International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science 21 (2020) 100220

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International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science

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Review Article

Modern Malaysian Cuisine: Identity, culture, or modern-day fad? T

a a,∗ b
Muhammad Rezza Zainal Abidin , Farah Adibah Che Ishak , Ismi Arif Ismail ,
Nurul Hanisah Juharia
a
Department of Food Service and Management, Faculty of Food Science and Technology, Universiti Putra Malaysia, Selangor, Malaysia
b
Department of Professional Development and Continuing Education, Faculty of Educational Studies, Universiti Putra Malaysia, Selangor, Malaysia

ARTICLE INFO ABSTRACT

Keywords: Malaysian cuisine presents an array of local gastronomic inventions that represent the cultural diversity and
Modern malaysian cuisine uniqueness of the national cultural heritage. However, it is difficult to gauge Malaysian cuisine based on the
Food modernisation country's multicultural and multiracial “highly diverse” landscape due to the perplexities of each culture. These
Culinary trend complexities have influenced the modernisation movement to revolutionise traditional Malaysian cuisine into a
Food identity
new invention called “Modern Malaysian Cuisine”. This review intends to reveal the ideology of modernisation
Culture diversity
in Modern Malaysian Cuisine, that is, to identify the part of the cuisine that has been “modernised” and to
determine whether or not this newly invented cuisine portrays the national identity. Additionally, this review
addressed the challenges of precisely defining “Modern Malaysian Cuisine”. The findings of this review can help
policymakers uphold the Malaysian food identity and minimise the encroachment of other non-Malaysian cui-
sines in the future.

Introduction
If there is one thing that Malaysians are proud of, it is undoubtedly
the food. Malaysia is a food lover's paradise, and Malaysians generally
enjoy the diverse culinary heritage of their multicultural society.
Therefore, the food makes Malaysia unique; it takes advantage of the
plethora of natural resources and ingredients available in abundance
more than any other Asian country. Malaysian cuisine represents its
various ethnicities. Although Malaysian cuisine can be segmented into
Malay, Indian, Chinese, Nyonya (Peranakan), or Eurasian, there is also a
long history of cross-culturalism, borrowing, adaptation, and hybridity.
Apropos to the ethnic and cultural blends peculiar to the Malaysian
Peninsula, the cuisine, language, and fashion of Peranakan-creolised
Chinese have been heavily influenced by the Malaysian culture through
intermarriage and cultural adaptation, and are perhaps the most cele-
brated and remembered (Duruz, 2019). The rich heritage of Malaysian
food has allowed the local restaurant industry to flourish. As a result,
many travel writers and food critics hail Malaysia as a culinary paradise
with a vibrant and diverse restaurant/food-service sector. Subse-
quently, a plethora of restaurants in the country offers different types of
cuisine representing different ethnicities and cultures, alongside ex-
citing arrays of food outlets, from fast food to fine dining and perhaps
everything in between. Local delicacies include Malay, Cantonese,
Indian, and Peranakan cuisine while international food ranges from
European to Middle Eastern, Japanese, Italian, and American. However,
nowadays, people are becoming more enthusiastic about exploring and
experimenting with new restaurants in town. Although traditional
Malaysian cuisine has remained authentic over the years, consumers
are now demanding more innovative food creations. Thus, it might be
the ideal time to give the regular classic offerings a new spin while
making sure the original identity stays intact. Besides, opulent lifestyles
and trends have also increased the allure of new cuisines, causing
people to become bolder to experiment with fresh and unique in-
gredients (Ramphal and Nicolaides, 2014). Thus, there seems to be a
strong demand for bold and innovative cuisines in Malaysia nowadays.
Due to the circumstance, fine-dining restaurants are forced to grow
competitive via innovations to stay in the game (Ottenbacher and
Gnoth, 2005). Because innovations in the food industry can (generally)
be copied or rapidly imitated, a continuous cycle of innovation could
intensify “imitation barriers” (Harrington, 2004). Therefore, restau-
rants need to level up their game by introducing new and original brand
concepts to excel in such a competitive market. While many restaurants
recognise the importance of innovation, it is not always clear how new
dishes and menus are successfully crafted and designed. New restau-
rants are perpetually entering the market with new food innovations
that further heighten competition. Fine-dining restaurants mainly

Corresponding author.
∗

E-mail addresses: gs52267@student.upm.edu.my (M.R. Zainal Abidin), farahadibah@upm.edu.my (F.A. Che Ishak), ismi@upm.edu.my (I.A. Ismail),
n_hanisah@upm.edu.my (N.H. Juhari).

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.ijgfs.2020.100220
Received 9 January 2020; Received in revised form 3 May 2020; Accepted 26 May 2020
Available online 08 June 2020
1878-450X/ © 2020 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.
M.R. Zainal Abidin, et al.
operate in a highly competitive environment. Fine-dining scenes find it
a challenge to attract Malaysians, as they must incorporate their of-
ferings with local flavours and the dining culture. Malaysia's fine-dining
restaurants have a strategic advantage, as they complement authentic
local tastes with quality food imported from abroad. Eventually, this
phenomenon has forced modernist chefs to creatively manipulate in-
gredients and fuse them into a new modern style of cooking (that is,
more open to scientific approaches) or widely known as ‘modern cui-
sine’. Lee (2017) proposed that the complexity in modern organisation
and interaction seem to encourage the embodiment of 'the traditional'
into structures that are regularly displayed as cultural innovations. As a
result, many modern chefs with a strong background in molecular
gastronomy are now daringly merging their skills with traditional in-
gredients and recipes or are even replicating other cultures to produce a
variety of contemporary and aesthetic modern cuisine.
This review aims to question the modernisation ideology in Modern
Malaysian Cuisine, that is, which part of the cuisine is actually “mod-
ernised”? Is the national identity indeed being portrayed in the newly
invented cuisine, or is it just an exaggerated platform for modern chefs
to show off their molecular skills? Hence, to answer these questions,
this review addressed the challenges to precisely define “Modern
Malaysian Cuisine”. In exploring the perplexities between identity and
modernisation, this review first explains the dispersion of modernisa-
tion in global modern cuisine.
The birth of modern cuisine
Of all human desires and needs, there is no greater need than food
and a few more desires than good food. Humans not only want to eat
well, but they also want to cook well, to eat flavourful food, and to
make dishes from basic ingredients in new ways to satisfy the palate
(McLeod, 2018). The development of society has changed how and
what we eat. However, for many years, the essence of dining has not
changed for most people around the world. Before the French Revolu-
tion of 1789 to 1799, most families ate at home with food they pro-
duced or slaughtered, or bought or sold locally. The Bastille storm on
July 14, 1789, had a profound effect not only on the individual freedom
of the French people but also on their cuisine. The revolution upended
the monarchy, leaving many nobles’ cooks out of work. These cooks
turned to opening restaurants, which had been scarce before then. The
global marketplace and exotic ingredients were confined only to the
wealthiest back then. The modern, industrialised world of various
foodstuffs, restaurants, supermarkets, and other items is a recent phe-
nomenon that began just two hundred years ago with the advent of the
French Revolution and its ramifications. This period was the first time
that the great innovation of modern cuisine—the restaurant—gained
mainstream popularity.
