INSTITUTE OF MANAGEMENT AND TECHNOLOGY

(IMT), ENUGU

TERM PAPER BY

NAME: IGBOKWE AMARACHUKWU C.

REG. NO: IMT/MC/H2021/0/007

DEPARTMENT: MASS COMMUNICATION

COURSE TITLE: POLITICAL COMMUNICATION

COURSE CODE: MAC 426

S/NO:

Question:
ASSESSING THE PROS AND CONS OF PRESIDENT BOLA AHMED TINUBU’S
ADMINISTRATION FROM 29TH MAY 2023 TILL DATE

LECTURER: DR JOSEPHAT I. OKOYE

AUGUST, 2023.

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 Abstract

The focus of this study was o the assessment of the pros and cons of President Bola Ahmed Tinubu's
government from the 29th of May 2023 till date. The study adopted the survey research design which
was employed to derive responses from a sample. The study revealed that President Tinubu's
initiatives have not benefited the people of Nigeria and that President Tinubu's policy directions since
taking office are not very effective. It was recommended that President Tinubu should ensure that the
divisions and fault lines pushing the country to the brink are bridged. Also, President Tinubu should
recognise the need for electoral reforms as to encourage continuous participation in the country’s
electoral process and address some irregularities observed during the 2023 general election that
brought him to power.

Introduction/Background of Study

President Bola Ahmed Tinubu was sworn in as Nigeria’s president on 29 May, following an
election dogged by legal challenges. With a weaker mandate than any of his predecessors, the new
leader should take steps to reunite a fractured country facing numerous other problems. Acute
polarisation following Nigerian elections is not uncommon, but the atmosphere will be especially
charged when the new president is inaugurated on 29 May. Bola Ahmed Tinubu, 71, of the ruling All
Progressives Congress, will take the helm from Muhammadu Buhari, 80, who is leaving office after an
eight-year tenure. Tinubu’s declared victory in the 25 February polls is steeped in controversy, due to
several significant problems.

The electoral commission’s failure to collate ballots transparently and questions about
Tinubu’s eligibility for the top post have prompted legal challenges to the results. Most worryingly,
some ethnic and religious groups, along with millions of youths, are feeling a heightened sense of
exclusion and disillusionment after the election, meaning that the new authorities will face big
challenges in easing tensions. To this end, politicians should tone down rhetoric and curb hate speech,
election tribunals should resolve petitions speedily and transparently, prosecutors should pursue
alleged election offences with vigour and the new president should ensure that his key appointments
appropriately reflect Nigeria’s diversity.

Right from the podium, while delivering his inaugural speech, the former Lagos governor sent
a clear message to Nigerians that suggested it would not be business as usual. From his speech, he
created the impression that he was ready for business and not the usual kicking of the can down the
road that the country has experienced over the years. From the thorny issue of petrol subsidy and the
decision to unify the various foreign exchange rates in the country, Tinubu made it clear that he was
on a mission to steer the economy towards a growth path and wean it off perennial bottlenecks.
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However, while some of his policies have been welcomed and have excited the financial markets and
investors, they have also been greeted with attendant challenges, including spiralling inflation,
increased poverty level and job losses.

Statement of the Problem

Experts have praised President Tinubu's economic initiatives that have been made public so far
and have also offered recommendations for the future. However, Nigerians are patiently waiting for
the much-anticipated economic recovery that will bring about inclusive growth and a higher standard
of life for all. The government must not only issue orders to mitigate the negative effects of tax
adjustments on businesses; it must also develop policies to release the chokehold on households across
all affected sectors, so as to not worsen Nigerians' predicament. The government should not stop at
providing the necessary stimulus in the form of friendly policies to allow businesses to flourish in the
country.

Objectives of the Study

The objectives of this study are:

1. To determine whether President Tinubu's initiatives have benefited the people of Nigeria.
2. To evaluate the effectiveness of President Tinubu's policy direction since taking office.

