent behaviour and problem solving. In addition, the
intelligences may not be as distinct as Gardner believes. The abilities of child prodigies and idiot savants
reflect a very narrow range of above-average skill in a particular area that is probably not reflective of the
development of more general abilities in a more typical population.
Typical skill-based activities require a blending of many different types of behaviour. According to Gardner
(1983), the surgeon must use logical-mathematical intelligence to determine the best treatment for the
patient, spatial intelligence to know where to excise the tumour, and bodily-kinesthetic intelligence to wield
the scalpel.

Resources
Campbell, L., Campbell, B., & Dickinson, D. (1992). Teaching and learning through multiple intelligences.
Stanwood, WA: New Horizons for Learning.
Gardner, H. (1983). Frames of mind: The theory of multiple intelligences. New York: Basic Books.
Gardner, H. (1993). Multiple intelligences: The theory in practice. New York: Basic Books.
Gardner, H. & Hatch, T. (1989). Multiple intelligences go to school: Educational implications of the theory
of multiple intelligences. Educational Researcher, 18(8), 4-10.
LECTURE 9-4 USES OF IQ TESTS
If you lecture about the uses and abuses of IQ tests, you might want to spend a few minutes talking about
one way that school psychologists and other assessors of children's IQ use subscores to provide clues about
learning disabilities. Some children have overall IQ scores within the normal range or even well above
normal, but experience a great deal of difficulty with some aspect of school performance. A look at the
subtest scores may help in confirming a teacher's or parents' suspicion that the child has an area of disability
and helping to define what the nature of the disability is. Often, other tests can then be given to further
define the nature of the problem. An anecdote is presented below that you may be able to adapt for lead-in
to a lecture or to demonstrate the human side of intelligence testing and one of the ways it can work to a
child's benefit. Stories of the abuses of IQ tests tend to abound and suggest to students (and sometimes to
faculty) that IQ tests are dinosaurs that should be extinct. Use the following example of a child's scores on
the WISC-R and the Illinois Test of Psycholinguistic Abilities to demonstrate the importance of scores and
the accurate interpretation of subscale results.
This results below refer to testing that occurred when the child was age 7.1 and just finishing the first grade.
His parents took him for assessment because of a growing dislike for school and evidence of extreme
frustration on the part of both the child and his teacher. Why was a child who seemed to be above average in
general intelligence having so much difficulty coping in the split first-second grade classroom in which he
had been placed? The assessments uncovered two problem areas that seemed to account for the difficulties
he was having—difficulties with auditory memory and some motor delay. The scores presented here will
only relate to the auditory memory deficiency. (Think about why a child with an auditory processing
deficiency might be experiencing difficulties in a split-grade class: The teacher rattles off instructions to one
grade regarding their assignment for the next 45 minutes and then turns her attention to the other grade. For
a child who has difficulty encoding/retrieving auditory input, plus has a motor delay that makes written
work very laborious, this situation invites frustration and failure.)
WISC-R PROTOCOL FOR MALE CHILD, AGE 7.1
Verbal Scale IQ = 122 (93rd percentile)

Performance IQ = 126 (96th percentile)
Verbal Tests
• Information 13
• Similarities 14
• Arithmetic 11
• Vocabulary 16
• Comprehension 14
• Digit Span 9 * (IQ = 98, < 50th percentile)

Performance Tests
• Picture Completion 15
• Picture Arrangement 12
• Block Design 18
• Object Assembly 11
• Coding 12
• Mazes 16
ILLINOIS PSYCHOLINGUISTIC ABILITIES

(same child as above)
(36 is average)
• Auditory Reception 43 good

(yes/no vocabulary)
• Auditory Association 47 excellent
(verbal analogies)
(Tester notes: child did well, but needed repetition; retrieval weakness; slow responses)
• Auditory Memory (digits) 33 low average *

