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INTRODUCTION
Socialization, broadly defined, is the process through which a child or other novice
acquires the knowledge, orientations, and practices that enable him or her to par-
ticipate effectively and appropriately in the social life of a particular community.
This process—really a set of densely interrelated processes—is realized to a great
extent through the use of language, the primary symbolic medium through which
cultural knowledge is communicated and instantiated, negotiated and contested,
reproduced and transformed.
Taking this latter observation as its point of departure, language socialization
research is concerned with how children and other novices are socialized through
the use of language as well as how they are socialized to use language (Ochs &
Schieffelin 1984). The first Annual Review of Anthropology article on the topic of
language socialization appeared in 1986, not long after the language socialization
research paradigm’s initial formulation in the early 1980s. That review (Schieffelin
0084-6570/02/1021-0339$14.00 339
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Bugental & Goodnow 1998). Language socialization research has been a driving
force in this positive trend. The study of language socialization encompasses more
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than language acquisition and child development, however; although it has certain
clear affinities with approaches taken in such fields as developmental psychology
and psycholinguistics, it differs from them in its strongly ethnographic orientation
and its explicit attention to the ways in which culture influences all aspects of
human development as a lifelong process, of which language acquisition is only
one (albeit a crucial one to which many others are closely linked). Over the past 16
years the language socialization paradigm has been revisited and in various ways
further elaborated by its originators (Ochs 1988, 1990, 1993; Ochs & Schieffelin
1989, 1995; Schieffelin 1990, 1994; Schieffelin & Ochs 1996); it has likewise ben-
efited from the ongoing work of other scholars who made significant contributions
to its early formulation and development (e.g., Clancy 1999, Corsaro & Miller
1992, Miller 1994, Watson-Gegeo 1992, Watson-Gegeo & Gegeo 1999). Mean-
while the paradigm has been taken up avidly by a new generation of researchers
(e.g., Baquedano-López 2000, Cook 1996, de León 1998, Fader 2001, Field 2001,
Fung 1999, Garrett 1999, He 2001, Jacobs-Huey 1999, Jacoby 1998, Meek 2001,
Moore 1999, Paugh 2001, Riley 2001, Rymes 2001) and has influenced the on-
going research programs of more established scholars (e.g., Brown 1998, Budwig
2001, Mertz 1996, Sperry & Sperry 2000, Zentella 1997). Studies carried out in
Mayan communities of southern Mexico (Brown 1998; de León 1998; Haviland
1998; Pye 1986, 1992) have begun to provide an areal concentration heretofore
unseen in language socialization research, as well as a solid empirical basis for
current and future comparative work (very much in keeping with the paradigm’s
broader aims).
Most of the pioneering studies of language socialization—for present purposes,
those featured in Schieffelin & Ochs (1986a,b)—were conducted in small-scale
societies. The few early studies that were conducted in larger-scale societies such
as the United States and Japan tended to focus on relatively homogeneous mono-
lingual communities (an important exception being Heath 1983). More recent
and currently ongoing studies uphold the major areas of concern identified in
the first generation of language socialization research while also directing at-
tention to the particularities of language socialization processes as they unfold
within sociolinguistically and culturally heterogeneous settings characterized by
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children interact with their caregivers in socializing activities, they acquire lin-
guistic and social skills as well as a culturally specific world view. They learn to
recognize, negotiate, index, and co-construct diverse types of meaningful social
contexts, making it possible for them to engage with others under an increasingly
broad range of circumstances and to expand their social horizons by taking on new
roles and statuses. In learning how to speak, they also learn how to think, how
to comport themselves, and even how to feel and how to express (or otherwise
manage) those feelings. As a developmental process, then, language acquisition
is far more than a matter of a child learning to produce well-formed referential
utterances; it also entails learning how to use language in socially appropriate ways
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METHODOLOGICAL TRENDS
The combined ethnographic rigor and cross-disciplinary character of language
socialization research has provided an empirically driven approach to linguistic
and social theory–building as well as outward linkages to key issues in contem-
porary social science inquiry. The theories and methods of discourse analysis and
conversation analysis, for example, have provided effective means of capturing
the moment-to-moment deployment of talk in interaction and have offered ana-
lytic access to the ways in which social relations (including caregiver-child and
novice-expert relations) are maintained, contested, and transformed across a va-
riety of socializing interactions such as professional education (Duff et al. 2000,
Jacobs-Huey 1998, Jacoby & Gonzales 1991, Mertz 1996, Ochs & Jacoby 1998),
counseling encounters (He & Keating 1991), schooling (Baquedano-López 1997,
1998, 2000; Duff 1993; Gutiérrez et al. 1995, 1999; Moore 1999; Rymes 2001;
Zentella 1997), and family interactions (Bhimji 1997, Capps & Ochs 1995, McKee
et al. 1991, Ochs & Taylor 1992, Pease-Alvarez & Vásquez 1994, Vásquez et al.
