UNDER A FALLING STAR:

THE HIATUS AT TIKAL

Submitted by
Stanley Paul Guenter B.A.

A thesis submitted in total fulfilment of the

requirements for the degree of Master of Arts.

School of Archaeology
Faculty of Social Sciences

La Trobe University
Bundoora, Victoria 3086
Australia

March, 2002
Acknowledgements
The idea for a thesis investigating the causes and history of the Hiatus period
at Tikal first took shape in 1999 from a lengthy correspondence with David Freidel.
Over the past three years, I have had the pleasure of discussing this topic with many
scholars whose thoughts and concerns have greatly benefited me in my analysis. I
would like to thank the following for their contributions and help: Karen Bassie-
Sweet, Dmitri Beliaev, Erik Boot, Pierre Robert Colas, George Cowgill, Markus
Eberl, Federico Fahsen, Elizabeth Graham, Nikolai Grube, Richard Hansen, Peter
Harrison, Stephen Houston, Christopher Jones, Grant Jones, Justin Kerr, Alfonso
Lacadena, Francisco Lopez, Simon Martin, Gustavo Martinez, Dorie Reents-Budet,
Kathryn Reese-Taylor, Alexandre Safronov, David Stuart, Edgar Suyuc, Raphael
Tunesi, Juan Antonio ValdCs, Phil Wanyerka, SGren Wichmann, and Lori Wright.

There are a number of people who have been critically important to the ideas and
interpretations presented here. Special thanks must go to Jesper Nielsen, whose own
research into the cultural impact of Teotihuacan on the Maya has dovetailed neatly
with my own and Chapter 1 and Appendix 1 owe much to his fine scholarship.
Richard Hansen has been invaluable in understanding the prehistory of northern Peten
and the ancient Snake JQngdom, and if not for his eyes, I would have gotten to know
the patron way of the region only too intimately! Thank you can only begin to
describe the debt I owe to Richard, and I look fonvard to worlung with him for many
more years in the land of the first Snake JQngs.

Marc Zender and Joel Sludmore have provided unmatched linguistic and
editorial services for many years. Though half a world away, through the medium of
internet communications we have maintained a voluminous correspondence that
provided the birthing ground for many of the ideas and identifications in this thesis.
Similarly, I have enjoyed continued debate on the subject of integrating
archaeological and epigraphic data with David Freidel and Charles Suhler. Although
our interpretations often differed, my own analysis of the archaeology of Tikal, and
especially the identification of archaeologically documented instances of warfare,
owes much to their excellent work. My work as part of the El Peru-Waka' Project led
by David has provided crucial insights into the history of the western Peten.

I would also like to thank Professors Tim Murray and Peter Mathews of La Trobe
University. They have ensured that my stay in Australia has been most enjoyable and
productive, despite having to endure ever changing (and broken) deadlines and
schedules that my various commitments overseas necessitated. Without their help and
understanding, it is safe to say. this thesis would have never been finished.

In Melbourne I have enjoyed the hospitality, friendship and assistance from many at
La Trobe University. I would like to thank all the staff and students in the School of
Archaeology at La Trobe University for having made this Canuck feel at home
amongst friends and colleagues.

Finally, I would like to thank my family, who ultimately made this all possible. Their
help and support through the years has proven invaluable in allowing me to pursue my
goal of Maya archaeology, which has now literally taken me to the far corners of the
globe. I also thank the family of Armando Anaya Hernindez, who have been my
family away from home. Armando has proven to be the best of friends and a most
helpful colleague, whose knowledge of the political geography of the critical
Usumacinta region is second to none. Whether it was discussing the epic journeys of
exiled Tikal kings or the latest victory of the Bombers in Aussie Rules, Armando has
been there. As the Australians say, 'Good on ya' mate!'
Voy a extrafiarte, amigo mio.

This thesis has been financially supported by a La Trobe University Postgraduate

Research Scholarship and this assistance is gratefully acknowledged.
Table of Contents
Table of Contents: i-ii
List of Tables: iii
List of Maps: iii
List of Illustrations: iv-ix
Summary: x
Statement of Authorship: xi
Author's Note: xii
Glossary: xiii
Concordance of Names: xiv-xvi
Maps and Tables: xvii-xxi
Introduction: 1-9
Tables: 10-11
Notes: 12
Chapter 1: 13-29
Notes: 30-31
Figures: 32-46
Chapter 2: 47-65
Notes: 66-67
Figures: 68-91
Chapter 3: 92-117
Notes: 118-120
Figures: 121-138
Chapter 4: 139-155
Notes: 156-157
Figures: 158-174
Chapter 5: 175-190
Notes: 191-192
Figures: 193-209
Chapter 6: 210-228
Notes: 229-230
Figures: 231-255
Conclusion: 256-267
Notes: 268
Appendix 1: 269-291
Notes: 292-293
Figures: 294-302
Appendix 2: 303-307
Notes: 308
Figures: 309-310
Appendix 3: 311-313
Notes: 314
Figures: 315-316
Appendix 4: 317
Notes: 318
Figures: 319
Appendix 5: 320
Figures: 321
Bibliography: 322-330
A List of Maps
NIap 1: The Maya Region. (xvii)
NIap 2: Central Tikal. (xviii)
NIap 3: The North Acropolis of Tikal. (xix)
Map 4: The Mundo Perdido area of Tikal. (xx)

A List of Tables
Table 1: The Ceramic Chronology of Tikal. (xxi)
Table 2: The Ceramic Chronology of Teotihuacan. (xxii)
Table 3: Hiatuses at Various Classic Maya Centers. (10)
Table 4: Sites with No Monumental History Prior to the Hiatus. (10)
Table 5: Sites Exhibiting No Hiatus or That Flourished during This Period. (11)
Table 6: Kingdoms Whose Capitals Moved during the Hiatus. (11)
Table 7: Royal Names of the Classic Maya. (314)
A List of Illustrations
Figure 1-1:The Temple of the Feathered Serpent at Teotihuacan. (32)
Figure 1-2: The Ciudadela at Teotihuacan. (33)
Figure 1-3: Spearthrower Ow1 as the 'Fourth King'. (34)
Figure 1-4: Lady Unen K'awiil, the Wife of Spearthrower Owl. (34)
Figure 1-5: Lady Unen B'ahlam, Ruling Queen of Tikal. (35)
Figure 1-6: Dynastic Succession at Fourth Century Tikal. (36)
Figure 1-7: Lady Unen B'ahlam and Itzamnaaj Ehb' K'inich. (37)
Figure 1-8: The Arrival of Siyaj K'ahk'. (37'38)
Figure 1-9: Tikal under the Rule of the Kalo'mte'. (39)
Figure 1-10: Tikal Stela 31. (40)
Figure 1-11:K'ahk' Witz, Temple 22 as the 'Fire Mountain'. (41)
Figure 1-12: Tikal Stela 40. (42)
Figure 1-13: The Staff Stela Tradition at Tikal: Stela 9. (43)
Figure 1-14: Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I as a Firey Teotihuacano. (44)
Figure 1-15: Chak Tok Ich'aak 11's Trio of 2 Ajaw Monuments. (45)
Figure 1-16: The Architecture of Structure 5~-33-2nd,
ca. AD 500. (46)
Figure 1-17: The 'Rio Azul Earflares' and the Masul Ajaw. (46)
Figure 2-1: The Death of Chak Tok Ich'aak I1 and a Yaxchilan Captive. (68)
Figure 2-2: The Rise of Piedras Negras as a Regional Power. (69)
Figure 2-3: Teotihuacanos at Piedras Negras. (70)
Figure 2-4: The Xuxkab Wooden Box. (71)
Figure 2-5: The Teotihuacano Lords of Lacanha. (72)
Figure 2-6: Yaxchilan's War in 564 Against Lacanha. (72)
Figure 2-7: Tikal Stela 23 and the 'Lady of Tikal'. (73)
Figure 2-8: The Name Glyphs of Lady Yok'in. (74)
Figure 2-9: Stela 12 and Kalo'mte' B'ahlam. (75)
Figure 2-10: Stela 10 and Kalo'mte' B'ahlam's Masul War of 468. (76)
Figure 2-11: Snake Kings at Resbalon. (77)
Figure 2-12: The Accession of K'an I at Caracol. (77)
Figure 2-13: Group 7F-1 and the Royal Burials. (78)
Figure 2-14: Temple VI and the Memorial of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam (79)
Figure 2-15: Stela 17 and Wak Chan K'awiil. (80)
Figure 2-16: Wak Chan K'awiil and the Connection with Xultun. (81)
Figure 2-17: The Jade Mosaic Mask from Burial 160. (82)
Figure 2-18: An AppliquCd Urn from Burial 162. (82)
Figure 2-19: A Plate with the Name of Wak Chan K'awiil. (83)
Figure 2-20: Wak Chan K'awiil as Yaax Ehb' Xook 11. (84)
Figure 2-21: Structure 5 ~ - 2 2 - 1ca.
~ ~AD
, 550. (84)
Figure 2-22: A Snake Captive at Yaxchilan. (85)
Figure 2-23: Tuun K'ab' Hiix, the Snake King, at Naranjo. (85)
Figure 2-24: Yaxha Stela 11. (86)
Figure 2-25: Copan's Destroyed Monuments. (87)
Figure 2-26: Foreign Lords at Copan. (87)
Figure 2-27: A Xultun Princess Replaces a Copan King at Caracol. (88)
Figure 2-28: The Accession of Yajawte' K'inich I1 of Caracol. (88)
Figure 2-29: The Accession of Moon Jaguar at Copan. (89)
Figure 2-30: Caracol Altar 21 and Tikal's War with Caracol. (89)
Figure 2-31: The Mid-Sixth Century Disaster at Piedras Negras. (90)
Figure 2-32: The Downfall of Wak Chan K'awiil. (91)
Figure 3-1: The Transitional Ceramics of Burial 160. (1.21)
Figure 3-2: Ik Ceramics from the Reign of Wak Chan K'awiil. (121)
Figure 3-3: The Name Glyphs of K'inich Waaw. (122)
Figure 3-4: Stela 8, A Hiatus Monument from Tikal. (122)
Figure 3-5: Tikal Stela 7, the Model for Stela 8. (123)
Figure 3-6: Yaax Nu'n Ayiin 1's Mistaken Accession Date. (124)
Figure 3-7: The Name of the King on Stela 8. (124)
Figure 3-8: Tikal Burial 200. (3.25)
Figure 3-9: Ceramics from Problematic Deposit 134 (Burial 200). (126)
Figure 3-10: A Plate from Problematic Deposit 19. (126)
Figure 3-11: The Parentage of K'inich Waaw. (127)
Figure 3-12: K'inich Waaw, a Native King of Tikal. (128)
Figure 3-13: The Numbered Te' Title at Tikal. (129)
Figure 3-14: K'inich Waaw as the Ti' Hu'n of Lady Yok'in. (130)
Figure 3-15: A Plate Portraying K'inich Waaw. (130)
Figure 3-16: The Mundo Perdido Throne. (131)
Figure 3-17: A War and an Accession at Altun Ha. (131)
Figure 3-18: The Altun Ha Jade Head. (132)
Figure 3-19: Sky Witness, the Snake King, at Okop. (132)
Figure 3-20: K'inich Waaw and Altar de Sacrificios Stela 8. (133)
Figure 3-21: The Ek' B'ahlam Ceramic Vessel. (134)
Figure 3-22: A Mutul Lord from a Dos Pilas Sherd. (134)
Figure 3-23: Ceramics from Problematic Deposit 50. (135)
Figure 3-24: Burial 195. (136)
Figure 3-25: K'awiil Statues from Burial 195. (137)
Figure 3-26: Wooden Panel 1 from Burial 195. (137)
Figure 3-27: Lady K'a T'u'l's Drinking Vessel. (138)
Figure 4-1: A Missing Tikal King from Uaxactun Burial A23. (158)
Figure 4-2: K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11, King of Tikal. (159)
Figure 4-3: A King of Arroyo de Piedra. (160)
Figure 4-4: A Naranjo Bowl from Tikal Burial 72. (160)
Figure 4-5: Altun Ha Attacks Pusilha. (161)
Figure 4-6: The South Kalo'mte' at Copan. (161)
Figure 4-7: The Sack of Palenque in 599. (162)
Figure 4-8: Yajaw Chan Muwaahn 1's defeat of Palenque in 603. (163)
Figure 4-9: The Palenque Royal Court at Ki'us in 603. (1.63)
Figure 4-10: Piedras Negras Stela 25 and a Victory over Palenque. (164)
Figure 4-11: The 'Western Rivers' area. (165)
Figure 4-12: The Second Sack of Palenque in 611. (166)
Figure 4-13: The Lamentations of Palenque. (166)
Figure 4-14: Uaxactun Burial A23. (167)
Figure 4-15: Uaxactun Stela 6. (167)
Figure 4-16: 'Bone Face' 11, 36thKing of Naranjo. (168)
Figure 4-17: Snake Patronage of Caracol. (169)
Figure 4-18: Caracol Begins Its War against Naranjo. (169)
Figure 4-19: Caracol's King as the Companion of the Snake King. (170)
Figure 4-20: The Star Falls on Naranjo. (170)
Figure 4-21: Calakmul Stelae 28 and 29. (171)
Figure 4-22: A Morales Accession Supervised by Calakmul. (172)
Figure 4-23: Yaxchilan Stela 2. (173)
Figure 4-24: The 'El Peru' War of 640. (173)
Figure 4-25: The 'Stoning' of the Baby Jaguar. (174)
Figure 5-1: The Earthworks of Tikal. (193)
Figure 5-2: The Sack of Tikal in 657. (194)
Figure 5-3: The Destruction of Tikal's Nlonuments. (195)
Figure 5-4: The Re-Founding of Cancuen in 657. (196)
Figure 5-5: The Yaxha Agreement. (196)
Figure 5-6: Calakmul Stela 9 and the Heir to the Snake Kingdom. (197)
Figure 5-7: Nu'n u Jol Chaahk at Palenque. (198)
Figure 5-8: Palenque Captures a Pomona King. (198)
Figure 5-9: The Arrival of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk at Palenque. (199)
Figure 5-10: The Arrival of Gods and a Feast at Palenque. (199)
Figure 5-11: Piedras Negras' War in 662. (200)
Figure 5-12: Captives at Palenque. (201)
Figure 5-13: Six Wak'aab' Princes and a Dead Pomona King. (201)
Figure 5-14: Piedras Negras Panel 2 and the Five War Helmets. (202)
Figure 5-15: Group 5B-1, a Dismantled Twin Pyramid Complex. (203)
Figure 5-16: B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil Attacks Kob'an. (204)
Figure 5-17: B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil Captures Tajal Mo'. (204)
Figure 5-18: Naranjo Stela 37. (205)
Figure 5-19: Nu'n u Jol Chaahk Attacks Dos Pilas. (206)
Figure 5-20: The Exile of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil. (206)
Figure 5-21: The Nu'n u Jol Chaahk Stela. (207)
Figure 5-22: A Cancuen Accession under the Snake King. (208)
Figure 5-23: Nu'n u Jol Chaahk is Attacked and Burned Out. (208)
Figure 5-24: B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil Returns Home. (209)
Figure 5-25: The Final Defeat of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk in 679. (209)
Figure 6-1: The Excavation for Burial 23. (231)
Figure 6-2: Burial 23. (232)
Figure 6-3: The Ceramics of Burial 23. (233)
Figure 6-4: Tikal Stela 32. (233)
Figure 6-5: The Excavation for Burial 24. (234)
Figure 6-6: Burial 24. (235)
Figure 6-7: A Ceramic Vessel from Burial 24. (235)
Figure 6-8: The First Version of Structure 5~-33-lSt.
(236,237)
Figure 6-9: The 672 Period Ending at Dos Pilas. (237)
Figure 6-10: Dos Pilas Stela 9 and the Triumph of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil. (238)
Figure 6-11: The Captive Nu'n B'ahlam. (239)
Figure 6-12: The Accession of Jasaw Chan K'awiil I. (239)
Figure 6-13: Lady Wak Chan Ajaw's Arrival at Naranjo. (240)
Figure 6-14: Naranjo's King as a Vassal of Calakmul. (240)
Figure 6-15: The Inner Core of Structure 5~-33-1".(241)
Figure 6-16: Temple 33-1". (241)
Figure 6-17: Dos Pilas' King Witnesses a Calakmul Accession. (242)
Figure 6-18: Yich'aak K'ahk' at El Peru and La Corona. (242)
Figure 6-19: Tribute at Topoxte. (243)
Figure 6-20: The Sak Mo' Ceramic Vessels. (244)
Figure 6-21: Sak Mo' and Another Tikal Prince on Looted Panels. (245)
Figure 6-22: The End to the Hiatus: Stela 30 and Altar 14. (246)
Figure 6-23: A Tikal Defeat to Naranjo. (247)
Figure 6-24: Naranjo Burns Tub'al. (247)
Figure 6-25: The Defeat of Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk'. (248)
Figure 6-26: Jasaw Chan K'awiil as the Victorious Warlord. (249)
Figure 6-27: The Nu'n B'ahlam Chaahknal Parade of 695. (250)
Figure 6-28: Construction in the Center of Tikal. (251)
Figure 6-29: An Avian GI11 Incensario. (251)
Figure 6-30: Split Earth and a Hiixil Ajaw Captive. (252)
Figure 6-31: Jasaw Chan K'awiil's Snake Wife. (253)
Figure 6-32: Jasaw Chan K'awiil as the Teotihuacan Lord. (254)
Figure 6-33: The East Plaza Ballcourt. (255)
Figure 6-34: The 'Teotihuacan Embassy'. (256)
Figure 6-35: Reconstruction at the Mundo Perdido. (257)
Figure 6-36: A Teotihuacan-style Platform. (258)
Figure Al-1: The Name of Spearthrower Owl. (294)
Figure A1-2: The Accession and Death of Spearthrower Owl. (294)
Figure A1-3: Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I as the son of Spearthrower Owl. (295)
Figure A1-4: Spearthrower Owl as a Kalo'nzte'. (295)
Figure A1-5: Yaax Nu'n Ayiin 1's Accession Supervised by Siyaj K'ahk'. (296)
Figure A1-6: Siyaj K'ahk' as the Companion of Spearthrower Owl. (296)
Figure A1-7: The Wite' Nauh Structure. (297)
Figure A1-8: Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I and the Wite' Naah. (298)
Figure Al-9: Yaax K'uk' Mo' and the Wite' Naah. (299)
Figure A1-10: The Five Great Nlountains. (300)
Figure Al-11: The Lechuza y Armas Motif. (300)
Figure A1-12: The Chronology of Teotihuacan. (301)
Figure Al-13: The Sun Pyramid Cave at Teotihuacan. (301)
Figure A1-14: Radiocarbon and GMT Chronology at Tikal. (302)
Figure A2-1: ReptilianIAmphibian Head Glyphs. (309)
Figure A2-2: Phonetic Complementation to the Animal Skull Glyph. (309)
Figure A2-3: The Waaw in Maya Culture. (310)
Figure A3-1: Royal Names in Middle Classic Tikal. (315)
Figure A3-2: The 'Death-head' Logogram. (316)
Figure A3-3: The Waywal Glyph. (316)
Figure A3-4: Phonetic Spelling of Waywal. (316)
Figure A3-5: The 'Death-head' Logogram Complemented by -ni. (316)
Figure A4-1: The 'Step' and 'God N' Glyphs. (319)
Figure A4-2: The 'Step Glyph' and Locatives. (319)
Figure AS-1: Site Q Ballplayer Panel 1. (321)
Figure AS-2: Site Q Altar 1. (321)
Summary: The Hiatus at Tikal
The fiatus of Tikal describes a period of 135 years, from AD 557 to 692, when no
monuments were carved at the ancient Maya city of Tikal, Guatemala. The Hiatus
also coincides with a cultural shift, from the Early to the Late Classic periods.
Traditionally, these changes, and the general impoverishment of Tikal, have been seen
as the result of a defeat to the city's enemies in 562, as recorded in a text from the site
of Caracol.
However, by paying close attention to both the hieroglyphic texts and the
archaeology that describes this period, it can be shown that the defeat of 562 was only
that of the king of Tikal. The city was sacked by enemies, but only in 657, as given in
another text. A previously overlooked monument at the site will be shown to have
been carved in this very period. The fiatus of Tikal is also shown to have been
associated with Tikal's evolving relationship with its erstwhile patron, the great
Mexican metropolis of Teotihuacan. When Tikal's kings asserted their independence
in the late fifth century, the city began a long but slow decline that culminated in its
defeat, sack, and subjugation to its arch-rival for supremacy in the Maya region,
Calakmul.
Another critical aspect of the Hiatus is the civil war that broke out within
Tikal's kingdom, as a cadet royal line from Dos Pilas attempted to overthrow Tikal's
lungs. By allying themselves with Calakmul, Dos Pilas' lords managed to stave off
the much larger capital, and helped keep Tikal prostrate until the late seventh century.
A new lung of Tikal, with the help of his royal lun, and by promoting himself as the
successor to the emperor of Teotihuacan, established a renaissance period at the city
following the defeat of Calakmul in 695.
Statement of Authorship
5 March, 2002
Melbourne, Australia

Except where reference is made in the text of this thesis, this thesis contains no
material published elsewhere or extracted in whole or in part from a thesis by which I
have qualified for or been awarded another degree or diploma.

No other person's work has been used without due acknowledgement in the main text
of the thesis.

This thesis has not been submitted for the award of any degree or diploma in any
other tertiary institution.

Stanley Paul Guenter

Author's Note
Extensive use is made in this thesis of the term 'Middle Classic'. This term
was originally used to describe the period between AD 400 and 700, which was
characterized by strong links between the various Mesoamerican cultures, especially
with the central Mexican site of Teotihuacan (Parsons 1969: 159, Pasztory 1978).
The term has since fallen out of favor, especially among Mayanists, for whom the
Classic period divides into two subdivisions: the Early Classic (ca. AD 250-600), and
the Late Classic (ca. AD 600-900).
However, as William Coe has noted, much archaeological material, especially
from Tikal, does not fall neatly into a simple EarlyLate division of the Classic period
(Coe 1990: 9). In his study of the archaeology of the North Acropolis of Tikal, Coe
employed the term 'Intermediate Classic' to describe roughly the period in which Ik
ceramics were made, being the mid-sixth to the late-seventh centuries (Coe 1990: 9).
Simon Martin, working with Tikal's epigraphy, has recently reintroduced the term
Middle Classic. As Martin defines it, the "Middle Classic, less a chronological span
than a term of convenience, describes the first fifty years or so of its sixth-century"
(Martin 1999: 4).
As this thesis deals extensively with the archaeology of Tikal, especially the
excavations of the North Acropolis described by Coe, an EarlyLate Classic division
is wholly inadequate, and thus a 'Middle Classic' period must be employed. The
definition of such a chronological period is rather problematic for, as seen above,
there is much variation in the amount of time encompassed by this term. For the
purposes of this thesis, the term Middle Classic will follow the original temporal
definition by Parsons, being between 400 and 700. The period can be further divided
into two equal halves: the earlier, from 400 to 550, being defined by strong contact
between the Maya and Teotihuacan, and the second, 550 to 700, laclung such direct
contact between central Mexico and the Maya regions.

