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Grid Systems of Control
Grid Systems of Control
You might wonder why I would begin here, why a discussion of the grid and
systems of graphic design would begin with dialectical materialism, the
theoretical foundation of Marxism. Yet, it is this foundation that might begin to
disabuse us of our unending search for perfect solutions, our careful theorizing of
conceptions of design as industry that we believe might somehow reform it just
enough to justify its violent entanglements with capital.
If we turn to graphic design in high capitalist nations (my context and analysis
stems from a U.S.-based design education) and consider its hegemonic
discourses or forms like the Modernist grid, it seems as though design has largely
been treated by designers as a science in a vacuum: an activity or practice to be
innovated, to be taught with the right number of “universal” rules to maintain its
ever-sought-after professionalism.
Design has accepted late capitalism and its scientific and technological progress
as our future. More dangerously still, it mutates and recasts itself, encouraging
designers to continually resubscribe, to meet the needs of an “audience” or “user”
with the perfect solution: a system just flexible or just rigid enough to fulfill
whatever service or exchange is required.
What happens when we affirm the “universal validity” of our tools, when we
convince ourselves that there is something essential, innate, impenetrable about
their function, about their existence?
As they manifest from the New Typography of the 1920s and 30s, The Bauhaus,
and the International Typographic Style codified by the likes of Josef Müller-
Brockmann in the 1950s, grid systems pervade graphic design and its pedagogy.
No matter how many different ways students are encouraged to break it, “the
grid” is taught as default.
“Less is more.” “Carve out the white space.” “What is the underlying logic or
structure?” “What elements can you get rid of?”
These are the enunciations that spring from the grid’s mythology, the advice and
questions that students take up eagerly from their instructors. Even if
contemporary liberal academia posits to reject Modernism in its fascist
prescriptions of form, the logic of the grid and display systems wraps itself
evermore tightly around anxieties of crafting “good” or “professional” design,
particularly in the hyperaccelerated, hypervisible spaces of social media.
Mill’s notions of civilization and the idea that certain “backwards states” of
racialized peoples should be left out of consideration in a violent project of
empire manifests in the grid’s crafting of white space. A search for the perfect
balance, for the optimal construction of this space hinges on whiteness as default.
The white space becomes both a territory to conquer and an already purified
space ready to be recrafted with a presumably “neutral,” “harmonious,” purity of
form.
Limitations of Democracy: The Grid and “Oppressive Deception”
Before examining a few understandings of the post-modern and the new “Global
Style,” I’d like to return to Müller-Brockmann to examine his notion of
systematized design as contribution to a “general culture.” He argues that “design
which is objective, committed to the common weal, well composed and refined
constitutes the basis of democratic behavior...work done systematically and in
accordance with the strict formal principles makes those demands for directness,
intelligibility and the integration of all factors which are also vital in sociopolitical
life.” (8)
With Joe Biden’s presidential campaign came the “VOTE NOW” rhetoric of
liberal design studios and consulting agencies, the unending creation of VOTE!
graphics in typefaces deemed aesthetically relevant set with dynamically gridded
layouts. It was as if corporate entities and individual designers alike had taken
bipartisan electoral politics as an esteemed client. Biden’s election came also with
an aesthetic display of democracy’s supposed return, a manifestation of
“oppressive deception” that refuses recognition of imperialism as a decidedly
bipartisan effort.
Marx’s theory of the material base and superstructure is vital in pushing our
analysis of design beyond self-enclosed understandings of progressions of style
and form, supposed “innovations” of perfect solutions or “universally” relevant
brand systems. Design, like the state, is not a neutral system but a system of
political domination entangled with countless other systems that manifest from
commodity production bound up with private ownership and control. It
simultaneously reifies these relations of production, maintaining capitalism’s
relentless exploitation of the material world, convincing an already alienated,
disillusioned audience that our world and structures of capital as we know them
are natural and therefore eternal.
I’d like to begin this section by acknowledging that this may not feel, thus far, like
the expected deep dive or close look at the grid system that the title might imply.
Maybe we have grown too familiar, too comfortable with design criticism that
picks apart the supposed matter of design as insular—its developments, its
innovations, its pitfalls, its triumphs—yet fails to analyze its connections, its
contradictions that create and re-create it in constant motion. Too often we
reproduce the assumption of phenomena and fields of knowledge as static even
as we presume to recognize their dynamism, their multiplicity.
