Two nation theory in the simplest manner means that the two nations; Hindus and Muslims are

separate identities and are different in many aspects such as, culture and civilization, moral
values, customs and rituals, language and way of living as it was described by Jinnah. Therefore,
it was necessary that the two nations have their separate homeland. The justification for
Pakistan's existence, a claim to nationhood based on faith, is still being debated today. If Hindus
and Muslims, for example, were so polar opposites, how could so many Muslims—nearly 35
million at the time of partition—remain in India?
Syed Ahmad Khan was the first to suggest and inspire Muslims to embrace the two-nation
theory. Muhammad Iqbal and Chaudhry Rahmat Ali founded the two-nation theory, and they
also proposed the boundaries and name of the Muslim country that should be formed under
the two-nation theory. Muhammad Ali Jinnah was the one who finished the two-nation
theory's missing elements and used it as the foundation for the development of Pakistan. As a
conclusion of these committed and devoted theoretical and realistic efforts, Pakistan was
founded as a new force in South Asia on August 14, 1947, in accordance with the two-nation
principle.
Sir Syed initially believed in Indian national congress, but his confidence in a united India was
shattered by the Hindi-Urdu controversy, and he started to support the two-nation theory. He
instilled in Muslims the belief that they are a distinct nation. Their faith is extremely strong.
Muslims should claim their own independent homeland. The first Muslim official to use the
word word was Sir Syed Ahmed Khan. Sir Syed Ahmed Khan was the first Muslim ruler to refer
to the Muslims of the Subcontinent as a "Country." In India, according to Sir Syed, there are two
nations: Hindus and Muslims. They couldn't survive together, and as time went by, the rivalry
between the two nations grew. Sir Syed believed that Hindus and Muslims were two distinct
nations because of their differing religions, histories, cultures, and ideologies. His political views
were
1.India was a continent rather than a state.
2. It was home to a diverse group of people of various races and religions.
3. Hindus and Muslims were the main nations among them, based on their religious beliefs.
Ethnic background, faith, practices, languages, and historical and spiritual practices are all
factors to consider.
4. They were unable to divide political influence evenly after the British left. It was absolutely
unimaginable and unthinkable.
5. The Muslims did not recognize the Indian National Congress.
6. Muslims could not embrace a political system akin to that of the West so they could be
oppressed by Hindus in a yet another population ratio.
7. If the Congress continues to bind the two countries together, a destructive rebellion will
erupt.

The Muslims in British India used the Two-Nation Theory to justify their claim for Pakistan. In
British India, there are two main countries. Muslims are a country with a distinct past, roots,
tradition, civilization, and future hopes, not a race. Muslims in India sought to uphold and
defend their separate identity as well as further their own interests. They deserved to be able
to live their lives according to their values and philosophies of life without being suffocated by
an oppressive majority. For the defense and promotion of their history, identity, and interests,
they initially sought protections, legal rights, and a territorial form of government with powers
delegated to the provinces. Later, since neither the British nor the Hindu majority party were
able to include such assurances and protection, they requested a separate nation.
Nehru report
Intro
When the Simon Commission arrived in India in 1928, Indians, especially the Congress Party,
were outraged by the fact that there was not a single Indian on the Committee. As a result, Lord
Birkenhead, the Secretary of State for India, asked Indian representatives to write a constitution
for India, claiming that Indians were incapable of finding a mutual understanding and
constructing a constitution. The democratic leaders welcomed the challenge, holding an All
Party Conference and appointing a commission to write a constitution. Motilal Nehru was the
chairman of the commission, and Jawaharlal Nehru was the secretary. Ali Imam, Tej Bahadur
Sapru, Mangal Singh, M S Aney, Subhas Chandra Bose, Shuaib Qureshi, and G R Pradhan were
among the other participants. On August 28, 1928, the report was presented at the all-party
meeting in Lucknow. This was the first great effort by Indians to write their own constitution.
The committee met in Allahabad for three months, and its report was labeled the "Nehru
Report." The chairman teamed up with the Hindu Mahasabha and snubbed the Congress's
latest approval of the Delhi Proposals. The Nehru Report proposed that the constitution be
amended to include a Declaration of Rights guaranteeing complete freedom of faith and beliefs.

 1.India should be recognized as a dominion.