• Grammatical Closure 44 good
• Auditory Closure 37 average
• Blending 45 average
• Visual Reception 49 excellent
Note that both tests indicate an auditory memory deficit (relative to other scores) on auditory material that
is not meaningfully related (digits).
When the assessor administered the WISC-R the subscale scores for the verbal test and performance tests
(as presented above) the child's score is considerably lower on auditory memory for a sequence than on
other tasks. On that subtest, his score translates to an IQ of 98, which contrasts sharply with his superior IQ
on block arrangements (a spatial ability test). What is especially interesting was the sense these test data
made. Follow-up assessment with other instruments confirmed the difficulties with auditory memory and
made it clear that the deficit was specific to unrelated or meaningless auditory input (e.g., digits, unrelated
words). The child showed a mental age of 4.9 on the Detroit Test auditory attention span for unrelated
words subscale and a score in the low average range for the auditory memory subscale of the Illinois
Psycholinguistic Abilities Test (see above for subscale scores). What was useful about these assessments
was the information that subtest scores provided. The overall scores showed this child to be clearly above
average in intelligence, but the subscale scores revealed an area of functioning considerably lower than that
of other areas. The testing allowed the parents to make sense of the observations they had made—(a) their
need to slow their speech to him and to repeat, (b) his inability at the beginning of kindergarten to remember
his phone number and address, (c) his very poor vocabulary development, (d) his disinterest throughout the
preschool years, K, and 1st grades in being read to, (e) his need to have the same words defined for him a
second or third time during story time (as if he were not able to grasp them from oral context), and (f) his
frustration with Suzuki piano lessons (the Suzuki method relies on the child repeatedly listening to tapes of
the pieces he/she is learning rather than on note reading). It now made sense that this otherwise bright boy
might have difficulty following a fast-paced conversation in the car, have difficulty remembering sequences
of instructions, or be frustrated with his Suzuki piano lessons—not because he was dull, lazy, or
uncooperative, but because processing auditory input was an area of weakness. This child's vocabulary

began to increase "astronomically" in second grade because he then had visual access to words. He began to
enjoy his piano lessons and progress well when reading music was introduced so that he had visual access to
the notes. He no longer behaved like a child with an IQ of 98, but more in keeping with his overall IQ at that
time of 126.
An important benefit of the assessment was that subsequent teachers were able to read a summary of the
child's assessment and the recommendations to teachers in his file. It made a difference in teachers' attitudes
toward his slowness in the auditory processing area, and aided the teachers in helping him develop strategies
for compensating. His parents' attitude also was affected. They found it was easier to be patient about
speaking more slowly or repeating when necessary—knowing the problem was with the "hardware" of the
child, not with his attitude. Having an assessment early in the elementary years made a difference for this
child. It improved the attitudes of others toward him, but also made him feel better about himself. He was
given feedback that he had scored at the high school level on such and such, but that the testing showed he
had difficulties with remembering things he heard. Because he had previously been getting messages from
peers and a sibling that he must be stupid because he could not follow conversations very well, this new
information allowed for a turn-around in self-image. It also made him receptive to suggestions for
compensating for the auditory memory deficit. By high school, there were few obvious manifestations of
what had earlier plagued this child—a relatively poor memory for auditory input. The only area that
continued to pose a problem was mental math, something teachers rarely ask students to do, but an event at
the Math Olympiad competitions. This child excelled in math and competed at the Olympiads, but usually
failed in the mental math event.
Bottom line: IQ tests can be used to a child's advantage. It is up to the adults who read and interpret the
scores to make positive use of those scores. It is important that low scores are not used to inhibit a child's
educational opportunities, but to provide information (one source among several, hopefully) that will help in
developing a realistic and challenging educational plan for a child. (This is an important message to both
practitioners who have access to scores and use them in making decisions and to parents who can play an
important role in providing compensatory experiences and help children learn strategies for coping with
their weaknesses and capitalizing on their strengths.)