Perhaps the significant effect of the French Revolution can be seen
in French cuisine, as well as the influence of a few selected chefs of the
time, namely Marie-Antoine Carême, who created the style, presenta-
tion, and stylistic approach of post-revolution France's most distinctive
culinary movement, haute cuisine (Trubek, 2000). However, some
scholars argue that Vincent La Chapelle was the real father of ‘modern
cuisine’, introducing it in the 17th-century. The French master cook
wrote "Le Cuisinier Moderne" (The Modern Cook) while living in Ches-
terfield (published in 1735). An eighteenth-century masterpiece of cu-
linary arts, it had a strong influence on England's aristocratic cuisine. To
some extent, La Chapelle borrowed some of his recipes from his mentor,
François Massialot, who penned a 1692 book on court cookery and
confectionery.
La Chapelle was the first author to insist on a break from the
past—classifying his cuisine as modern. Working in London, La
Chapelle first published his text in three English volumes in 1733, then
2
International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science 21 (2020) 100220
in four French volumes in 1735. Many recipes are focused on traditional
Dutch or English foods, such as steak and pastries. The chef used many
herbs and expensive oysters. Some were low fat to suit his clientele,
while others were accompanied with rice, to which he dubbed the
cuisine as Indian. This cookbook includes the art of table setting and is
easy to read, with not much having changed since. During that time,
most culinarians hailed Le Cuisinier Moderne as the Holy Grail of
cookbooks—the predecessor of lavishly illustrated cookbook collections
that could also be regarded as art books (Hyman and Hyman, 1999, p.
398).
Even with the passing of the decades, La Chapelle's legacy continues
to contribute to the literature of modern cuisine. Subsequently, the
restaurant's rapid expansion and growth and the emergence of revolu-
tionary modern cuisine have completely transformed the culinary
world. The subsequent simplification and the splendid simplicity of the
modern cooking revolution provide an incentive for future chefs to gain
a greater understanding and mastery of the requisite cookery techni-
ques. The restaurant has spawned a platform for painting and spreading
this new cuisine, which has gradually risen to become the massive in-
stitution it is today. These inventions are the origin of modern cuisine,
and although food and ingredients and the way we eat and cook have
all changed, we can still trace the roots of this cuisine back to where it
began. Here, in post-revolutionary France's crowded, hectic kitchens,
modern cuisine was born.
The diffusion of modern cuisine
Today, although modern cuisine may not be the first thing to come
to mind when thinking of modernist wizard, Wylie Dufresne of New
York ’s wd~50 restaurant, his food certainly falls within the category.
This is no surprise. Ask a chef tagged with the "modernist" epithet, and
he or she will probably say they never felt as such of their cuisine. In the
culinary culture, the label is usually imposed on a chef and often as part
of an ongoing deliberation about the positive and negative aspects of
modern techniques. So what is ‘modern/ist cuisine’? In brief, it is a
buzzword, the new term used to describe revolutionary and avant-garde
cooking. Modern or modernist cuisine, first popularised in restaurants
such as El Bulli by Ferran Adria (the “foam guy”), has since propagated
worldwide. The techniques used in modernist cuisine before Adria
mostly consisted of molecular gastronomy, a scientific discipline of the
study and exploration of food chemistry (Myhrvold et al., 2011). Often
using scientific knowledge to achieve these goals, the approach is best
known for developing new techniques and dishes that could not be
accomplished using conventional culinary toolkits (Opazo, 2014;
Svejenova et al., 2007).
Great minds such as Nicholas Kurti, Herve This, and Harold McGee
have made enormous progress in this area. They have ultimately en-
couraged chefs such as Adria, Heston Blumenthal, and Grant Achatz to
combine scientific methods in their cooking. However, the problem
with ‘modern cuisine’ is the same one that plagues all creative fields—it
is wretchedly replicated by people who do not have a firm grasp of the
techniques required (Briscione, 2014).
In the olden days, chefs mainly focused on learning conventional
cooking techniques. Modern styles, approaches, and creativity, how-
ever, were not a core part of training. With the emergence of advanced
technologies, especially the Internet, innovation in the culinary field
has grown, and food culture has become more diverse than it was in the
past. Presenza et al. (2017) asserted that the best modernist chefs are
creative. Modernist chefs need to possess strong knowledge and skills,
as well as artistic training. However, the questions that can be posed
are; “How do we grasp the euphoric narrative of modern cuisine?” and
“How has the approach of food studies helped to contextualise the
“culinary revolution and modernisation” as an extension of
M.R. Zainal Abidin, et al.
modernism's new avant-garde strands? (Davis, 2012). Therefore, it is
essential to firstly identify the terms in which modern cuisine have been
characterised and celebrated. In particular, the most influential and
prominent modernist chefs such as Thomas Keller's Per Se (New York
City), Heston Blumenthal's The Fat Duck (Berkshire, England), Grant
Achatz's Alinea (Chicago), and Ferran Adria's El Bulli (Costa Brava,
Spain)1 are seen to dispense with the social standards and edible pro-
ducts of traditional high-end cuisine by transforming the fine-dining
scene into a performance art that sates the diners emotions and senses.
Culinary Trend revolution
Undoubtedly, the culinary world is a continuously changing one
with new trends coming in all the time (Caporaso and Formisano,
2016). In line with Messeni Petruzzelli and Savino's (2014) study, to
date, the culinary trend has emphasised on the availability of local
produce or ingredients, i.e., what is locally available. Thus, chefs have
to be flexible with in-season local products. Conceivably, the use of
local ingredients in modern cuisine development was first introduced to
the world by Danish haute-cuisine chef, Rene Redzepi, when he opened
his first restaurant, NOMA, in 2003. A two-Michelin-star recipient and
four-time winner of Best Restaurant in the World in 2010, 2011, 2012,
and the recipient of the 2016 San Pellegrino Awards, the restaurant is
claimed to redefine old Nordic cuisine into provocative New Nordic
Cuisine (NNC) (Hayes, 2017). Redzepi attracted the eyes of the world
when he and his team reinvented the old tradition of Nordic cuisine by
replicating it into modern Nordic cuisine without losing the identity of
the Nordic culture. New Nordic Cuisine (NNC) primarily aims to pro-
mote natural, local, and seasonal Nordic produce as a basis for its dishes
(Byrkjeflot et al., 2013). There (at NOMA), the cuisines are primarily
constructed based on local produce (depending on the season), which
are typically available during that season (Larsen, 2010). Foraging local
sources, e.g., samphire (Crithmum maritimum), scurvy grass (Cochlearia
officinalis), and purslane (Portulaca oleracea), the chefs from the region
embark on discovering new creative ideas to produce inventive NNC,
which is currently gaining traction and recognition around the world.