The field of Maya epigraphy is currently in the middle of a very dynamic

period of the decipherment process and many of the names and spellings of Maya
words seen in this thesis will not be familiar to those not directly involved in the field.
The author has endeavored, wherever possible, to employ the most current readings
and transcriptions of the ancient Maya names discussed in the text. Spelling and
orthographic conventions generally follow the disharmony proposal of Houston et al.
1998, with the modifications suggested by Lacadena and Wichmann n.d. Logograms
are transcribed and transliterated in the Classic Mayan language, an ancestral form of
the modem Ch'orti', following Houston et al. n.d. (1998). Transcriptions are
according to the model proposed by George Stuart for the Research Reports on
Ancient Maya Writing series (G. Stuart 1988).
The following is a list of Mayan words and technical terms that will be found
throughout the following pages. As well, a list of archaeological sites and their
ancient names, when known, is included. Included are the names of the major lungs
and rulers associated with each site, listing their reign dates and the names by which
these individuals are referred to in other literature.
Glossary
Ajaw: "Lord, King", the primary title of Maya rulers. By the Middle and Late
Classic periods its meaning had become extended to the general nobility.
Aj Tz'ihb': "He (of) Writing", a title of scribes.
B'aah Ajaw: 'Head Lord', a title for the leader of a kingdom's non-royal nobility.
Calendar Round: A combination of the Tzolk'in and Haab' calendars. Any specific
combination between these two calendars repeats after 18,980 days, the 52-year
'Mesoamerican century'.
Chultun: Underground chamber carved out of bedrock by the ancient Maya.
Presumably used for storage and often subsequently used for burials.
Early Classic: The period between approximately AD 200 and 400.
Emblem Glyph: The royal title of the ancient Maya, reading 'Divine X Lord', where
X is the name of the local polity.
GIII: The third god in the 'Palenque Triad', and a deity of fire and war.
Haab': The Maya 'vague solar year' of exactly 365 days, composed of eighteen
'months' of twenty days each, plus a final period of five days. Joins with the Tzolk'in
to form the Calendar Round.
Kalo'mte': Title referring to the war-malung functions of the Rain God Cllaahk.
Roughly equivalent to emperor, implying a lord who controlled or captured multiple
kingdoms.
K'atuun: A period of 7,200 days, or twenty tuuns.
K'atririn Ajaw Records: Titles recording the age of an individual by stating in which
k'atuun of life, or reign, one was at. Thus a 3 K'atuun Ajaw referred to a lord who
was in his third k'atuun of life, or in reign. That is, he or his reign was between forty
and sixty tuuns old.
K'atuun Ending: The end of a k'atuun, when all units of a Long Count below
k'atuun were at 0. K'atuun Endings are named after the Tzolk'in day on which the
k'atuun ended (eg// K'atuzln 1 Ajaw).
Late Classic: AD 700-900.
Middle Classic: AD 400-700.
Period Ending: A station in the Maya Long Count calendar that is a multiple or a
fraction of a k'atuun. Half, quarter, and even occasionally eighth k'atuun markers are
known to have been commemorated. 3 and 13 tuuns were also commemorated as
Period Endings.
Sajal: 'One who fears?'. Title for sublords and governors of secondary centers.
Ti' Hu'n: 'Mouth-(Royal) Headband'. One of the highest titles of Classic nobility,
and perhaps an office referring to someone who spoke for the crown.
Tuun: The Long Count 'year' of 360 days. Formed of eighteen winals.
Tzolk'in: The 260 day ritual calendar of ancient Mesoamerica, composed of thirteen
numbers associated with twenty day names.
Winal: The Maya 'month' of twenty single days.
Yajawte': 'Lord of the Tree', or 'Lord of the Family'. A title of high nobles and
lungs, perhaps referring to one's membership in the royal family.
Concordance of Names
ALTUN HA: Capital of the ancient 'Shell' fingdom. Member of the Teotihuacan
Alliance.
K'inich Chak Pax: (ca. 569)
Tiliw Man K'inich: (584-?) a.k.a. Akbal Lord

CALAKMUL: Ancient Uxte' Tuun, 'Three Stones", capital of the Kanal, or 'Snake'
fingdom from ca. 600 to 900. For the earlier rulers of this kingdoms see the listing
under DZJBANCHE.
Tajo'm u K'ab' K'ahk': (622-630)
Yukno'm Head: (630-636)
Yukno'm Ch'e'n I1 (the Great): (636-686)
Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk': (686-695) a.k.a. Jaguar Paw (Smoke)
Split Earth: (695-?)

CARACOL: Ancient Ux Wit2 'Three Mountains', capital of the K'antu Maak kings.
Vassal of Tikal in the early 6thcentury and affiliate of the Snake f i n g s from mid-sixth
century.
K'an I: (53 1-534>) a.k.a. Ruler 11
Yajawte' K'inich 11: (553-593>) a.k.a Ruler HI,Lord Water
Knot Ajaw: (599-613>) a.k.a. Ruler IV, Flaming Ahau
K'an 11: (618-658) a.k.a Ruler V, Lord Stormwater Moon
K'ahk' u Jol K'inich 11: (658-680>) a.k.a. Ruler VI, Smoking Skull II

COPAN: Ancient Ux Witik, 'Three Witik', capital of the 'Stone-Bat' Kingdom.

Member of the Teotihuacan Alliance.
B'ahlam Ne'hn: (>504-544>) a.k.a. Waterlily Jaguar, Balam Nan
Moon Jaguar: (553-578) a.k.a. Tzik Balam
K'ahk' Ti' Chan: (578-628) a.k.a. Butz Chan
K'ahk' u Ti' Ha' K'awiil: (628-695) a.k.a. Smoke Imix, Smoke Jaguar,
K'ak' Nab K'awil

DOS PILAS: Ancient 'Dragon Water', capital of the rebel Mutul Kings.
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil: (ca. 648-692>) a.k.a. Ruler 1, Flint Sky God K
Itzamnaaj K'awiil: (698-726) a.k.a Shield God K

DZIBANCHE: Capital of the Kanal, or 'Snake' fingdom from late fifth to late sixth
centuries. For the later rulers of this kingdom, see the entry under CALAKMUL.
Yukno'm Ch'e'n I: (late fifth century)
Tuun K'ab' Hiix: (>520?-546>) a.k.a Cu Ix
Sky Witness: (>561-572?)
Yaax Yopaat: (ca. 573) a.k.a. First Axewielder
Scroll Serpent: (579-6 11>)
Yukno'm Ti' Chan: (ca. 619) a.k.a. Yuknoom Chan

LA CORONA: Ancient Sak Nikte', 'White Flower', city of vassal lords of the Kana1
Kingdom in the time of the Calakmul lungs.
NARANJO: Ancient Wuk Kub'nal, 'Six Earth-Place', and capital of the Sa'il
Kingdom.
Aj Wosaaj: (546-6 15>) a.k.a. Ruler 1, Double Comb, Aj Wosal
Bone Face 11: (>626-631) a.k.a. 36'h Ruler
Sak Chuwe'n: (>672-6801681) a.k.a. 37thRuler
Lady Wak Chan Ajaw of Dos Pilas: (682-741 as regent) a.k.a. Lady Six
Sky, Lady Wac Chanil Ahau, Lady of Dos Pilas
K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaahk: (693-728>) a.k.a. Ruler 11, Smoking Squirrel,
Butz Tiliw

PALENQUE: Ancient h k u m Hu', 'Big Water', and capital of the B'aakal, or

'Bone', Kingdom. Member of the Teotihuacan Alliance.
Ahkul Mo' Naahb' I: (501-524) a.k.a. Chaacal I, Ahkal Mo' Naab' I
K'an Joy Chitam I: (529-565) a.k.a. Hok, Kan Xu1 I, K'an Hok' Chitam I
Ahkul Mo' Naahb' 11: (565-570) a.k.a. Chaacal II,Ahkal Mo' Naab' IT
Kan B'ahlam I: (570-583) a.k.a. Chan Bahlum I
Lady Yo'hl lk'nal: (583-604) a.k.a. Lady Kan Ik, Lady K'anal Ik'al, Lady
Olnal
Aj Nen Yo'hl Mat: (605-612) a.k.a. Ac Kan, Ah Lawal Mat, Aj Ne' Oh1 Mat
Muwaahn Mat/Lady Sak K'uk': (612-640) a.k.a. Lady Beastie
K'inich Janaab' Pakal I: (615-683) a.k.a. Pacal, Hanab Pakal
K'inich Kan B'ahlam 11: (683-702) a.k.a. Chan Bahlum IT

PIEDRAS NEGRAS: Ancient Yokib', or 'canyon'. Vassal to Tajom u K'ab Tuun of

Teotihuacan and affiliate of the Snake Kings.
K'an Ahk Ia: (mid-fifth century) a.k.a. Ruler A, Turtleshell
K'an Ahk Ib: (mid-to-late fifth century) a.k.a. Ruler B, Turtleshell
Turtle Tooth: (ca. 510) a.k.a. Ah Cauac Ah f i n
Joy Chitam Ahk (?): (ca. 518- mid-sixth century) a.k.a. Ruler C
K'inich Yo'nal Ahk I: (603-639) a.k.a. Ruler 1
K'an Ahk 11: (639-686) a.k.a. Ruler 2

PUSILHA:
K'awiil Chan K'inich: (late sixth century)

QUIRIGUA: Ancient Tzuk, or 'province'. Affiliated with Copan and later,

Calakmul.
K'awiil Yopaat: (ca. 652) a.k.a. Ruler 5

SANTA ELENA BALANCAN: Ancient city-state of Wuk'uub' (meaning unknown).

Nu'n Hiix Lakam Chaahk?: (ca. 599)
Nu'n u Jol Chaahk: (ca. 659) a.k.a. Shield Skull, Nu Bak Chak

TEOTIHUACAN: Great Central Mexican metropolis. Ancient name unknown, but

was referred to in the Maya area as Puj, 'place of Reeds', the Classic version of
Tollan. On Tikal's Marcador monument, Teotihuacan characters, including
Spearthrower Owl and the War Serpent (Waxakluju'~~ u B'aah Chan) are associated
with a place called Ho' Noh Witz, or 'Five Great Mountain(s)', suggesting a highland
locale. Also associated with Teotihuacan is the Wite' Naah structure, which were
replicated across the Maya world in the Middle Classic period.
Spearthrower Owl: (374-439) a.k.a. Spearthrower Shield, Jatz'am Kuh
Lady Unen K'awiil of Tikal: (wife of Spearthrower Owl) a.k.a. Lady Une'
B'alam K'awiil
Siyaj K'ahk': (378-406?>, as regent and kalo'mte' at Tikal) a.k.a. Smoking
Frog, K'ak' Sih
Tajom u K'ab' Tuun: (ca. 5 10)

TIKAL: Ancient (Yaax) Mutul, 'Tied-Hank-of-Hair'. Member of the Teotihuacan

Alliance.
Siyaj Chan K'awiil I: (ca. 307?)
Lady Unen B'ahlam: (ca. 3 17) a.k.a. Lady Baby Jaguar, Lady Une' B'alam
K'inich Muwaahn Jol I: (?-359?) a.k.a. Bird Skull, Skull Feathers
Chak Tok Ich'aak I: (360-378) a.k.a. (Great) Jaguar Paw, Toh Chak Ich'ak
Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I: (378-404) a.k.a. Curl Snout, Yax Ain, Nun Yax Ayin
Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11: (411-456) a.k.a. Stormy Sky
K'an Chitam: (458-?) a.k.a. Kan Boar, K'an Ak
Chak Tok Ich'aak 11: (>488-508) Jaguar Paw Skull, Toh Chak Ich'ak II
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam: (ca. 510-ca. 535?) a.k.a. Curl Head
Lady Yok'in: (511-537?) a.k.a. Lady of Tikal
Wak Chan K'awiil: (537-562?) a.k.a. Double Bird
K'inich Waaw: (>573-583>) a.k.a. Animal Skull, Lizard Head, K'inich Et(e)
K'inich Wayaan: (early seventh century)
K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11: (early-to-mid-seventh century)
Nu'n u Jol Chaahk: (>657-679) a.k.a. Shield Skull, Nu Bak Chak, Nuun Ujol
Chaak
Jasaw Chan K'awiil: (682-734?) a.k.a. Ruler A, Double Comb, Ah Cacaw,
Hasaw Chan Kawil

TORTUGLJERO: Ancient K'ahk' Wirz (?), 'Fire Mountain', and secondary capital of
the B'aakal, or 'Bone', Kingdom.
B'ahlam Ajaw: (644-677)

YAXCHILAN: Ancient Palchan(?), 'Broken Sky'.

Knot-Eye Jaguar I: (early sixth century-ca.518)
K'inich Tatb'u Jol 11: (525-537>) a.k.a. Mak'ina Tah Skull II
Knot-Eye Jaguar 11: (ca. 564)
Itzamnaaj B'ahlam 11: (>599-61I>)
Yaxuun B'ahlam 111: (629-669>) a.k.a. Bird Jaguar ID,6-Tun Bird Jaguar
Itzamnaaj B'ahlam 111: (681-742) a.k.a. Shield Jaguar I, 11, the Great, Itzam
Balam
salqaz pue sdem
Map 3: The North Acropolis of Tikal in its latest form. (After Coe 1988: 42)

xix
 Chapterl: The Heirs of Spearthrower Owl: The
Glory of Middle Classic Tikal
The Temple of the Feathered Serpent
The Middle Classic period of Tikal began on 15 January, AD 378l with the
arrival of the Teotihuacan warlord, Siyaj K'ahk' to Tikal, anciently known as Mutul
(D. Stuart 2000, Martin and Grube 2000: 29-3 1). Siyaj K'ahk' seized control of Tikal
and established it as a base from which he conquered the rest of the Peten (Guenter
2001a). His arrival inaugurated what has been termed the 'New Order', which now
swept across the Maya world, infusing Maya civilization with the culture of highland
Mexico (Martin and Grube 2000: 29-31). The next century saw Tikal reach new
heights of power and prosperity, at the center of this New Order, in what would prove
to be Tikal's first 'Golden Age'. This was the world that disappeared in the Hiatus,
and it began in the third century a thousand kilometers to the west, in the Temple of
the Feathered Serpent at Teotihuacan.
A proper understanding of the relationship between Teotihuacan and the Maya
has long been hampered by a difference in the basis of their respective chronologies.
Scholars of the Maya base their chronology on the incomparable Long Count calendar
that the Classic Maya employed, which allows for a precise dating of ancient events
to the specific day. This calendar was never used at Teotihuacan, and so
archaeologists at this site have relied on radiocarbon and other modem scientific
dating techniques. In theory, these different dating methods should be comparable but
the reality is somewhat more complicated. The generally accepted Goodman-
Martinez-Thompson (GMT) correlation of the Maya and modem calendars, while
generally in accord with radiocarbon dates, regularly provides dates upwards of a
century later than given by these scientific methods (see Appendix 1).
A resolution to this dilemma is not yet apparent. Our understanding of the
radiocarbon history of Mesoamerica could easily be in need of yet further
modification, or the GMT correlation of the Maya and western calendars could be
incorrect (see Kelley 1983 and A. Chase 1986 for arguments in favor of the latter).
However, in order to provide a basis on which to compare the Maya and Teotihuacan
archaeological histories, a single chronology for both regions must be established. As
this thesis deals to a great degree with Long Count dates and revolves around the
Maya situation, the GMT correlation will here be followed with the caveat that future
research into this question may yet revise the exact dates for the events discussed in
this thesis. In order to bring the Teotihuacan sequence in line with that of the Maya,
all dates for events at the central Mexican metropolis must be advanced by
approximately one century. Most satisfyingly, this action reveals many connections
between Teotihuacan and Maya history never before possible.
The Temple of the Feathered Serpent of Teotihuacan appears to have been
built towards the end of the third century2(Fig. 1-la). This structure, at the heart of
the Ciudadela complex in the southern portion of the center of Teotihuacan, was one
of the first buildings at the site to feature talud-tablero architecture, where vertical
panels (tableros) are separated by sloping panels (taludes). This type of architecture
would become a hallmark of Teotihuacan culture, adopted at sites many hundreds of
lulometers away from this city as a sign of affiliation with the highland Mexican
civilization (Fig. 1-1b). The decoration of this pyramid was most unique, featuring
numerous images of the War Serpent deity and the helmet with which it was
associated (Fig. 1-lc).
The Feathered Serpent pyramid has been seen as the creation of a powerful
new ruler who took control of the city and inaugurated the full Classic period splendor
of this great metropolis (Cowgill 1983: 335, Millon 1992: 394-395). Behind and
flanlung either side of this pyramid were the palaces in which this new king and his
court resided (Fig. 1-2). This ruler obviously had imperial ambitions as, starting at
this very time, Teotihuacan cultural influence became manifest throughout
Mesoamerica (Millon 1973: 58-59). The extent of the Teotihuacan Empire has never
been fully determined. One of the greatest reasons for this is that the Teotihuacan
Empire, like all others throughout Mesoamerican history, would have been of a
hegemonic nature. In such a system control of subject temtories by the imperial
power is indirect, and usually defeated lungs remained in power after their kingdoms
had been conquered. The greatest change in these subject states was normally the
addition of new tribute obligations, and economic aggrandizement appears to have
been the driving factor in the establishment of empires in Mesoamerica.
Teotihuacan contact with the Maya world may have begun as the third century
AD (Pendergast 1971, Laporte and Fialko 1990: 46, 1995: 65). However, this contact
was of minor significance until the arrival of Siyaj K'ahk' in 378. Siyaj K'ahk'
served a lord nicknamed 'Spearthrower Owl', who has been identified as a probable
lung of Teotihuacan itself3 (Stuart 2000: 481-490, Martin and Grube 2000: 31).
Interestingly, on Tikal's Marcador monument Spearthrower Owl is said to have been
the fourth lung (Fig. 1-3). HISaccession in 374 does correlate remarkably well with
the situation in Teotihuacan, were he the fourth king in the dynasty who built the
Feathered Serpent pyramid4. The reign of Spearthrower Owl would greatly affect the
Maya, especially of Tikal, and his lieutenant, Siyaj K'ahk', brought Teotihuacan
power and cultural influence by force into the heart of the Classic Maya world.

Lady Baby Jaguar, Tikal's Early Queen

It is no coincidence that on the same day that Siyaj K'ahk' arrived, the king of
Tikal, Chak Tok Ich'aak I, died (Stuart 2000: 478,487-488). With his death came
those of his entire family and his lineage appears to have been eliminated (Martin and
Grube 2000: 29). To succeed Chak Tok Ich'aak, Siyaj K'ahk' set upon the throne of
Tikal the young son of Spearthrower Owl. As Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I he would
inaugurate a new period in Tikal's history and his descendants would govern the city
for nearly two centuries, overseeing its Middle Classic splendor.
The subject of the arrival of Siyaj K'ahk' and the imposition of Teotihuacan
rule at Tikal has been much debated and numerous treatments of this subject have
been carried out. This theme is far too vast to be discussed in any great detail in the
present work and the interested reader is directed to these other works which present
many differing views on the topic (Proskouriakoff 1993: 4-9, Coggins 1975: 108-250,
Laporte and Fialko 1990: 45-66, Schele and Freidel 1990: 146-164, Stuart 2000,
Martin and Grube 2000: 29-33). However, as the subject of Teotihuacan's
relationship with Tikal is of prime importance in understanding the Hiatus, it is vital
to examine a number of features about their evolving relationship in the Middle
Classic period and the physical manifestations of this in the archaeological record.
From the first, it is important to stress that the coming of Siyaj K'ahk' in 378
to Tikal was not a sudden irruption of Teotihuacan into the Maya world. Excavations
in Tikal's Mundo Perdido complex in the 1980s (Laporte and Fialko 1995)
demonstrated that one of the most obvious features of this culture, talud-tablero
architecture, was already present at the city by Manik II times, or by the mid-fourth
century (Table 1).
There is new epigraphic evidence for earlier contact as well. It is clear from
the rapid expansion of the Teotihuacan Empire that the central Mexicans must have
had no small amount of prior knowledge of the region and considerable local support
must have been necessary to facilitate such a rapid conquest. As Simon Martin and
Nikolai Grube have noted, Tikal's Stela 1 appears to record the name of a wife of
Teotihuacan's lung and emperor, Spearthrower Owl, the man ultimately responsible
for the conquest of Tikal and the Maya region (Martin and Grube 2000: 3 1). This
woman was Lady Unen K'awiil, whose name is typically ~ a ~ (Fig.
a ' 1-4). Most
importantly, she bears the title u Naahb'nal K'inich, which is otherwise restricted to
the rulers of one Maya city, Tikal. This suggests that Spearthrower Owl, the
Teotihuacan magnate, had married a princess of Tikal.
Tn fact, Lady Unen K'awiil was quite possibly a granddaughter of one of two
ruling queens at Tikal. Lady Unen B'ahlam is named on Stela 31 as the ruler who
officiated at the 7 Ajaw Period Ending of 3 17 and appears to have been the 1 2 ' ~ruler
of ~ i k a(Fig.
l ~ 1-5a). She is also named on a contemporary ceramic sherd from
Problematic Deposit PNT-21 of Group 6D-V, in the southern portion of the site (Fig.
1-5b). Although no text documents a concrete link between the two, it is most likely
that Lady Unen K'awiil was a granddaughter of Lady Unen B'ahlam, and through her
passed on the royal blood necessary to rule Tikal (Guenter in prep.a).
Lady Unen B'ahlam's direct successor was K'inich Muwaahn Jol I, the 1 3 ' ~
king of Tikal and father to Chak Tok Ich'aak I, who died in 378. He does not appear
to have been related to Lady Unen B'ahlam, but instead on a Late Classic ceramic
text, is connected to her predecessor, Siyaj Chan K'awiil I (Fig. 1-6a). Although the
specific relationship glyph used here has not yet been deciphered, it is certainly not
one of the known glyphs for a blood relationship, and the main sign, a youth's head
with a prominent spot upon its cheek, greatly resembles a specific variant of the
TlOOO AJAW glyph, meaning 'lord' (Fig. I-6b). As this glyph in question is fronted
by the possessive prefix u, it cannot read specifically ajaw7, but, given the context, a
rough translation of 'his lord' seems appropriate. This means that K'inich Muwaahn
Jol I was most likely a high noble in the service of Siyaj Chan K'awiil I before his
accession and indicates a complete breakdown in the dynastic line following the reign
of Lady Unen B'ahlam.
Ruling females were a most unusual phenomenon in the Maya region and
Lady Unen B'ahlam is the first known case of such an anomaly. As such, her reign
must have raised unprecedented problems for a patriarchal culture based on male
succession, as was the Classic Maya. Linda Schele and David Freidel have written on
the extraordinary lengths that Palenque's kings went to in order to explain and
legitimize their rule through maternal descent (Schele and Freidel 1990: 216-261).
This was a necessary action as, with large royal families and an even larger noble
class, there was never a shortage of claimants to the throne. Such an unorthodox
reign as that of the female Lady Unen B'ahlam was likely opposed by a significant
portion of the more conservative lineages at Tikal. K'inich Muwaahn 301 I could well
have used such sentiment to forward himself as her replacement, an accomplishment
he evidently carried out.
There still exists the problem of accounting for the rise of Lady Unen
B'ahlam in the first place. An apparent reference to her on Stela 26 (Fig. 1-7)
suggests that was the daughter of Itzamnaaj Ehb' K'inich (a.k.a. 'Animal Headdress'),
the same man named as the father of Siyaj Chan K'awiil I on the El Encanto Stela
(Martin 2000a: 53). This would make Lady Unen B'ahlam the sister of her
predecessor, a certain divergence from the norm of succession (Guenter in prep.a).
Her reign was so unusual it must have needed considerable backing. We have already
seen that a significant portion of the local population at Tikal could. have opposed her
rule. As such, foreign support could be expected to have had a major importance to
her reign and immediate suspicions turn to Teotihuacan. It may be no coincidence
that the first evidence of talud-tablero architecture at Tikal makes its appearance at
around this time8. Certainly Tikal was in contact with the great Mexican metropolis
at this time and given the prominence accorded her by the later rulers of Teotihuacan
descent, Lady Unen B'ahlam would seem to have been on good terms with them.
It is unknown at what point that this cadet royal line of Tikal migrated to
Teotihuacan. This could have been as late as the time of Lady Unen K'awiil herself
or as early as that of Lady Unen B'ahlam's immediate descendants; at present there is
no evidence on which to decide. What is important is that ultimately Lady Unen
K'awiil married Spearthrower Owl, thus linking the fates of the royal houses of Tikal
and Teotihuacan. Tikal thus came to the attention of the most powerful lord in
Mesoamerica and was soon included in his plans for imperial expansion.

The Divisions of Tikal

The recognition of these competing lineages for the throne of Tikal is of prime
importance to understanding Tikal history, especially that of the Hiatus. Factionalism
among the ruling elite was a hallmark of not only Maya, but of Mesoamerican
civilization in general (Carrasco 1999: 9). This factionalism derived from the
essential segmentary organization of the social systems at the base of this civilization
(Carrasco 1999: 8-9). In Mesoamerica the city-state, which formed the basis of any
kingdom, was composed of many separate population segments, often corresponding
to lineage and residing in a particular locale within a city or in secondary centers
(Schele and Freidel 1990: 85, Schele and Mathews 1998: 24-25,28-29, Grube 2000:
557-558).
There would have been a constant tension between the ruler of a given
kingdom and the lineages that supported him and his family (Schele and Freidel 1990:
262-305, Inomata and Houston 2001: 12). Specific buildings in Maya cities have
even been found, which have been interpreted as 'council houses' where rulers met
with the lineage heads to arrange the business of the kingdom (Fash 1991: 130-134).
However, while these lineages could work together with the king to construct the
massive architectural projects for which the Maya are famous, they could also prove
an important source of dissension and subversion to the will of the lung. It has even
been suggested that the famous 'Collapse' of a number of the Classic kingdoms at the
end of the ninth century was the result of a 'nobles' revolt' where the heads of these
lineages finally overthrew the lungs themselves and ruled on their own (Fash 1991:
175, Stuart 1993: 332).
It can thus be seen that in times of crisis the fortunes of a Maya lung were
based to a large degree on the internal cohesion of his lungdom, with the possibility
that particularly disaffected lineages could side with the enemy either following or
precipitating a major military defeat. The situation between Chak Tok Ich'aak I and
the descendants of Lady Unen B'ahlam is especially helpful as it demonstrates that
this factionalism existed even within the royal family itself and from a very early era.
Further, i t is clear that particularly ambitious non-royal nobles could advance
themselves in periods of trouble to the highest position in the kingdom.