Research Questions

The objectives of this study are:

1. Have President Tinubu's initiatives benefited the people of Nigeria?

2. What is the effectiveness of President Tinubu's policy direction since taking office?

Research Hypotheses

The hypotheses for this study are:

Hypothesis One

H1: President Tinubu's initiatives have benefited the people of Nigeria.

H0: President Tinubu's initiatives have not benefited the people of Nigeria.

Hypothesis Two

H2 President Tinubu's policy directions since taking office are very effective.

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H0: President Tinubu's policy directions since taking office are not effective.

Scope of the Study

This work focused on the pros and cons of the administration of President Bola Ahmed
Tinubu.

Limitations of the Study

The limitations of this study are basically finance and time. There was inadequate finance to
expand the study to other areas which would have been of great value to the study. The time frame for
this study was also a limitation. There was short time for the completion of the study which did not
allow the expansion of the scope. The researcher combined this study with other academic activities
which did not allow for full concentration on the study.
Definition of Terms
The key terms in this study were defined conceptually and operationally.
Conceptual Definitions
I. Pros and Cons: These are advantages and disadvantages of something, which are
considered carefully as to make a sensible decision.
II. Administration: This is the range of activities connected with organizing and supervising
the way that an organization or institution functions.
Operational Definitions

I. Pros and Cons: These are advantages and disadvantages of the administration of President
Bola Ahmed Tinubu, as considered carefully as to make a sensible decision about its
effects on the citizens of Nigeria.
II. Administration: This is the range of activities put forward by President Bola Ahmed
Tinubu which are connected with organizing the way that Nigeria functions.

Literature Review

Issues Surrounding the Administration of President Tinubu

Electoral Shortcomings

On 1 March, the Independent National Electoral Commission (INEC) proclaimed Tinubu the
victor with 36 per cent of the vote. His main rivals, Atiku Abubakar of the Peoples Democratic Party
and Peter Obi of the Labour Party, won 28 and 24 per cent, respectively. Tinubu is the first candidate
since 1999, when multi-party politics resumed in Nigeria, to secure the presidency with less than 50
per cent of the tally. This weak mandate, which reflects widespread disenchantment with his party’s
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record in the federal government over the last eight years, along with misgivings about his personal
eligibility for the office, is among many sources of tension amid the fallout from the election.

Expectations for the vote were sky-high, due mostly to INEC’s assurances of greater
transparency thanks to technological innovations. Anticipating a genuinely competitive race, voters
registered in record numbers, making the election one of the most closely watched in Nigeria’s recent
history. Yet things played out differently than anticipated.

For one thing, voter turnout was much lower than expected, an abysmal 27 per cent, down
from about 35 per cent in 2019. There are several theories about why the rate was so low: it may have
been due to persistent distrust of the electoral system, despite significant INEC reforms under
Mahmood Jega’s chairmanship; voter fatigue after previous elections that have brought no
improvement in livelihoods; fears of violence by thugs and armed groups; and the effects of the
Central Bank of Nigeria’s rushed policy of swapping out the bills of the national currency, the naira,
which left many voters without enough cash to travel to polling stations.

Nor did INEC deliver on its promises. The election suffered from logistical and technological
shortcomings, as well as reports of staff misconduct, some of which the electoral commission has yet
to clearly explain. In many areas, tallies for the presidential election were not uploaded from polling
stations to INEC’s electronic portal for several days after voting was over, and even after the
commission had declared Tinubu the winner, despite pre-election promises that the results would
appear online in real time. External observers joined reputable Nigeria-based groups, such as the Civil
Society Situation Room, Yiaga Africa and the Centre for Democracy and Development, in criticising
the process. The European Union’s mission said INEC’s “lack of efficient planning in critical stages
and effective public communication reduced trust in the process, including on election day”. At the
same time, the election produced significant upsets in several local races, suggesting a clean vote in
those places. Disparities in the conduct of the polls and credibility of results among various locations,
some even within the same area, have led to intense disputes between winners, who claim the polls
were free and fair, and others who reject the results as irredeemably flawed.