 2.A federal government with residuary authority granted in the center should be
created.
 India's administration should be constitutional, with a Prime Minister and six ministers
selected by the Governor General.
 legislation should be bi-cameral.
 2. Any society should not have its own electorate.
  3.The weighting system for minorities was almost as poor as having a separate
electorate.
 4.In provinces with a Muslim population of at least ten percent, Muslim seats could be
reserved, but only in proportion to the community's scale.
 In the Central Legislature, Muslims should have one-fourth vote.
 2. Only if the Committee confirmed that Sindh was financially self-sufficient should it be
distinguished from Bombay.
 3. The Northwest Frontier Party should be granted absolute provincial status.
 4. Karnatic, a new Kanarese-speaking province in South Asia, should be created.
 5. Hindi should be declared India's official language.

With one justification or another, the Nehru Report's framers flatly refused almost all Muslim
demands. Almost all segments of Muslim opinion, with the exception of a handful, had a strong
reaction to the Report when it was issued in August, 1928. It was nothing less than a death
sentence for the Muslim population. The Delhi Proposals were not taken into account by the
Nehru Committee when drafting their report. Only two Muslim demands were partially
considered. Separation of Sindh from Bombay was agreed, but only on the condition of self-
sufficiency; similarly, changes in the North West Frontier Province were accepted, but
Baluchistan was left out of the draft. Muslims were shocked and outraged by the Nehru Report,
and they did not see it as a single plan for the future constitution from both Hindus and
Muslims in the subcontinent.

Quaid-e-Azam was willing to consider the Nehru Report with a few minor adjustments, which
were emphasized during an All-Parties convention held in Calcutta to review the report near the
end of 1928, but the Hindu community was not willing to accept any changes or modifications.
His main changes were as follows:
Muslims could have 33 1/3 percent of the seats in the Central Legislature.
That residuary powers should be devolved to the provinces rather than the center.
That Muslims in Punjab and Bengal should be represented based on population for ten years,
with this concept subject to revision.

14 points

The controversial Fourteen Points of Jinnah, an earlier draft of which had been delivered before
the All-Parties National Convention in December 1928, provided a more comprehensible
summary of Muslim demands. The final draft of these Points was drafted as a resolution, which
Jinnah planned to introduce at the All-India Muslim League conference on March 28, 1929. No
scheme for the future constitution of the Government of India will be permissible to Muslims,
according to this resolution, unless and until the following basic principles were included in it.
1. The future Constitution should be provincial in nature, with the provinces having residuary
rights.
2. Both provinces will be given the same level of autonomy.
3. Both legislatures and other representative bodies in the country must be based on the clear
concept of sufficient and efficient minority representation in each province, without limiting the
majority to a minority or even justice.
4. Mussulman representation in the Central Legislature must be at least one-third.
5. Communal communities will have to be represented by the electoral process of separate
electorates, as is the case now; however, any group can abandon its separate electorate at any
time in favor of a joint electorate.
6. Any territorial restructuring that might be needed at any time would not impact the Muslim
majority in Punjab, Bengal, or the NWFP in any way.
Comparative Analysis:
The basic reason of conflict between the 14 points of Quaid e Azam and Nehru report
was that the Nehru Report only demanded the interests of the Hindus while the fourteen
points of Quaid e Azam demanded rights for the Muslims.
1. Separate Muslim electorates were rejected by the Nehru Report, but Quaid-e-Azam was
in favour of separate Muslim electorates.
2. Minorities were to be given more weight in the Quad-e-Azam study, but it was ignored.
3. The Nehru Report advocated for a strong central government. Quaid-e-Azam, on the
other hand, believed in provincial autonomy.
4. Muslims should be included in the Cabinet, according to Jinnah, but Muslims should not
be included in the Cabinet according to Nehru
5. Jinnah requested 1/3rd Muslim representation in the central government, but Nehru
suggested only 1/4th Muslim representation.
6. The Nehru Report proposed Sindh separation, but Jinnah rejected it. The Nehru Report
suggested a state of self-economy for Sindh.
7. The Nehru Report focused on N.W.F.P. reforms and ignored Baluchistan, while Jinnah's
Point emphasised both N.W.F.P. and Baluchistan reforms.
Conclusion:

The Nehru Report was nothing more than a Congress text, and Muslims in the Subcontinent
were outraged. If the Nehru report was not incorporated into the Act by December 31, 1929,
Hindus in Congress threatened the government with civil disobedience. This Hindu mindset
became a watershed moment in the Muslim liberation movement. It was also a watershed
moment in the life of Muhammad Ali Jinnah. Jinnah declared a "parting of the ways" after
reading the Nehru Study. The Nehru Report represented the Hindus' own prejudices and
narrow-mindedness.