The Arrival of Siyaj K'ahk'

This source of disunity within the l n g d o m of Tikal was almost certainly
instrumental in the Teotihuacan conquest of the city. After a 145 day journey,
presumably from Teotihuacan itself, Siyaj K'ahk' finally arrived at Tikal on 15
January, 378" according to numerous texts at both Tikal and Uaxactun (Fig. 1-8a).
The only illustration of this event comes from Uaxactun Stela 5 which depicts Siyaj
~ ' a h k " ' striding forward in full battle gear, clutching a spearthrower and a club (Fig.
1-8b). In front of his feet is a blatant iconographic indication of what his 'anival'
entailed. Combining central Mexican and Maya motifs, this is an obvious war
reference, being the Maya glyph for town, CH'EN", spouting flames in a pan-
Mesoamerican sign for conquest warfare (Guenter n.d.a). Tikal was defeated and
apparently sacked as the Teotihuacanos took possession of their queen's native city.
The victors, intent on transforming Tikal into their own city as the base for
further conquests in the Maya region, likely slaughtered the lung and his entire
family. A later reference on Stela 3 1 records that Chak Tok Ich'aak I died on this
very day (Stuart 2000: 478). The specific syntax used in this inscription connects
these the anival of Siyaj K'ahk' and the death of Chak Tok Ich'aak indirectly but the
tombs of this lung and his family indicate otherwise. Excavations in the Mundo
Perdido found six royal burials under three temples along the eastern side of this
group. These included those of a middle-aged adult male, a middle-aged adult
female, two young adult males, an adolescent female and an infant (Laporte and
Fialko 1990: 42, Laporte and Fialko 1995: 58). Stratigraphy and tomb contents
indicated that all were interred (and by extension, had died) at the same time and the
associated ceramics, of the Manik I1 phase, connects these to the era of Chak Tok
Ich'aak I (Laporte and Fialko 1995: 58-65). Although no inscriptions were found
inside any of these tombs their identification with this king and his family seems
certain.
Siyaj K'ahk' continued his conquest of the Maya in the following years and
within two decades seems to have brought under his sway almost the entire Peten
(Guenter 2001a). The second victim he targeted seems to have been Uaxactun as a
war against this city is recorded on Tikal's Marcador monument in association with
his anival to Tikal (Fig. 1-8c). Following a suggestion by Maricela Ayala, Linda
Schele and David Freidel linked this war to the presence of a multiple burial in
Structure B-VIII at the site (Schele and Freidel 1990: 447, note 51). Inside were
found two adult females, one being pregnant, and a child and an infant. As at Tikal,
these were most likely the wives and children of the defeated king. Henceforth
Uaxactun would be intimately connected to Tikal. Emphasizing this point is the fact
that the monument depicting Siyaj K'ahk's anival to Tikal was erected in front of this
very pyramid.
The Teotihuacan Empire
With Tikal and the central Peten secure, Yaax Nu'n Ayiin, son of
Spearthrower Owl, arrived at Tikal to become the city's lung. With his lord's son
installed in Tikal, Siyaj K'ahk' embarked upon a path of conquest to subjugate the
rest of the Peten, initiating the 'New Order' that dominated the Maya world for the
next century. Inscriptions and archaeology from numerous sites from northern
Yucatan to the southern coast of Guatemala attest to the extent of Siyaj K'ahk's realm
(Guenter 2001a). In order to administer this vast empire, subject lords were installed
at critical sites along major trade routes as outposts of Teotihuacan power in a sea of
Maya kingdoms. These cities formed what is referred to as the 'Teotihuacan
Alliance', the most important of which, in the southern lowlands, were Palenque,
Copan, Tres Islas, Rio Azul, Altun Ha and, of course, Tikal itself12 (Guenter 2001a).
It must be stated that while these cities were in alliance with one another, they
were all direct subjects of the lord of Teotihuacan. This is made obvious when one
considers the kalo'mte' title (Fig. 1-9a). This title, with clear connotations to warfare,
is known to refer to a lord who controlled multiple kingdoms and Simon Martin has
interpreted it as roughly the Maya equivalent to 'emperor' (Simon Martin, personal
communication 1995 in Stuart 2000: 487). While this was the high title for the kings
of Tikal in the Late Classic period, it is important that this was not the case earlier and
the earliest reference to a Tikal lung as a kalo'mte' in fact comes only after 500. Prior
to this date even the Tikal king was titled yajuw, or 'vassal', of the Teotihuacan
kalo'mre' (Fig. 1-9b).
This pattern holds for the other members of the Teotihuacan Alliance as well.
Following the cessation of direct Teotihuacan involvement in the Maya area in the
late sixth century the Teotihuacan Empire broke apart into its component parts. The
members of the Teotihuacan Alliance established independent 'mini-empires' of their
own (usually being the imperial provinces over which they had ruled earlier), with the
rulers of these cities now appropriating the title of kalo'nlte' for themselves.
However, during the Middle Classic period, these lungdoms were but part of the
larger Teotihuacan Empire, an important consideration for any understanding of the
Hiatus.
Each of the Teotihuacan Alliance sites ruled its own extended territory
consisting of a number of dependent cities, kingdoms and regions. Across the
political landscape were also to be found allies of Teotihuacan, such as El Peru and El
Zotz, which may not have been tribute-paying subjects of the great Mexican
metropolis but instead local federates who assisted the Teotihuacan armies in their
campaigns (Guenter 2001a). With due consideration to these relatively independent
lungdoms, one may plot out the Middle Classic realm of Tikal. While the specific
cities Tikal dominated or held in thrall varied through time, these included sites as
distant as Ucanal in the southeast and Xultun and Uaxactun to the north (Map 1). The
western borders of this realm are not clear but Tikal certainly controlled the central
Peten.

The Glory of Middle Classic Tikal: The Early Fifth Century

Tikal's new relationship with Teotihuacan initiated a period of incredible
prosperity for the city. Many new buildings and a long list of carved monuments
were commissioned by Yaax Nu'n Ayiin and his descendants. Clemency Coggins
comparison of the monumental record of the Middle and Late Classic periods is most
helpful in demonstrating this fact. " (A)t least 24 carved stelae were erected in the
150 years between A.D. 378 and 525. During the Late Classic only 11 more stelae
are known to have been erected in the 285 years until A.D. 810, and a solitary last one
3 katuns later at 870 . . ." (Coggins 1990: 79).
The beauty and perfection of craftsmanship in the plastic arts is exemplified
by the monuments from the reign of Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11, the son of Yaax Nu'n
Ayiin I. Stela 31, dating to 445, is one of the highlights of Tikal's sculptural tradition
(Fig. 1-10). Flanked by twin portraits of his father (in suitable Teotihuacan military
costume), it portrays the king holding aloft in his right hand a headdress bequeathed
him by his grandfather, Spearthrower Owl. Curled in his left arm is the disembodied
head of Yaax Ehb' Xook, the founder of Tikal's Classic dynasty, decorated to portray
the deity GIII, the Maya god of fire (Guenter in prep.b).
Siyaj Chan K'awiil II seems to have been conceptualized as a new Yaax Ehb'
Xook. On Stela 31 he is portrayed wearing this predecessor's name in his headdress
(Schele and Freidel 1990: 140). Siyaj Chan K'awiil's funerary temple, Structure 5D-
33, replicated that of Yaax Ehb' Xook, Structure 5D-22, in being on the central axis
of the North Acropolis (Map 3). Furthermore, the corpses of both kings were
headless and seated in their tombs. Temple 22, the popular name of Structure 5D-22,
underwent continual refurbishment in the Middle Classic period, befitting its status as
the shrine of the dynastic founderI3. This specific form of this building was Structure
5~-22-3'*,a large two-roomed temple atop a three-tiered substructure (Coe 1990:
349-363). The prominent masks on the basal pyramid declare this to be the K'ahk'
Witz, or 'Fire-Mountain' referred to on various monuments of the period (Fig. 1-1la),
consistent with its identification with Tikal's founder who also happened to be the
god of fire (Guenter in prep.b)14. Painted a bright red (Coe 1990: 363), Temple 22's
position high atop the North Acropolis must have made it an awesome sight to
behold.
When Siyaj K'ahk' arrived at Tikal he constructed a Wite' Naah, a building to
house the sacred fire from the New Fire ceremony brought all the way from
Teotihuacan (Nielsen in prep.). This appears to correspond to the small U.44
structure that was placed in front of the stairway of Temple 22's stair and was the
location where Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I acceded in 379 (Fig. 1-llb). Later construction
covered over U.44 and the Teotihuacan fire was thereafter housed elsewhere, likely in
Temple 22 itself.
The fifth century saw the construction of a series of new pyramid temples
fronting the North Acropolis (Map 3). These were, from left to right: Temple 34 built
over Burial 10, that of Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I; Temple 33, covering Burial 48, that of
Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11; and Temple 32, whose original dedicatory tomb was later
completely removed but may have been that of Siyaj K'ahk' himself (see Chapter 3).
The construction of these buildings seriously changed the face of the North Acropolis
and while not blocking passage to the old temples behind, they seriously impeded
such movement and focused attention on the funerary shrines of the new line of
rulers, to the detriment of those behind. The mortuary treatment of Siyaj Chan
K'awiil I1 and the siting of his temple imply that his descendants may have promoted
him to the same status as that of Yaax Ehb' Xook, being a revered ancestor whose
physical head proffered legitimacy upon the bearer (Guenter in prep.b).
Construction was undertaken across the city in other locations as well. The
Mundo Perdido group was thoroughly rebuilt, with most structures being renovated in
one form or another, many with tnlud-tnblero architecture (Laporte and Fialko 1990:
46). Especially prominent in this respect was the West Plaza, where Structures 5C-
49, to the north of the plaza, 5C-51 and -52 to the west and 6C-24, to the south, had
tnlud-rablero decoration added at this time (Laporte and Fialko 1995: 65-66).
However, the Great Pyramid itself, Structure 5C-54, was to see no major additions or
modifications in the future. This likely reflects that its previous status, as home to the
K'atuun Ending ceremonies of the Maya calendar, was ended at this time (Laporte
and Fialko 1995: 56). These were moved, first to the North Acropolis and later in the
fifth century came to be located in the East Plaza of Tikal (C. Jones 1991: 114-115).
As the inexorable march of time passed into the second half of the fifth
century Tikal found itself more prosperous and more powerful than ever before, as it
reaped the rewards of being at the center of Teotihuacan's New Order. However,
events would soon unfold on the other side of Mesoamerica that would have great
implications for Tikal, reverberations of which would continue to affect Tikal for
centuries to come.

Feathered Serpent in Flames

At some point in the late fifth century the Temple of the Feathered Serpent at
Teotihuacan was brutally terminated. The sculptures adorning its facades were
battered, the temple was burned and a large platform, the Adosada, was built over its
western face (Cabrera C., Sugiyama and Cowgill 1991: 87, Cowgill 1992: 106-107).
Looters even dug their way deep into the heart of the temple and desecrated a number
of the sacrificial burials dedicatory to its construction (Cabrera C., Sugiyama and
Cowgill 1991: 82-84). At the same time the palaces associated with this temple in the
Ciudadela appear to have been abandoned at about this time, and no further
construction on these royal residences would be carried out until the last years of the
city's existence (Millon 1992: 364, 370, 397).
There is every reason to believe that there was a spectacular repudiation of the
city's ruling house at this time (Guenter n.d.c). Teotihuacan's new rulers certainly
seem to have been violently opposed to the previous regime, which, as has been seen,
was that of Spearthrower Owl himself. At the same time, there is evidence for a
return to traditions not in vogue since before the Feathered Serpent pyramid was built
in the third century. This is exemplified in the reopening of the famous cave
underneath the Temple of the Sun, two centuries after having been sealed at the time
of the construction of ciudadelal' (Millon 1993: 22).
This apparent revolution in Teotihuacan must have had enormous
repercussions for the rest of Mesoamerica, especially Tikal. The Maya, at the time of
this overthrow of the Spearthrower Owl dynasty, were still subject to Teotihuacan and
the change of regime at the great central Mexican capital would have had serious
consequences for the future maintenance of the empire. Change in rulership often
puts stress upon political relationships, especially if this change involved violent
revolution. This would have been the perfect opportunity for imperial subjects to
attempt to establish their independence and Teotihuacan's new rulers must have faced
the prospect of losing much of the tribute flowing into their capital.
The Maya area was one of the most important for Teotihuacan. This area, one
of the largest in Mesoamerica, also happened to be the most distant from Teotihuacan,
malung direct imperial control exceedingly difficult. Teotihuacan's strategy had been
to establish a series of regional capitals, the so-called 'Teotihuacan Alliance', to
directly administer the empire (Guenter 2001a). The individual cities of this alliance
must have depended upon their mutual assistance and especially the support of the
imperial capital.
With the apparent fall of the Spearthrower Owl dynasty in Teotihuacan, it
could be expected that the leaders of the Teotihuacan Alliance would find it in their
best interests to ally themselves with Teotihuacan's new regime. Indeed, there does
appear to be some evidence in this regard. At both Rio Azul and Copan the evidence
for strong cultural ties to Teotihuacan continues into the fifth century (Guenter n.d.b,
Stuart 1997: 90). However, this is in direct contrast to the situation in Tikal.

The Fires of Independence

At Tikal the Manik IIIa phase, characterized by overt Teotihuacan cultural
influences, terminates well before the end of the fifth century, traditionally around
475-490 (Coggins 1975: 187, Ayala F. 1987: 603, Laporte and Fialko 1990: 59,62).
The central Mexican traits so evident during this period were dropped and replaced by
those of the native Maya culture in the succeeding phase. "The final Manik IIIb sub-
facet was characterized by the disappearance of these intrusive traits, and by a
reaffirmation of the continuing local polychrome tradition (ca. A.D. 490-550)"
(Coggins 1975: 108). Teotihuacan culture was not repudiated during this latter
period, but the foreign traits so prominent in Manik m a were thoroughly integrated
onto the basic Maya culture of Tikal. Spearthrower Owl's descendants had 'gone
native'.
The change from Manik m a to mb took place during the reign of K'an
Chitam, the son and successor to Siyaj Chan K'awiil II,and as his tomb has not yet
been located a full understanding of all the changes this involved is not possible.
However, the monumental record for this period is relatively complete and allows a
more precise dating of this change. K'an Chitam appears to have commissioned four
stelae during his reign that fit into two different groups. The first set comprises Stelae
2 and 40, which were modeled after Stelae 1 and 3 1 respectively, both monuments of
his father, Siyaj Chan K'awiil I1 (Martin and Grube 2000: 37). No date survives on
Stela 2 but Stela 40 was dedicated in 46816 and portrays K'an Chitam hoisting a
Teotihuacan-style headdress above his head (Fig. 1-12). This parallels Stela 31 where
Siyaj Chan K'awiil I1 wields a headdress that, while being typically Maya in design,
was a gift from his grandfather, Spearthrower Owl, the aged emperor of Teotihuacan .
Stela 40 was the last monument of the Manik m a period and never again
would monuments at Tikal be modeled after Early Classic prototypes. A clear break
with the past occurred around 470 for on the 4 Ajaw K'atuun Ending of 47517 K'an
Chitam introduced an entirely new type of monument, the 'staff stela' (Schele and
Freidel 1990: 165-167, C. Jones 1991: 113). Perceptively, Tatiana Proskouriakoff
recognized the magnitude of the artistic change that swept over the city at this time.
"Nothing less than a revolution in the power structure of the state can adequately
account for them. Gone is the double-headed serpent bar, symbol of royal, possibly
even divine, descent. . ..There is no longer an ancestor up in the sky or earthly
symbols such as the base mask. All the regal trappings are gone, including the
numerous glyphs and signs that adorned and identified the personages portrayed.
What is more remarkable is that the representations are so uniform. The figures are
all shown in profile view, holding a segmented staff. Only the figures on Stelae 9 and
13 are distinguished by capes and by staffs of simpler design" (Proskouriakoff 1993:
19).
Dating to 475, Stelae 9 and 13 were the first monuments to be carved in this
style, which is characterized by a shortness of stature and drastic simplification in
decoration and textual information. They portray the ruler in profile, wearing the
headdresses of various fire deities and holding a fire-drilling stick in one hand, with
an incense bag in the othert8(Fig. 1-13). Text was carved only on the sides of the
monument and is restricted to a simple record of the Period Ending date and the
names and titles of the ruler and a description of the deity the king portrayed on this
occasion. Although later kings all wielded a decorated version of this staff,
introduced by the next king, Chak Tok Ich'aak II, the basic artistic model for stelae
introduced by K'an Chitam was followed religiously by later rulers and no fewer than
eight 'staff stelae' were eventually carved at ~ i k a l ' ~ .
 Fire rituals were intimately associated with political legitimacy and dynastic
foundations in Mesoamerican culture. In the Aztec culture of Postclassic central
Mexico the sacred New Fire that was drilled every 52 years was distributed from
Tenochtitlan to every part of the Tenochca empire, and a similar situation is evident in
the Teotihuacan empire of a thousand years earlier (Nielsen, in prep.). Across
Mesoamerica depictions of Teotihuacan persons include very prominent torches that
brought the sacred fire from the 'City of the Gods' to the new centers of the rulers of
the 'New Order'. Stela 4 of Tikal provides an excellent example, showing Yaax Nu'n
Ayiin I holding the head of the Maya Fire ~ o d in~ his
' right hand, his left arm curled
around a Teotihuacan-style torch (Fig. 1-14) (Nielsen in prep.).
The sudden end to the Early Classic monumental tradition at Tikal and the
introduction of the staff stelae monuments depicting Mutul kings drilling their own
fires was accompanied by the elimination of Teotihuacan cultural motifs in both the
public and private art of Tikal. This can hardly have been coincidental and the fact
that this great change took place at the same time as the overthrow of the
Spearthrower Owl dynasty in Teotihuacan suggests that Tikal achieved its
independence around 470.
Given that K7anChitam was the great-grandson of Spearthrower Owl it is
little surprise that he chose independence over accommodation with Teotihuacan's
new rulers. As the sixth century dawned Tikal would have naturally found itself in
opposition to its former master and ally. It is no surprise that it is only at this time, in
the Manik IJIb period, that Tikal's kings took the kalo'mte' title as their own2'. K'an
Chitam and his son Chak Tok Ich'aak II set about consolidating their new power and
this period must have truly been one of the greatest at Tikal, when the city was
independent and enjoying the fruits of empire for itself.

The Glories and the Travails of Middle Classic Tikal

K'an Chitam and Chak Tok Ich'aak 11, the 'staff stela kings', presided over
one of the most storied periods in Tikal's history. Independent but still receiving the
tribute due it as the center of the New Order, the archaeology of Tikal in the last
decades of the fifth century provides evidence that this was one of the richest periods
in the site's history. This golden period at the city is exemplified by the 2 Ajaw Period
Ending of 49522,when Chak Tok Ich'aak II dedicated three monuments, Stelae 7, 15
and 27, the greatest single monumental output ever seen at Tikal (Fig. 1-15).
 The architecture of these two kings is among the most exuberant ever created
at the site and contrasts with the simple stelae they produced (Schele and Freidel
1990: 165-166, C. Jones 1991: 113). Temples 22 and 33 were rebuilt and the
architectural decoration of this period is particularly impressive (Fig. 1-16) (Schele
and Freidel 1990: 116). The main change with Temple 22, converting it from what
today is prosaically known as Structure 5 ~ - 2 2 - 3to
' ~22-2nd,was to modify the
superstructure from a two- to a three-roomed temple, which necessitated the covering
of the prominent stair landing in front of the temple (Coe 1990: 837). Both structures
were the scenes of intense fire rituals (Coe 1990: 838), proof of the deep reverence
felt for the deceased, headless h n g s buried beneath them.
This, then, was the condition of Tikal at the end of the reign of Chak Tok
Ich'aak 11at the beginning of the sixth century, 125 years after Siyaj K'ahk' ushered
in the New Order. However, the archaeology disguises the fact that there were
serious threats to Tikal's prosperity in this era, both internal and external. A first
crisis, apparently brought on by internal problems, was attendant to the death of Yaax
Nu'n Ayiin I in 404. A seven year interregnum passed before his son and successor,
Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11, finally became lung in 41 1 (Martin and Grube 2000: 33). At
this time Tikal appears to have been ruled by a Siyaj Chan K'inich who is otherwise
unknown and may have been a usurper, part of a rebellion at the city only now
coming to light (Guenter in prep.^). The situation was so problematic that the
Teotihuacan general, Siyaj K'ahk', had to return to Tikal to set things in order. Even
so, it would be another five years after his return to the central Peten before
Spearthrower Owl's grandson would take the throne as the sixteenth h n g of Tikal
(Guenter n.d.c).
Interestingly, the accession of Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11brought a new tactic to
the new rulers' attempts at acceptance by the local populace. Whereas earlier they
had presented themselves as conquering foreigners, during the reign of Siyaj Chan
K'awiil II the dynasty promoted its Maya roots and presented the new king in the
traditional garb of the Early Classic rulers whose power they had usurped (Martin and
Grube 2000: 34). This could well have been a necessary gesture in the wake of a
Maya rebellion.
The Rise of the Snake Kingdom
External problems were also not negligible. The severity of the conquest
would have hardened many a Maya dynast against the New Order and rebellion must
have been a constant threat. Most important among these was Tikal's later nemesis,
the Kanal, or 'Snake' kingdom. In later years the Kanal lungdom had its capital in
Calakmul (Marcus 1976, Martin 2000) but is now known to have originated in the
Preclassic period in the Mirador Basin of north-central peten2' (Martin 1997, Martin
and Grube 2000: 102, Guenter 2001b).
The great Preclassic capital of the Kanal lungdom, El Mirador, fell around 150
and the region fell into serious decline and was largely abandoned by the time the
Teotihuacan intrusion occurred in the late fourth century (Hansen 2000: 63-64).
However, those that remained fought a last-ditch battle against the foreigners on the
slopes of the massive Tigre pyramid in the heart of the capital. This pyramid, the
largest construction ever undertaken by the Maya, was already in ruins and likely
already sprouting jungle trees when this battle occurred, evidenced by a profusion of
obsidian and flint projectile points. The obsidian came from central Mexican sources
(Hansen 2000: 63) and seems to indicate that the Teotihuacanos were keen on
subduing even ruined Maya cities and conquered the Mirador Basin in their quest for
empire.
This event seems to have led to a relocation of the capital of the Snake l n g s
to southern Quintana Roo, although it is not clear if this represents a Mirador Basin
dynasty in exile or the rise to prominence of a local lord with pretensions to the
imperial glory of the past. Whatever the situation, towards the end of the sixth
century the site of Dzibanche emerged as capital of a new line of Snake I n g s . The
first recognizable lung of this site is Yukno'm Ch'e'n I, taking as his name that of one
of the Mirador kings of more than half a millennium earlier (Martin and Grube 2000:
103). A hieroglyphic stairway discovered by archaeologist Enrique Nalda records a
number of captures made by this king between the years of 479 and 490 (Grube and
Martin 2000: 163), suggesting that this area was already lost to the New Order by the
third quarter of the fifth century.
The imperial ambitions of Dzibanche's rulers (they also took the kalo'mte'
title for themselves) and the natural desire of the Snake lords to recover their
homeland must have led to many troubles along Tikal's northern marches, and Rio
Azul, situated between Dzibanche and the Mirador Basin, must have found itself
especially hard pressed. There is, in fact, evidence for rebellion in the Mirador Basin
attendant with the rise of Yukno'm Ch'e'n in Dzibanche. A looted earflare accords
Rio Azul's lung ~ a ~ a aa ncontemporary
~ ~ , of Siyaj Chan K'awiil IT (Guenter n.d.b),
the title of Masul Ajaw (Fig. 1-17). This Emblem Glyph, as suggested by Nikolai
Grube, seems to refer to the site of Naachtun, on the eastern edge of the Mirador
Basin and one of the few sites in this region to have survived the Preclassic to Early
Classic transition (Martin and Grube 2000: 46).
Not twenty years after Wayaan's death and only seven years after Yukno'm
Ch'e'n's first known capture, Masul was in revolt. This may be inferred from the fact
that in August of 48625Tikal's forces attacked this city (Martin and Grube 2000: 37).
This seems to have occurred at the conclusion of the reign of K'an Chitam and it may
be of significance that his mother was a granddaughter of Wayaan of Rio Azul
(Guenter n.d.b). K'an Chitam may well have been coming to the aid of his kinsmen
in subduing this troublesome city.
Tikal and its allies were obviously successful in subduing the Masul rebellion
but Dzibanche seems to have managed to consolidate its control of southern Quintana
Roo and there was now a permanent threat just north of Rio Azul, with the Snake
lords ever ready to strike southeast should the opportunity arise. As the fifth century
came to an end just such an opportunity occurred, as a new warlord marched out of
Teotihuacan, threatening the 'Teotihuacan Alliance' itself. It is in this climate of
turmoil that Tikal's lclng Chak Tok Ich'aak IT died and plunged Tikal into a political
crisis of its own.
Notes to Chapter 1