Redzepi is deliberately becoming a trend; many high-end restau-
rants and famous chefs across the globe have started adapting his style.
Mauro Colagreco, an award-winning chef of a three-Michelin-star res-
taurant, Mirazur, in France, ranked 3rd in The World's 50 Best
Restaurants, also practices the same value of using local products in his
progressive modern European menu (The World's 50 Best, 2019). In
Australia, a Victorian-based fine-dining restaurant, Attica, owned and
operated by Chef Ben Shewry, has elevated Australia's local produce in
its modern-twist menu, with the chef creatively harvesting a long list of
indigenous ingredients for Attica's tasting menu (Lazaroo, 2017). These
trends have spread across the globe like wildfire. Major cities in Asia,
such as Thailand, Singapore, Indonesia, and Vietnam, are also see-
mingly emerging and practically using local produce and later inter-
preting them into modern restaurant cuisine art (Henderson, 2016).
The trend continues with the debut of Le Du2 restaurant (Le du in Thai
tongue means “season”) in Bangkok where the executive chef, Thitid
Ton Tassanakajohn, fused local produce and Thai seasonal ingredients
with modern cooking techniques to create innovative and con-
temporary Thai-influenced cuisine (Leng, 2017). Therefore, the use of
local ingredients is now widespread across the world, with the idea
grasping hold of professional chefs, encouraging them to create and
construct modern cuisines in restaurants to introduce and interpret the
identity of their nation's bountiful produce.
1
El Bulli restaurant permanently closed on July 30, 2011, but reopened as a
creativity centre in 2014 (BBC, 2011).
2
Le Du is an Award-Winning restaurant in Thailand, which is ranked 20th
among Asia's 50 Best Restaurants.
3
International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science 21 (2020) 100220
The Malaysian food identity
Analogically
The South China Sea divides Malaysia into two: Peninsular
Malaysia, also known as West Malaysia, and East Malaysia. The country
shares land borders with the southern boundaries of Thailand, Brunei,
and the maritime borders of Indonesia, The Philippines, and Singapore.
Thus, Malaysians have broadly different food preferences, so it is quite
difficult to generalise what they eat. Malaysian food culture is rooted in
the varied origins of its people and depicts different regional types that
make up a unique gastronomy trail. Malays, Chinese, Indians, and
various minorities have not neglected memorising traditional recipes
and styles of cooking that differentiate them from one another.
Past works on food preferences and shifting diets discuss not only
social behaviour and eating habits (Anderson, 2005; Heinze and
Gabaccia, 1999; Lipartito and Mintz, 2006; Twigg and Mennell, 2007)
but also the feeling of acceptance in diverse communities (Fischler,
1988, 2011). Indeed, food is a vital part of the Malaysian sense of
identity. Fischler (1988, 2011) asserted that the manner in which any
given human community eats allows it to demonstrate its plurality,
dominance, and society but also, at the same time, both its solidarity
and the subsidiarity of whoever eats contrarily. Even ethnic and re-
ligious consideration is not left out when it comes to what constitutes
an appropriate and proper meal. Eating strengthens social identity; it is
how people choose and prepare their food and can also be the ways of
construing a sense of community. Traditional ways of preparing food
tend to symbolise cultural identity and distinguishes one culture from
the other. These methods may also reflect the cuisines of established
communities that have become eminent in various places. Traditional
food can have new gastronomic significance for people from outside
these established communities in many of these areas, for instance, food
assimilation among Muslim migrants from Arabic countries in Malaysia
(Ishak et al., 2018).
Hitherto, the ideology of traditional and heritage food is favoured as
a median to signify Malaysian cuisines in a collective sense. Still, an
outsider desires to imagine all of them under a single solitary identity.
Conversely, the multiculturalism inherent in the Malaysian food culture
symbolises a medley of identities that creates and dissolves boundaries.
So it is implausible to assert the togetherness of eating as an unequi-
vocal assertion of national belonging (Anderson, 2007). Hence, Malays,
Chinese, Indians, and the indigenous minority groups indeed want to
claim distinct uniqueness through their recipes, cooking practices, and
consumption. Notwithstanding, the ingredients used in cooking are
generally comparable or common to each culture. As time passes by, the
food culture of every ethnic group has been homogenised to form a
unique Malaysian cuisine. Conceivably, with the diversity of culture
and origin, certain common ingredients are used in Malaysian dishes.
Numerous types of rice and noodles, which are locally produced or
imported (most of them from Thailand, Japan, or India), are commonly
used or consumed as a daily carbohydrate in Malaysia (Leong-Salobir,
2011). The typical Malaysian diet consists of a lot of meat and seafood,
for instance, fish, squid, prawn, and crab are proteins that normally
show up in Malaysian side-dishes or lauk, which are later served with
plain steamed white rice (nasi) (Raji et al., 2017). Despite the above,
most Malaysian lauk (dishes) use belacan (shrimp paste) to enhance and
fortify inherent flavours (Hutton, 2005). The innocuous aroma and
intense flavour of the belacan might not be well accepted, as it is not a
benign taste for some people, especially Westerners. Still, Malaysians
consider it an essential flavour enhancer in some dishes (Leong et al.,
2009).
Natural sources such as fresh herbs are also commonly used to cook
Malaysian food. East and West Malaysia have a common landscape with
densely forested hills and mountains rising to coastal plains. In
Peninsular Malaysia, the Main Titiwangsa Range separates the East
Coast from the West Coast. A nation blessed with abundant flora and
M.R. Zainal Abidin, et al.
fauna, Malaysia lies on the equator and receives a great deal of rainfall,
with 58.1% of its area covered in tropical rainforests (Samy et al.,
2004). Ergo, temperatures are high all year round, leading to the per-
fect condition for overflowing plant life. Hence, Malaysians creatively
use natural sources to create a complete and well-balanced meal in their
kitchen. Raji et al. (2017) portrayed the Malaysian community as a
people who have practically diversified the use of natural resources,
turning them into a vast array of delicious recipes that are passed down
from generation to generation. Malaysians consume many fresh herbs
called ulam. Ulam is the edible parts of plants, generally young shoots
and leaves, and sometimes other parts of plants that are safe to con-
sume, such as the flower, fruit, and root (Samy et al., 2004; Wan Hassan
and Mahmood, 2010). In Malaysia, there are about 120 species of ulam
that can be safely consumed (Yusof, 2012, p. 19). The ulam is wildly
grown in the jungle, and some are cultivated in backyard gardens in
villages. For generations, the Malays have savoured simple traditional
Malay meals comprising plain white rice with meat or seafood dishes
(lauk), cooked vegetables (sayur), and ulam together with an accom-
panying sauce (sambal belacan)3 (Samy et al., 2004, p. 21).