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1994). New technologies have also had an impact on data collection and analysis;
the availability of increasingly sophisticated digital audio-video recording equip-
ment and software has made possible significant advances in the study of gesture
and nonverbal behavior (de León 1998; Goodwin 1995, 2000; Haviland 1998), for
example, and has enabled researchers to accomplish unprecedented micro-level
analyses of both verbal and nonverbal aspects of human interaction.
This attention to linguistic detail has not precluded attention to the histori-
cized subject as language socialization researchers have sought to make visible the
ideologies and power relations that underlie socializing interactions (Baquedano-
López 1997, 2000; Rymes 2001; Schieffelin 1996, 2000). Traditional ethnography,
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as the study of a single cultural or linguistic group, has in some cases given way to
multi-site ethnographies that attempt to capture cultural and linguistic movement
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across time and space. For example, the study of literacy practices in Western
Samoa in the 1980s (Ochs 1988) has been rendered more sociopolitically acute
through comparison to literacy practices among Samoans living in Southern Cal-
ifornia (Duranti et al. 1995); in the latter locale, a particular learning tool, a syl-
labary (introduced by Western missionaries in Samoa in order to teach English),
now serves as a link to Samoan worldviews and culture. Jacobs-Huey (1998, 1999,
2001) follows the language socialization practices of cosmetology schools from
Oakland to Los Angeles to Charleston, South Carolina, revealing similarities and
differences in African-American women’s professional discourse and membership
in a historicized community of practice.
are social in origin and culturally specific in nature, while at the same time they are
interest-laden and are creatively and strategically deployed by individuals. Inspired
by phenomenological approaches to interaction, language socialization research
highlights the open-ended, negotiated, sometimes contested character of the rou-
tine and thus recognizes that it contains the potential for innovation and change.
Such a dual perspective on the routine—as socially structured and hence endur-
ing, but also as situated, contextually grounded, and emergent in character—has
been elucidated in social theory of recent decades through such notions as “habitus”
(Bourdieu 1980), stressing the embodied, dispositional, generative character of ev-
eryday practice, and “duality of structure” (Giddens 1979), stressing the recursive,
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mutually constitutive nature of the relationship between social structure and indi-
vidual agency. While centrally concerned with the reproduction of social structures
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and of the practices that produce them and are produced by them, these theoretical
perspectives also take fully into account the potential for change; as Giddens (1979,
p. 128) notes, “Routinisation implies ‘ethnomethodological continuity’ more than
reproduction of the empirical content of practices” (emphasis in original).
situated interactions (many but not all of which are routinized and recurrent to some
degree). Within these co-constructed interactions, participants co-operatively in-
stantiate cultural knowledge through practices as well as through emotions and
affective stances (Clancy 1999, Schieffelin 1990) and moral and normative evalu-
ations (Briggs 1998, Fader 2000, Fung 1999, Rydstrom 2001, Smith-Hefner 1999).
From the researcher’s perspective, activities are not pre-existing objects of inquiry,
but neither are they merely a product of theoretical or analytic perspective; activ-
ities provide the raw materials of empirical analysis and serve as windows on
underlying principles of social organization and cultural orientation. Methodolog-
ically, a focus on activities demands that the researcher be attentive to the larger
sociocultural framework in which they are embedded and from which they derive
their significance for participants. Such an analytic focus also prevents undue em-
phasis on either the child/novice (as learner or acquirer) or the more experienced
person(s) (as source of “input”), emphasizing instead their mutual alignment and
engagement as an emergent phenomenon that is at once structured and structuring,
socially organized and socially organizing (Ochs 2000).