HIGHLIGHTING CANADIAN RESEARCH
NOTE 1: DEVELOPING ALTERNATIVE TESTS OF RECEPTIVE VOCABULARY
Recent work by Canadian researchers has been aimed at developing a reliable and valid test of children's
vocabulary using measures other than traditional verbal or gesture responses. Specifically, John Byrne from
the IWK Children's Hospital in Halifax and his colleagues have developed and tested a measure of receptive
vocabulary using event-related brain potentials. This work was motivated in part by the lack of measures
available to test receptive vocabulary in children who had cerebral palsy. Children with cerebral palsy are
sometimes limited both in their ability to communicate orally and their ability to co-ordinate muscle
movement required for most pointing or other manipulation requirements in typical vocabulary tests. Byrne
et al (1995a; 1995b) devised a measure of receptive vocabulary based on the Peabody Picture Vocabulary
Test (PPVT)-- a test which typically involves presenting a display of pictures for which a child points to
only one after an experimenter says one word. The test was modified so that one picture would be presented
at a time with two possible words for each picture. One word correctly identified the picture and one word
was incorrect for the picture. Event-related brain potentials (ERP) were measured for each participant and
comparisons made for correctly labelled words versus incorrectly labelled words. Two studies were
conducted. One involved on typical children (for whom measures of vocabulary knowledge were available)
(Byrne et al., 1995a). The second involved children with cerebral palsy. (Byrne et al., 1995b).
In the first study, 15 children (9 to 11 years old) who demonstrated normal intelligence, as assessed using
psychometric tests, were shown 90 pictures from the PPVT-R. The pictures represented word difficulty
representative of the preschool, child and adult capabilities. Participants’ event-related brain potentials were
recorded when participants heard a word for the picture. Each picture was presented twice, once for the
correct word label and once with the incorrect word label (with order random). There were differences in the
ERP for correctly labelled words versus incorrectly labelled words (with higher N400 to incorrectly labelled
words)-- for words within the participants’ vocabulary competence. In general, the results supported that the
participants could perform the task, and that the measure could provide an indication of their receptive
vocabulary.
The procedure for the participants for the second study was identical to that used in the previous study. Four
17-year-olds participated--one with cerebral palsy (CP) completed the task. Similar to the above study, there
were notable differences in event-related brain potentials for correct and incorrect words for those words at
the preschool or child level (with higher peaks for incorrect words. There were inconsistencies in the ERPs
for words beyond the capabilities of the participants (with higher peaks for all but one for correct words).
Overall, this study confirmed the use of this procedure as useful for assessing receptive vocabulary within
the range of competence and supported the possibility of its use for populations with CP.
Resources
Byrne, J., Dwyan, C., and Connolly, J. (1995a). Assessment of children's receptive vocabulary using event-
related brain potentials: Development of a clinically valid test. Child Neuropsychology, 1(3), 211-
223.
Byrne, J., Dwyan, C., and Connolly, J. (1995b). An innovative method to assess the receptive vocabulary of
children with cerebral palsy using event-related brain potentials. Journal of Clinical and Experimental
Neuropsychology, 17(1), 9-19.

NOTE 2: CANADIAN TESTS
Several versions of standard IQ and achievement tests are presented in the text. Many tests used for
Canadian populations are revised versions of standard tests used in the United States. Other tests are used in
their original form but are Canadian norms are used (similar to the research conducted by Don Saklofske in
the Inside Track Box). Students might also be interested to know that there is a relationship between The
Canadian Test of Basic Skills (CTBS) and the Iowa Test of Basic Skills (which is mentioned in the text and
this instructor’s manual). The CTBS represents a revision of the Iowa test and it provides assessment of
academic achievement.
NOTE 3: RESEARCH RESOURCES REGARDING THE IMPACT OF NEIGHBOURHOOD ON

SCHOOL READINESS
Do neighbourhoods influence children's readiness for schools? For interesting recent research that addresses
this question see the following resources:
Kohen, D.E., Hertzman, D. & Brooks-Gunn, J. (2000). Affluent neighbourhoods and school readiness.
Education Quarterly Review, 6, 44-52.
Kohen, D.E., Hertzman, C. & Brooks-Gunn, J. (1998). Neighbourhood influences on children's school
readiness. Applied Research Branch, HRDC, W-98-15E.