Besides the above, spices also have an enormous influence on
Malaysian cuisine. The essential spices in the Malaysian pantry include
buah pelaga (cardamom), bunga lawang (star anise), cengkih (cloves),
kulit kayu manis (cinnamon stick), kunyit (turmeric), jintan manis
(fennel), jintan putih (cumin), and daun salam (bay leaves). These spices
are commonly used in Malaysian curries to create aromatic, rich, and
spicy curry dishes.4 These spices are frequently found in dried form and
are available in local hypermarkets and Indian drugstores. On the same
note, dried spices also form an essential component of Malaysia's his-
tory in spice trade (Adelaar, 2007; Lockard, 2010). Hoogervorst (2013)
chronologically illustrated the spice trade in Malacca, implying that
Malacca was one of the great spice trading powers in the fifteenth
century.
Coconut is another significant ingredient that is also commonly
found in countless Malaysian dishes. For example, santan (coconut
milk) is used to thicken curries. It adds a balance between the savoury
and sweetness of a dish and tones down the fiery hot taste of the spices.
Besides that, santan is also used to prepare the nation's favourite
breakfast, nasi lemak5 (Yahaya and Yakin, 2009). Likewise, santan is
also one of the main ingredients and flavour enhancers for some bar-
becue marinades like ayam perchik6 and is often used in a variety of
traditional Malaysian desserts (George, 2009).
Metaphorically
Culture (specifically in food) is certainly not a fixed or static con-
dition, and it reacts vigorously to knowledge progression, social and
economic development, or potential environmental changes. Thus,
culture could be changed or supplanted when innovation intervenes.
Malaysian cuisine is known for its robust use of spices. Malaysians are
said to be kind, loose, and warm individuals, and such qualities can be
distinguished in their culinary practices. However, being a multi-
cultural and multiracial country, Malaysians might be considered “too
diverse”. Yet, what is "Malaysian" cuisine? What are the "gauges" that
indicate Malaysian cuisine? Does the diversity of Malaysian cuisine
influence the diffusion of modernisation? Based on these issues, it can
be asserted that most people concur that the topic is an enduring
3
A hot-fiery chili sauce or paste typically made from a mixture of a variety of
chili peppers with secondary ingredients such as shrimp paste (belacan), garlic,
shallot, lime juice, and palm sugar.
4
A type of dish with a mixture of blended spices and thickened with coconut
milk (santan).
5 7
A Malay scented rice dish cooked in coconut milk and pandan leaf in which
the essence of the santan provides a rich, milky, and fatty taste after being
cooked.
6
Grilled chicken marinated with local herbs, spices, and coconut milk.
4
International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science 21 (2020) 100220
conflict of “identity”. More specifically, one of the standout things
about Malaysian cuisine is its diversity, but this (perhaps) makes it very
hard to classify. Therefore, this may be tricky and confusing for tourists,
restaurateurs, and even locals. This confusion is affirmed by a survey
undertaken by a Japanese anthropologist (Yoshino, 2010), who per-
ceived Malaysian Chinese and Indian cuisines as some varieties of
ethnic gastronomy and Malay dishes as a kind of comfort-home food. As
it were, Yoshino's (2010) respondents were not naive about their in-
ability to interpret the uniqueness of the Malaysian cuisine. They could
not address this uniqueness in a similar way that they identified tom
yum,7 which is a mark of a Thai-influenced dish. This situation infers
that the diversity of culture encourages innovation as well as conflates
personality into a broader picture that results in a vague portrayal of
Malaysian cuisine. However, the representation of Malaysian cuisine is
now seen as a national character that requires conservation under
specific lawful resolutions, a consequence of the public's worry over the
expanding number of low-wage migrant workers in the F&B sectors.
Emerging from neighbouring provinces, many of these workers run
food stalls in an attempt to cook “Malaysian dishes”. Their presence in
busy food courts and restaurants has provoked government authorities
to address the apparent disintegration of the identity and authenticity
of local cuisine. Furthermore, recognising 213 local dishes as legacy
and heritage foods, the Department of National Heritage (JWN) en-
forced Act 645 of the 2005 National Heritage Act. The Deputy Director
of JWN, General Mohamad Muda Bahadin scrutinised the preparation
of these foods by foreign cooks and opined that their authenticity had
declined. So it is now a public issue, especially in places that are con-
sidered food havens for tourists (Hasan, 2019). Smillie (2010) claimed
that it is reasonably fair to say that both the identity and authenticity of
Malaysian cuisine is not spectacularly well known to most people. In
other words, a Malaysian dish or cuisine is most commonly associated
with many other countries such as Singapore, Thailand, India, and In-
donesia. An excellent example of a “so-called” traditional Malaysian
dish is rendang,8 but Indonesians are radically claiming the dish as
theirs (Nurmufida et al., 2017).
Another example to add to this misperception is over the favourite
nation dessert, cendol.9 The Star Online (2018) alleged that the war
between Malaysia and Singapore to lay claim on the cendol might be
misplaced because Indonesia offers more varieties of it. Therefore,
metaphorically, what is the 'identity' being represented? Seeing as there
is so much confusion and discord in each cuisine, which resembles the
cuisine of other nations?
The mélange of food culture in Malaysia
A mélange of cultural and ethnic histories makes up Malaysia's di-
verse population, reflected in the broad range of influences and flavours
found in Malaysian cuisine. Malaysians, (mostly) are more than open to
embracing the trend of venturing into new cuisine experiences, viewing
it as a gastronomic adventure. In light of its focal area, between the
Indian Ocean and the South China Sea, Malaysia has generally attracted
merchants and travellers from both the East and West. Thus, it has
produced a most diverse culinary landscape leading to a symphony of
bountiful flavours. All this makes Malaysian cuisine complex and varied
(Omar and Omar, 2018). Yoshino (2010) echoed that Malaysian cuisine
epitomises the culinary and gastronomic diversity of the country that is
rooted in Malaysia's multiethnic population. He further identified a vast
amount of Malaysian delicacies to be savoured. Yoshino’ work eluci-
dates the origin and influence of traditional Malaysian cuisines as il-
lustrated in Table 1 below (Fig. 1).
Thai-influenced spicy, hot, and sour soup.
8
Slow-braised beef chunks in local aromatic herbs and spices.
9
Green-coloured silky dropped dough made from rice flour, served fresh by
itself in chilled coconut milk and Gula Melaka.
M.R. Zainal Abidin, et al. International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science 21 (2020) 100220

Table 1
Vast array of Malaysian cuisines. Source: (Yoshino, 2010).