COMPETENCE REVISITED
Strongly rooted in the ethnography of communication, language socialization re-
search takes a more comprehensive view of competence than does linguistics or
developmental psycholinguistics (two other fields in which the notion of compe-
tence is often encountered). Language socialization research is concerned with the
“microgenesis” (Schieffelin & Ochs 1996) of communicative competence, which
involves much more than linguistic competence in the generativist sense (or even in
the broader developmental pragmatic sense); it also involves the practical knowl-
edge that is needed in order to use language as a social tool, to engage in talk as
an activity (Wertsch 1985), and to co-construct meaningful interactive contexts. In
short, language socialization research is concerned with all of the knowledge and
practices that one needs in order to function as—and, crucially, to be regarded by
others as—a competent member of (or participant in) a particular community or
communities, however broadly or narrowly defined.
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Certain questions arise from this broad notion of competence. How is com-
petence assessed and evaluated, and by whom? What are the consequences of
such assessments? How might evaluations of competence be negotiated and con-
tested? The notion of bidirectionality in socialization—that is, the idea that novices
are not just passive recipients, but have the potential to socialize experts (Rogoff
1990, 1993; Schieffelin & Ochs 1986a; Vygotsky 1978)—calls attention to the
fact that the novice (even a very young child) brings to every interaction some de-
gree of competence, some type of knowledge and/or expertise. Children and other
novices actively use their developing knowledge not just to co-construct but some-
times to resist and reframe their participation in socializing interactions (Bhimji
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1997, 2002; Capps & Ochs 1995; Jacoby & Gonzales 1991; Ochs & Capps 2001;
Ochs et al. 1989; Rymes 1996). Children may in fact be the experts themselves in
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some areas; this is seen, for example, when children introduce their elders to new
technologies and resources (e.g., computers and the Internet), or when immigrant
adults with limited second-language proficiency rely on their children to mediate
and broker their relationships with persons and institutions outside the household
or immediate community.
These and related considerations call for a notion of competence that takes into
account the inherent heterogeneity of culture and the cross-cutting dimensions of
power and identity that partially structure and organize that heterogeneity. Child
and adolescent peer group–based studies (Goodwin 1990, Hewitt 1986, Rampton
1995b, Sheldon 1998, Thorne 1993) suggest that competence is largely a matter
of participating effectively—of deploying linguistic and other communicative re-
sources (e.g., athletic and game-playing skills, as demonstrated through embodied
actions) in ways that enable one to locate oneself strategically and flexibly with
respect to currently ongoing interactions and activities as well as group boundaries
and the identities (gender, ethnic, racial, etc.), often fluid and shifting, that they
index. Analytic focus on participation frameworks (Goodwin 1990, de León 1998)
provides insight into how individuals use both talk and embodied action to signal
to one another what kinds of interactive contexts or activities they are enacting at a
given moment and how they expect (or hope) others will respond; those responses
can in turn provide insight into competence as locally constituted, transforming
the notion of competence from abstract and static to empirically grounded and
dynamic.