8.17.1.4.12, 11 Eb' 15 Mak in the Maya calendar. All western dates are given in the Julian calendar
according to the Goodman-Martinez-Thompson (GMT) correlation (584,285). All dates are AD unless
otherwise stated.
The dates generally given for the construction of the Feathered Serpent pyramid range between 150
and 250.
It must be noted that Spearthrower Owl is titled both an ajaw and a kalo'rr~te',the two highest titles of
the ancient Maya world. Spearthrower Owl was the sovereign, either directly or indirectly, of most of
the southern Maya lowlands (Guenter 2001a), that is, wherever hieroglyphic texts are found. Most
important, he had his son, Yaax Nu'n Ayiin, placed upon the throne of Tikal, the largest and most
powerful Maya kingdom of the period.
Although ultimately lord over most of the Maya world, there are no texts referring to any
actions of his in this region. Indeed, there is no reason to believe that Spearthrower Owl ever set foot
in a Maya kingdom (Guenter n.d.c). It is surely no coincidence that the arrival of Spearthrower Owl's
emissary, Siyaj K'ahk', to the Maya world in 378 saw an incredible infusion of Teotihuacan culture
into the Maya world, which would permeate Maya civilization for the better part of the next two
centuries. Given the extreme power and exalted status of Spearthrower Owl (he controlled more Maya
territory than any other sovereign until the reign of Yukno'm Ch'e'n I1 of Calakmul in the seventh
century), and the overwhelming association of his associates with the culture of Teotihuacan, this
evidence from the Maya world strongly suggests that he was a lung of this central Mexican metropolis.
For a fuller discussion see Stuart 2000: 481-490, Guenter n.d.c, and Appendix 1.
In correlating the Teotihuacan archaeological sequence with the Maya epigraphic history, the date for
the construction of the Feathered Serpent pyramid, and by extension, the reign of the first king of the
Classic dynasty, is placed at around 300 (ca. 200 +loo, see Appendix 1). Given an average reign
IengtWdynastic generation of between 20 and 25 years, the fourth king of the Feathered Serpent
pyramid dynasty would have reigned around 375.
This name is found elsewhere as Une' B'alam (Martin and Grube 2000: 26-27). In previous literature
the term une' is used in relation to the first part of this name. Joel Skidmore has noted that specific
spellings at Comalcalco indicate that the term for baby is unen and not une' (Joel Skidmore, personal
communication 2001).
A later monument, El Zapote Stela 1, portrays a royal female holding a small baby jaguar (unen
b'ahlarn) figure above which can be found a central Mexican 'year sign' as well as the numeral 12. In
central Mexican cultures, most notably that of the Zapotecs, the 'year sign' took the form of a royal
headdress, strongly suggesting that the El Zapote reference is to a Lady Unen B'ahlam who was the
12Ihruler of a certain kingdom. El Zapote was under the control of Tikal's kings in this period and thus
this stela may be another evocation of this queen.
' The possessive prefix u changes to y- when the substantive begins with a vowel, as does the word
ajarv.
The first talrcd-tablero architecture at Tikal makes its appearance at the beginning of the Manik I1
period (300-378), although certain elements of this style-appear in the preceding Manik I period
(Laporte and Fialko 1990: 46, 1995: 65).
8.17.1.4.12, 1 1 Eb' 15 Mak in the Maya calendar.
lo Stuart (2000) and Martin and Grube (2000: 30) do not identify this character as Siyaj K'ahk' as the
glyphs carved in front of the figure's face, clearly naming him, do not include his familiar name glyph.
However, this claim is contradicted by the fact that these glyphs are also found on Uaxactun Stela 18
where they certainly do occur as part of Siyaj K'ahk's extended name phrase (Schele and Grube 1994:
86-87, 89). The glyphs in question may well spell out Siyaj K'ahk's central Mexican name (Guenter
n.d.a.).
I ' David Stuart has proposed CEI'EN, 'cave', as the reading for this glyph (personal communication
1998 in Martin and Grube 2000: 23 1).
12
Members of this group outside of the southern lowlands included Oxkintok in northern Campeche,
and Kaminaljuyu in highland Guatemala. Unfortunately, these areas have not been as greatly explored
as the Peten and the general lack of inscriptions from these regions make any specific historical and
political identifications problematic.
l 3 Note that the actual building of Structure SD-22-31d seems to have occurred prior to the arrival of
Siyaj K'ahk', which corresponds with Time Span 10 of this structure (Coe 1990: 362). 22-31d's
original building thus likely can be attributed to Chak Tok Ich'aak I or his father, K'inich Muwaahn Jol
I.
14
The author's ideas on Temple 22 as the 'Fire Mountain' stem from the identification of this temple as
the Wite' Naah structure by Kathryn Reese-Taylor and Debra S. Walker (Reese-Taylor and Walker
n.d., personal communication 2001).
" The dates given by Millon, second century for the sealing of the cave and fourth century for the
reopening (Millon 1993: 22, correspond well with the dates for the building and abandonment of the
Ciudadela. However, as indicated in Appendix 1, the dates given for Teotihuacan archaeology in
general, must be advanced by upwards of a century to be fit into Long Count time. Thus it is here
proposed that the sealing of this cave occurred in the early third century and was reopened late in the
fifth century.
16
9.1.13.0.0, 6 Ajaw 8 Sotz' in the Maya calendar.
" 9.2.0.0.0,4 Ajaw 13 Wo in the Maya calendar.
I s For the association of similar staffs with fire-drilling rituals see Stuart 1998: 404-407).
19
The original 'staff stela' series at Tikal include Stelae 3 , 6 , 7 , 8 , 9 , 13, 15 and 27.
20 Here also identified as the apotheosized founder, Yaax Ehb' Xook, by the Mutul Ajaw title and Wite'
Naah house attached to the top of the head (Guenter, in prep.b).
The staff stelae are so sparse in the information their texts provide that few political titles were ever
recorded and even the Tikal Emblem Glyph is missing from the majority of these monuments.
However, at the beginning of the sixth century, when more elaborate and politically overt monuments
were again being carved, the kalo'mte' title is very prominent among the titles of these rulers. The first
Tikal lords known to have adopted this title were Kalo'mte' B'ahlam and Lady Yok'in on Stelae 12
(see Chapter 2).
22 9.3.0.0.0, 2 Ajaw 18 Muwaan in the Maya calendar.
23
In much of the current literature all instances of the Snake Emblem Glyph in the Classic period are
seen as references to the great city of Calakmul (Martin and Grube 2000, Grube and Martin 2000).
However, this is a great anachronism as there is no evidence for Calakmul being associated with this
Emblem Glyph until well into the seventh century (Martin and Grube 2000: 106). It now seems
certain that the Kana1 Kingdom was based out of Dzibanche, in southern Quintana Roo, from at least
the late fifth through to the beginning of the seventh century (Martin and Grube 2000: 103). As a
proper sense of geography is essential to a full understanding of political-military history, to
anachronistically refer to the Snake Kingdom as Calakmul prior to 600 can be quite confusing and
potentially misleading. It is for this reason that in this thesis references to the Snake Kingdom as
Dzibanche or Calakmul are much more temporally specific.
24 For the reading of this glyph as wayaan see Appendix 3.
25 9.2.1 1.7.8, 4 Lamat 6 Yaxk'in in the Maya calendar.
Figure 1-1: The Temple of the Feathered Serpent at Teotihuacan.
(a) Reconstruction Drawing (Drawing by Ignacio Marquina, after Matos
Moctezuma 1990: Fig. 3 1)
(b) Tahd-tablero architecture (After Schele and Freidel 1990: Fig. 4:24)
(c) The headdress of the War Serpent (From Caso and Bernal1952: Fig. 184,
after Sugiyama 2000: Fig. 3.17)
Figure 1-3: On the Marcador monument, Spearthrower Owl is said to be the
chan tz'akb'u ajaw, or 'fourth king'. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Freidel et al.
1993: Figure 7:5)

Figure 1-4: On Stela 1, Lady Unen K'awiil is identified as the yatan ( A z ~ )or ,
'wife of', Spearthrower Owl. The fact that she carries the title U Naahb'nal
K'inich title ( B z ~ )the
, royal title restricted to rulers of Tikal, indicates that she
was a Tikal princess. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite
1982: Figure 1)
Figure 1-5: Lady Unen B'ahlam, the 12'~ruler of Tikal.
(a) In this text from Stela 31, Lady Unen B'ahlam is associated with the 7
Ajaw Period Ending of 317. (Drawing by John Montgomery, after Schele
and Grube 1994: 81)
(b) Lady Unen B'ahlam name is also found on this sherd from
Problematic Deposit PNT-21 of Group 6D-V. (After Grube and Martin
2000a: II-14)
Figure 1-6: Dynastic Succession at Fourth Century Tikal
(a) The 'Tikal Dynastic Vase', K4679. (Photo O Justin Kerr 1990, from Kerr
1994: 584)
(b) Siyaj Chan K'awiil I said to be the (lord) of K'inich Muwaahn Jol I.
(Drawing by John Montgomery)
 (21.~1
-Z!d :0002 uems 'a Ialje 'uenls p!lzea hq Z u y ~ e ~sa B) I ~ J Sunlaexen
(qq8!.1) pue '(02-II :eoooZ u!uem pue aqnrg IaIje ' h ~ a u r o Z l u o ~
UrIof hq Z u ! ~ e ~ a1s
) EIaIS leY!L (Jaluaa) ' ( ~ 8:I7661 aqnlf)
a ) JO JopsaJeM ayl
pue alay3g 1a33e 'ajay3s e p u q hq % u ! ~ e ~IEY!;L
(jja1) ruoy s l d ~ a a x 3.un)aax~npue I??Y!;L )e t ~ y e t [e6!s
x 30 Iea!.uv (e)
-un)aexen put? [BY!J JO panbuo3 ay) pug ,yqe,;y [e6!~:g-1 a ~ n z ! ~
Figure 1-8:
(b) Portrait of Siyaj K'ahk' on Uaxactun Stela 5. At the feet of the Conqueror
is an iconic reference to the conquest of Tikal: the head variant of the
CH'EN glyph, representing the city (Tikal) is shown engulfed in flames.
(Drawing by Linda Schele)
(c) A Reference to the attack on Uaxactun in 378, as recorded on the
Marcador. (Drawing by Linda Schele, from Freidel et al. 1993: Figure 7:5)
Figure 1-9: Tikal under the rule of the Kalo'mte'.
(a) Siyaj K'ahk' with the Kalo'mte' title from the Marcador. (Drawing by
Linda Schele, after Freidel et al. 1993: Figure 7.5)
(b) Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I, the king of Tikal, as theyajaw of the kalo'mte' (Siyaj
K'ahk'), from the left side of Stela 31. (Drawing by William Coe, after C.
Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 51a)
 (25 '15 samz!d 12861 al"MqlTal1eS
pue sauoI -3laljs 'a03 ureqpM dq Zuy~ela).I u!!6v u,nN x e e '~aylej
~ s!y JO sazeur!
U ! M ~Lq payueu '11 I!!M~'Xueq3 [eL!s 2u!be~q~od ! ~ elaqs :OT-T a ~ n z ! ~
' ~ e yJO
Figure 1-11: K'ahk' Witz, Temple 22 as the 'Fire Mountain'.
(a) Mask of the god GI11 on the stairs of Structure 5D-22-3rd.(After Coe
1990: Figure 97-la)
(b) Front faqade of Structure 5 ~ - 2 2 - 3 ' ca.
~ , AD 350. (After Coe 1990: Fig.
93b)
 (£1 ~ I W M ~ U ~ pua
I I ~sauor
S
'3l a l p 'a03 ure!IpM Aq Z u y ~ e l a .wr~j!y3
) uE,y Lq pajs~qa1a3 'SLPJO 8u!pua popad
MB[V P ayj 8u!j~~owrawrmo3 '6 q a j s -IEY!J,JO u o ! ~ ! p ElajSjjEjS
~~j ayL : ~ T - Ta ~ n 8 ! ~
 '(5 '%!A : ~ 8 al!anzypanr!S
6 ~ pur! sauor .a laljr! 'a03
u r e ! ~Lq! S~u ! ~ r ! ~ a.y3.10)
) e punoJe p a p 3 urn )jar s!y 'puey ]y8!.1 s!y U! peay Il%r_3a
1113 E? %u!ploy'aurnyso3 ue3enq!joa~]1
U! p a S e ~ ~ '1 d u,nN xeeA :PT-T a~n%!d
~ ou!!Ilg
 (LPPUP ' 9 '12
~ '1 I s a ~ n & g: z 8 6 ~al!ernyvalleg pue sauor .3
! ~s3u!rne~a) ' ~ 6 ~ 8u!pu3
Jalje 'a03 u r m ~ lLq 30 po!Jad MB[V z aql uo 11 yaa,y31 y OJ,
yaq3 dq pa)3a~as)uaurnuourJop q q aqL : ( ~ ) Lpua z ' ( 9 ) s '~( a ) aala)S
~ :ST-Ta.rn8!~
Figure 1-16: The architecture of Structure 5 ~ - 3 3 - 2ca.
~ ~AD
, 500. (After Coe
1990: Figure 166)

Figure 1-17: The 'Rio Azul Earflare', which includes the title Masul Ajaw (final
glyph), or 'Lord of Naachtun(?), among those of a fifth century king of Rio Azul.
(Drawing by Lin Crocker, after Schele and Looper 1996: 106)
 Chapter 2: The Children of Chak Tok Ich'aak
I1
The Death of Chak Tok Ich'aak I1 and the Rise of Tajom u K'ab' Tuun
According to a recently discovered altar from Tonina, Chak Tok Ich'aak II
died on 24 July, 508', ending Tikal's Middle Classic period of glory2 (Fig. 2-la).
Yaxchilan Lintel 37 records that only 14 days later, on 7 ~ u ~ u sa tTikal
~ , noble
named Aj B'ahlam was captured by the forces of that city (Fig. 2-lb). "This
surprising turn of events - Yaxchilan was a real minnow at this time - paints a picture
of Tikal's vulnerability at this key juncture, perhaps part of a much wider military and
political setback ignited by emerging rivals" (Martin and Grube 2000: 37).
Chak Tok Ich'aak It died in mysterious circumstances. The mention of his
death at a site more than 200 kilometers to the west, in combination with an apparent
defeat to Yaxchilan may hint at the king succumbing in a military campaign against
western enemies. At the same time, the entire Usumacinta region exploded into
warfare, overturning the balance of power in the west. Piedras Negras, up to this
point a relatively minor center, suddenly emerged as the regional powerhouse by
defeating and dominating its neighbors. This is best seen by examining Piedras
Negras' relationship with Yaxchilan. In the last four decades of the fifth century
Piedras Negras was apparently a regular victim at the hands of Yaxchilan, losing a
number of high lords and even a lung to its southern neighbor (Martin and Grube
2000: 141).
This all changed in the reign of 'Turtle Tooth'. This king of Piedras Negras
actually lost a vassal of his to Yaxchilan's king Knot-Eye Jaguar I at some point in the
early sixth century (Fig. 2-2a). However, Panel 12 of Piedras Negras (Fig. 2-2b),
dating to 518, depicts this Yaxchilan lord as a bound captive, kneeling before his
Piedras Negras counterpart (Fig. 2-2c). Next to him are a number of other captives of
major regional polities, including one from the site of Wak'aab', likely corresponding
to the archaeological site of Santa Elena Balancan to the n o r t h 9 ~ a r t i nand Grube
2000: 141). Piedras Negras' sudden turn of the tables was not entirely of its own
doing, though. Panel 12 specifically records that the local lung was yajaw Ochk'in
Kalo'mte', the 'vassal of the West(ern) Emperor' (Fig. 2-2d).
This individual is named on Piedras Negras Panel 2 and a newly discovered
wooden box from southeastern Tabasco brought to light by Armando Anaya H. (Fig.
2-3,2-4). Named Tajom u K'ab' Tuun, he is titled a Wite' Naah Ajaw in addition to
being the Ochk'in Kalo'rnte', and these titles, with such associations to Teotihuacan,
make him a successor to Siyaj K'ahk' and Spearthrower Owl of a century earlier. He
must have been a representative of the new regime in Teotihuacan and there is every
indication that his advent brought with it no benefit to Tikal or the other members of
the 'Teotihuacan Alliance'.
On Piedras Negras Panel 2 Tajom u K'ab' Tuun is recorded as supervising the
appropriation by Turtle Tooth of Mexican war costume, specifically a helmet named
ko'haw, on 11 November, 5105 (Fig. 2-3b). By this act Piedras Negras was
established as Teotihuacan's new representative along the Usumacinta, a region up to
this point apparently largely ignored by the central Mexican power. Recent
excavations at Piedras Negras have found material evidence for Piedras Negras' new
contacts with central Mexico in the form of distinctive architecture on Structure R-2.
This included "elaborate cornices, recessed panels on the sides, and front stairway
with balustrades" (Houston et a1 2000: 99). This newfound interest by Teotihuacan in
a marginal Maya area likely has much to do with the control by newly independent
Tikal of the Peten, and the loss of its tropical lowland products to Teotihuacan in the
form of tribute.
It can be argued that Tajom u K'ab' Tuun was continuing the reaction to the
Spearthrower Owl dynasty by pursuing the cadet line ruling at Tikal. This would
have been a very tough task, seeing how Tikal's lords directly controlled such a large
area so far from central Mexico. Teotihuacan's earlier policy of establishing Tikal as
a relatively independent base for the administration of its Maya realm was, under the
circumstances, a major contributor to the dissolution of the empire.
It is clear that Tajom u K'ab' Tuun's eyes were not simply on Piedras Negras
and Tikal. Panel 2 contains a visual record of Turtle Tooth's investiture and shows
the lung and his heir, Joy Chitam Ahk, standing in their new military gear in front of
six youths in similar accouterment (Fig. 2-3). All were princes; one of Yaxchilan,
another of Bonampak and three are titled Lacanha lords. Given the date of the event,
these do not appear to be vassals newly subject to Piedras Negras but instead the
intended puppet rulers to be installed as lords of their respective sites once conquest
had been achieved. Yaxchilan was certainly defeated and an interregnum of more
than eight years passed before Knot-Eye Jaguar's brother, K'inich Tatb'u Jol It,
managed to ascend the throne (Guenter et al. 2002). However, the accession of this,
the tenth king of the site, indicates that Piedras Negras never managed to consolidate
its victory, and the diminutive Yaxchilan prince on Piedras Negras Panel 2 is never
heard of elsewhere.
Lacanha, on the other hand, does appear to have been successfully
incorporated into Piedras Negras' new sphere of power. Later depictions of Lacanha
lords, both local and foreign, depict its rulers in the same Teotihuacan war costume as
worn by the princes on Piedras Negras Panel 2 (Fig. 2-5a). Furthermore, a stela from
Ojos de Agua, less than twenty hlometers north of Lacanha, states that the king of
Lacanha was the son of a person who is titled as Aj Pu.. ., or 'he of Teotihuacan' (Fig.
2-5b).
Given Bonampak's location, only a few kilometers from Lacanha, it is most
probable that this city was also conquered by Piedras Negras and its Teotihuacan-
affiliated forces. Certainly the rise of Lacanha in the sixth century corresponds to the
eclipse of Bonampak and for the next two centuries there are virtually no references to
the site as a regional kingdom. The monumental history of Bonampak for this period
is, in fact, that of the lords of Lacanha, who seem to have conquered and incorporated
its neighbor into the Lacanha hngdom itself. The rise of this new power to the west
of Yaxchilan must have greatly concerned the kings of this site, and warfare between
Lacanha and Yaxchilan characterized the following decades (Fig. 2-6).
The political upheaval launched by Tajom u K'ab' Tuun likely reached even
further than the Upper Usumacinta region. A four-year interregnum at Palenque
between the death of Ahkul Mo' Naahb' I in late 524 and the accession of K'an Joy
Chitam I in early 529 is a strong suggestion of a dynastic crisis, often associated with
a downturn in military fortunes (Martin and Grube 2000: 158). Piedras Negras would
prove an implacable foe of Palenque in the years to follow as both cities claimed
Teotihuacan heritage in their struggles to dominate the strategic Lower Usumacinta
region.

Crisis in Succession
In this time of troubles it is perhaps not surprising that Tikal entered a major
crisis following the death of Chak Tok Ich'aak 11. Only emphasizing the troubles
Tikal must have been undergoing at the time, the next accession, occurring on 19
April, 51 16,was that of a six year old girl (Fig. 2-7). Simon Martin has taken the lead
in elucidating the reign of this, the so-called Lady of Tikal (Martin 1999). Born on 1
September, 5 0 4 ~she
, must have been the daughter of Chak Tok Ich'aak for her
accession to have ever been allowed to occur. Her personal name glyph is damaged
in all instances (Fig. 2-8) but appears to read Ix Yok'in,or 'Lady Yok'in' (Fahsen
1999: 15). Given her age we may rule out any personal ambition of hers in explaining
her accession and we can assume that someone was ruling from 'behind the throne'.
As Simon Martin has revealed, this person was Kalo'mte' B'ahlam, whose
name on Stela 12 is associated with that of the young queen in such a way as to
suggest that he was her consort (Fig. 2-9) (Martin 1999: 5). However, while they may
have formed a royal couple, they came from very different generations. Stela 10, a
companion piece to Stela 12 (they seem to have been erected as a set in 527), is
dedicated to the early life of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam. Its text centers on the Masul war of
486 in which Kalo'mte' B'ahlam was obviously involved in some manner (Fig. 2-10).
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam's involvement in this war also provides a major clue as to his
relationship to the young queen. "It could suggest that Kalomte' Balam {sic} was a
one-time war captain who became co-ruler with Lady of Tikal quite late in life."
(Martin 1999: 5). That Kalo'mte' B'ahlam had fought a war 18 years before Lady
Yok'in' had even been born suggests that their union was dictated more by politics
than sentiment.
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam thus appears to have been a military leader of Tikal who,
in the troubled times following the death of the king, placed the young daughter of
Chak Tok Ich'aak on the throne as the second ruling queen of the city. Simon Martin
and Nikolai Grube believe that Lady Yok'in was essentially a political pawn for
males who used her to take the throne for themselves. "She seems never to have ruled
in her own right and was instead partnered by one or more male co-rulers" (Martin
and Grube 2000: 38). Certainly on Stela 12 Kalo'mte' B'ahlam is accorded the
position of 1 9 ' ~in the line from Yaax Ehb' Xook (Fig. 2-9). This makes him the direct
successor to Chak Tok Ich'aak II and on the surface would indeed appear to ignore
Lady Yok'in.
However, this interpretation leaves her accession a complete mystery for Stela
23 clearly states that she acceded as ajaw,or as 'ruler' (Fig. 2-7). On Stela 8 her
name is followed by that of Yaax Ehb' Xook, a practice only found with rulers and
suggests that Lady Yok'in was a legitimate ruler in the line from the founder (Fig. 2-
8).
 A passage on Stela 10 may hold a clue as to the real situation. A badly eroded
accession on the rear of this monument is associated with a partially preserved Long
Count of 9.3.11.2.?, which is over five years prior to the accession of Lady Yok'in
(Fig. 2-10). This could well be a reference to the accession of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam,
around whom the rest of this text revolves, and thus while he took the position of
ruler, Lady Yok'in could easily correspond to the 2 0 place
~ in the dynastic lists, the
only position currently not 'occupied'8. Lady Yok'in and Kalo'mte' B'ahlam thus
appear to be true co-rulers, with the former providing legitimacy to the power
exercised by the latter.

The Return of the Snake Kingdom

This royal duo appears to have recovered the situation at Tikal as at least five
monuments are known for their almost twenty year co-regency9. Outside of Tikal,
however, there is evidence that the Teotihuacan Alliance had lost the initiative and its
frontier was crumbling. Tikal's new rulers appear to have weathered the storm of
Tajom u K'ab' Tuun as he fades from view as quickly as he appeared, apparently
signalling Teotihuacan's final withdraw1 from the Maya region. Its direct influence in
this region disappeared in the mid-sixth century and the great Mexican metropolis
itself collapsed shortly thereafter1'. However, this momentary trouble in the west for
Tikal had placed an enemy state in the form of Piedras Negras between Tikal and
Palenque and gave Dzibanche the chance it needed to expand from its home territory
in southern Quintana Roo.
The Masul rebellion of 486 had been premature and the first outside mention
of the new Snake Kings comes from a hieroglyphic stairway from the site of El
Resbalon, just to the north. The jumbled nature of the stair blocks precludes any firm
translation of the entire text but the monument appears to have been dedicated on the
1 k'atuun anniversary of a local lord in 529 (Schele and Mathews 1991a). There are a
number of references to Snake lords in the inscription, and it is obvious that Resbalon
was politically subservient to Dzibanche (Fig. 2-1 1).
The primary goal of these Snake lords must have been the recovery of their
ancient homeland, the Mirador Basin. Standing between these two portions of the
Kana1 lungdom was Rio Azul. Rio Azul had been one of the most prosperous
members of the Teotihuacan Alliance but it was also one of the smallest, being little
more than a military outpost. Its position, so close to the expanding Dzibanche polity,
made it more vulnerable than most of its allies, and defense was emphasized in its
construction, having both ramparts and a dry moat (Adams 1986: 443).
The last Middle Classic dates from Rio Azul appear to fall in 502 (Guenter
n.d.b.), and the city appears to have been sacked around 530. "Palaces were burned,
and the debris we found filling the rooms included human bones. Several tombs were
looted, and Early Classic Stelae 1 and 3 were mutilated and burned. Afterwards, the
city was abandoned for about 130 years (over six generations), during which time
buildings fell into dilapidation and disrepair, their vaults collapsing and walls
cracking ..." (Adams 1999: 144-145).
The sack of Rio Azul was total and this city, in fact, was the first member of
the Teotihuacan Alliance to enter into a period of 'hiatus', its next known monument,
Stela 2, not being erected until 662. The fall of Rio Azul around 530 brings up the
obvious question of how such a disaster could have occurred. In the fifth century the
city had obviously faced similar threats, most notably the Masul rebellion of 486. In
this earlier example Rio Azul had been able to count on help from other members of
the Teotihuacan Alliance in crushing its enemies. However, troubles in this alliance
and its ultimate breakdown attendant to the entry of Tajom u K'ab' Tuun left Rio
Azul alone and bereft of its allies. This city, in such an exposed position on the
northeastern edge of the Peten, was quickly overwhelmed, and though no texts record
the identity of the attacker, the rapidly expanding Snake Kingdom out of Dzibanche is
the obvious suspect.