Name of cuisine Influence Description

nasi lemak Malay coconut milk steamed rice and served with spicy sambal, fried peanut and anchovies, hard-boiled egg, and sliced cucumber
beef rendang Malay slow-braised beef chunk in coconut milk and local aromatic herbs
bak kut teh Chinese a pork rib dish cooked in spices infused the broth
char kway teow Chinese flat rice noodles fried in garlic, sweet soya sauce, chili paste, and other ingredients such as egg, fishcake, beansprouts, and cockles
curry laksa Chinese a coconut-based curry soup served with thick wheat noodles, fried bean curd puffs, fish cake, shrimp, and cockles, sambal chili paste and
garnished with Vietnamese coriander or laksa leaf
roti canai Indian a form of puffed flatbread served hot with thick curry or dhal
nasi goreng Malay, Chinese a dish of savoury wok-fried rice with a variety of ingredients including assorted of meats and a sliced omelette or fried egg
nasi dagang Malay a Malaysian delicacy originated from the state of Terengganu consisting of combination of with rice and glutinous rice steamed in coconut
milk, fish curry and acar (pickled cucumber and carrots)

Fig. 1. Nasi Dagang. Malaysian delicacy originated in Terengganu, consisting a
combination of a white rice and glutinous rice steamed in coconut milk, fish
curry and acar (pickled cucumber and carrots). July 13th, 2019.
However, the mélange of food culture in Malaysia demonstrates
how the phenomenon presents itself as one instance in the presence of
many. Malaysian food culture has varied origins and represents dif-
ferent styles of regional cuisines. Malays, Chinese, Indians, and various
minorities have memorised traditional recipes and cooking styles that
distinguish them from each other. Nonetheless, traditional foods are
marketed as a way of portraying Malaysian dishes in a collective sense
such that the outsider believes that they all adhere to a "single" culture.
Rather than a single identity or culture, the multicultural Malaysian
food culture represents a "potpourri" of identities, which builds and
dissolves limits, rendering it implausible to claim the commonality of
food as an unequivocal assertion of nationality. Instead, this potpourri
of identities is apparent from the entanglements of people who want to
have their “sugar-coated dessert” and eat it. In the foods they prepare
and consume, without a doubt, every culture wants to claim unique-
ness. Consequently, applying the ethos of modernisation in each culture
is an on-going dilemma because tension normally arises when each
culture self-proclaims its “ethnicity” from its culinary tradition, food-
ways, and food representation (Erikson, 1994; Phinney and Rosenthal,
1992).
Food culture and modernisation in Malaysia
To date, according to the Department of Statistics Malaysia (2019),
Malaysia has a total population of more than 32.6 million people from
multicultural and multiracial backgrounds. The population comprises
three main ethnic groups, with Malays or Bumiputera dominating the
group (69.3%), followed by Chinese (22.8%), and then Indians (6.9%).
Various indigenous groups represent 1% of the total population (“In-
digenous People” or “Orang Asal”, refer to the minority indigenous
people who live in both Peninsular (West) and East Malaysia). Besides,
per Nicholas (2004), in the Eastern regions Malaysia of Sarawak, Sabah,
and Labuan, Bumiputera includes all the indigenous groups mentioned
in Article 161A of the Federal Constitution such as Malay, Dayak,
Melanau (including Iban, Bidayuh, and Orang Ulu), Bajau, Kazadan-
Dusun, and other indigenous groups.
Securing independence from Britain in 1957, Malaysia undertook
the path to modernisation by changing its dependency on the agri-
cultural sector to a long-running obligation to the manufacturing in-
dustry. Similar to other postcolonial nations that intended to redevelop
their economies and societies, Malaysia also confronted the multilevel
task of incorporating the community, economics, and policies to reach a
modern state and nation. After over 50 years of the country's declara-
tion of independence and 40 years of industrialisation, the country has
delivered a track-record of continued development and has managed to
assume modernity (Johan, 1984; Lee, 1992, 2013; Peletz, 2002).
The boom of modernisation as a result of Malaysia's New Economy
Policy (NEP) spurred positive changes in diverse fields. As a result, the
country's development spearheaded growing urban areas and me-
tropolises but to the detriment of an expanding disparity between
identities and aspects frequently associated with modernised societies.
Initially, the NEP intended to expand the Malay-ownership of corporate
assets and resources from 2% in 1970 to 30% in 1990 and to achieve
employment enrolment patterns in the urban sector to echo the racial
structure of the nation. However, these policies have attracted some
controversy, with some labelling the NEP as benign discrimination fa-
vouring the Malays. Realistically, these NEP policies (1971–1983) are
very much in favour of Bumiputera or Bumiputra (literally meaning the
"sons of the soil”), cementing the privilege given to Malays and all in-
digenous groups to enrol in public universities and other public in-
stitutions. They are also given a special discount and rebate on housing
(Chin and Dosch, 2015). As it were, this is not a surprise; as the doc-
trines of national political, economic, bureaucratic, laws, and educa-
tional systems are rooted in the Western model, for the most part, the
British one. In this case, Ali (2008) emphasised that the Western
ideology and values, or those non-Western ones, are admired to such a
degree that the native ideology and values have been disregarded,
loathed, if not demolished. As Western elements become more
grounded in society, conventional values and norms tend to become
more and more fragile. This cataclysm has also spread sequentially to
Malaysia's food, customs, and later the economy and government
(Fieldhouse, 2014).
Food culture is, therefore, not only readymade symbols of tradi-
tional societies but also spheres where new community identities and
meanings are created and articulated. As cultures start to converge, it
was only normal for new dishes to be developed, as people shared and
merged cooking styles and ingredients to create new concepts and fla-
vour profiles. Nevertheless, linking the heterogeneity of food cultures
(particularly in Malaysia) to the particular process called modernisation
would be deemed ironic or “biased”. The process itself, and its effect on
the transformation of identities and values depicting traditional

5
M.R. Zainal Abidin, et al.
practice as a vanishing aspect of life, is significantly debated. Yet, while
modernisation is being evaluated as a multidimensional process that
gives rise to multiple modernities (Eisenstadt, 2000; Fourie, 2012;
Kaya, 2004), the term “traditional” has not been factored out of the
equation of social change. In line with this, Lee (2013) proposed that
multiple modernities indicate heterogeneity of culture in which “the
traditional” is a repetitive element of the new, meaning that moder-
nisation will unlikely result in cultural convergence. Alternatively, in-
tercultural interactions that do not rule out the traditional come to
represent the current state of transition in all modernising societies. As
a result of this new complexity, many societies have been rebranded as
modernising ones, but with their own progression paths. These are
paths that ultimately result in a separation of the human world rather
than homogenisation. In other words, searching for a single moder-
nisation paradigm representing most or all societies would be fruitless.
Modern societies should instead be seen as complexities of the moder-
nisation cycle, historically fragmented, unfettered from a cultural point
of view, flexibly rationalised, and futuristically ambiguous with un-
predictable developments.