elusive, despite apparently widespread consensus that some such working con-
cept is virtually indispensable. These difficulties and controversies derive in part
from ongoing debates in anthropology, sociology, and related disciplines over
certain long-standing antinomies—structure/agency, structure/history, subjectiv-
ity/objectivity, synchrony/diachrony—that prominent social theorists such as
Bourdieu and Giddens have identified as the greatest stumbling blocks of the social
sciences and have sought to transcend. Partly in response to these theoretical de-
velopments, there has been a broad-based shift of analytic and theoretical focus in
the social sciences (as well as in the humanities, e.g., history and literary criticism)
from the group or collectivity to the individual agent—or more accurately, there
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has been increased attention to dialectical tensions between the individual and the
group, and to the situated, dynamic nature of that relationship. There has likewise
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challenge and contest the racial/ethnic stereotypes and other semiotica of identity
(whether positively or negatively valenced) that prevail in society at large (Hewitt
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Numerous recent language socialization studies have been carried out in bilin-
gual and multilingual settings, and in others characterized by significant linguistic
variation (e.g., creole settings). The coexistence of two or more codes within a
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ways of dealing with them (Bhimji 2002, Fader 2000, Field 2001, Garrett 1999,
Meek 2001, Paugh 2001, Riley 2001). Ochs’s (1985, 1988) work on language
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socialization in Western Samoa set an important precedent for more recent stud-
ies. The Samoan language has distinct registers, and Ochs shows that Samoan
children acquire knowledge of the indexical and pragmatic features of particu-
lar grammatical and lexical forms from an early age; register differentiation and
the hierarchical character of Samoan society thus directly influence the course
of Samoan children’s language acquisition. In another landmark study, Kulick
(1992) investigates a case of ongoing language shift in Papua New Guinea in
which children whose elders are bi- or multilingual are acquiring only one lan-
guage, Tok Pisin. Kulick shows how macrosociological changes (such as those
that typically fall under the rubric of “modernization”) may be interpreted by in-
dividuals in ways that have direct bearing on daily practices, including language
socialization practices. He goes on to demonstrate that this can yield unintended,
unforeseen consequences, including some as profound and far-reaching as the
rapid decline of a people’s vernacular. Several subsequent studies conducted in
bi- and multilingual settings also focus on processes of language change and
shift (Field 2001; Garrett 1999, 2000; Meek 2001; Paugh 2001; Riley 2001);
others emphasize such issues as the maintenance and contestation of commu-
nity boundaries (Fader 2001) and the construction of ethnic and cultural identity
(Baquedano-López 2000, Bhimji 2002, He 2002, Smith-Hefner 1999, Zentella
1997).
Multilingual individuals, even young children, may be in a position to rene-
gotiate, challenge, or transcend the existing social categories that are constituted
and indexed by the codes and communicative practices at their disposal. Children
and their caregivers in these settings must therefore be regarded as agents with
the potential to transform language as well as the cultural systems of meaning
that it so thoroughly interpenetrates. In some cases, changing practices lead to
the “loss” or transformation of existing codes (Garrett 2000, Paugh 2001, Riley
2001); in others, language socialization practices are centrally involved in shap-
ing notions of ethnicity, cultural identity, morality, and personhood (Baquedano-
López 2000, Fader 2000, He 2002, Paugh 2001, Smith-Hefner 1999), and thus
in (re)constituting and (re)defining communities. Current language socialization
studies are concerned with examining these broader social processes as well as the
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ways in which individuals assert and negotiate their sometimes shifting identities
within these heterogeneous contexts.
LITERACY SOCIALIZATION
Schieffelin & Ochs 1986b); other studies, taking a somewhat broader perspective,
examine how language is used in the construction and transformation of the moral
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order (Meek 2001, Smith-Hefner 1999). In both perspectives, the language used
to encode emotions forms the basis for the socialization of morality, that is, the
social sanctioning or rejection of actions (one’s own as well as those of others).
The development of personhood and of the self through language is intricately
related to moral ways of acting and being in the social world (Field 2001, Fung
1999, Rydstrom 2001). Recent language socialization studies locate the use of
affective language in the construction of a moral order across contexts ranging
from family interactions (Briggs 1998, Capps & Ochs 1995, de León 1998, Fader
2000, Ochs & Taylor 1992, Ochs et al. 1992, Taylor 1995) to the playground
(Goodwin 1990, 1995) to schools (Baquedano-López 1997, 1998, 2000; Ochs
& Capps 2001; Rymes 2001). By investigating the ways in which participants in
everyday routines learn to internalize and express emotion and to make sense of the
moral order that they are actively constructing with others, these studies reveal that
notions of morality are negotiated through linguistically mediated understandings
of daily life and events and of one’s place in the world, both as an individual and
as part of a collectivity.