While the elections were largely peaceful in most states, armed thugs disrupted voting in a
number of them. Interference with voting in some states further poisoned the air. While the elections
were largely peaceful in most states, armed thugs disrupted voting in a number of them. They did such
things as snatch or destroy polling materials; intimidate voters and election officials; block citizens
from casting ballots for anyone but particular candidates; and force electoral staff to credit candidates
with votes at the expense of others or to upload badly altered result sheets to the INEC platform. In
Lagos state, these disruptions targeted areas that had large Igbo populations, known to be strongly

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supportive of the Labour Party’s Obi. Particularly in Lagos and Rivers states, the police and other
security personnel seemed unwilling or unable to counter such acts or downplayed reports of
malfeasance, giving ammunition to opposition supporters who charged that their votes were
significantly suppressed.

Shortcomings in the conduct of the elections and collation of results have led to several legal
challenges by the opposition parties, notably the People’s Democratic Party and the Labour Party. The
lawsuits are challenging Tinubu’s qualifications and eligibility to contest the election on two counts:
first, by making allegations about his connection to a 1993 drug trafficking case in the U.S.; and
secondly, that his candidacy was tainted by the alleged double nomination of his running mate,
Kashim Shettima, as vice president while still a senatorial candidate in Borno state, contrary to Section
35 of the Electoral Act of 2022 (On 26 May, the Supreme Court unanimously struck down a case on
the second count, filed by the opposition Peoples Democratic Party). The opposition’s lawsuits are
also contending that Tinubu was not duly elected by the majority of the lawful votes cast in the
election – that not only did he fail to score the highest number of votes but that he also did not win at
least one quarter of the votes cast in the Federal Capital Territory (Abuja), a constitutional provision
over which lawyers and courts have offered diverse interpretations. Furthermore, they argue that
numerous alleged corrupt activities during the polls, along with INEC’s non-compliance with the
provisions of the 2022 Electoral Act and other extant laws, substantially affected the results, rendering
Tinubu’s election invalid.

Petitioners say they have immense evidence, including that derived from examining INEC’s
balloting hardware and materials, in support of their challenges, but some of their cases may not be
decided until months after Tinubu’s inauguration. While past presidential elections attracted similar
cases, except in 2015 when President Goodluck Jonathan readily conceded defeat, no tribunal or court
has ever overturned Nigeria’s presidential election results.

Fault Lines

The discontent stirred up by the presidential election bodes ill for Nigeria’s stability. The post-
election tensions have not triggered large-scale violence, as some analysts had feared. Fatalities in
2023 are far lower than the levels seen after most previous elections, particularly in 2011, when ethno-
religious violence killed some 1,000 people in twelve northern states. Still, it is hard not to worry
about what may be coming down the pike. On 6 April, former President Olusegun Obasanjo lamented
that the vote had eroded national cohesion: “Given what we saw during the election, Nigeria is now
even more divided and more corroded than we thought”.

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 Indeed, the election threw the country’s often blurry ethnic, religious and generational fault
lines into sharp relief. Five areas are of particular concern. First, ethnic tension became more
pronounced, arguably most significantly in Lagos state, which includes the country’s most populous
city, Lagos. This city was Nigeria’s federal capital for over six decades until 1992, and it continuously
attracts large numbers of people from all over the country. In the countdown to the elections, frictions
grew in Lagos between Tinubu’s supporters from the Yoruba ethnic group and Obi’s backers of Igbo
ethnicity. There were also reports of communal tensions in other states, though to a much lower
degree. Demands for expulsion of some ethnic groups, boycotts of businesses run by other groups and
inflammatory rhetoric, including among mainstream political figures before and after the vote, suggest
a rise in inter-communal acrimony. Given this environment, any minor incident could trigger deadly
violence.