From the perspective of multiple modernities, food culture can be
viewed as cultural domains of gastronomic versatility, which offer new
recipes to create a pastiche of social and cultural identities. Lee (2017)
proposed that the inherent diversity in multiple modernities implies
that this heterogeneity is not merely a result of unavoidable intermixing
but a state of transparency that often repels predictability or anything
imitative. It is a continuous creolisation process that makes it possible
to enculturate new differences. In the same sequence, Ritzer (1995) and
Lewis and Watson (2006) theorised that ‘modernising food cultures’ are
more than just the ‘McDonaldisation’ of dishes and cafés in various
parts of the world. Rather, it is also fusing, hybridising, and modifying
the original form of food to create a new gastronomic experience that
might not always be neatly categorised. In the realm of gastronomic
behaviour, modernisation has come to transform people's eating habits,
food preferences, and cooking styles and practices. By changing their
work aptitude, people also familiarised with new cultural practices and,
in turn, contributed their cultural knowledge to an officially existing
pool of diversified practices and perceptions. Thus, this might explain
the modernity of Malaysian food culture, since it would be ironic to
rectify the diversity of food cultures as a result of modernisation. This
process alone has been the subject of various theories on the re-
structuring of identities and values in which the traditional value is
portrayed as a fading element of life (Schmidt, 2010). Henceforth, the
multiple modernities could be used to illustrate the dynamic matrix of
cultural diversity and could resolve the perplexities of each culture's
identity. Firstly, food cultures are not stagnant relics of traditional
gastronomic choices. The continued differentiation of ideas, practices,
and taste preferences tends to distinguish the traditional cuisines or
preserved foods from other cultures. The ramification of the diversities
of modernities means that there is no deficiency in the dishes re-
invented from traditional cuisine. Instead, these cuisines may reflect the
differences in modernising cultures, as well as the demands of today.
Secondly, modernities evolve through permutating and recombining
pre-existing knowledge. Modernities allow food cultures to improvise to
suit changing tastes and markets. Thirdly, globalisation has introduced
modernities to an increasing range of export franchise products, which
are not only integrated into local food culture but also refurbished to
facilitate local tastes. Modernities are therefore all-embracing when it
comes to ethnic cuisine, and at the same time incorporates locally
known products to market the concept successfully.
Such processes of distinguishing innovation and globalisation are
characteristics of evolving food cultures in multiple modernities.
Extendedly but briefly, this review also explores how these modernising
processes shape the identities and tastes in Malaysia as a multi-ethnic,
multi-faith, and multi-culinary country and the construction of the
“Modern Malaysian Cuisine”.
6
International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science 21 (2020) 100220
Modern Malaysian Cuisine
Modern Malaysian Cuisine is relatively new (per se) (Khoo, 2019,
p.111). If one were to search for the "Modern Malaysian Cuisine" category
across various food blogs, magazines, and cookbooks, one would be hard-
pressed to find it. The epitome is moderately unique and uncommon. It
has, generally, not been used to portray contemporary or fusion cooking
found in fine-dining restaurants, pricey new bistros, or restaurants that
have grown since the late 2000s in such hipster culture environs such as
Kuala Lumpur. Yet, swamped high-end restaurants serving highbrow pa-
trons in Malaysia claim to reinterpret local ingredients and flavours with a
contemporary flair. Still, often, the dishes end up losing the niche and
uniqueness of the Malaysian identity. In such cases, which part of the
cuisine is being “modernised"? And what is an acclaimed national dish?
Indeed, these mind-boggling questions are tough to answer. There might
be a few that ring a bell. Still, genuinely, nothing specific truly epitomises
Malaysia as a whole amongst its multiethnic diversity even with the hy-
bridised recipe attempts to (perhaps) disrupt authentic Malaysian cuisine
nowadays. Thus, this sub-topic argues whether Modern Malaysian Cuisine
truly resembles the national identity, or is it just a chef-headed laboratory
project experimenting with molecular gastronomy?
Working inside a cosmopolitan universe or a field of liquid modernity
where continual change is the gauge (Bauman, 2000), modern Malaysian
chefs are perpetually experimenting with different ingredients using an
alternate style or method. Thus, their restaurants have become research
facilities and laboratories for metamorphosing traditional Malaysian food
from its low to middlebrow street food image into high-end modern cui-
sine. Cosmopolitanism, in the case of chefs and restaurateurs, is defined as
the incorporation of global discourses and global culinary trends. Perhaps
the emergence of molecular techniques influenced by the brilliant Oxford
physicist, Nicholas Kurtis, and the French chemist, Hervè This, in 1992,
had brought about scientific elements in the manipulation of cooking
styles, leading to novel offerings in the market. For example, the emphasis
of using local produces at Dewakan (Krich, 2015) and the manipulation of
ingredients with the latest scientific cooking approach, i.e., molecular
techniques. This creative approach shifts the focus away from the distinct
cultural roots of Malaysian national cuisine and instead deconstructs the
Malaysian palate, ingredient by ingredient. Remarkably, Khoo (2019)
agreed with the conflict between cosmopolitism and nationalism and
transnational identity. The author claimed that it provides “a twist” to the
traditional. Thus, for Malaysian cuisine to be “modernised", it has to be
cosmopolitan and being cosmopolitan means propagating a modern-twist
to cooking, in one way or another, whether acknowledged or not.
However, throughout the years, reputable Malaysian modern chefs,
Darren Teoh (Dewakan)10, Raymond Tham (Beta),11 and Tyson Gee
(ATAS Modern Malaysian Eatery)12 have come to a vague conclusion; all
cannot agree more on the interpretation or misinterpretation of what is
defined as ‘Modern Malaysian Cuisine’, as there is neither a right or
wrong rebuttal to the theoretically coined term (Lim, 2019b, 2019a;
Tien, 2018). A pioneer in the fabrication and utilisation of Malaysia's
local produce in modern cuisine development, Chef Teoh, who has a
solid molecular gastronomy background, claims that the complexity to
precisely define what is Modern Malaysian Cuisine might confuse the
industry fraternity. Determined to shift away from the stereotype of
10
Dewakan is an Award-Winning Restaurant, currently ranked 46th out of
Asia's 50 Best Restaurants and was given the title ‘Best Restaurant in Malaysia’.
11
Beta is an eccentric modern restaurant that reflects a unique blend of cu-
rated menus representing the rich flavours of Malaysian cuisine; quasi-au-
thentic, elegant, and sometimes under-represented. BETA travels to four dis-
tinct regions of Malaysia, demarcated as North, South, East and West, carrying a
freshly redefined gastronomic experience that embodies Malaysia's distinctive
palates.
12
ATAS Modern Malaysian Eatery is a new modern contemporary restaurant
offering authentic tastes, spices, ingredients, and produce of local provenance
and presented in contemporary and unique cuisines.
M.R. Zainal Abidin, et al.