A significant contribution of the language socialization paradigm has been its
problematization of the relationship among the individual, the group, and the so-
cial order. This has given rise to a large body of research on the construction of
identity in which participants’ roles in interaction are conceptualized as dynamic
collaborative achievements (Ochs 1993). In the course of a given interaction, par-
ticipants may use language to index aspects of their co-constructed, contingent,
fluid identities with respect to gender (Fader 2000, 2001; Farris 1991; Jacobs-Huey
2001; Kulick 1998; Sheldon 1998), culture, race, and ethnicity (Baquedano-López
1997, Cheng & Kuo 2000, Cook 1996, Lo 1997, Ou & McAdoo 1999, Zentella
1997), age (Briggs 1998, Budwig 2001, Clancy 1999, de León 1998), institutions
(Duff et al. 2000, He & Keating 1991, Moore 1999, Rymes 2001), and professions
(Jacobs-Huey 1998, 1999; Jacoby 1998). Attention to the ways in which both
experts and novices use linguistic and interactional resources during the course
of socializing activities enables language socialization researchers to observe and
describe the emergent identities of novices as they become competent members of
their communities. These resources are also employed in the sanctioning, rejection,
or contestation of those identities by more expert others.
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NARRATIVE SOCIALIZATION
Narrative is a primordial tool of socialization. Stories of personal experience are
told from present perspectives, creating present experiences for both narrator and
audience (Duranti & Brenneis 1986, Ochs & Capps 1996). People tell their stories
in a search for coherence and authenticity of the self and also as a means of
positioning the self in relation to others (Ochs & Capps 2001). The narrative is
often a site of multiple socializing activities (Michaels 1991; Miller 1994; Miller
et al. 1997; Ochs 1994, 1997). In their study of dinnertime narratives, Ochs et al.
(1992) explain that when family members tell narratives in which they directly
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quote an argument or a complaint, these narratives serve more than one intention;
besides relating events, narrative tellers are also constructing discursive acts and
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positioning themselves and others in a moral order (Ochs et al. 1989, 1992; Rymes
1996; Taylor 1995). Narrative thus focuses on particular protagonists and events
while situating tellers and their audiences within a web of cultural and moral
expectations, ideologies, and meanings (which are not necessarily shared by all
members of the group).
The narrative process often extends beyond the boundaries of the here and
now to embrace people and places in a historical and cultural past. Narrative thus
creates more or less shared understandings of membership, collectivity, and com-
munity among participants. Collective narratives tend to reify existing ideologies,
but they can also constitute resistance to dominant master narratives (Baquedano-
López 1997, 2000; Duff 1993). Collective narratives tell the experiences of a group
and constitute ways of encoding and sharing collective experience; recitation and
recollection of a group’s historical events are a means through which the past is
made relevant to present-day concerns. Duff’s (1993) ethnographic study of ed-
ucational discourse in the context of history lessons at three Hungarian-English
secondary schools focuses on the structure and transformation of a recitational
exercise, felelés, which is used to describe historical change; Duff reveals that the
changing structure of lessons is linked to political changes of the late 1980s, in-
cluding the rejection of Soviet-era policies and ideologies. As this study illustrates,
collective narratives organize the diverse and changing experiences of the collec-
tivity and can be used to normalize as well as to contest interpretations of those
experiences.
IDEOLOGIES OF LANGUAGE
Language socialization research has been deeply influenced by the literature on
ideologies of language that has taken shape alongside it—in tandem with it, in
many respects—over the past two decades (Schieffelin et al. 1998, Silverstein
1979, Woolard & Schieffelin 1994). Cultural belief systems about language and its
relationship to other aspects of social life have always been a focus of language
socialization research; Schieffelin’s early work, for example, explored the rela-
tionship of Kaluli ideas about the nature of language to ethnotheories of language
acquisition as a developmental process (Feld & Schieffelin 1981, Schieffelin 1983).