Many argue that electing an Igbo as president would, both symbolically and substantially,
signal Igbos’ full readmission to the Nigerian nation. Secondly, the election result has left an
especially sour taste among Igbos, who voted overwhelmingly for Obi, hoping he would make history
as the first president of Igbo descent since Nnamdi Azikiwe, whose largely ceremonial presidency was
terminated by a coup in 1966. Some non-Igbos, notably including the leader of the pan-Yoruba
Afenifere group, Ayo Adebanjo, and the leader of the Pan Niger Delta Forum, Edwin Clark, had also
supported Obi’s bid as a way to end the “marginalisation” of Igbos in the Nigerian federation and to
heal wounds lingering from the 1967-1970 Biafra war. That war pitted Igbo separatists against the
federal government, and though the government put reconciliation programs in place after the war,
many argue that electing an Igbo as president would, both symbolically and substantially, signal
Igbos’ full readmission to the Nigerian nation.

Some Igbos, including prominent clerics, politicians and newspaper opinion writers, have cited
reports of election irregularities as evidence of a conspiracy by other groups to exclude the Igbo from
national leadership. Some have gone so far as to say Igbos should have their own country, as they
seem to be barred from holding the Nigerian presidency. This narrative resonates strongly with many
citizens in the South East, with its large Igbo population, but it overlooks the fact that many Igbo
politicians did not back Obi and, indeed, actively supported one of his non-Igbo opponents, Tinubu or
Abubakar. Even so, some Igbo leaders already point to Tinubu’s appointment of an inauguration
committee with no Igbo among its thirteen members as a portent of Igbo exclusion from the incoming
government. The national vice president of the pan-Igbo group, Ohaneze Ndigbo Worldwide, Damian
Okeke-Ogene, said Tinubu, just like Buhari before him, is determined to keep the Igbo out of his
administration – though this claim does not fairly represent Buhari’s record with respect to
appointments.

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 The tensions may already be aggravating Biafra separatist agitation. On 10 April, reacting to
the reports of intimidation of Igbo voters in parts of Lagos state during the elections, the separatist
Movement for Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra urged Igbo businesses to relocate to their
South East homeland. This call will not be heeded by millions of Igbos living across the country, and
nor will similar urgings by other pro-Biafra groups, but it could feed into a new wave of secessionism
in the South East. Particularly if the incoming government fails to make inclusive appointments and
allocate infrastructure projects equitably, it may embolden Biafra separatists.

Thirdly, the election reopened religious fissures. By informal convention, the Nigerian
presidency rotates between Muslims and Christians. As Buhari is a Muslim from the north, many
Christians had expected that the next president would be one of their number. Even more unsettling to
them is that Tinubu, in defiance of another unwritten rule, chose a fellow Muslim, former Borno state
governor Kashim Shettima, as his vice president. Many Christian groups reject the result. Responding
to the INEC declaration on 1 March, several prominent clerics said Tinubu was not their president.
Others referenced the graft allegations that have dogged Tinubu’s career, claiming that the questions
about his integrity disqualify him from the top office.

Absent a vigorous effort to mend fences, many of these leaders and organisations will persist
in spurning the Tinubu presidency. If many Christians remain thus alienated, it will be increasingly
difficult to advance the inter-faith dialogue so direly needed to curb deadly violence in Nigeria’s
Middle Belt region, where the country’s major Christian-Muslim fault line lies, as well as in deeply
troubled Kaduna state. The risk of incurring deep resentment among Christians in the Middle Belt and
southern states will be especially great if the incoming government fails to balance religious identities
in its cabinet