Fig. 2. One of the outstanding dishes at Dewakan showcasing the Malaysian
ingredients: “Banana Heart and Kerdas”; grilled banana heart layered with
pucuk paku, shaved kerdas, and topped with pickled rose petals. March 21st,
2019.
"traditional and known" in starting up his restaurant, one that reflects
his personality and obsessions with the origin, history, and terroir, Teoh
chose instead to focus on ingredients. Teoh later concocted the ideas for
the menu at Dewakan based on his multifaceted experiences and ima-
gination to optimise local produce and ingredients. He emphasised on
the ingredients, took something that might be considered traditional,
and then found a creative way of interpreting those ingredients and
presented it with a story to tell his patrons. Teoh felt that each of his
creations had a story behind it that sheds light on the essence and
identity of the ingredients used (Jessica, 2016). Passionate about using
local produce, Chef Teoh laments that Malaysia's national dish, nasi
lemak, may have lost its foundations and identity due to the use of
imported ingredients such as imported rice and modified santan. De-
spite this fact, he feels that there is a gap between restaurants like
Dewakan and amateur cooks who lack imagination and creativity, and
he intends to bridge that gap. Hence, the concept of Modern Malaysian
Cuisine itself is tough to clarify (Ragavan, 2015). Following Myhrvold
et al.'s (2011) manifestation of modernist cuisine, Teoh alleged that the
ideal concept of creativity is very subjective, claiming that it is all about
separating oneself from the self-consciousness of what something ought
to be and taking a gander at what it very well can be (Fig. 2).
The man behind ATAS Modern Malaysian Eatery, a newcomer, Chef
Tyson Gee, embodies the modification and modernisation of traditional
Malaysian cuisine. He has brought to it new interpretations of the fa-
miliar and distinctive flavours, presenting it alongside a contemporary
flair, where patrons will discover a new appreciation of local in-
gredients found throughout Peninsular Malaysia. Chef Gee, however,
insinuates that his goal is not to deconstruct traditional or classical
Malaysian cuisines but rather to elevate local ingredients and flavour
profiles with a modern twist—turning it into something unique that
(still) resembles the Malaysian identity (Lim, 2019a). However, despite
all his efforts, he still feels some barriers hinder Malaysians from being
more open. Malaysians are also susceptive to the new “so-called’
modern-fad cooking. This bogus stigma says that local produce and
ingredients should only be used in native and traditional cuisines.
At the same time, the Executive Chef and co-owner of Beta KL and
Skillet at 163, Raymond Tham, at the beginning of his carrier, always
questioned himself about the definition of “Malaysian cuisine” as everyone
seemed to have a rigid opinion about it. Furthermore, he mentioned that
Malaysians have different definitions of Modern Malaysian Cuisine. Some
described or interpreted Modern Malaysian Cuisine based on the
7
International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science 21 (2020) 100220
ingredients used, while others based it on their knowledge in the field of
“fusion” foods (Durai, 2018). However, for Tham, the definition of Modern
Malaysian Cuisine is still ambiguous. In his professional career as a
modernist chef, he can claim that culture will evolve after some time, and
so will people's taste preferences. Modern Malaysian Cuisine, therefore,
evolves classic flavours to suit a progressively contemporary Malaysian
palate. It very well might be something lighter and could come in un-
expected forms, yet at the same time, bring people back to the tastes they
remember when growing up. It can even take influences from other cul-
tures, using modern cooking techniques to create a new type of Malaysian
cuisine, which perhaps might be postulated as Modern Malaysian Cuisine
(Tien, 2018). Tham, in a sense, feels that Malaysian foods posed all the
essential elements. Each culture has unique ingredients that are not so
common elsewhere, stories to tell, and flavours to contribute, which make
Malaysian food very intriguing and exotic. However, the potential of the
ingredients is still limited, despite all his efforts to elevate them to a so-
phisticated level. On this matter, he insinuates, “the Malaysian mindset is if
you do not serve foie gras, truffle or expensive French chicken like poulet de
Bresse, you're not fine-dining” (Ma, 2019). Nevertheless, shifting mindsets is
indeed an arduous task. Still, chefs like Tham are progressively determined
to add a whole new depth and breadth to the fine-dining scenes in Kuala
Lumpur with the richness of Malaysia's terroir.
Conclusion and discussion
In sum, this review sought to reveal the ideology of modernisation in
Modern Malaysian Cuisine, that is, the part of the cuisine that is believed
to be “modernised”. Precisely, the review determined whether the national
identity was indeed represented in the newly invented cuisine, or merely
an inflated forum for modern chefs to show off their molecular skills. In
another sense, this review is the first step towards gaining a more pro-
found understanding of Modern Malaysian Cuisine. National identity may
be flaunted to showcase heritage dishes, but the reinvention of “the tra-
ditional Malaysian smorgasbord” is unlikely to displace the inclination and
attraction towards intercultural cuisine. Also, this review discussed the
barriers of accurately describing “Modern Malaysian Cuisine”. From the
above discussion, it is interesting to note that the delineation of “Modern
Malaysian Cuisine” is still vague. Hence, more studies should be done in
this particular area. For this same reason, this review emphasised the root
of Malaysian food identity and the ingredients used to create Modern
Malaysian Cuisine. The modernity underlying Malaysian cuisine (or per-
haps in other nation cuisines) exemplifies the complex dimensions of this
transition, reflecting a less organised identity than those presumed by the
proponents of linear and unified development. It is more characterised by
paradoxes than by purposeful development, which leans toward com-
plexity and hybridity offered by multi-modernity theorists. These are
concepts of change that result in a scenario associated with aporia, con-
flict, and indecision rather than an ideal conception of integration. The
quest for national identity is a paradoxical basis for pluralism. The true
identity of Malaysian cuisine is still a complex concept due to its many
cultural nuances. Malaysia is “sandwiched” between other Asian nations
such as Indonesia, Singapore, and Thailand. Thus, the tendency for its
cuisine to get lost is high. In line with Khoo (2019), the market nowadays
appeals to a hype (or trend), which mostly resembles the identity of other
nations. Arguably, what is found in the modern fine-dining scene in Kuala
Lumpur is a sense of ‘borrowed’ originality, a variation of what others may
have already done with a European and Eurasian emphasis, in which
(unfortunately) this borrowed technique still dominates.