The King and Queen of Tikal

Although speculative, it seems entirely possible that the advent of Tajom u
K'ab' Tuun into the Maya region was a move by the new power at Teotihuacan
against the descendents of Spearthrower Owl. In this light, it is important that, for the
first time, the rulers of Tikal took the title kalo'mte' for themselves. On Stela 12 both
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam and Lady Yok'in take this most important of Maya military titles,
proclaiming their independence and status as imperial rulers in their own right1'. The
many monuments they raised at the site attests to their power and to the fact that they
must have maintained their own lungdom, even while other members of the
Teotihuacan Alliance began to suffer.
Caracol Stela 15 records the accession of lord K'an I on 13 April, 5 3 1 ' ~and
this was done under the auspices of a foreign lord (Fig. 2-12). This monument is in
poor shape but the name of this overlord appears to include the T1000/1002 female
head prefix, possibly indicating that Lady Yok'in supervised this accession13.
Certainly the Tikal Emblem Glyph appears later in this text and with the next
accession at the site was certainly supervised by a Tikal ruler (see below).
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam and Lady Yok'in appear to have been responsible for a
renovation of significant portions of the North Acropolis. Re-flooring of Structures
5 ~ - 2 2 - 2and
" ~ 5 ~ - 3 3 - 2 was
" ~ in order due to the severe burning to which these
shrines were being subjected (Coe 1990: 838), evidence that the ruling pair continued
their predecessors' devotions. However, as a whole this seems to have been little
more than 'whitewashing,' and the only significant constructions on the North
Acropolis at this time were modifications to the substructures of Structures 5D-23 and
-24 and alterations to Structures 5D-25 and -27 (Coe 1990: 838).
One major new building project was the construction of Structure 7F-32, a
palace in a small residential compound, Group 7F-1, southeast of the city center (Map
2, Fig. 2-13). It greatly resembles Structure 5D-46 of the Central Acropolis (Haviland
1981: loo), popularly known as the 'Palace of Chak Tok Ich'aak', and one of the
royal residences (Schele and Mathews 1998: 94, Hanison 2001: 87). The date of the
construction of Structure 7F-32 makes it likely that it was the palace and residence of
the family of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam, whose burial was found nearby (Guenter 2000a:
22). HISrise to the status of lung allowed him to significantly improve his family's
fortunes, and the story of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam provides a strilung example of the
ambition of the many lineage heads with whom Tikal's lungs had to contend.
One final reference to the reign of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam comes from the gigantic
text that covers the rear of the roofcomb of Temple VI, the Temple of the Inscriptions
(Fig. 2-14). Almost half of this long text, chronicling a long history of Tikal
beginning in the second millennium BC, deals with the 514 and 527 Period ~ n d i n ~ s ' ~ .
Unfortunately, this badly eroded text does not preserve a clear example of the names
of either Kalo'mte' B'ahlam or Lady Yok'in. However, at position E6 is the royal
name of the Tikal king who celebrated the 527 Period Ending, who can only have
been Kalo'mte' B'ahlam, and this greatly resembles the name of the 27thking of
Tikal, Yik'in Chan K'awiil. Whatever the case, the Temple VI text indicates that the
reigns of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam and Lady Yok'in were long remembered with pride by
Tikal's Late Classic rulers15.
The Rise of Wak Chan K'awiil
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam may have acted in Tikal's best interests in supporting and
protecting the child of Chak Tok Ich'aak II on the throne of her father but it is equally
clear that he was acting as much for himself and his own lineage as he was for the
good of Mutul. This is made clear in that the unorthodox reign of Lady Yok'in need
never have occurred, for Chak Tok Ich'aak II actually had a son who, according to
Maya custom, was the rightful heir to the throne of Yaax Ehb' Xook. This was Wak
Chan K'awiil, who is known today from scattered mentions from both Tikal and
abroad (Martin 2001). HISonly surviving monument, Stela 17, was found north of
the East Plaza at Tikal, in a broken and abraded state (Fig. 2-15). This monument
originally portrayed Wak Chan K'awiil dressed as a warrior and bore long texts on the
remaining three sides.
As Simon Martin has noticed, Stela 17 appears to reference the date 11
January, 50816, which is probably the birth date of Wak Chan K'awiil (Martin 2001:
10). He thus would have been half a year old when Chak Tok Ich'aak II died, who on
the rear of this monument is named as father (Fig. 2-15d). This also makes him the
younger brother of Lady Yok'in, almost four years her junior. It is clear, then, that
when Kalo'mte' B'ahlam raised up the young 'Lady of Tikal', he was deliberately
overlooking the babe, Wak Chan K'awiil. The young prince did eventually succeed
his father, but not until he was nearly thirty years old and his sister and the old general
had passed on.
The date of Wak Chan K'awiil's accession seems to be given on the rear of
Stela 17 as 29 December, 53717. Here, however, the event seems to be recorded as the
arrival of this king to Yaax Mutul, the ancient name of Tikal itself (Martin 2001: 11).
"No ordinary accession, this is surely the return of a one-time exile, only enhancing
the general picture of intrigue and irregularity in the sixth-century succession"
(Martin and Grube 2000: 39).
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam likely chose to promote the daughter of Chak Tok Ich'aak
over the son as, given the unusual nature of such a reign, in it he could play a much
larger part. A young king would have taken power for himself upon reaching his
majority while the young queen would need continued assistance to support her on the
throne. The similarity of this situation with that of Lady Unen B'ahlam and the
trouble her descendants suffered must have been apparent to all. It may thus be
argued that while Lady Yok'in lent legitimacy to Kalo'mte' B'ahlam, he could offer
her military support to back up her claim to the throne over that of her brother.
We do not have a lot of information regarding Wak Chan K'awiil's youth but
the fact that he arrived at Tikal to start his reign strongly suggests an extended period
in exile (Martin and Grube 2000: 39). Although the mention of his arrival on Stela 17
does not state whence he came, the monument does accord Wak Chan K'awiil the
Emblem Glyph of Xultun (Fig. 2-16a). Here he is given the name, or title, of Upakal
K'inich, perhaps a pre-accession name of his. Xultun is a large site northeast of Tikal
on the route to Rio Azul (Map I), which must have become a frontier city as the sixth
century progressed, considering the sack of Rio Azul itself. Xultun Stela 6 provides
supporting evidence for this exile as it bears a date of 5 11 and appears to record a
Tikal Emblem Glyph in reference to the presiding ruler (Martin 2001: 12, Note 7)
(Fig. 2-16b).

The Deaths of a Royal Pair

Kalo'mte' B'ahlam seems to have died around 535 during the rainy season18
and was entombed in Burial 160 under Structure 7F-30 in Group 7F-1 (Fig. 2-13)
(Coggins 1975: 216, Haviland 1981: 106, Guenter 2000a). This is the only royal
burial found outside of central Tikal and likely reflects the fact that, not coming from
the line of Yaax Ehb' Xook, Kalo'mte' B'ahlam was buried in his family's traditional
residence. This lung was sent to the otherworld with an impressive array of grave
goods, including numerous ceramic, wooden and alabaster vessels, abundant jade,
obsidian and shell artifacts, two sacrificial victims and a quetzal bird (Coggins 1975:
215-233). The most spectacular item, though, was a large jade mosaic death mask
(Fig. 2-17). One of the few pieces with a hieroglyphic text was a fragmentary vessel
that bore the name of Chak Tok Ich'aak II,an heirloom piece preserved from the
reign of Kalo'mte' B' ahlam's predecessor (Coggins 1975: Fig. 67a).
Lady Yok'in must have presided over the funeral and subsequent entombment
of her co-regent. This must have been a poignant moment for the queen as this man
had elevated her to the highest position in the kingdom, and it is little exaggeration to
state that without him she would have never found such prominence. Now that the
revered old warrior was gone, her position became considerably more precarious. Her
brother was now fully adult and more than ready to press his claims to the throne.
Sibling rivalry and the desire for power suddenly come to the fore in this analysis of
ancient history and civil war seems quite plausible at this time.
Wak Chan K'awiil arrived at Tikal, possibly from Xultun, and seized the
throne. The fate of his sister, Lady Yok'in, is not found recorded on any monuments
but William Haviland has identified her tomb as Burial 162, in Group 7F-1 (Coggins
1975: 234, Haviland 1981: 107-110). This burial took the form of a converted
chultun and was placed but a year or two after Burial 160 (Coggins 1975: 233). The
corpse of the principal occupant, a young adult female, was found face down,
accompanied by a secondarily interred infant, a spider monkey, a spondylus shell and
a single appliqued pottery 'urn' (Fig. 2-18) (Coggins 1975: 234). The spider monkey
may well have been a pet and the infant could represent a child of Lady Yok'in's that
died in infancy (and predeceased the mother).
The paltry funerary goods accompanying Lady Yok'in to the underworld, the
position of the corpse (face down) and the youth of this queen all make the manner of
her death most suspicious (Guenter 2000a: 22). Furthermore, Wak Chan K'awiil's
arrival at Tikal parallels the rhetoric attendant to the arrival of Siyaj K'ahk'159 years
earlier, and how this coincided with the death of Chak Tok Ich'aak I has already been
addressed. There is thus every reason to suspect that Wak Chan K'awiil's arrival
brought with it a swift and violent end to the life of Tikal's ruling queen, Lady Yok'in
(Guenter 2000a: 24). Whether Wak Chan K'awiil was directly involved in her
demise, he must have been the one responsible for her burial and the obvious slight
given this queen in death could be evidence of the bad feelings he harbored towards
his elder sibling who had kept him so long from his throne.
It is important to note, though, that despite this apparent disdain and hatred,
Wak Chan K'awiil did formally bury his sister. This parallels the treatment of the
family of Chak Tok Ich'aak I discussed earlier and there are further instances of this
practice to be found in later Tikal history as well. This seems to be due to the special
nature of Maya rulers. Gngs regularly attached the title k'uhul, or 'divine' to their
titles, indicating their connection with the world of deity. The lung wielded the
awesome force of k'ulel that pervaded the entire cosmos and could be harnessed by
the ruler to imbue the works of a lungdom with the sacred powers of the supernatural
realm (Freidel et a1 1993: 142, 173, 182,433). "The lung upheld his part in this
divine covenant through his enactment of many rituals of power performed for his
people. Indeed he was power, power made material, its primary instrument" (Schele
and Freidel 1990: 90, italics original).
This force of k'ulel resided in the blood and the bloodletting rites of the
ancient Maya were designed to 'harvest' this life force. The royal body was the most
potent receptacle of this k'ulel and could not be disposed of simply through killing the
person'9. In this light it can be seen that if a murdered lung (or queen) was simply
dumped at the side of the road for the vultures, this force would be unleashed and free
to roam around and wreak terrible vengeance on the populace. In order to forestall
such an event, the royal body was ritually buried, containing the k'ulel in the tomb
and its associated funerary structure. Visitors to the funerary structure could
thereafter access the k'ulel of the deceased by conducting proper rituals, and the
extensive burning seen on many temple floors testifies to the many causes the Maya
had for such intercession.
With this consideration it becomes logical why Wak Chan K'awiil would have
buried the very person he seems to have had murdered. By entombing her body he
not only disposed of the evidence, but was also likely preventing her spirit from
afflicting him and haunting his reign. Wak Chan K'awiil's choice to bury Lady
Yok'in in Group 7F-1 could reflect a decision to associate this queen with 'her king',
the man who had essentially 'made' her, or it could simply represent the removal of
this woman permanently from the center of Tikal, where Wak Chan K'awiil now set
up his court.

The Reign of Wak Chan K'awiil

Wak Chan K'awiil was almost thirty years old when he finally attained the
throne of his father. Having been kept off this throne for so many years, the new king
made certain to emphasize his connections to his father, the last king of certain
legitimacy. This is nowhere made more explicit than on a looted plate (Fig. 2-19), the
importance of which has recently been brought to light by Simon Martin (Martin
2001: 8-9). This plate records two short passages along its rim. The first is the 9
Ajaw Period Ending of 554 celebrated by Wak Chan K'awiil. The second is the great
2 Ajaw Period Ending of Chak Tok Ich'aak II,the one on which he raised three stelae
at Tikal. The comparison is clear; Wak Chan K'awiil is declaring himself to be the
rightful successor of his father, and that his Period Ending sixty years after that of his
father was a return to 'legitimacy' after three decades of unorthodox rule2'
(Montgomery 200 1: 116)
This plate is also of utmost importance because it accords Wak Chan K'awiil
the title of Ochk'in Kalo'mte'. Wak Chan K'awiil is one of only two known kings of
Tikal to take this title, and he was the first2'. This title, with such clear Teotihuacan
overtones, signaled the new lung's allegiance to the great power of the past.
However, more than that, it declared him not only to be heir to that line of Tikal lungs
culminating in his father, Chak Tok Ich'aak II, but also to Siyaj K'ahk' and
Spearthrower Owl themselves. As the descendant of Spearthrower Owl (he was the
great-great-great-grandson of this Teotihuacan ruler), Wak Chan K'awiil could claim
to be the inheritor of this foreign power seeing as how the direct line at Teotihuacan
had been overthrown and probably lulled off.
Even more than his connection to the Teotihuacan warlords of the previous
century, Wak Chan K'awiil was identified with Yaax Ehb' Xook, the founder of the
Mutul Kingdom of Tikal (Martin and Grube 2000: 39, Martin 2001: 8). Emphasizing
this is Caracol Stela 6, which simply refers to this lung as Yaax Ehb' Xook (Fig. 2-
20), and it seems that Wak Chan K'awiil was considered to be Yaax Ehb' Xook II
(Fahsen 1999: 18, Martin 2001: 8). Like himself, Yaax Ehb' Xook seems to have
started life as a foreigner and became lung by conquering the
There is also archaeological confirmation of the special treatment Wak Chan
K'awiil accorded the founder. Yaax Ehb' Xook's funerary temple, Structure 5D-22
was once again thoroughly rebuilt. This resulted in Structure 5~-22-1''(Fig. 2-21),
the ultimate reconstruction of this building. There was little change in the form of the
superstructure but the largest difference was a massive new stairway with a broad
landing in front of the temple proper, returning to the form of the building a century
earlier. "What is implied is outright revival of a vital introductory stage to a building,
a feature which had gradually materialized over 22-31d's history, but precipitously
sacrificed in order to favor 2ndwith an additional forward room. In short, 22-lStwas
chiefly designed to correct a functional drawback 22-2ndembodied" (Coe 1990: 839-
840).
This returned the appearance of the building to the form it had in the era of
Siyaj K'ahk', the very man whose title Wak Chan K'awiil was now appropriating.
The new Temple 22 saw immediate fire staining, the material evidence to the
reverential fires lit for the Fire God, Yaax Ehb' Xook himself. The temple saw
resurfacing later in the reign of Wak Chan K'awiil and a bench in the rear room was
added as well (Coe 1990: 840). At the same time, Structure 5D-26, between Temples
22 and 33, seems to undergone a similar renovation23 (Coe 1990: 840). An important
consideration is that the other structures on the North Acropolis do not seem to have
received the attention of Wak Chan K'awiil, further emphasizing his special bond
with Yaax Ehb' Xook.

The Expansion of the Snake Kingdom

While Wak Chan K'awiil made at least a minor impact on Tikal's architecture,
his energies must have been occupied to a great degree by military troubles on the
kingdom's borders. It may be no coincidence that the climax of the struggle for the
throne of Tikal between Wak Chan K'awiil and Lady Yok'in coincided with the fall
of Rio Azul to Dzibanche. The Snake King who would have presided over this
conquest was Tuun K'ab' Hix (Martin 2000: 41, Martin and Grube 2000: 104). At
about the same time, in 537, Yaxchilan's new ruler, K'inich Tatb'u Jol11 boasted of
capturing and sacrificing a vassal of this Snake King (Fig. 2-22). In the seventh
century Piedras Negras was a close ally of the Snake Gngdom and this event at
Yaxchilan could imply that this affiliation began a century earlier.
This early attempt by the Snake King to infiltrate Yaxchilan seems to have
been unsuccessful but Tuun K'ab' HIXhad much greater success in the east. On 5
May, 54624he installed a young boy as the new lung of Naranjo, less than two days'
journey from Tikal (Fig. 2-23). Aj wosaaj2' would go on to prove the longest reigning
lung known from Maya history, ruling for over 70 years. Naranjo was the great rival
of Yaxha, Tikal's ally, in the Late Classic period for regional domination of the
eastern Peten and it is likely that this rivalry existed in the Middle Classic as well.
Certainly Yaxha was an important member of the Teotihuacan Alliance as its Stela 11
bears the striking image of an elite Teotihuacan warlord (Fig. 2-24).

The Sack of Copan

The competition between Dzibanche and Tikal at this time even reached as far
south as Copan, which suffered a spectacular sack around the year 550 (Suhler 1998).
This may well have been the work of Dzibanche, actively trying to subdue even the
furthest member of the Teotihuacan Alliance. This attack on Copan would have
necessitated a campaign through Belize, a region dominated by the site of Altun Ha.
Not surprisingly, there is evidence for a major dynastic disruption at the site at this
very point in time26(Guenter n.d.d). En route to Copan, the invaders would have
passed through Quirigua, another member of the Alliance, and not unexpectedly this
site enters its own hiatus at this very time (see Table A-1). Quirigua itself appears to
have been abandoned in the aftermath of this invasion although the great amounts of
silt deposited by the Motagua River have hampered any detailed understanding of the
site's population history prior to the Late Classic (Martin and Grube 2000: 217).
No text at Copan has been found referring to the sack of the city in the mid-
sixth century yet evidence of this can still be found throughout the site. In the cleanup
and repair work carried out later in the century, much of this evidence was lost but
many examples can still be found. Most arresting was the destruction of monuments.
No monuments at the site carved prior to 550 have been found in situ and all exhibit
intentional destruction (Fig. 2-25). Those monuments carved after this date are, as a
group, whole and in an excellent state of preservation, most in their original locations,
emphasizing the gravity of this destruction event.
There is also evidence for this destruction on the structures of the Acropolis.
This material has been addressed by Charles Suhler (1998) and will here only be
summarized. A number of buildings at the city's main acropolis were brutally
terminated and had their decorations deliberately destroyed and vandalized. This
included benches inside structures being ripped open and associated inscriptions being
despoiled (Suhler 1998: 32-33, Sharer et a1 1992: 153).
Correlating with the awesome damage done to the site itself, there are clear
indications of dynastic troubles at just this time. B'ahlam Ne'hn, the seventh ruler,
appears to have survived until at least 544, according to a later accounting on Stela E
(Fash 1991: 96). His reign of over forty years was followed by the two short ones of
Rulers 8 and 9, which together lasted no more than nine years (Fash 1991: 96). There
are no monuments from either of these reigns and it is precisely in this period that all
of the damage was done to the city. Their short stints in office correspond with the
unsettled times but specifics of this history are laclung at the moment.
It must be said that there are no clear texts relating who it was that brought
Copan to its knees in the mid-sixth century. The possibility even exists that Wak
Chan K'awiil himself may have been responsible for the attack on Copan. While
Tikal and Copan were apparently in some sort of alliance or association in the fifth
century and later in the Late Classic period, it is interesting that at Copan Teotihuacan
influence survived well into the sixth century, in contrast to the situation at ~ i k a l ' ~In
.
addition, Copan and its affiliate site to the north, Quirigua, make continued references
to the current ochk'in kalo'rnte' after 470, which suggests continued affiliation to
Teotihuacan after Tikal had achieved its independence28. Furthermore, the Papagayo
Step carving from Copan includes the first half of the distinctive name glyph of
Tajom u K'ab Tuun (Fig. 2-26a). If Copan did continue to recognize the Teotihuacan
ruler as sovereign, this may well have led to conflict with Tikal.
Nonetheless, the traditional antagonist of the Teotihuacan Alliance, the Snake
Kingdom, may be held slightly more in suspicion. Amongst the jumbled blocks of
Copan's Hieroglyphic Stairway, in a section describing the early history of Copan, is
one that bears the Snake Emblem Glyph (Fig. 2-26b). Given the historical picture as
described above, this one reference to a Snake I n g at Copan is quite significant and
it may be possible to lay the blame for this destruction at the feet of the king of
Dzibanche. It is not known precisely who the reigning Snake King would have been
at this time, as this event correlates with a shift in ruler at that site, from Tuun K'ab'
Hiix to Sky Witness (Martin and Grube 2000: 104). One of these two may well have
been responsible for this devastating attack on Copan.

T h e Wars of W a k Chan K'awiil

The troubles in Copan bring the southeastern Maya area into focus during the
reign of Wak Chan K'awiil. Central to his story is the city of Caracol, nestled in the
western foothills of the Maya Mountains, along the route between Tikal and Copan
(Map 1). Caracol had a long history of relations with Tikal and was probably subject
to this kingdom throughout the Middle Classic period. It has already been seen that
lung K'an I may have been set into office by Lady Yok'in. However, he may have
decided to switch his allegiance to Wak Chan K'awiil at an early date given the
implications of Caracol Stela 16. This monument was dedicated on the 11 Ajaw
Period Ending of 534 and records numerous relationships that K'an I had with various
relatives and contemporary lords of foreign cities. Concluding the text is a mention
that he was the yiit, or 'companion'29 of a royal woman of Xultun named Lady Yo'hl
Ch'e'n Ahk (Fig. 2-27). She appears to have succeeded Copan's lung, B'ahlam
Ne'hn, in this position of esteem, and given Wak Chan K'awiil's connections with her
site, this link may suggest that K'an I had already allied himself with this exiled
prince three years before he took the throne.
 The rugged Maya Mountains may have protected Caracol from the whirlwind
of destruction that raced through eastern Belize a decade later but it may be no
coincidence that K'an I succumbed at the very height of the troubles in Copan. Wak
Chan K'awiil may have taken a very personal interest in restoring order to the
troubled south-eastem area, one of the few areas in which he still had control, for
there is evidence of his activity in this region at the time. K'an I was succeeded by
his son Yajawte' K'inich 11on 16 April, 55330(Fig. 2-28a). Later references to this
event by his sons would record the crucial piece of information that this accession was
supervised by Wak Chan K'awiil (Fig. 2-28b).
Wak Chan K'awiil may well have followed up this accession at Caracol with a
trip to Copan. B'ahlam Ne'hn's son, 'Moon Jaguar', acceded on 24 May, 55331,only
38 days after Yajawte' K'inich 11(Fig. 2-29). While there is no evidence that Wak
Chan K'awiil supervised this accession, the timing of this event is interesting. There
is even the possibility, if Wak Chan K'awiil were responsible for the sack of Copan,
that this was the period in which that attack occurred. Unfortunately, there is simply
not enough information on which to build a comprehensive picture of the events of
this period. However, i t can be stated with confidence that the mid-sixth century was
a most-dynamic time for the southeastern lowlands, as the Maya world violently
moved from the Early to the Late Classic periods.