STUDENT ACTIVITIES
ACTIVITY 10-1 WAYS IN WHICH HOME ENVIRONMENT SUPPORTS INTELLECTUAL

DEVELOPMENT (complete activity found in Beyond the Book, Chapter 10 (Coursemate Student Site))
Activity 10-1 relates to the material in Chapter 10 on the relationship between home environment and
intellectual performance. It asks students to give examples of ways adults can support intellectual
development in the four areas identified by Gottfried (1984) and Estrada et al. (1987): (a) parental
involvement with the child, (b) age-appropriate play materials, (c) opportunities for variety in daily
stimulation, and (d) warm, responsive parenting. Points to Make:
• The characteristics of the home environment (specifically, those listed above) are more
predictive of IQ than mother's IQ/biological factors. The nature of the parent-child interaction
makes a difference. A parent can have an IQ of 160, but if that parent is not involved with the child,
is cold or aloof, or fails to provide age-appropriate stimulation, the child's intellectual growth will
not be optimized. You might relate to future chapters, noting that these same parental characteristics
of warmth and what might be described as sensitive parenting (e.g., providing age-appropriate play
materials) will come up repeatedly.
• Two of the home factors found to be related to IQ—provision of age appropriate materials
and opportunities for variety in daily stimulation—imply that an important aspect of the
home environment/parenting is sensitivity and responsiveness to "where" the child is
developmentally. In other words, the parents provide opportunity for experiences that are
continually upgraded to keep pace with the child's readiness. When parents are involved, many of
these experiences within the child's readiness will be ones that the child can only accomplish with
adult guidance—experiences within the child's zone of proximal development (a Vygotskian
notion)—within that zone of difficulty and challenge where true cognitive growth occurs. Involved
parents are also likely to pose thought-provoking questions or problems that will sometimes cause
cognitive conflict—a necessary state for cognitive growth in Piagetian theory.
• IQ is not a fixed trait, but is influenced on an ongoing basis by the quality of stimulation and
interaction in the home (and school) setting. That is, IQ scores can go up when the child
experiences ongoing stimulation (e.g., parenting is responsive and sensitive) or the quality of
stimulation is improved (e.g., compensatory education; adoption into an advantaged family
environment), and IQ can and go down just as markedly if the quality of stimulation declines (e.g.,
during the parental divorce process) or does not keep pace with the child (e.g., normal child with
mentally retarded mother) To maintain IQ test performance, there must be continued learning
and growth—IQ is not a fixed trait.
To further emphasize the point that IQ is not a fixed trait, relate Activity 10-1 to Klineberg's (1963)
cumulative-deficit hypothesis (see text) Ask students to think of times when their parents were busy and
could not give them much time or when there was a crisis situation and their parents could not give them
much attention. Assuming that parents play an important role in providing the context for intellectual
development, what would be likely to happen over time if the parents were always too busy for their
children or always in crisis because of such factors as financial problems, marital discord, health problems,
alcoholism, or mental illness? What is there was no one to answer questions, no one to talk to while the
child ate breakfast, lunch, or dinner; no one to play a game with, and no one to work with the child on
projects? A one-time experience or short-term parenting deficits would not be expected to have marked
adverse effects on IQ, but continuing lack of parental input and support for intellectual growth is believed to
result in cumulative deficit. The marked decline in the IQs of normal children raised by mentally retarded