Many youths ... view the election outcome as a lost opportunity for a generational shift in the
country’s leadership. Fourthly, many youths, especially in the southern states, view the election
outcome as a lost opportunity for a generational shift in the country’s leadership, which they consider
crucial to improving their economic prospects and livelihoods. Youth disenchantment was already
high, in part driven by poor economic conditions and bad governance. The four to five million young
Nigerians who enter the job market annually struggle to find work. The National Bureau of Statistics
recorded an increase in the unemployment rate from 23.1 per cent in 2018 to 33.3 per cent in 2020.
With little economic growth, the rate has probably kept rising since then (fully up-to-date figures are
not available). The multinational consulting firm KPMG estimates that 37.7 per cent of the population
was jobless in 2022 and that 40.6 per cent could be in 2023. Young women have an additional set of
concerns, particularly regarding women’s representation in government, which began to decline in
2011 and fell to three per cent in the National Assembly in the 2023 elections.
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 In the near term, youth anger could morph into unrest if the new administration puts in place
policies, such as withdrawing fuel subsidies, which are bound to have inflationary effects. Such
policies are overdue but would be highly unpopular and should be calibrated accordingly. In the
longer term, deepening disillusionment among youth could feed urban crime and rural banditry, as
well as Islamist, secessionist and resource-linked Niger Delta militancy. Youth disillusionment could
also lead to greater emigration of Nigerian youth to Europe, North America and elsewhere, either
through official channels or by dangerous irregular crossings of the Sahara and the Mediterranean Sea.
In January 2021, a World Bank survey reported 50 per cent of Nigerian youths wanting to leave the
country in search of a brighter economic future abroad. Nigeria placed third among the West African
nations whose youth were polled on this question, trailing only Liberia (70 per cent) and Sierra Leone
(60 per cent). Youth emigration has increased sharply in recent years, draining away talent from
sectors including health, education and information technology.

Healing the Fissures

While Tinubu’s impending presidency has been a source of despondency in some

communities, others are celebrating it. His supporters in the ruling APC believe he is the right person
to salvage Buhari’s faltering legacy. Others, pointing to his terms as Lagos state governor (1999-
2007), in which he championed infrastructure development and civil service reform, believe that he
can repeat that performance in Abuja. Yet, despite his backers’ enthusiasm the reality is that Tinubu,
or whomever the adjudication process eventually declares the winner, will take over a country where
millions of citizens are highly discontented with the presidential election. Against this backdrop,
Nigeria’s political and civic leaders should work together to heal rather than widen the fissures that
were exacerbated by the elections.

The first task is to prevent the polarisation uncorked during the election from veering into
further instability. The new president should demonstrate his commitment to national reconciliation in
word and deed. Tinubu has made gestures in this direction. On 16 March, he said he would seek as
president a better Nigeria for all citizens, irrespective of political affiliation. He urged his supporters to
extend “the hand of friendship, reconciliation and togetherness” to those who did not vote for him. On
3 May, he promised to work hard to ensure that no part of the country is left out of development
projects. Such statements, while promising, need follow-up with credible action.

A key step the new president could take in this regard is to ensure fair representation in the
cabinet, as well as policymaking posts in the security agencies and public finance management. His
early appointments should afford citizens in all parts of the country a sense of inclusion and belonging.
As stipulated by Nigeria’s constitution, he should take care that his appointees reflect the country’s

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federal character, meaning that they should come from all the major geographical areas. Beyond
complying with federal character provisions, appointments should also ensure inclusiveness along
gender, religious and generational lines. To ensure gender inclusion and equity permanently, once the
National Assembly settles down to legislative business, the new president should retable bills that
were rejected by the National Assembly in 2022, and which seek to establish quotas for women’s
representation in the federal and state legislatures, political party administration and ministerial
appointments.

Further measures to bring the temperature down among his opponents and groups that feel that
they lost out in the polls are also imperative. Once the judicial processes are concluded, the new
president should enter talks with aggrieved political forces in order to defuse tensions. He must rein in
his media team, decisively ending the vitriolic and ethnically divisive messaging in which his
spokesmen engaged before and after the election. He must also ensure that his government does not
use state instruments, particularly the intelligence and security agencies, to hound or muzzle critics in
the media and civil society.