Throughout the discussion, this review also unearthed the barriers to
precisely defining Modern Malaysian Cuisine and its novelty. Firstly, chefs
have insufficient knowledge about the ingredient itself. To manoeuvre
around a new ingredient, a chef must genuinely and passionately under-
stand the nature of the ingredient itself. Only then, a novel and innovative
product could be produced. As portrayed by Amabile (1983) in her
componential Theory of Creativity, knowledge is one of the critical com-
ponents of a creative person. Therefore, knowledge deficiency might lead
M.R. Zainal Abidin, et al.
to a lack of imagination, hindering the chef from using, creating, or ele-
vating local produce and ingredients to develop the Modern Malaysian
Cuisine much less to solidify the term itself. In a further argument, it may
also be possible that enthusiastic young chefs probably lack guidance from
Malaysian role models. This scenario contributes to a lull in creativity and
the absence of fresh, bright minds that can shake up the framework. The
devastating conclusion, is, therefore, an echo of Teoh's statement in his
interview with TimeOut Magazine where he claimed that there was prob-
ably no one (local pioneers) to look up to for the current generation or the
generation before (Ragavan, 2015). Ergo, the aboriginal sentiment and
value of local ingredients will continue to fade with time. Secondly, the
findings of this study highlight the importance of educating patrons to
embrace new inventions. The stiff stigma that states that local produce or
ingredients should only be used in native and traditional dishes has see-
mingly been nurtured and assimilated among most Malaysians. This
thought is consistent with Teoh's promulgation that consumers now tend
to leap from buzz to bandwagon trends and this may be why so many
chefs and restaurants resist opening restaurants that rely on local in-
gredients because the term "local" is regarded as a "bad" word (Ragavan,
2015). Thus, as an advocate of Modern Malaysian Cuisine, Teoh scanda-
lously declared that "there is no Modern Malaysian Cuisine yet because we
have not worked out where we come from. We come from a ‘bastardised’
culture, and we have to draw more lines, giving it a little structure”.13 Never-
theless, this denunciation does not mean he opposes the culinary pluralism
of traditional Malaysian cooking. He only shows his sentiment in his in-
terpretation. Then again, culture is deeply ingrained in Malaysians and has
become our natural way of dealing with anything. To some extent, he feels
that concentrating on the ingredients is more integrative and can over-
come both ethnicity and culture and thus initiate a more in-depth dis-
cussion of what makes a culinary tradition (Khoo, 2019, p. 121).
Last but not least, it can be claimed that these chefs have reached a
strict consensus in creating and developing new cuisines using local
ingredients. In particular, it is difficult to retain and interpret the es-
sence of an ingredient on a plate without sacrificing the true identity of
Malaysia. Despite their best efforts to be as “original” as possible in
deciphering local ingredients to place on their menu, still, the biggest
hurdle is not to get overwhelmed with the dishes. The more enthusiastic
or adventurous they (chefs) try to be, the more reckless they become.
Therefore, the sheer intention of maintaining and preserving the no-
velty of local ingredients could be diverted. Khoo (2019) claimed that
Modern Malaysian Cuisine is characterised as a cosmopolitan nation-
alist project embracing national diversity and welcoming and engaging
global discourses and trends. The author took a different approach by
facilitating the audience and equating Modern Malaysian Cuisine to
“haute cuisine”. Despite flashes of novelty in culture, the uniqueness of
the local ingredients, however, is left behind, and the author neglects
the ideology of haute cuisine as being established long ago. In 17th
century France, Haute cuisine or "high" cuisine represented a hierarchy
since only the rich and privileged could eat it (Peterson, 1994). In
Malaysia, 'modern cuisine' is still at a laggard point, rendering Modern
Malaysian Cuisine on the same standard of haute cuisine—not to say that
it is impractical. Yet, instead, it will require a long and arduous task and
severe efforts and considerations to establish it in the country.
Hence, for now, this review argues that there is no formal and concrete
definition of the “Modern Malaysian Cuisine”. Each culture, ethnicity, and
even the minorities all want to claim uniqueness in the cuisine they re-
present. At the same time, culinary boundaries do not impede the creation
of new or modern cuisine. These varying entanglements could lead to a
unified pursuit of adventurous appetites—not as an uncomplicated road to
the unfolding of national identity but as a constant regeneration of mul-
ticultural relationships (Lee, 2017). Therefore, the manifestation of the
term itself is still shaky, as there is no profound authentication to
13
Excerpts of Chef Teoh's quotes from his personal interview with Assoc. Prof
Dr Gaik Cheng Khoo, January 21st, 2017
8
International Journal of Gastronomy and Food Science 21 (2020) 100220
illuminate and solidify the term “Modern Malaysian Cuisine’. Para-
doxically, is the term merely a resemblance to the national identity, or is it
the modern-day fads that chefs capitalise on to show off their advanced
and avant-garde cooking skills?
Funding details
This work is supported by the Ministry of Higher Educational of
Malaysia under SLAB scheme (KPT(BS)881216565549) and Universiti
Putra Malaysia under Tenaga Akademik Muda (UT-2) scheme.
Declaration of competing interest
No potential conflict of interest reported by the authors.
Acknowledgment
The authors thank Dr. Bee-Lia Chua, Senior Lecturer of Marketing in
Consumer Behaviour in Hospitality Management, Universiti Putra
Malaysia, for her insightful comments and efforts towards improving
this review article.
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Muhammad Rezza Zainal Abidin is a Ph.D. student in the Department of Food Service
and Management at the Faculty of Food Science and Technology of University Putra
Malaysia. He received his BA (Hons) in Culinary Arts Management from the MARA
University of Technology, Shah Alam, and later persued his M.Sc. in Gastronomy at the
same institution. He has prior eight years of experience in upscale kitchen operations as a
Sous-chef with a fusion Malaysian cuisine as his forte, also been involved in kitchen and
restaurant operational management.
Farah Adibah Che Ishak is a senior lecturer in the Food Service and Management
Department in the Faculty of Food Science and Technology at Universiti Putra Malaysia.
She was awarded a Doctoral of Philosophy Degree in Human Geography from Royal
Holloway University of London, UK. Her research interest focuses on restaurant man-
agement, heritage food, dining experience, and qualitative research methods. In parti-
cular, she investigates the staging of dining experiences in theme restaurants and un-
covers the production and consumption of such experience. Currently, she is exploring the
authentic heritage ambiance in ethnic restaurant settings.
Ismi Arif Ismail is an Associate Professor in the Faculty of Educational Studies at
Universiti Putra Malaysia. Prior to his current position, he started his career as a
Secondary teacher at Methodist English School, Banting, Selangor. He is currently the
Deputy Dean of Research and Graduate Studies at Faculty of Educational Studies,
Universiti Putra Malaysia. He has been widely published as author or co-author of arti-
cles, book chapters, monographs, proceedings, and dozens of scholarly papers, abstracts,
and related materials in fields such as continuing education, education, leadership, youth
development, and human resource development.
Nurul Hanisah Juhari is a senior lecturer in the Food Service and Management
Department in the Faculty of Food Science and Technology at Universiti Putra Malaysia.
With her extensive experience in the field of food science, she was awarded a Doctoral of
Philosophy Degree in Food Design and Consumer Behaviour from the University of
Copenhagen, Denmark. Her research focuses on food flavour and sensory science in
product innovation and development.