The Sack of Caracol

Wak Chan K'awiil's events to the southeast were followed by the 9.6.0.0.0, 9
Ajaw 3 Wayeb' Period Ending which fell in March of 554. This was the first (and
last) K'atuun Ending in the reign of Wak Chan K'awiil and he must have celebrated it
in grand scale. However, no trace of a monument has been found at the site which
could correspond to this date and this Period Ending, like the previous one of 534,
remains without a monumental memorial. The only record we have of it comes from
the plate discussed above (Fig. 2-19).
At this time, Tikal was increasingly finding its authority subverted by the
incursions of Dzibanche and its allies and subjects, and Tikal's dominance of the
Peten was beginning to falter. This is made clear on Caracol Altar 21 (Fig. 2-30a).
This monument once recorded an important history of this era in incredible detail but
is today in a very poor state of preservation and few of the details can be made out
with much certainty. Nevertheless, as Stephen Houston has revealed, the surviving
information provides crucial information regarding the changing relationship between
Caracol and Tikal (Houston 1991).
Only three years after installing a new lung of Caracol, on 9 April, 55632,Wak
Chan K'awiil attacked his former vassal. The reference is specifically to the 'axing'
of a person named only by the Caracol Emblem Glyph (Fig. 2-30b). The victim is
here titled the K'uhul K'antu Maak, the full royal title that solely referred to the king
of Caracol, and so appears to suggest that Yajawte' K'inich ZT himself was attacked
(and presumably injured). Such a personal attack, apparently at the hands of Tikal's
lung, marks a dramatic shift in the political alignment of the eastern Peten, and the
beginning of the end for Wak Chan K'awiil.
This attack was likely much more devastating than the account of Altar 21
intimates. Excavations in the A Group at Caracol recovered a large number of early
monuments, all predating 556, that were missing their bases and bearing the scars of
deliberate destruction (Martin and Grube 2000: 87). These were cached as part of a
full renovation of this area of the city by the lung K'an ZT in the middle of the seventh
century (A. Chase and D. Chase 1992: 97). As this group of monuments includes
Stela 14, dating to 554, but excludes Stela 1, dating to 593 (which is in excellent
shape), the apparent sack of Caracol must have occurred at some point between these
two dates. Wak Chan K'awiil's attack of 556 is the most obvious candidate for this
event33. Such brutal treatment at the hands of an overlord would certainly explain
Caracol's change in allegiance in subsequent years. In the next century, Caracol's
lungs would exhibit the strongest ties to the Snake lords and much of our knowledge
of these lords comes exclusively from the texts they commissioned.
However, it must be stated that the exact timing of Caracol switching its
allegiance from Mutul to Kana1 affiliation is not known. Tikal's attack on Caracol
could have been a response to this treachery or it could have precipitated it; on current
evidence there is little basis on which to decide. Nevertheless, the presence of a
puppet ruler of the Snake King at Naranjo already by 546 is a sure signal of the
involvement of this polity in the region and Wak Chan K'awiil's attack could well
have been a preemptive strike. If so, it was a failure. Yajawte' K'inich ZT survived
this assault and would go on to rule for almost half a century, long outliving his
erstwhile sovereign.
The Sack of Piedras Negras
Only a year after dealing with Caracol, Wak Chan K'awiil celebrated his first
k'atuun on the throne by erecting Stela 17 (Fig. 2-14). It is important to note that
while Wak Chan K'awiil's reign lasted almost as long as that of his sister, he erected
only one stela in that time in the city, a far cry from the five monuments she saw
carved34. At the same time, little construction apart from his rebuilding of Temple 22
can be attributed to him. With so much trouble on the kingdom's peripheries, Wak
Chan K'awiil's energies must have been occupied to a large degree by the military
maintenance of Mutul's empire.
Another war in which Wak Chan K'awiil may have been involved was against
Piedras Negras, which suffered a massive defeat at the end of his reign. It may be
significant that Piedras Negras's Middle Classic era of glory coincided with the reign
of Lady Yok'in at Tikal and that the city went into serious decline after the accession
of Wak Chan K'awiil. The epigraphic record at Piedras Negras fails after 539 as the
erection of Stela 29 with that date was the last monument carved at the site for almost
70 years. As at Copan and Caracol, all early monuments were found deliberately
destroyed (Fig. 2-3 la).
Excavations under Piedras Negras' Acropolis (the city's royal palace) have
revealed extensive evidence for destruction of buildings at the end of the Naba phase
(AD 500-550), suggesting a sack of the city in the middle of the sixth century
(Houston et a1 2000: 101). As Stephen Houston and his colleagues have noted, a
reference on the Late Classic Stela 12 to a journey made, apparently by the king of
Piedras Negras, to Pomona around 55835may be a description of this event (Fig. 2-
31b) (Houston et a1 2000: 101-102). It would thus appear that, in the wake of the
mid-sixth century sack of Piedras Negras, the city was abandoned, which would
certainly explain the long hiatus in Piedras Negras' hieroglyphic record.
While Pomona appears to be recorded as the victor of this war, it is quite
likely that it did so at the behest of, or at least in allegiance with, the Teotihuacan
Allliance. Pomona was situated astride the Usumacinta River just as it enters the
Tabasco Lowlands, and was a vital link in the communication and trade route between
Tikal and Palenque. Pomona's history is dominated by its relations between the
feuding regional powers of Palenque and Piedras Negras, and at this juncture the city
was likely affiliated with Palenque. The reigning king at Palenque at the time of this
war was the poorly known Ahkul Mo' Naahb' TI, while this date falls only a year after
Wak Chan K'awiil erected Stela 17. While there is no mention of Wak Chan K'awiil
or Ahkul Mo' Naahb' 11's involvement in this war, the victory over Piedras Negras
must have been celebrated in both Tikal and Palenque.

The Star Falls: The Downfall of Wak Chan K'awiil

Wak Chan K'awiil's reign was dominated by warfare, and it was in war that
he met his doom. Caracol's Altar 21 provides the only reference to the catastrophic
defeat of Wak Chan K'awiil on 29 April, 56236(Fig. 2-32a) (Houston 1991: 40).
Here he is simply referred to as the K'uhul Mutul Ajaw, the 'King of Tikal', and is the
subject of the important 'star-war' verb. This is the first known use of this verb, and
the 'star-war' logogram suggests the notion of celestial fate conspiring against the
victim and may refer to the sinking of stars and their conceptual entrance into the
underworld at the world's western edge.
This, then, was the 'downfall' of Wak Chan K'awiil. In trying to establish
himself as a combination of Yaax Ehb' Xook and Siyaj K'ahk', he had interfered in
the affairs of many kingdoms, often violently, and in the end this warlike king met a
fitting and martial end. As Simon Martin has noted, his passing was likely celebrated
by many across the Maya world (Martin 2001: 11).
The name of the victor of this battle recorded on Altar 21 is most
unfortunately broken away. However, in the text that follows, continuing a relation of
further events of this day, there is an apparent reference to a Snake lord and Sky
Witness, the king of this site at the time, is the most obvious candidate as victor (Fig.
2-32b). As Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube have noted, the remaining traces of the
name glyph in the victory passage are consistent with such an interpretation (Martin
and Grube 2000: 104). It is with the sun setting on this battle that the Hiatus of Tikal
is traditionally seen to have begun, when Tikal entered existence 'under a fallen star'.
Notes to Chapter 2

9.3.13.12.5, 13 Chikchan 13 Xul in the Maya calendar.

* David Stuart was the first to identify this passage (personal communication, 1999, in Martin and
Grube 2000: 23 1 Note 35).
9.3.13.12.19, 1 Kawak 7 Yaxk'in in the Maya calendar.
David Stuart has noted that the Emblem Glyph of the engimatic 'Wa-Bird Site', phonetically
Wak'aab', can be found in contexts suggesting a local identification on panels from the site of Santa
Elena Balancan, Tabasco (personal communication, 2000).
5
9.3.16.0.5, 8 Chikchan 3 Keh in the Maya calendar.
9.3.16.8.4, 11 K'an 17 Pop in the Maya calendar.
9.3.9.13.3,8 Ak'b'al 11 Mol in the Maya calendar.
Surprisingly, this accession is two and a half years prior to the death of Chak Tok Ich'aak 11. There
are obviously still problems in understanding all the intricacies of the political situation at Tikal in this
period. It may be that the 9.3.1 1.2.? date was that of an accession of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam to a secondary
office in Tikal, that served as a stepping-stone to his appropriation of the kingship itself following the
death of Chak Tok Ich'aak 11. Simon Martin (personal communication, 2001) notes that the Long
Count on Stela 10 appears to be separated from the record of the accession to ajaw. Martin also notes
that Stela 25 may also preserve a record of this accession, although erosion on both monuments
hampers any clear understanding.
These are Stelae 6, 10, 12,23 and 25.
10
The fall of Teotihuacan has long been known to be associated with a great burning of the city center,
but the date of this sack of the city has proven very problematic. Proposed dates have remarkably
ranged from around AD 200 (Bernal 1965) to as high as AD 750 (Millon 1973), a situation resulting
from conflicting radiocarbon dates. Archaeomagnetic dating has suggested an earlier date (Wolfman
1990), and currently the favored date is around 650 (Sugiyama 1996).
II
It is quite likely that Chak Tok Ich'aak I1 and perhaps even K'an Chitam took this title as well.
Unfortunately, due to the sparse texts recorded on their monuments, which bear few titles (and where
even the Tikal Emblem Glyph is usually absent), this point cannot be confirmed.
12
9.4.16.13.3,4 Ak'b'al 16 Pop in the Maya calendar.
l 3 This was first brought to the attention of the author by Simon Martin (personal communication
1999).
14
These are the 9.4.0.0.0, 13 Ajaw 18 Yax and 9.4.13.0.0, 13 Ajaw 13 Yaxk'in Period Endings.
I5
If Yik'in Chan K'awiil were the royal name of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam, then the Late Classic ruler Yik'in
Chan K'awiil, the 27" king, was even adopting the name of this king. It may be no coincidence that it
appears to have been this later Yik'in Chan K'awiil who commissioned the Temple VI text and its
tribute to the reign of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam. See Chapter 3 for more discussion of the relationship of
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam and the Late Classic Tikal dynasty.
16
9.3.13.2.10, 13 Ok 3 Muwaan in the Maya calendar.
l 7 9.5.3.9.15, 12 Men 18 K'ank'in in the Maya calendar.
A partial Long Count date was painted on the wall of this tomb consisting of nothing more than the
Initial Series Introductory Glyph with the patron of Yax and the glyph for 9 b'ak'tuuns. While this has
been interpreted as being a short form of the date 9.4.3.0.0, 1 Ajaw 3 Yax (Coggins 1975: 216-218),
this seems most unlikely. Kalo'mte' B'ahlam, the apparent subject of this burial, was still ruling on
9.4.13.0.0, ten years later, and tomb paintings invariably refer to date of the occupant's death or burial.
This date, then, cannot be reconstructed, but the reference to the month places this death or burial in the
month Yax, which at this time fell around the time of the fall equinox, this being the height of the rainy
season in the southern Maya lowlands.
19
Pete Sigal(2000: 129-149) provides an interesting discussion of the connection between blood and
lineage for Maya rulers and the importance of the kingly body in Maya culture.
20
However, note that on Stela 17 Wak Chan K'awiil titles himself the 21'' king of the Yaax Ehb' Xook
line. This counts Kalo'mte' B'ahlam and Lady Yok'in among the legitimate rulers of Tikal. Their
long sojourn on the throne likely made it impossible for Wak Chan K'awiil to ignore them and
although he may not have been on the best of terms with his immediate predecessors, it is clear he did
not attempt to exercise a damnatio trtetrtoriae.
21
The other is Jasaw Chan K'awiil, whose reign will be examined in a later chapter.
22
Yaax Ehb' Xook, on Tikal Stela 22, is associated with another site, Chi-?, which has not yet been
located but likely refers to a place in highland Guatemala, perhaps Kaminaljuyu (Guenter 2001b).
23 It may be relevant that Structure 5D-26, due to the numerous changes to the North Acropolis in its
evolution, at this time directly overlay Burial 85, that of Yaax Ehb' Xook.
24 9.5.12.0.4, 6 K'an 3 Sip in the Maya calendar.
25 Pierre Robert Colas and Marc Zender (personal communication, 2001) have noted that the suffix to
this name is actually ji rather than la, transforming this name from that given in Martin and Grube
2000, where it is written as Aj Wosal.
26
In brief, there was a move of the royal necropolis to Structure B-4, which introduces a new
architectural type at the city, the Lamanai Building Type, and this corresponds to the rise of new kings
following an epigraphically documented war. See also Chapter 3.
27
The Sub-Jaguar Tomb, in the east court of the Acropolis of Copan, contained a number of ceramic
pieces painted in brilliant polychrome decorations that merge Maya and Teotihuacan designs (see
photo in G. Stuart 1997: 91).
28
This is clearest on Quirigua Stela U, which concludes its account of an event in 480 by stating u
kab'ji ochk'in kalo'mte', 'it was done under the aegis of the West Emperor'. It has been thought that
the ochk'in kalo'mte' referred to here was the current ruler of Copan (Schele and Looper 1996: 108).
However, apart from the dynastic founder, K'inich Yaax K'uk' Mo', no king of Copan was ever
referred to as the West Emperor (instead, the title South Emperor was favored in the Late Classic). The
ochk'in kalo'mte' should, then, refer to a ruler of Teotihuacan. (Although two of Tikal's kings later
took this title for themselves, there is no evidence they did so at this time.)
29 This reading was provided by Marc Zender in a presentation at the long workshop of the 2000 Maya
Meetings in Austin, Texas.
30 9.5.19.1.2,9 Ik' 5 Wo in the Maya calendar.
3 1 9.5.19.3.0, 8 Ajaw 3 Sotz' in the Maya calendar.
32 9.6.2.1.11, 6 Chuwen 19 Pop in the Maya calendar.
33 David Freidel has also noted the evidence for a sack of Caracol, although our respective scenarios to
explain this destruction differ somewhat.
34
These are Stelae 6, 10, 12,23 and 25. Stela 14 is a possible sixth monument from her reign, but the
only fragment remaining of it does not bear a recognizable name.
35 The specific date of this event is effaced but is connected by a partial Distance Number of
11.17?.?.18 to the date of the first war by Piedras Negras' ruler Turtle Tooth I1 (Ruler 7) against
Pomona in 792. This Distance Number indicates the date must fall in late 557 or early 558.
36 9.6.8.4.2.7 Ik' 0 Sip in the Maya calendar.
Figure 2-1: The Death of Chak Tok Ich'aak I1
(a) The death of Chak Tok Ich'aak 11, king of Tikal on 13 Chikchan 13
Xu1 (24 July, 508). (Drawing of Tonina Monument p43 by Peter
Mathews)
(b) The capture of A j B'ahlam, yajawte' of Chak Tok Ich'aak 11,on 1
Kawak 7 Yaxk'in (7 August, 508)' only 14 days after the death of
Tikal's king. (Drawing of Lintel 37 by Ian Graham, after I. Graham 1982:
83)
 A B C D E F G H I J K L M N O P

Figure 2-2: The rise of Piedras Negras as a regional power.

(a) The capture of ayajawte' of Turtle Tooth by Yaxchilan. (Drawing of
Yaxchilan Lintel 37 by Ian Graham, after I. Graham 1982: 83)
(b) Piedras Negras Panel 12, portraying its king (standing to the right),
flanked by kneeling captives. (Drawing by John Montgomery)
(c) Knot-Eye Jaguar, king of Yaxchilan, portrayed as captive a t Piedras
Negras. (Drawing from Piedras Negras Panel 12 by Nikolai Grube, after
Martin and Grube 2000: 121)
(d) The title of the king of Piedras Negras as yajaw Ochk'in Kalo'mte',
'vassal of the West Emperor'. (Drawing from Piedras Negras Panel 12
by John Montgomery)
Figure 2-3: Teotihuacanos at Piedras Negras.
(a) Piedras Negras Panel 2, showing Turtle Tooth standing in front of six
princes from the kingdoms of Yaxchilan, Bonampak, and Lacanha.
The Piedras Negras heir, Joy Chitam Ahk, stands behind the king.
(Drawing by David Stuart, after Schele and Miller 1986: Plate 40a)
(b) Turtle Tooth takes possession of a Teotihuacan ko'haw war-helmet in
the presence of Tajom u K'ab' Tuun, on 9.3.16.0.5,8 Chikchan 3 Keh
(11 November, 510). (Drawings by David Stuart, after Schele and Miller
1986: Plate 40a)
Figure 2-4: The Xuxkab' Wooden Box from eastern Tabasco, bearing a badly
eroded text mentioning rites occurring in November of 510, in which a local lord
interacted with Tajom u K'ab' Tuun, who is here identified as a Wite' Naah lord
and the Ochk'in Kalo'mte'. (Drawing by Peter Mathews)
Figure 2-5: The Teotihuacano Lords of Lacanha.
(a) Yaxchilan Stela 18, showing the Lacanha lord, Aj Payal Mo'o'l,
beneath the spear of the king of Yaxchilan. (Drawing by Peter Mathews,
from Mathews 1997: Fig. 5-16)
(b) Text from Ojos de Agua Stela 1,with the record that the lord of
Lacanha in 583 was the son of A j Yaax Pu.. ., 'He of Teotihuacan(?)'.
(Drawing by Frans Blom)
7

Figure 2-6: The war by Yaxchilan's king, Knot-Eye Jaguar 11, against Lacanha
in 564, from Yaxchilan Hieroglyphic Stair 3, Step 1. (Drawing by Ian Graham,
after I. Graham 1982: 166-167)
Figure 2-7: Tikal Stela 23, ca. 514, recording the birth and accession of Lady
Yok'in, the 'Lady of Tikal'. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and
Satterthwaite 1982: Figures 35-36)
Figure 2-8: The name glyphs of Lady Yok'in, from Stela 6, Stela 12, and Stela 8.
(Drawings by Simon Martin, after Grube and Martin 2000a: 11-46)
Figure 2-9: Stela 12 portrays Kalo'mte' B'ahlam and, on the left side, states that
he was the 1 9 ' ~king. The rear text states that the 9.4.13.0.0,13 Ajaw 13 Yax
Period Ending of 527 was overseen by Lady Yok'in. (Drawings by William Coe,
after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figures 17, 18)
Figure 2-10: Tikal Stela 10, commemorating the early life of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam
and his involvement in the Masul war of 468. (Drawings by William Coe, after C.
Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figures 14, 15)
Figure 2-11: A number of Snake kings appear on the El Resbalon hieroglyphic
stairways. The second example seen here is the famous Sky Witness, king of
Dzibanche in the mid-sixth century. The final glyph in his name sequence, and
immediately preceding the Snake Emblem Glyph, is the name K'ahk' Hiix,
apparently another name of this king. (After sketches by Eric Von Euw, courtesy
Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions Project, Peabody Museum, Harvard
University)

Figure 2-12: Caracol Stela 15 records the accession of K'an I in 531 u kab'jiy, or
'under the supervision of', a person who appears to be a woman, most likely
Lady Yok'in of Tikal. (Drawing by Carl Beetz, after Schele and Grube 1994: 98)
 Str

GROUP 7F-1

Figure 2-13: Group 7F-1, as it appeared in the mid-sixth century. Burial 160 has
been identified as that of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam, while Burial 162 is likely that of
Lady Yok'in. (After Haviland 1981: Figure 5.2)
Figure 2-14: The second half of the rear text of Tikal Temple VI, the Temple of
the Inscriptions, records the 9.4.0.0.0,13 Ajaw 18 Yax (C13-D14) and 9.4.13.0.0,
13 Ajaw 13 Yaxk'in (E2-F2) Period Endings. Glyphs E6 to F7 record the names
and titles of the current king of Tikal, who should be none other than Kalo'mte'
B'ahlam. E6 appears to be the royal name Yik'in Chan K'awiil, likely that of
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam himself. The text finishes by describing the dedicatory
monuments for the latter Period Ending. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones
1977: Fig. 18)
 A B C D

Figure 2-15: Stela 17, the only monument at Tikal from the reign of Wak Chan
K'awiil. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figures 24
and 25)
Figure 2-16: Wak Chan K'awiil may well have spent his youth in exile at the site
of Xultun.
(a) On Stela 17 Wak Chan K'awiil is named as U Pakal K'inich, Lord of
Xultun. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:
Figure 15)
(b) Xultun Stela 6, dating to 511, and bearing the Emblem Glyph of Tikal.
(Drawing by Eric Von Euw, after Von Euw 1978: 28)
Figure 2-17: The jade mosaic death mask from Burial 160, probably that of
Kalo'mte' B'ahlam. (Drawing by the author, after Guenter 2000a: Figure 1)

Figure 2-18: AppliquCd Urn from Burial 162, the probable burial of Lady
Yok'in. (After Culbert 1993: Figure 36b)
Figure 2-19: A looted plate bearing the record of Wak Chan K'awiil's 9 Ajaw
Period Ending of 554, as well as a reference to Chak Tok Ich'aak 11's 2 Ajaw
Period Ending of 495. (Drawing by Simon Martin, after Martin 200 1: Figure 6)

83
Figure 2-20: Wak Chan K'awiil as Yaax Ehb' Xook 11.
(a) Stela 6 (After Grube and Martin 2000a: 11-50)
(b) Altar 21 (After Grube and Martin 2000a: 11-50)

Figure 2-21: Structure 5 ~ - 2 2 - 1 ~ca.

' , AD 550. (After Coe 1990: Fig. 105a)
Figure 2-22: The capture on 1Kimi 14 Muwaan (14 January, 537) of a yajawte'
of Tuun K'ab' Hiix, the Snake king, by Yaxchilan. (Drawing of Yaxchilan Lintel
35 by Ian Graham, after Graham 1982: 79)

Figure 2-23: The accession of Aj Wosaaj on 6 K'an 2 Sip (5 May, 546)' as

recorded on Naranjo Stela 25, is said to have occurred under the aegis of Tuun
K'ab' Hiix, the Snake king. (Drawing by Ian Graham, after Graham 1978: 70)
Figure 2-24: Yaxha Stela 11, dramatically portraying a Teotihuacan warlord.
(Drawing by Nikolai Grube, after Grube 2000: Figure 199)
 Figure 2-25: All of Copan's monuments predating
the mid-sixth century bear the scars of a terrible
destruction. Stela 24 is a good example, known
today only from this piece. The lower portion of
Stela 63 is burned and broken, destroying much of
the inscription.
(a) Stela 63 (Drawing by Barbara Fash, after
Fash 1991: Figure 37)
(b) Stela 24 (Drawing by Linda Schele, after
Schele and Looper 1996: 108)

Figure 2-26: Foreign lords mentioned at Copan.

(a) Tajom (u K'ab' Tuun), from the Papagayo Step (Drawing by Linda
Schele, after Schele and Looper 1996: 110)
(b) Snake Emblem Glyph from the Hieroglyphic Stairway (Drawing by the
author after a photo in Gordon 1902: Plate XII)
Figure 2-27: Caracol Stela 16 records that Lady Yo'hl Ch'e'n Ahk, a Xultun
princess, replaced B'ahlam Ne'hn of Copan as the yiit, or 'companion', of king
K'an I. (Drawing by Carl Beetz, after Schele and Looper 1996: 112)

Figure 2-28: The accession of Yajawte' K'inich 11of Caracol, on 9.5.19.1.2'9 Ik'
5 Wo (16 April, 553).
(a) From Stela 14, with no mention of foreign involvement. (Drawing by
Carl Beetz, after Schele and Grube 1994: 100)
(b) From Stelae 6 and Altar 21, which mention that this accession was
overseen by the king of Tikal. (After Grube and Martin 2000a: 11-50)
Figure 2-29: The accession of Moon Jaguar of Copan, on 9.5.19.3.0'8 Ajaw 3
Sotz' (24 May, 553). (Drawing from Copan's Hieroglyphic Stairway by Barbara
Fash, after Schele and Looper 1996: 114)

Figure 2-30: Caracol Altar 21 and Tikal's war with Caracol.