Beyond the new president, all politicians have a duty to ease the elevated inter-ethnic, inter-
religious and inter-party tensions. Party figures should tone down their heated rhetoric and especially
avoid ethnic slurs and other hate speech. The parties that won should moderate the gloating over
victory and settle down to the business of governance, which now demands such urgent attention.
Opposition parties and candidates need to play their part in reconciliation as well. They should respect
court decisions, including unfavourable ones, and call on their supporters to do the same.

Civil society organisations, including religious groups, traditional institutions and international
non-governmental organisations, can contribute to these efforts. Some organisations are already taking
positive steps. On 28 April, a notable Igbo group, Nzuko Umunna, brought eminent citizens and
leaders of influential groups from across the country to a unity summit dubbed Handshake Across
Nigeria 2, in the Enugu state capital, Enugu. According to an attendee, the summit participants
stressed the imperative for continuous dialogue among all groups in the country as a means of
promoting inter-ethnic engagement, national cohesion and unity. Other prominent groups, such as the
Northern Elders Forum, Arewa Consultative Forum, Ohanaeze Ndigbo, Afenifere, Middle Belt Forum
and Pan Niger Development Forum, should similarly promote reconciliation and peaceful coexistence
among various groups.

Local leaders should also champion peace efforts, as some are already doing, for instance in
parts of Lagos. International NGOs should continue to support these efforts. On 15 March, the
London-based peacebuilding organisation, International Alert, in collaboration with the National

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Orientation Agency, Office for Strategic Preparedness and Resilience and the UK’s Conflict, Security
and Stability Fund, organised a national dialogue in Abuja aimed at promoting post-election stability,
justice and gender inclusion. The event particularly urged the incoming president to engage with the
opposition parties in reducing tension, deepening support for democratic institutions and pursuing
non-violent conflict resolution. Such initiatives should be sustained beyond the electoral season.

Ensuring justice is delivered in the case of election-related misdeeds could serve the twin goals
of discouraging a culture of impunity and soothing discontent with the outcome. Responsibility for the
first of these goals lies with the Nigeria Police Force. On 27 March, the police said they had arrested
781 people who allegedly perpetrated offences during the elections and were working with INEC to
prosecute them. The Independent Corrupt Practices and Other Related Offences Commission said it
was investigating thirteen suspects for bribery during the presidential, parliamentary, gubernatorial
and State Assembly elections. The Economic and Financial Crimes Commission arrested 65 suspected
offenders nationwide during the gubernatorial contests. This early action to root out malfeasance is a
step in the right direction, but the public will be watching to make sure charges are vigorously
prosecuted, justice fairly administered and appropriate sanctions applied.

The second pillar relating to electoral justice is even more critical: to ensure swift, transparent
adjudication of petitions challenging the elections’ conduct and the results’ credibility. As of 1 May,
parties and candidates had lodged more than 400 petitions in various tribunals at federal and state
levels across the country. On 24 May, the presidential election petitions tribunal concluded
preliminary hearings in Abuja, consolidated the various opposition parties’ overlapping petitions
concerning the results of the presidential elections into one (in order to facilitate adjudication) and
scheduled substantive hearings to start on 30 May. According to the Electoral Act, election tribunals
have 180 days from when the petitions were filed to rule in the cases, after which appellate courts have
another 60 days to hear any appeals, meaning that the process could drag on till November. The
tribunals and courts are palpable reminders that the electoral process is governed by the rule of law,
through which aggrieved candidates and their parties may find redress. Yet public confidence in the
judiciary has diminished over the years. In 2021, a survey found that about 71 per cent of Nigerians
lack trust in the courts. Given this fact, many citizens may harbour doubts about the verdicts no matter
what they are.