mothers (as much as 50 IQ points between ages 1 and 10) attests to the important contribution of interaction
with someone who is providing stimulation in the zone of proximal development. When the child's age
surpasses the mother's mental age, she can no longer provide the kind of intellectual stimulation necessary to
support cognitive growth in her child—and schools apparently cannot easily compensate for the parental
lacks in this area.
Other evidence that provides a striking demonstration that IQ is not a fixed trait and that change can be up or
down, depending on environmental circumstances, is from the McCall and colleagues (1973) longitudinal
study (discussed in text). McCall et al. found that, between ages 2½ and 17, 50% of their sample showed a
shift of 20-23 IQ points and 15% showed a shift of 40 or more points. One person showed a shift of 70
points (good numbers to cite when trying to make a case for the role of environmental factors in IQ and the
non-fixedness of IQ). What relates to the points being made in conjunction with this activity is that the
family environment was distinctively different for those children whose IQs rose over the 14 year period
and those children whose IQs fell during that time. (Note--we often think only of gains when there is a
change in IQ but there can be losses also—and some can be quite large.) The McCall et al. study found that
the families of the children whose IQs rose were moderately strict and pushed children to succeed. They did
a lot of things that could be considered educational (i.e., trips, library visits, discussions of current events,
purchase of a set of encyclopaedias, and such things). Those who declined in IQ tended to come from
families that placed little emphasis on development and were very severe or lax in discipline. When
discipline was severe, the children were often in a highly restrictive environment that did not allow for
questions, parents rarely geared their conversation to the child's level, and exploration and play were so
extensively curbed that the child was not able to create a developmentally stimulating environment.
Suggestion: Refresh students' memories regarding the Gottesman model that was presented in conjunction
with Chapter 3 and relate it to this topic. (See Lecture 3-1)
(For a continuation of this topic, see Lecture 10-1 for recent research showing the impact of home
environment on IQ and academic performance.)
Resources
Bradley, R. Hl, Caldwell, B. M., & Rock, S. L. (1988). Home environment and school performance: A ten-
year follow-up and examination of three models of environmental action. Child Development, 59, 852-
867.
Estrada, P., Arsenio, W., F., Hess, R. D., & Holloway, S. D. (1987). Affective quality of the mother-child
relationship: Longitudinal consequences for children's school-relevant cognitive functioning.
Developmental Psychology, 23, 210-215.
Gottfried, A. W. (1984). Home environment and early cognitive development: Integration, meta-analyses,
and conclusions. In A. W. Gottfried (Ed.). Home environment and early cognitive development:
Longitudinal research. Orlando, FL: Academic Press.
McCall, R. B., Applebaum, M. I., & Hogarty, P. S. (1973). Developmental changes in mental performance.
Monographs of the Society for Research in Child Development, 38, Whole No. 150.