(a) Caracol Altar 21 (Drawing by Stephen D. Houston, after A. Chase 1986:
Figure 2)
(b) The 'axe' attack on the K'uhul K'antu Maak, 'King of Caracol', in
556. Excerpt from Caracol Altar 21 (Drawing by Stephen D. Houston,
after Schele and Grube 1994: 101)
Figure 2-31: The mid-sixth century disaster at Piedras Negras.
(a) As at Copan, all of Piedras Negras' early monuments evince deliberate
destruction. Only the upper portion of Stela 29 (left), dating to 534,
survives, while Stela 30 (right), carved five years later, is known only
by this small fragment. (Drawings by John Montgomery)
(b) Piedras Negras Stela 12, in a rhetorical justification for a 792 attack
on Pomona (ancient Pakb'ul), refers to a journey made by a Piedras
Negras king to that site in 557 or 558. (Drawing by David Stuart, after
Houston et al. 2000: Figure 4)
Figure 2-32: The final defeat of Wak Chan K'awiil, on 7 Ik' 0 Sip (29 April, 562).
(a) Star-war against the K'uhul Mutul Ajaw, the 'Divine Tikal Lord'
(Wak Chan K'awiil). The name of the attacker is almost completely
destroyed, but does not appear to be that of Yajawte' K'inich I1 of
Caracol. (Drawing of Caracol Altar 21 by Stephen D. Houston, after
Schele and Grube 1994: 102)
(b) Caracol Altar 21 once continued with a long account of the aftermath
of this battle but this is now in a lamentably poor state of preservation.
A reference at S2b to a Mutul Ajaw, 'Lord of Tikal, suggests that a
second Tikal lord, perhaps the crown prince, was also captured or
killed in this battle. At U2a is what appears to be a Snake Emblem
Glyph, supporting contentions that Dzibanche led this attack on Tikal.
(Drawing by Stephen D. Houston, after Schele and Grube 1994: 102)
 Chapter 3: The Reign of K'inich Waaw
The Hiatus of Tikal
In the traditional model, the Hiatus of Tikal begins with the military defeat of
Tikal on 29 April, 562. The king of Tikal was killed and his city was sacked and its
monuments broken up. Tikal subsequently found itself under the domination of the
Snake kngdom, to which it was likely forced to pay tribute (Schele and Freidel 1990:
171-174, Culbert 1991: 135-136, C. Jones 1991: 115-1 17, Schele and Mathews 1998: 90,
Harrison 1999: 119-120, Grube and Martin 2000: 162, Martin and Grube 2000: 39-40).
This model has been built upon the following pieces of evidence:
There were no monuments erected at the site between Stela 17, dating to 557, and
Stela 30, from 692 (Harrison 1999: 120, Martin and Grube 2000: 40)
Tikal suffered a massive defeat in 562, according to Caracol Altar 21 (A. Chase and
D. Chase 1987: 60, Schele and Grube 1990: 173-174, Houston 1991: 40)
Monuments carved prior to 562 are damaged in such a way as to indicate deliberate
vandalism of a sort not seen on later monuments, suggesting a "massive destruction
campaign" took place during the Hiatus (C. Jones 1991: 117)
Construction projects were rare (Schele and Freidel 1990: 174, Harrison 1999: 119)
Grave goods were poorer in both quantity and quality in comparison with both earlier
and later periods of Tikal's history (Schele and Freidel 1990: 174)
The onset of the Hiatus coincided with a change in ceramics from Early to Late
Classic forms (From the Manik I11 to the Late Classic Ik Complex) (Smith 1950: 87,
T. Patrick Culbert 1991: 134-136, Harrison 1999: 119)
Archaeological culture at Tikal during the Hiatus reflects cultural influences
stemming from the southeast Peten, specifically Caracol (Coggins 1975: 321, 333,
365, A. Chase and D. Chase 1987: 60, C. Jones 1991: 117)
Together, these lines of evidence form a picture of this 130-year 'Dark Age' for Tikal.
However, there are major problems with each of these pieces of data that seriously
questions the basic notion of a 'Hiatus'. This chapter will examine each of these
assertions about the Hiatus, through the perspective of the history of the sixth century as
related in glyphic texts and the archaeology of this period.
The Material Culture of the Hiatus: Ik Archaeology
The onset of the Hiatus period is thought to have brought with it a number of
significant changes in the culture of the city. As Maya archaeology largely revolves
around monumental architecture containing burials and their associated decorated
ceramics, these three areas must be examined. The changes seen in this period consist of
the adoption of new cultural traits and at the same time, the dropping of certain old ones.
At the same time, there was a marked downturn in the amount of construction carried out
at the site. The ceramic and burial evidence will be examined first before moving on to
the subject of architecture.
Not surprisingly, those cultural traits which disappeared in relation to the defeat
of Wak Chan K'awiil were those associated with Teotihuacan. "All of these techniques
and forms which were eliminated from the ceramic repertory had been strongly
associated with the period of Mexican influence that defined the Manik IIIa sub-facet.
Even such elements of lids, logographic designs, and incising techniques, that had been
important local traits before the arrival of Mexican influence had apparently become
associated with the foreign vocabulary and were dropped in the ... renaissance of local
Maya culture" (Coggins 1975: 260). However, it has already been noted that many of the
traits typical of Teotihuacan culture seen in the Manik IIIa period had already been
dropped by Manik IIIb times, suggesting that the defeat of 562 only provided a tenninus
to a process long under way.
The introduction of new cultural traits included changes in both ceramics (from
Manik to Ik phase) and burial customs. The change in ceramics is defined by a shift from
the Early Classic Manik ceramic complex to that of the Late Classic Ik complex.
Neighboring Uaxactun, always under the shadow of its southern neighbor, exhibits a
similar change, from its Early Classic Tzakol Complex to the Late Classic, Tepeu,
Complex (Smith 1950: 87, Smith 1955: 24-25).
The differences which characterized these various ceramic complexes are
described and portrayed in detail elsewhere (Smith 1955: 24-25, Coggins 1975: 258-262,
Culbert 1993) and here will only be summarized. "The two most important forms were
present throughout the Manik I11 facet. These are the flaring tripod plate with exterior
flange or ridge and round-sided bowls" (Coggins 1975: 260). These changes, then, are
not major and are most likely the product of natural cultural change and development.
"The introduction of new pastes and slips at the beginning of Ik times may have changed
the manufacture of polychrome ceramics but it did not radically disrupt the evolution of
forms and their related designs" (Coggns 1975: 258).
With respect to burials, the most notable change from the earlier Manik IIIa
period is the relative poverty of Ik burials. The burials of Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I (Burial 10)
and Siyaj Chan K'awiil I1 (Burial 48) are notable in that, although relatively small, they
contained a great quantity and range of goods to accompany the deceased (Coe 1990:
1 19-123,479-487). Similarly, the Irnix phase burials of such important rulers as Jasaw
Chan K'awiil (Burial 116), are similarly full of artifacts of all sorts (Coe 1990: 604-609).
Ik phase burials, even those of royalty, on the other hand, have a minimum of
accompanying ceramics and esoteric items such as stingray spines and jewelry and are
generally poor in comparison with earlier and later ones.
However, it must be noted that the decline in the richness of tomb offerings does
not begin suddenly in 562. Burial 160, that of Kalo'mte' B'ahlarn and dating to ca. 535,
did contain an abundant array of burial goods but the ceramic vessels included in the
tomb "are rather somber, laclung highly decorated types and including several poorly
constructed vessels" (Culbert 1993: Fig. 36). The relative austerity in tomb furnishings
seen in Ik burials, then, can be seen as more following a trend beginning in the early sixth
century rather than a sudden impoverishment of the city following the 562 defeat.
The change in burial customs included dropping the custom of including
sacrificial victims in royal tombs. Tomb walls were no longer painted, although a red
mark was made upon the underside of a single capstone of the burial vault. Further, in
the refilling of the grave excavation vast quantities of lithic debitage were included, often
in distinct lenses (Coggins 1975: 373, C. Jones 1991: 1 18).
It has been argued that these cultural traits, in both ceramics and burial customs,
show up earlier at circum-Peten sites such as Caracol (C. Jones 1991: 117). The
excellent Caracol chronology of ceramic change at that site, provided by the
incomparable set of well-stocked tombs with dated inscriptions, demonstrates that a
distinctively 'Late Classic' ceramic set was already present at that site by 537' (D. Chase
and A. Chase 1994: 166). At Caracol, the transition period is characterized by round-
sided bowls, characteristic of the early phase of Late Classic ceramics, and ring-based
plates, which are still closely connected to later Early Classic models but which
eventually developed into the tripod form characteristic of the full Late Classic period.
From this it may be thought that this ceramic shift, as it appears to occur earlier at
Caracol than Tikal, may derive from the former and signal the introduction of foreign
traits to Tikal following the 562 defeat.

Ik Developments in Tikal
There is, however, an excellent case to be made that this ceramic change occurred
just as early in Tikal as in Caracol and that the direction of influence flowed from the
former to the latter. This evidence derives from ceramics associated with the last two
kings of Tikal prior to 562. The tomb of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam (Burial 160), dates to ca.
535 and contains an eclectic mixture of ceramic vessels, including cylindrical tripods
reminiscent of Teotihuacan-inspired forms (Fig. 3-la) and a lateral-flanged tripod plate
(Fig. 3-lb) strongly suggesting an evolutionary stage well under way towards the Ik form
(Culbert 1993: Fig.36).
Looted ceramics bearing the name of Wak Chan K'awiil demonstrate an even
further progression towards the full Ik Complex. These vessels include both cylinder
vases/bowls and plates that are characteristic of Ik forms (Fig. 3-2). The change in
ceramics at Tikal from Early to Late Classic thus does not coincide with the beginning of
the Hiatus, as previously supposed, but instead preceded it by a number of decades. This
has already been suggested by Clemency Coggins, as she preferred to view the Manik
IIIb and Lk periods as a single unit of time, rather than split apart by the onset of the
Hiatus. "The fine ceramics of Ik complex developed naturally from the forms of Manik
11% times.. . This period was characterized by a cultural, if not political, continuity that
is best exemplified by the local polychrome ceramic tradition" (Coggins 1975: 259, 258).
One may also note that in 537 Caracol was still under the influence if not outright
domination of Tikal, its affiliation with the Snake lords of Dzibanche still in the future
(see Chapter 2). Thus it is argued here that these characteristic 'Late Classic' cultural
traits originated in Tikal itself and flowed out of this political and cultural capital to
Caracol and other sites in its hegemony. The defeat of 562 did not, then, lead to a sudden
change in culture at Tikal.
This assessment is supported by evidence of continued construction work at Tikal
during the Hiatus. Schele, Freidel and Harrison are correct in noting a slowdown in
construction of temples and pyramids as only one large pyramid, Structure 5 ~ - 3 2 - 1on
~'
the southeast comer of the North Acropolis, dates to this period. However, there was
considerable work carried out across the city, even if not of as spectacular a nature as the
preceding two centuries had witnessed. Following the construction of Structure 5D-32-
lSttwo other temples atop the North Acropolis were rebuilt (Structures 5D-25 and -27)
and two new ones added (Structures 5D-20 and -2 1) (C. Jones 1991: 116). The North
Terrace, Great Plaza and East Plaza were all resurfaced at the same time, a substantial
investment of energy and resources. Furthermore, the Mundo Perdido complex just
southwest of the center of the city saw major renovations and rebuilding in this period
(Laporte 1993: 304-308). In addition, at least two of Tikal's famous Twin Pyramid
Complexes appear to have been constructed in the last quarter of the Hiatus (C. Jones
1969, Haviland 1992: 76).
In combination, these various threads of evidence combine to form a significantly
different picture of the Hiatus than generally presented. Rather than being a moribund
period of cultural stagnation and depression, with Tikal languishing under foreign
domination, the Hiatus appears to have seen considerable activity with a vibrant culture
that influenced its neighbors every bit as much as it adopted new influences from outside.
While there was a general slowdown in construction and decreasing richness of the city's
inhabitants, this appears to have been a trend beginning at the start of the sixth century,
and not a sudden constriction of cultural life imposed by outside victors in 562. While
this reassessment of the material culture of the Hiatus is thought provoking, new
developments in understanding the epigraphic history of Tikal call into question the basic
premises of the Hiatus itself.

The 22ndKing of Tikal

The first king of the Hiatus period, and the direct successor to Wak Chan K'awiil,
has long been known as 'Animal Skull' but his name may now be read as K'inich Waaw
(see Appendix 2) (Fig. 3-3). A poorly understood figure, K'inich Waaw is known from a
number of different sources, the most important certainly being Burial 195, his tomb
found deep below Structure 5 ~ - 3 2 - 1 "of the North Acropolis (C. Jones and Satterthwaite
1982: 129). His name is found painted upon two plates and a stucco-coated wooden
panel from this tomb and also appears at Altar de Sacrificios on Stela g2 and on many
looted ceramics. In these texts he is associated with only two dates, 9.8.0.0.0, 5 Ajaw 3
Ch'en (593) from a plate and wooden panel recovered from his tomb, and 9.9.15.0.0, 8
Ajaw 13 Kumk'u (628), from the Altar de Sacrificios stela.
This paltry amount of information has severely hampered an understanding of this
person, whose status as the first ruler of the Hiatus makes his reign critical to any analysis
of the period. The 593 date in his tomb is a Period Ending over which K'inich Waaw
obviously presided while the 628 date from Altar de Sacrificios has been used to suggest
that this lung lived well into the seventh century (Martin and Grube 2000: 41). Poorly
preserved K'atuun Ajaw records from both the wooden panel and one of the plates within
the tomb, thought to have a coefficient of 3, have been interpreted as indicating that this
lung was between 39 and 59 years old in 593 (Coggins 1975: 346, Martin and Grube
2000: 41). This would have made him a very old man by 628, commensurate with the
osteological analysis of his remains within Burial 195 (Coggins 1975: 347, Coe 1990:
567).
These are the bare facts of the life of this important king and more than three
decades of study have added but little to this picture. K'inich Waaw remains such a
mystery that even his affiliation with the new dominant power in the Peten has not been
determined. "Animal Skull's exact role in these difficult times is uncertain. He might
represent the first faltering steps towards renewed Tikal independence, or, conversely, he
may have ruled as a puppet of the city's conquerors" (Martin and Grube 2000: 41).
However, a reanalysis of a long misunderstood stela at Tikal clarifies this lung's identity
and forces a complete reappraisal of the Hiatus of Tikal.

Stela 8: The Hiatus Monument

As related in the introduction, the Hiatus is essentially defined by the lack of
inscribed, dated monuments at Tikal. A monument from this period would seriously
question the basic notion of a 'hiatus' and it now appears that such a monument does
exist. Stela 8 has long troubled epigraphers (Fig. 3-4). Clearly part of the staff stela
series of monuments popular in the late fifth century, as Christopher Jones and Linton
Satterthwaite have noted (1982: 22), Stela 8 greatly resembles Stela 7, which was
commissioned by Chak Tok Ich'aak I1 in 495 (Fig. 3-5). One can see that both
monuments depict standing figures facing left who hold decorated staffs in their right
hands and an 'incense bag' in the left. They have similar costume decoration, including
prominent masks attached to the rear of their belts and sport elaborate headdresses.
The dating of Stela 8 has been most problematic. Jones and Satterthwaite (1982:
22) originally suggested 9.3.2.0.0,7 Ajaw 8 Muwaan (497). However, the Haab' month
does not resemble other Muwaahn glyphs known from this or any other period and 2
tuuns are never otherwise found to have been celebrated as a Period Ending. Most
troublesome is the fact that on this date Chak Tok Ich'aak I1 should have been ruling and
none of his names or titles appear anywhere on this monument.
Nikolai Grube and Simon Martin made an advance in the understanding of this
date when they realized that the Haab' was actually the zoomorphic head variant of the
month K'ank'in (Grube and Martin 2000b: 11-44). However, there were no Period
Endings on 7 Ajaw 8 K'ank'in at any time during the Classic period and a century after
its discovery the exact date of Stela 8 remained a mystery.
Previous attempts at deciphering this date have foundered on the (unsubstantiated)
notion that, as staff stelae monuments are confidently dated to only the period between
9.2.0.0.0 (475) and 9.4.0.0.0 (5 14), Stela 8 must likewise date to this period. However,
consciously archaic monuments are known for other periods of Tikal's history, most
notably in the case of Stela 3 1 of 445, which appears to have been modeled after Stela 29
of 292, a century and a half earlier (Martin and Grube 2000: 34). If one is freed of the
constraints imposed by forcing this monument into the era of the other staff stelae, an
excellent candidate for its date emerges3.
Stela 8 must certainly mark a Period Ending, as attested by two important Period
Ending glyphs at A7 and ~ 2 a All
~ .but one of the staff stelae date to K'atuun Endings
and Stela 8 almost certainly does as well. Given the recorded Calendar Round date of 7
Ajaw 8 K'ank'in, the obvious candidate is 9.7.0.0.0,7 Ajaw 3 K'ank'in (573), which
matches 3 out of the 4 component parts of the Calendar ~ o u n d This
~ . only requires that
the bar in the Haab' coefficient be in error and, as already noted by Jones and
Satterthwaite (1982: 22), this bar is carved uniquely for this monument in having both its
ends pointed, as opposed to the normal rectangular bars on the left side of the stela.
Interestingly, Stela 7, the probable model for Stela 8, is the only other monument at Tikal
exhibiting this feature, which is otherwise known primarily from the Hieroglyphic Stairs
at the site of El Resbalon, near Dzibanche in southern Quintana ROO^.
While a mistaken bar on a monument is unusual (why did the sculptors not simply
chip it away when the mistake was recognized?), it is not unique, even for Tikal. Stela 31
records, in error, the accession date of Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I as 10 Kab'an, when the date of
5 Kab'an, as seen on Stela 4, was clearly intended7 (Fig. 3-6). Such a precedent provides
support for the proposed date of Stela 8, which is certainly the only candidate in the
entire Classic period that fulfils the Period Ending criteria.
Ascribing a date of 573 to Stela 8 is a major shift away from previous analyses of
the Hiatus, but a critical re-examination of the historical content of this text demonstrates
the validity of this proposal. The person portrayed on this monument has been known by
various monikers8, but the most crucial identification came through Linda Schele and
Nikolai Grube (1994: 95). They recognized that the personal name on Stela 8, at
positions A4 and B3, was the same as that of the 22"* ruler, 'Animal Skull' (Fig. 3-7).
While Schele and Grube saw the figure on Stela 8 as an earlier namesake of the more
famous king of the late sixth century, the redating of this monument indicates that there
was only one 'Animal Skull' and that Stela 8 portrays K'inich Waaw himself. As stated
above, the 22"* ruler is known to have acceded at some point after the 562 defeat of Wak
Chan K'awiil and was certainly in power by the 5 Ajaw Period Ending of 593. It can be
seen that Stela 8 fits exactly into this period and its identification with the 22"* lung of
Tikal seems certain.
This new interpretation of Stela 8 has enormous implications for an understanding
of the Hiatus. First, the Hiatus was defined as the period between 557 and 692 when
monuments were not erected at Tikal. Dating to 573, Stela 8 contradicts the popular
belief that after 562 no monuments were carved or erected at Tikal and removes 16 years
from the period of the Hiatus. As shall be seen in the next chapter, a monument
associated with a Tikal king at the site of Uaxactun removes another half-century from
the Hiatus, leaving this period with barely half its traditional length.

The Burial of Wak Chan K'awiil

The second major implication of Stela 8 is that it signifies that Tikal was erecting
monuments within twelve years of the 562 defeat. Traditionally this defeat was seen to
have included a sack of the city, including the desecration and brealung of many of the
site's monuments. This seems rather incongruous now, with evidence that the city was
still erecting monuments a decade later. However, a closer look at the actual reference to
the 562 defeat is most revealing.
Contrary to many of the popular interpretations of the passage on Caracol Altar
21, this star war was directed not against Tikal itself but specifically against the K'uhul
Mutul Ajaw, the ' I n g of ~ i k a l ' ~
There
. is thus no reference to any sack of Tikal on this
date, only to a defeat of Wak Chan K'awiil, which could have occurred almost anywhere.
Furthermore, the archaeology of the city implies that there was no major damage to the
city's architecture and monuments until the later seventh century1', at which time we do
find a reference to a war against specifically the site of Tikal (see Chapter 5). In this light
it must be considered that the 562 defeat was only that of Wak Chan K'awiil, and that
this defeat did not take place at Tikal, which, by all indications, was still a fully
independent and thriving city in the following decades.
In fact, there are reasons to believe that Wak Chan K'awiil may have even
received burial in Tikal's 'Necropolis of I n g s ' . Burial 200 was found, desecrated and
vandalized in antiquity, inside Structure 5~-22-1"'the great temple Wak Chan K'awiil
had raised to Yaax Ehb' Xook (Fig. 3-8). The thorough ransacking of this tomb and its
subsequent backfill in Postclassic times has left little certainty as to the original contents
and layout of the burial (Coe 1990: 399-405). However, the fact that this tomb was
vaulted and on the primary axis of this most-important building of the North Acropolis,
the royal necropolis, certainly suggests that the occupant had the status of a king.
Seriously disturbed osseous remains suggested to the excavators that buried inside were
two young adults and one 'senior' adult, the presumed primary occupant and focus of the
burial (Coe 1990: 404).
 Numerous other fragments of grave goods were recovered in the mix that filled
the tomb upon excavation, including at least nine Ik vessels". Among these were a
number of decorated, round-sided bowls (Fig. 3-94, and a lateral-ridged tripod plate (Fig.
3-9b), which bears a pseudoglyph12text (Coe 1990: 403, Culbert 1993: Fig. 146-147).
Further artifacts included the remains of a turtle and considerable marine material, flint
eccentrics and a few scattered fragments of jade which had escaped the attention of the
ancient looters (Coe 1990: 402). A second tripod plate (Fig. 3-10), found in Problematic
Deposit (PD) 19 in Structure 5D-26, was believed by William Coe to have possibly come
from this same tomb (Coe 1990: 403). However, the form of the PD 19 plate is late Ik,
and does not match the first plate13. It is thus doubtful that the PD 19 plate was originally
associated with Burial 200.
Subject to so much disturbance, Burial 200's dating has admittedly proven
problematic. Nevertheless, the assessment by William Coe in Tikal Report 14
provisionally placed this burial in the early Ik period, based mainly on comparitive burial
furnishings (Coe 1990: 840). One can note that the form of the tripod plate from this
tomb, although lacking a prominent lateral-ridge (a feature of early Ik plates), does
appear to be earlier than Burial 23 examples, which are certainly from the late Ik period
(Fig. 3-lob). Furthermore, the round-sided bowls from Burial 200 are characteristic of
the early Ik period, and had already been replaced by straight-sided vases by the late Ik
period. As such, Burial 200 should date to the first half of the Ik period, although one
cannot be absolutely certain whether it predated or postdated Burial 195, the only other
royal burial of this period14.
Given the tomb's vaulted construction and highly prominent position, Burial 200
should logically be that of one of the kings of the early Ik period. As such, Burial 200
may well be that of Wak Chan K'awiil himself. Not only does the ceramic dating fit with
his reign, Burial 200 would have been most fitting for this king who had built this very
structure and so closely identified himself with Yaax Ehb' Xook. However, given the
problems of dating, one cannot rule out the possibility that Burial 200 is that of one of
K'inich Waaw's immediate successors.
The possible identification of Burial 200 with Wak Chan K'awiil, like the dating
of Stela 8, breaks with previous interpretations, which considered the record of this
king's defeat on Caracol Altar 21 to have included his ritual killing (Martin and Grube
2000: 39). However, it must again be stressed that the reference at Caracol merely
records that this lung was defeated and while the implication of the king's 'downfall'
likely indicates that he met his death in this battle, there is no reference to his capture15.
Given that the occupant of Burial 200 was almost certainly a king, and considering the
close associations of this tomb and associated temple with Wak Chan K'awiil, it may
well be that while this ruler met his doom on the field of battle, his warriors carried him
home to be interred in Temple 22.