Authorities can take steps to boost public trust. The Nigerian Bar Association and some
political parties had urged the election tribunals and courts to allow proceedings to be broadcast live as
a means of demonstrating transparency, but the tribunals rejected the call. Ideally, judges would
determine matters on substantive grounds, rather than the technicalities used to dismiss cases in the
past, a tendency that helped breed perceptions of manipulation by powerful actors behind the scenes.
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Going forward, ahead of future elections, the National Assembly (the federal parliament) should
consider changes to the election laws that would allow enough time for petitions to be adjudicated
conclusively before the president- and governor-elects are sworn in.

Nigeria could be in for a rough patch. The challenges facing the government taking office on
29 May are enormous, but they are not insurmountable. Cooling rhetoric, making inclusive
appointments and taking affirmative steps to reach out to opponents and other aggrieved groups can all
help the country edge back from what could be a downward spiral. Politicians, civic leaders and civil
society figures should join in this effort. The sooner the new president and his team can get through
this difficult moment, the sooner they can turn their sights to the work ahead: fostering national
reconciliation, curbing impunity and deepening democracy for the benefit of all Nigerians.

Methodology
The researcher in this study adopted the survey research method in carrying put his study. Eze
(2011) posits that “Survey research is probably the best method available to the social scientist who is
interested in collecting original data to describe a population that is too large to observe directly”. He
further asserts that, “It is an excellent vehicle for measuring attitudes and orientation in a large
population”. In this study, a careful probability sampling will provide a group of respondents whose
characteristics may be taken to reflect those of the larger population and carefully constructed and
standardized questionnaire will be used to get data from the respondents. Enugu metropolis was used
as the population of study. The sample of the study is 400 derived from the population using the taro
Yamane formula.
Method of Data Collection and Analysis
The methods of data collection adopted by the researcher in this are primary and secondary data
collection methods. The primary source of data includes interview, discussions and observations. The
secondary source of data includes the consultation of books, related and relevant works on the subject
matter of this study.
The Chi-square formula was used in analysing the data for this study. The formula is started.
X2 =  (0 - E)2
E
Where;
0 = the observed frequency in the cell
E = the expected frequency in the cell
 = Summation of all cells.

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 The observed frequencies will be arranged in a contingency table and the expected frequencies
for each cell were calculated. The hypotheses will be tested to know which one received statistical
support.
Discussion of Findings
In all, two hypotheses were tested for statistical support. The entire alternative hypothesis
received support. Hypothesis one centred on whether President Tinubu's initiatives have benefited the
people of Nigeria. From the analysis, the calculated Chi-square value (0.9) is less than the table value
(3.841) which gave the null hypothesis support. It therefore holds that President Tinubu's initiatives
have not benefited the people of Nigeria.
The second hypothesis which centered on whether President Tinubu's policy directions since
taking office are very effective. From the analysis, the calculated Chi square value (0.78) is less than
the table value (3.841) which gave the null hypothesis support. Therefore, the President Tinubu's
policy directions since taking office are not very effective.
Conclusion/Recommendations
President Tinubu made it apparent to Nigerians during his inaugural speech that things would
not be business as usual. He did this right from the podium. He gave the impression in his speech that
he was prepared to conduct business, as opposed to the customary kicking the can down the road that
the nation has witnessed over the years. Tinubu made it clear that he was on a mission to steer the
economy towards a growth path and wean it off enduring impediments from the contentious issue of
petrol subsidy to the choice to converge the multiple foreign exchange rates in the nation. However,
while some of his ideas have been well-received and have thrilled investors and the financial markets,
they have also been met with criticism.
In the light of these findings, it is recommended that:
 President Tinubu should ensure that the divisions and fault lines pushing the country to the
brink are bridged.
 President Tinubu should recognise the need for electoral reforms as to encourage continuous
participation in the country’s electoral process and address some irregularities observed during
the 2023 general election that brought him to power.
 The Tinubu administration must work hard to fix this challenge. Also, Nigeria continues losing
medical practitioners to developed countries due to poor working conditions and remuneration.
The country’s doctors-to-patient ratio is about one to 5,000.


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