ASSESSMENT TOOLS
See the Coursemate Instructor Site, Test Bank and Computerised Test Bank for Chapter 9 (which is also on
the Instructors Resource CD-ROM). Also see the Coursemate Student Site, Interactive Quiz and Self-Study
Questions, for Chapter 9.
OTHER RESOURCES – FILMS AND VIDEOTAPES
Also, see the Coursemate Instructor Site, Multi-Media (videos) for the chapter.
vIntelligence (RMI Media, videotape, colour, 30 min., 1990) This video discusses problems in defining and
measuring intelligence. It suggests intelligence tests may actually measure learning more than potential to
learn.
Intelligence, Creativity and Thinking Styles ( Films for the Humanities, VHS, Colour, 29 min, 1997.)
Robert Sternberg answers questions comparing the single trait view of IQ with his triarchic theory and also
discusses the impact of the theoretical views for school practices.
Aspects of Intelligence (Insight Media, videotape, colour, 30 min., 1983) This discusses various definitions
and ways of measuring intelligence and contrasts individual and group intelligence testing.
IQ Testing and the School (Insight Media, videotape, 60 min., 1991) This video raises questions about the
reliability and validity of tests such as the WISC-R and suggests that many factors affect school
achievement such as teacher expectations, teaching styles, and class structure. It presents evidence for
higher achievement for all ability levels in co-operative versus competitive or individualistic settings and
also discusses the academic and social needs of learning-disabled children and gifted children.
Assessing an Infant's Home: The Caldwell Inventory (University of Washington Audio-Visual, film,
colour, 41 min., 1974) Caldwell describes the HOME Inventory and a nurse administers the inventory.
Scoring is discussed.
IQ Myth (Parts 1 and 2) (PCR--Carousel Films, film, colour, 51 min., 1975) Dan Rather narrates this
presentation of past and present (1975) views on IQ testing and its uses. Rather interviews Kagan, Kamin,
Thorndike and others in an attempt to contrast views on intelligence and its assessment. The report is
strongly biased toward an environmental interpretation of individual differences. It’s old, but still effective.
Race, Intelligence, and Education (PCR--Time-Life Films, film, colour, 53 min., 1974) Controversies
surrounding these topics are explored by seven eminent scientists, including H. J. Eysenck.
Changing Children's Minds (Insight Media, videotape, colour, 24 min., 1991) This BBC production
describes Feuerstein's instrumental enrichment program.

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Instructors Manual for Developmental Psychology: Childhood and Adolescence 4ce

Part 3: Language, Learning, and Cognitive Development

Instructor Site (also available on CD-ROM)

Chapter Outline Ideas for Instruction Specific Coursemate Resources

How is Intelligence Learning Objectives Activity 10-2 in Beyond the Book,

What do Intelligence Tests Learning Objectives

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 9-1

Factors that Influence IQ Learning Objective

Improving Cognitive Learning Objective

Creativity and Special Learning Objectives

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-2

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-3

VI. Improving cognitive performance through compensatory education

Students should be able to

How is Intelligence Measured?

Students should be able to

What Do Intelligence Tests Predict?

Students should be able to

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-4

Factors That Influence IQ Scores

Students should be able to

Social and Cultural Correlates of Intellectual Performance

Students should be able to

Students should be able to

Students should be able to

If nothing else, my students should learn

This chapter is important to psychologists because

Students should care about the content in this chapter because

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-5

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-6

WHAT CAN I DO IN CLASS - LECTURE TOPICS

LECTURE 10-1 ROLE OF HEREDITY AND ENVIRONMENT IN IQ

LECTURE 10-2 RELATIONSHIP OF HOME ENVIRONMENT/PARENTING TO IQ AND

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-7

Parental Involvement and IQ

Quality of Involvement and IQ

SES and IQ r = +.55

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-8

Steinberg et al. on parenting practices and adolescent achievement

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-9

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-10

LECTURE 10-3 IS INTELLIGENCE WHAT TRADITIONAL IQ TESTS MEASURE?

Vygotsky: Zone of Proximal Development

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-11

Gardner: Theory of Multiple Intelligences

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-12

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-13

LECTURE 9-4 USES OF IQ TESTS

WISC-R PROTOCOL FOR MALE CHILD, AGE 7.1

Verbal Scale IQ = 122 (93rd percentile)

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-14

ILLINOIS PSYCHOLINGUISTIC ABILITIES

• Auditory Reception 43 good

• Auditory Memory (digits) 33 low average *

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-15

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-16

HIGHLIGHTING CANADIAN RESEARCH

NOTE 1: DEVELOPING ALTERNATIVE TESTS OF RECEPTIVE VOCABULARY

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-17

NOTE 2: CANADIAN TESTS

NOTE 3: RESEARCH RESOURCES REGARDING THE IMPACT OF NEIGHBOURHOOD ON

Copyright © 2013 by Nelson Education Ltd. 10-18

ACTIVITY 10-1 WAYS IN WHICH HOME ENVIRONMENT SUPPORTS INTELLECTUAL