In his essays “Greasing the Wheels of Capitalism with Style and Taste or the
‘Professionalization’ of American Graphic Design” (1997) and “Graphic Design in
the Postmodern Era,” (1998) designer and educator Jefferey Keedy describes a
relationship between designers and “users” with the rise of the Internet and
“service of other’s desires,” positing “but the ‘others,’ that designers are now so
eager to please are not just some others, or most others; now we want to please
all the others” to guarantee a “huge audience, or maximum usability.” (14) Keedy
questions “is graphic design just a lubricant that keeps everything on the info
highway moving - are we just greasing the wheels of capitalism with style and
taste?” (15)
The conditions under which a design is produced, the power structures dictating
that production, the tools used to craft form, the ideological functioning of the
textual content itself, and the dialectical, dialogic relation between them are
obscured in this search for the right theory of an insular, self-perpetuating
graphic design model under guises of “authorship” or “professionalism.”
This familiarity and “near transparency” manifests in digital spaces where the
grid is not absent but “no longer visible or even detectable...so it is
understandable why designers would stop fussing with grids when it is the
ground beneath us, the water we swim in and the air we breathe in our
virtual/digital world.” In a meme that draws connection between the A paper
system with its attempt to economize and standardize mathematical relationships
for print media and responsive web design as we know it now, designer Leslie Liu
(lliu.site) points to the illusory “democratizing” function of the unendingly
responsive web space. (19) The connection they build between these systems of
standardization problematizes flexibility as a new default of systems building that
attempts functionality at every possible device size; the web browser becomes a
new territory to conquer, to provide a democratic “universal” function that does
not exist. The hierarchical web space is saturated so heavily in grid forms, that it
becomes impenetrable, a space of insidious, invisible control.
Returning to Darin Buzon’s essay, we can read the “Global Style” as a fitting
continuity from the “International Style,” understanding how both assert a
violent universality: a false reference to a collective. Buzon stresses that “by
extending itself outside its borders, the International Style mobilized the same
Western imperialism that sought to supersede whole graphic traditions, language
loss, and the disappearance of indigenous scripts. What was even “international”
about International Style if only accessible to Europe and its colonies who
underwent a conditioning of white supremacy?” (20)
No matter how “transparent” the newness of this style might become, no matter
how invisible its grids, this supposed Global Style functions as yet another
attempt to package design systems in the right language. But what comes from
this insistence that we might add the appropriate term to “design” and unlock
some imaginary potential? What revolutionary possibilities do we diminish?
I do not want to pretend to know how to end this discussion, even if temporarily.
I feel a compulsion to wrap it up in a bow, to package my own analysis just tightly
enough so that it might, too, be consumed by those already deemed worthy in a
design world of “professional” taste and uncritical circulation. Yet, it is this
compulsion that reminds me of the vigilance (as heavy as this word may feel) we
must maintain in engaging critically with the field even before we supposedly
“enter” it. To even presume that there is a threshold I would cross into this
imagined realm, makes clear design’s oppressive delineation of both material and
symbolic boundaries with the illusory language of individual attainment
weaponized by and for capital.
We are bound up in cycles of value extraction but are taught to create as if design
is not essential to that those very same processes. We are taught to create as if
design has no material relation to any other phenomena, as if it became
professional and therefore impenetrable: a grand system composed of countless
regulatory tools to be honed and optimized in its ever forward-thinking,
innovative production.
I focused, here, on the Modernist grid because of its pervasiveness, its stubborn
reinvention across time. It seems helpful in articulating design’s counter-
revolutionary function, its necessary entanglement with capitalism, yet
dangerous refusal of its political functions. The grid assumes purity, it assumes
an objectivity that denies its existence as a political weapon: a system to be
reformed within itself; to be innovated but never overhauled; to be invisible but
never abolished.
You might ask then, so what now? Do we somehow abolish the European grid?
Do we invent an “abolitionist grid,” a “Marxist grid system” and thus, by
extension, “Abolitionist Design”, “Communist Design,” perhaps?
These questions reflect an impulse that now saturates the field. Decolonization
practices have been decontextualized and co-opted by white-dominated
institutions. Anti-racism has been stripped of revolutionary potential, another
tool for liberal design discourse to cultivate new heroes diverse enough to posit a
reformed, post-racial world. The historically and politically recontextualized
typefaces of VocalType have become decontextualized in their rampant
circulation, used as a new default rather than to hack the old. So, naturally, we
question if design might also co-opt the likes of abolition or Marxism, packaging
political ideology into counter-revolutionary, depoliticized forms.
Yet, so long as the economic base remains firmly in-tact and the working- class
cannot seize control of the state, systems of the superstructure, design included,
will continue to perform its necessary role in reinforcing the relations of
production and the supremacy of the ruling class. This does not mean, however,
that we cannot imagine and build new institutions, avenues of making public that
make for radical resistance and survival under oppressive state apparatuses. As
founder of Queer.Archive.Work and design educator Paul Soulellis discusses in
his narrative syllabus “Radical Publishing During Crisis” (2020), “urgency” in
publishing and practices of mutual aid, broadly speaking, might mean a “slow
ongoing commitment to maintenance and communal care” that rejects the toxic
cultural impulses of racial capitalism and white supremacy. (23)