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is, and of its relation to cultural and individual identity, vary considerably across
communities—and sometimes within the same community, since in most cases
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where two or more languages are in contact, an equal number of cultural traditions
likewise coexist and mutually influence one another. Normative and prescriptive
imperatives, though they may originate far outside the local context, are enacted
(and sometimes reinterpreted, syncretically or otherwise) at local levels (Riley
2001). Local notions of what counts as a language, of who counts as a speaker,
and of what can (and cannot) be done with (and done to) particular languages vary
considerably; also of interest are widely differing attitudes toward code-switching
and matters of language “purity.” These and other aspects of language ideology
inform and organize everyday practices, which in turn engender specific linguis-
tic and sociocultural outcomes—often unforeseen outcomes, which may then go
partially or wholly unrecognized (or misrecognized) by those whose actions and
practices are bringing them about. This is often true in cases of language attrition
and shift—adults may assume that the local, “traditional” language will continue to
be reproduced across the generations, just as it “always has,” when in fact they are
now socializing their own children in such a way that the children are not acquiring
full command of the language (Field 1999, Garrett 1999, Kulick 1992, Meek 2001,
Paugh 2001, Schieffelin 1994). In still other settings, language may be used to con-
stitute social categories and to delineate or reinforce the boundaries thereof (Fader
2000, Needham 2001). Some recent studies document self-conscious (but still very
much ideologically informed) efforts toward language maintenance or revival. In
these cases, the link between language and community or culture tends to be ex-
plicitly foregrounded; those involved in these efforts see themselves as preserving
community and “tradition” (or “culture,” or “heritage”) as well as language. But
despite such cultivated awareness of (certain aspects of) the relationship between
language and culture, these efforts too can lead to unforeseen and unexpected
outcomes; processes variously conceived as preservation, revival, standardization,
etc. tend to be deeply transformative (Garrett 2000, Paugh 2001, Riley 2001).
In these and other regards, language socialization researchers are finding that
ideologies of language intersect in complex and interesting ways with local notions
of cultural and group identity, nationhood, personhood, childhood, and language
acquisition as a developmental process. While the specific language socialization
practices motivated by these intermeshing systems of ideas and beliefs are always
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a central concern, these studies stress the inherent dynamism and mutability of
language socialization, as a locus of reproduction as well as change, by exploring
the channels of mutual influence linking ideology, practice, and outcome.
CONCLUSION
Ochs (2000, p. 231) has recently sounded a cautionary note by commenting that
a tendency toward certain types of generalizations that has sometimes manifested
itself in language socialization research can “have several undesirable effects: for
one thing, cultures are essentialized, and variation in communicative practices
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munities enslaved by convention and frozen in time rather than fluid and changing
over the course of a generation, a life, and even a single social encounter.” Clearly
Ochs’s point is well taken, by language socialization researchers and indeed by
all anthropologists. Based on this review of recent work, we suggest that language
socialization researchers are keenly aware of, and attentive to, these potential pit-
falls and are assiduously and creatively exploring new ways of addressing them.
Meanwhile they are taking the paradigm in exciting new directions by infusing it
with new theoretical insights developed in anthropology and other disciplines, and
by exploring the potential benefits of using new models and methods, venturing
into new fieldwork settings, and identifying productive new areas of analytic focus.
Processes of language socialization always involve reproduction—of language as
formal system, of social structures, and of cultural knowledge and practices. While
these processes and their intricate interrelationships remain a central concern of
current language socialization research, recent studies also emphasize that lan-
guage socialization is central to—and in some cases a driving force in—dynamic
processes of transformation and change.
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CONTENTS
Frontispiece—Clifford Geertz xxii
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OVERVIEW
An Inconstant Profession: The Anthropological Life in
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xv
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xvi CONTENTS
REGIONAL STUDIES
Religion in South Asia, Peter van der Veer 173
African Presence in Former Soviet Spaces, Kesha Fikes and
Alaina Lemon 497
SOCIOCULTURAL ANTHROPOLOGY
The Anthropology of Food and Eating, Sidney W. Mintz and
Christine M. Du Bois 99
Street Children, Human Rights, and Public Health: A Critique
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CONTENTS xvii
INDEXES
Subject Index 553
Cumulative Index of Contributing Authors, Volumes 23–31 563
Cumulative Index of Chapter Titles, Volumes 23–31 566
ERRATA
An online log of corrections to Annual Review of Anthropology
chapters (if any, 1997 to the present) may be found
at http://anthro.annualreviews.org/errata.shtml
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