The Rise of K'inich Waaw

Whatever the fate of Wak Chan K'awiil's corpse, it is significant that he was not
succeeded by any of his own progeny16. In fact, Caracol Altar 2 1 once described events
occurring to a second Tikal prince on the same day as the star-war against Wak Chan
K'awiil (Fig. 2-32b). This may well have been the heir to the throne of Tikal and would
have been a son of Wak Chan K'awiil. Although the event in which he was involved
here is eroded beyond recognition, by the context in which this passage is found, it
cannot have meant any good, and it would appear that this defeat was truly catastrophic
for Tikal's royal family. It is in the aftermath of this defeat that K'inich Waaw came to
the throne. Who was this new lung who became the 22ndking of Tikal? Significantly, he
was certainly not the son of the preceding king.
On one of his many beautifully decorated plates, incidentally proceeding directly
out of the tradition of the plates of Wak Chan K'awiil, this king named his father as a
man known only as 'Fire Cross', presumably a minor noble from Tikal (Fig. 3-1 la). The
mother of K'inich Waaw, on the other hand, is referred to a number of times, and with an
extended name phrase including royal titles. Her name was Lady Tzutz Chan and she
was a princess of the site of the unlocated site of B'ahlam (Fig. 3-1 lb). Further examples
of the B'ahlarn Emblem Glyph are to be found in the Pasion region of southwestern
peten17, suggesting that Lady Tzutz Chan came from this region1'.
Lady Tzutz Chan came to the great Middle Classic capital of the Peten from her
minor site19sometime in the early sixth century. The mamage of this princess to a man
with no apparent noble titles reflects the minor status of her 'kingdom' but it was
obviously one that her son, K'inich Waaw, took pride in. The prominent mentions of his
mother reflect K'inich Waaw's attempt to legitimize his own elevation to royal status as
king of Tikal. His father's blood was apparently of little account and so K'inich Waaw
had to emphasize that his mother was of royal blood in order to claim the throne.
However, K'inich Waaw did not ignore his father, for he took his name as the prefix to
his 'royal name'20.
K'inich Waaw must have been born in Tikal as he states that he was a local of the
city he ruled on a looted plate portraying a meeting of warriors (Fig. 3-12a). Here the
head of the Maize God follows his Mutul Emblem Glyph, identifying him as a native
ruler of that city (Fig. 3-12b). Such a reference follows a pattern of such identifications
where one's place of origin is declared by adding the head of Maize God to one's local
toponym, as seen in texts from Chinikiha and Dos pilas21(Schele and Grube 1994: 104,
131, 133). This use of the Maize God's portrait glyph in proclaiming that a person was a
native of a particular locale likely reflects the nature of the Maize God in rising out of the
very ground in which he had been planted22(see Freidel et a1 1993: 281-283). This
appears to have been a Classic Maya way of indicating that one had been locally 'born
and bred'.
It thus seems clear that K'inich Waaw represented a new royal line at Tikal and it
is apparent that Wak Chan K'awiil's progeny never succeeded him. Whether they all
predeceased the king or succumbed to nefarious deeds following the catastrophic defeat
of their father is unknown (although see Note 26 below for possible evidence towards the
latter). What is apparent is that the rise of K'inich Waaw meant a new family had come
to the royal throne of Yaax Ehb' Xook. This appears to have been confirmed by a recent
analysis by Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube of a unique title at Tikal that has revealed
the emic perceptions by the Maya of dynastic relations (Martin and Grube 2001). The
title in question is found only a few times in Tikal's corpus but subtle variations make it
all the more important. Found on Stelae 5 and 17, a plate from Burial 195 and possibly
on the Hombre de Tikal sculpture, it consists of two parts; a variable number preceding
the T781514 TE' sign (Fig. 3-13). Te' has many meanings in the Mayan languages but
most importantly for the present discussion is that of 'tree' or, its metaphorical extension,
'lineage'23.
 As discussed by Martin and Grube, the variable number preceding the te' in this
title appears to enumerate various ruling patrilines of Tikal (Grube and Martin 2001). In
this light it is notable that Wak Chan K'awiil, on Stela 17, bears the title of I3 te' (at G3,
Fig. 3-13b) while his predecessor, Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I, on the Hombre de Tikal sculpture,
also appears to take this in his title stringz4 (at D4, Fig. 3-13a). The Early Classic
monumental record of Tikal confirms that these two kings were indeed of the same
lineage, Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I being paternally the great-great grandfather of Wak Chan
K'awiil.
It is perhaps not surprising that following the defeat of Wak Chan K'awiil this
apparent reference to lineage and patriline changes. K'inich Waaw, on one of the painted
plates from his tomb, is title a I4 te' (Fig. 3-13c). Stela 5 attributes the same I4 te' title
to Yik'in Chan K'awiil, the 27th king of Tikal (Fig. 3-13d), who ruled in the mid-eighth
century. Following the interpretation by Martin and Grube, this suggests that K'inich
Waaw's descendants continued to rule the city for at least two centuries following his
death. This title also indicates that K'inich Waaw was not related to the old dynasty,
which completely disappears after 562.
Most intriguingly, in the title sequence of the lung named on the rear of the
Temple VI text is a badly eroded title preceded by the number 14 (Glyph E7 in Figure 2-
14). This glyph is thus most likely another I4 te' title. As seen last chapter, the ruler
referred to on the Temple VI text can be none other than Kalo'mte' B'ahlam, and this
suggests that K'inich Waaw may have been a relative of his.
This possible relationship would help explain an interesting feature of the
archaeology of Group 7F-1, where Kalo'mte' B'ahlam and Lady Yok'in appear to have
been buried. As noted by excavator William Haviland (1981, 1985), the burials and
offerings found in this distant residential compound indicated a continuing special
relationship with the city's royal family throughout the Late Classic period25. In the
eighth century, Stela 23 was even re-erected in this group, the only minor center in all of
Tikal to have been graced with a carved and erect monument (Haviland 1981: 91). This
attention would be entirely understandable were Kalo'mte' B'ahlam a revered ancestor,
as may well be the case.
The Reign of K'inich Waaw
K'inich Waaw's elevation as new king of Tikal could hardly have come about by
virtue of his mother's minor royal status and one must imagine that he must have been a
prominent man in the affairs of the city long before the death of Wak Chan K'awiil.
Thankfully, K'inich Waaw recorded his qualification to rule the city on Stela 8 , the only
public monument of his reign. Concluding this text are four critical glyphs stating that he
was u ti' hu'n Zx Yok'in Yaax Ehb' Xook, or 'the crown-speaker26of Lady Yok'in Yaax
Ehb' Xook' (Fig. 3-14). Ti' hu'n is one of the highest non-royal titles known for the
ancient Maya world and it is thus clear that K'inich Waaw held one of the highest
government offices during the reign of Lady Yok'in, the predecessor to Wak Chan
K'awiil. That Wak Chan K'awiil should have been followed by such a high official of
his sister illustrates the complete downfall of the tragic 21S' king of Tikal.
This connection between K'inich Waaw and the late 'Lady of Tikal' allows some
estimation for the king's age at accession and his birth date. If we consider that when the
queen died in 537 he must have been minimally 20 years of age (and probably
considerably older in order to have attained the high rank of ti' hu'n), he could not have
been younger than 45 years old at the time of his accession. Well over 50 seems much
more probable and as he reigned for at least 30 years he would have been a very old man
upon his death, only a few years after the 9.8.0.0.0, 5 Ajaw 3 Ch'en Period Ending of
593. Such an age perfectly fits the osteological evidence from his remains, which
indicated an individual who was "quite old" and suffering from arthritis (Coe 1990: 567).
In fact, he seems to have been so old that many of his teeth had already fallen out by the
time that he died. These teeth were dutifully placed in his tomb, after having had their
dental inlays removed (Coe 1990: 567). These inlays were perhaps retained for reuse by
younger members of his family.
Later reconstruction of the Great Plaza and North Terrace also demonstrated
continued reverence for Lady Yok'in and Kalo'mte' B'ahlam. While Wak Chan
K'awiil's only known monument, Stela 17, was apparently dumped north of the East
Plaza, two of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam's stelae were retained or re-erected in the Great
In addition, Stela 6 , portraying Lady Yok'in (Martin 1999: 5 ) , was set up in front of
K'inich Waaw's funerary pyramid. Grievously destroyed in large part by both natural
means and squatters who found practical uses for many of the missing pieces, Stela 6
seems to have been erected in this position following the construction of Structure 5D-
32-lStabove Burial 195, almost a century after the carving of this monument (Coe 1990:
770). Even in death K'inich Waaw was associated with the queen he had served as a
young man before taking the throne himself.
K'inich Waaw also found reason to affiliate himself with what Simon Martin and
Nikolai Grube have termed Tikal's ancien regime (Martin and Grube 2000: 41). This can
be said as it was one of his scribes who painted the Tikal Dynastic Vase (Fig. 1-6a),
which lists the 1 lth, 1 3 ' ~and 1 4 ' ~lungs of Tikal. These were the kings that immediately
preceded the Teotihuacan conquest of the city in 378 and conspicuously absent from this
list is the ruler, Lady Unen B'alarn, from whom the Teotihuacan line of kings
descended. From this record it may be thought that K'inich Waaw chose to associate
himself with these earlier, locally derived kings rather than the foreign-born Yaax Nu'n
Ayiin I and his descendants.
However, as discussed in Chapter 1, this vase does not document a slight of the
1 2 ' ~ruler of Tikal, but instead highlights the non-familial relationship between K'inich
Muwaahn Jol I and his predecessor, Siyaj Chan K'awiil I. K'inich Waaw appears to be
pointing out an important precedent for his own rise from non-royal roots to take the
throne of Tikal itself. Just as had K'inich Muwaahn Jol I, he had been an important
official for an earlier ruler and, after one intervening reign, had taken the throne himself.
One must remember that on K'inich Waaw's only public monument he not only named
Lady Yok'in (a descendant of Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I), but also chose to model his carved
stone after the staff stelae of the later rulers of the Spearthrower Owl dynasty.
Furthermore, the only other clear portrait of K'inich Waaw, from a looted plate (Fig. 3-
15), also portrays this king in a costume and pose typical of these same kings. K'inich
Waaw did not so much ignore the culture of the New Order (which was already out of
vogue) as promote cultural traits local to Tikal.
K'inich Waaw in the Lost World
K'inich Waaw did find more than passing interest in the Mundo Perdido, or 'Lost
World' Group, where the tombs of Chak Tok Ich'aak I and his family were located. It
may be notable that a number of buildings in this ancient ritual center were renovated at
this very time (during the Ik phase), indicating renewed use of the area (Laporte 1993:
304). Most interestingly, a new royal palace was constructed in the northern plaza of the
Mundo Perdido at the beginning of the Ik period (Laporte 1993: 306, Laporte and Fialko
1995: 77-78). On the western side of this palace was built a bench, Structure 5C-47-2A,
without any surrounding building. This bench bore a royal mat design painted in red,
black and white (Laporte and Fialko 1995: 77, Vald6s 2001: 154-157), greatly resembling
that on the Tikal Dynastic Vase, and was surely the throne of one of Tikal's kings (Fig. 3-
16). All evidence points to this being the royal palace and throne of K'inich Waaw
himselfz8. Most intriguingly, this palace was built atop mass graves of the transitional
Manik IIIb-Ik period (Laporte and Fialko 1995: 77), raising the possibility of
considerable violence in relation to the rise to power of K'inich waawZ9.
There were further renovations to the Mundo Perdido complex during the Ik
period that can be attributed to K'inich Waaw or his immediate successors. The West
Plaza of the Mundo Perdido had new walls built, covering earlier ones in talud-tnblero
style (Laporte 1993: 306). While this could be taken to indicate a hostile attitude on the
part of K'inich Waaw towards Teotihuacan culture, it has to be pointed out that not all
talud-tablero architecture was covered up in this way and the rebuilding here seems best
described as simple 'modernization' (Laporte 1993: 307).
K'inich Waaw may well have returned the Period Ending Ceremonies to the
Mundo Perdido and its massive radial pyramid. Structure 5C-53's rebuilding, directly on
the main east-west axis of the group is certainly suggestive. Structure 5D-77, to the north
of the East Plaza was also rebuilt and Structure 6D-8, a new 5-doorwayed building was
constructed at the southern end of this plaza. These structures could well have inspired
the northern and southern buildings which were to be found in the Twin Pyramid
Complexes of later years, certainly pertaining to K'atuun Ending rituals.
K'inich Waaw as Emperor
Another tradition followed by K'inich Waaw was in the adoption of kalo'mte' as
his personal title. This would suggest that he ruled andor conquered other kingdoms.
The eastern Peten was certainly lost to the Mutul realm in the reign of Wak Chan K'awiil
and the many prominent records at Caracol of Snake l n g s in the next century confirms
its continued affiliation with the Kanal kingdom. Naranjo, just to north, was ruled
throughout the reign of K'inich Waaw by Aj Wosaaj, who had been set in office by the
Kanal king Tuun K'ab' Hix. This was a dangerous Snake salient, less than two days'
journey from Tikal, although, as shall be seen in the next chapter, conditions between the
Tikal and Naranjo greatly improved by the end of the sixth century.
Far to the east, in northern Belize, Altun Ha arose again in most spectacular
fashion under a new line of kings. A jade plaque excavated from this site records that on
4 May, ~ 6 9 a~lord
' named K'inich Chak Pax conducted an axe event against an opponent
whose name glyph remains undeciphered (Fig. 3-17a) (Pendergast 1982: 85, Schele and
Grube 1994: 103). This war is linked to the accession of another lung, Tiliw Man
K'inich, in 584 in such a way to suggest that it represented the foundation of the new
king's rise to power (Fig. 3-17b) (Guenter n.d.d). The implication is that the victory of
K'inich Chak Pax's re-established this lungdom and so it would appear that Altun Ha,
like Tikal under K'inich Waaw, was another member of the Teotihuacan Alliance which
recovered from the initial forays of the Snake lords.
K'inich Chak Pax appears to have been buried in Tomb B-417 at Altun Ha, one of
the richest known from the Maya world and the wealth evident here suggests that this
king ruled a strong and prosperous lungdom (Pendergast 1982: 54-70, Guenter n.d.d).
Most impressive is the so-called "Head of the Sun G o d , now known to represent the
Principal Bird Deity (Fig. 3-18) (Taube 1998: 458). This image of a patron of royalty
was carved from a single block of jade weighing 41/2 kilograms (Pendergast 1982: 57).
This is the single largest carved jade from all Mesoamerica and is a testament to the
wealth and status of K'inich Chak Pax and a rejuvenated Altun Ha. On the jade plaque
he is titled a kalo'mte' and his presence, ruling just south of Dzibanche, must have caused
the Snake lords considerable troubles.
 North of Uaxactun lay the broad expanse of northern Peten, poorly known and at
this time still largely uninhabited (Hansen 1996: 1). Being the original homeland of the
Snake Kingdom, it had been surprising why Dzibanche had not recolonized this area
immediately upon defeating Tikal in 562. With the knowledge that in the late sixth
century a strong kalo'mte' remained upon Tikal's throne, and a new one arose in Altun
Ha at the same time, it would now appear that Dzibanche was held in check during the
reign of K'inich Waaw.
This view, however, is only the perspective from the Peten. It should not be
thought that the Snake IQngs of the later sixth century were impotent and merely
awaiting more favorable developments before resuming their assault on Tikal. While
there is little Kanal activity evident in the Peten during this period, the exact opposite
appears to have been the case to the north, across Yucatan. A stair block from the site of
Okop, only 100 kilometers from the great site of Coba, bears the name of the Snake I n g
Sky Witness (Fig. 3-19), but unfortunately this mention is not dated (Martin 1997: 861).
Coba's monumental history matches almost precisely the period of Kanal supremacy in
the seventh century3' and as the archaeological culture of this site bears many affinities to
that of the Peten, it is thought that Coba was affiliated with the Snake Kingdom (Schele
and Mathews 1998: 202).
One may also consider the unique portrait of Yukno'm Ch'e'n the Great (see a
photo in Martin and Grube 2000: 108). This portrait was carved upon a lidded vase,
dated to 672, and this type of vessel is typical of Chochola ceramics apparently stemming
from the region of Xcalumlun, in northern Campeche (Grube 1990: 327-328). This
suggests high level contact between Calakmul (the Kanal capital under Yukno'm Ch'e'n
the Great) and this area of northwest Yucatan. It is interesting that Xcalumkin's rulers
appear to have used the title sajal, a title for secondary lords or provincial governors
(Schele and Mathews 1991b: 251, Stuart 1993: 329-330). Perhaps they were subordinate
to Calakmul and were the Kanal representatives in northwest Yucatan.
While Dzibanche was busy consolidating the vast northern plains of Yucatan,
Tikal and the Teotihuacan Alliance appear to have maintained their hold on the Peten.
West of Tikal, the large site of El Peru had apparently been a member of the Teotihuacan
Alliance since at least 378. Although most of El Peru's monuments from the sixth
century are in a very poor state of preservation and little information can be gleaned from
them, it is significant that not until the later seventh century do influences from the Kanal
lungdom become apparent in the carvings (Guenter n.d.e). A reference on a Codex-style
vase to an attack by a Snake King on El Peru in 640 suggests that this city was still
affiliated with Tikal well into the seventh century (see Chapter 4). K'inich Waaw, then,
appears to have been able to count on a stable western border throughout his reign. The
vital trade and communication route west of Tikal to Palenque appears to have remained
open late into the sixth century as Piedras Negras continued to languish under its own
hiatus32.
Further upriver, the independent lungdom of Yaxchilan remained antagonistic
towards the Piedras Negras affiliated lords of Lacanha, capturing one of them in 564
(Martin and Grube 2000: 121). This, however, was the last independent action recorded
for a Yaxchilan lung for 150 years and by the end of the reign of K'inich Waaw the city
had been drawn into the Kanal sphere33. Yaxchilan's acceptance into the fold of the
Snake l n g s may well have been prompted by a major intrusion by Tikal in the reign of
K'inich Waaw upstream in the region of the Pasion river34.

K'inich Waaw at Altar de Sacrificios

The Pasion region of southwestern Peten had been largely outside the ambit of
Tikal in the Midd.le Classic period. Excavations at the major centers of Altar de
Sacrificios and Seibal turned up virtually no evidence for any substantial influence from
Teotihuacan culture in the region during the Middle Classic (Adams 1971: 148, Sabloff
1975: 15). The entire area seems to have been a 'cultural backwater' of sorts, largely
ignored by the momentous events and changes occurring in the central Peten.
The archaeological record of Altar de Sacrificios is the most enlightening in
revealing Tikal's incursion into the Pasion region. Richard Adams' examination of the
pottery of the site indicated a decline in the fortunes of the city as it moved from the
Early Classic to the Late Classic period. The Veremos ceramic complex, dating from ca.
554 to 573, was the weakest at the site (Adams 197 1: 5), and corresponds to a
monumental hiatus at the site from 524 to 6 1 ~ However,
~ ~ . the succeeding Chixoy
ceramic complex, from ca. 573-6 13, bore "close typological similarities" with the
corresponding Tepeu 1 phase at Uaxactun (Adams 1971: 130), for the first time
integrating Altar de Sacrificios with the central Peten in terms of ceramic culture.
The archaeological evidence indicating Altar's entry into the Tikal sphere is
corroborated by the epigraphic record as well. Stela 8 of this site dates to 628 and is
important in bearing the only monumental reference to K'inich Waaw outside of Tikal
(Houston et a1 n.d.). This monument has been used to speculate that perhaps K'inich
Waaw lived well into the seventh century (Schele and Grube 1994: 114, Martin and
Grube 2000: 41). However, the new interpretation of Tikal's own Stela 8 would make
him well over 100 years old by this date, and while this is not impossible it is certainly
highly improbable. As shall be seen when examining his burial, there are excellent
reasons for considering that he did not long survive the 593 Period Ending referred to on
tomb objects. A careful inspection of the Altar de Sacrificios monument in question
thankfully clarifies this reference.
Stela 8, a rectangular stone slab typical of early Late Classic stelae from Altar de
Sacrificios, is carved on all four sides (Fig. 3-20). As with most monuments from the
site, it is badly weathered, with the rear text and solitary standing figure on the front
preserved in little more than outline. The left side bears the Initial Series date, 9.9.15.0.0,
8 Ajaw 13 ~ u r n k ' u and
~ ~ records
, that the local lord, ~ ' a l u ' nYokte'
~ ~ K'uh, conducted
the Period Ending ceremonies on this date. The right side is more weathered but the
distinctive name glyphs of K'inich Waaw are found in the second row (Fig. 3-20b). Most
important, the right side text preceding his name begins with the statement u b'aah, 'it is
the image of K'inich Waaw', which indicates that the person portrayed upon the front of
Stela 8 is none other than K'inich Waaw himself.
However, while this stela does bear the portrait of K'inich Waaw, this does not in
any way imply that he was still alive and ruling on this date. B'alu'n Yokte' K'uh, the
local lord of Altar de Sacrificios is clearly the presiding ruler who commissioned the
monument and carried out the rites attendant to its dedication, apparently years after the
death of K'inich Waaw. While such a situation may at first appear extraordinary, there is
actually plenty of precedent for such posthumous portraits from sites such as Yaxchilan
(Martin and Grube 2000: 122-123), caraco13' and ~ a m a n a i ~ ~ .
 This interpretation leaves an important question; why would a lord of Altar de
Sacrificios commission such a large and public monument dedicated to a foreign lord,
already dead almost thirty years? Considering the archaeological evidence that suggests
that K'inich Waaw expanded Tikal's hegemony over the site late in his reign it is most
probable that the Tikal king installed his counterpart in Altar de Sacrificios as lord.
B'alu'n Yokte' K'uh acceded on 24 May, 58940,less than 5 years before the Period
Ending recorded in Burial 195 at Tikal and certainly within the reign of K'inich waaw4'.
K'inich Waaw's presence on Altar de Sacrificios Stela 8 can be thus be explained as the
reverence paid to an exalted overlord by his vassal. It is known that for Classic Maya
nobles, bonds of fealty were lifelong and this is not the only monument recording
affiliation to deceased lords (see Houston 1993: 114).

The Lord of the Pasion

There is further support for K'inich Waaw's control of the Pasion region. A
scribe in the court of this king painted another vessel for a sajal named Ek' B'ahlam, or
'Star Jaguar' (Fig. 3-21a) (Martin and Grube 2000: 41). The hieroglyphic text along the
rim names this sajal, who was also a scribe, and records the important information that he
was a 'youth' (ch'ok) from the site of B'ahlam, using the Maize God head to clarify his
origins, here with a prominent jaguar ear (Fig. 3-2lb). Thus Ek' B'ahlam, a prominent
vassal of K'inich Waaw, was from the same town from which the king's own mother
came. Perhaps indicating a reverence by this sajal for the queen mother, Lady Tzutz
Chan is named on this vessel as well and is here titled an ajtz'ihb', a 'painter or scribe'.
K'inich Waaw's mother, then, is one of the few women known from Classic inscriptions
who was certainly literate. As Ek' B'ahlam was both a vassal of K'inich Waaw and a
native of B'ahlam it seems clear that the lung of Tikal was also lord of his mother's
hometown, which, as has been seen, was most likely located somewhere in the Pasion
region.
The conquest of the Pasion region by Tikal in the reign of K'inich Waaw also
helps explain many aspects about the founding of the small center of Dos Pilas, in the
heart of this region. This town (it never had the population necessary to qualify as a
city), which was ruled by lords claiming to be kings of Tikal, dominated the region from
the late seventh to the end of the eighth centuries. These kings were violently opposed to
the royal line in the Mutul capital and fought a number of wars with Tikal's kings as
vassals of the Snake lords (Houston et a1 n.d., Schele and Grube 1994: 118-119, 131-133,
Martin and Grube 2000: 56-58). As Dos Pilas' rulers obviously derived from Tikal itself
(Houston 1993: 99-102), it has been thought that the first known lord of Dos Pilas, B'alaj
Chan K'awiil, founded this site as an exile from Tikal itself with the aid of the Snake
Kings in the mid-seventh century (Martin and Grube 2000: 42, 56).
However, with the knowledge that K'inich Waaw had spread Tikal's influence
over the region well before the turn of the seventh century, it seems more probable that
Dos Pilas was established much earlier, and as an outpost of Tikal power. The
construction boom at this site in the late seventh century is better seen as an attempt to
transform a provincial town to its new status as court for a Tikal prince aspiring to royal
status than as a sudden irruption of an 'exiled' Mlitul king into a region already held in
thrall by the Snake power. Most important in corroborating this idea is a shattered
ceramic vessel recovered by James Brady from a cave at Dos Pilas (Fig. 3-22). This
vessel is defined as Uacho Black on Orange, which corresponds to the Tepeu I phase at
Uaxactun and the Ik phase at Tikal (Houston 1993: 102, Adams 197 1: 30). As noted by
Houston, this ceramic bears the names and titles of a lord using the Tikal Emblem Glyph.
The dating of this vessel makes the Mzitzil lord named here a contemporary of K'inich
Waaw and indicates that Dos Pilas was within the Tikal sphere years before B'alaj Chan
K'awiil was even born.
The intrusion of K'inich Waaw into the Pasion was likely violent, although no
texts have yet been found to this effect. However, the early monuments of the
Tamarindito/Arroyo de Piedra dynasty that dominated the region in the fifth and sixth
centuries were found deliberately destroyed (Escobedo 1997: 309). One monument at
Dos Pilas, Panel 10, was recarved, perhaps from a monument hauled to the site from one
of these sites (Houston 1993: 83, Escobedo 1997: 309). The lords of Dos Pilas (and
presumably the conquerors from Tikal who preceded them as well) appear to have
favoured the Arroyo de Piedra lords from this dynasty over those from Tamarindito
(Escobedo 1997: 3 1l), only further emphasizing how important segmentation is to a
proper understanding of Classic Maya political history.
 K'inich Waaw's conquest of the Pasion region had long-lasting consequences for
the region. Mutul lords would control the Pasion for the next two centuries and even
expanded their influence into southeast Peten in the eighth century. As the Pasion region
was a number of days' journey from Tikal itself a Mutul prince was probably installed as
governor, and B'alaj Chan K'awiil likely began his career in such a position. While
B'alaj Chan K'awiil used the resources of the Pasion to assail Tikal at the end of the
seventh century, during the reign of K'inich Waaw the tribute from and trade with this
region would have supported Tikal in its continuing travails with Dzibanche and the
Snake h n g s of the north.

The Death of K'inich Waaw

Having added the Pasion region to Tikal's domain, K'inich Waaw could celebrate
the 9.8.0.0.0, 5 Ajaw 3 Ch'en Period Ending of 593 in grand scale. Curiously, he erected
no monument on this date4' and our record of it comes only from two objects found in his
tomb. By this date the lung must have been approaching 80 years of age, if not well over,
and death could not have been far off and he likely passed away only a few months or
years later, around 595 (Coggins 1975: 347).
In order to accommodate his burial, destined to be placed beneath Temple 32, the
entire front faqade of Structure 5 ~ - 3 2 - 2 was
" ~ removed (Coe 1990: 554-556). While this
drastic action, necessitating a considerable amount of effort, is not immediately apparent
it is significant that when 32-lStwas raised atop of 32-2nd'sremains it 'shifted' the
structure rearwards so that the entire pyramid base engaged the North Acropolis (Coe
1990: 562). Unlike the other temples fronting the Acropolis, then, Structure 5D-32-lSt
was integrally a part of the North Acropolis itself, rather than a separate structure (Map
3). This point is made clear when one realizes that the floor upon which the temple
building itself was constructed was but an extension of the North Acropolis floor (Coe
1990: 562). In death, then. K'inich Waaw was united with the funerary mountain of
Yaax Ehb' Xook and the most important shrines of Tikal's earliest kings. As a king with
no blood connections to the previous royal line, K'inich Waaw did well to associate
himself with the founder of the kingdom himself.
 It is interesting to consider that the destruction of the front half of Structure 5D-
32-2"d may well have disturbed a burial dedicatory to this earlier structure. Burial 195 is
one of the deepest and largest tombs at Tikal (Coe: 1990: 565), suggesting that the
excavators may have completely removed an earlier tomb. Although the thorough
destruction of Structure 5 ~ - 3 2 - 2 makes
"~ any confirmation impossible, this structure was
almost certainly a funerary shrine to an early ruler of Tikal. A quick comparison with the
other large pyramid temples that rise in front of the southern edge of the North Acropolis
reveals that all those investigated contained royal burials ~ n d e r n e a t h ~Stratigraphy
~.
indicates that 32-2"d was built in the early fifth century (Coe 1990: 557, 835). This raises
something of a dilemma as the only two kings who ruled during that period, Yaax Nu'n
Ayiin I and Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11, already have tombs attributed to them.
A possible solution, though, does present itself. Siyaj K'ahk', the great warlord
and representative of Teotihuacan interests in the Peten discussed in Chapter 1, appears to
have died shortly after Yaax Nu'n Ayiin and certainly before Siyaj Chan K'awii111~~.
Although not a king, Siyaj K'ahk' was the ruler of Tikal and most of the Peten in the
decades following his arrival in 37845. Being both a conqueror and a kingmaker, it would
be entirely fitting that he would ultimately have received a burial in the city that he had
both subjugated and elevated to capital of the ~ e t e n ~ ~ .
Excavators may have already uncovered the remains of the tomb under Temple
5~-32-2"d.Problematic Deposit 50 was found just west of the North Acropolis and
consisted of a remarkable set of artifacts including a basalt mano and metate, oliva shells,
pearls, green obsidian, a mosaic plaque, a conch shell, 38 ceramic vessels (and 3
Teotihuacan-style i n c e n ~ a r i o s ~and
~ ) ,the remains of 7 skeletons (Coggins 1975: 1 7 7 ) ~ ~ .
This material parallels the objects found in the royal Burials 10 and 48 and suggests that
the deceased had an equivalent status to the lungs of the era. The objects in Problematic
Deposit 50 are notable for their extreme Teotihuacan character, including the famous
'Arrival' tripod cylinder portraying the journey of a number of central Mexicans to a
Maya center (Fig. 3-23a), and one portraying intertwining Teotihuacan War Serpents
(Fig. 3-23b). As a redeposited tomb, this material would make the most sense as that of
Siyaj K'ahk', the great Teotihuacan general himself.
The Tomb of K'inich Waaw
Burial 195, while not as sumptuous as those of earlier or later lungs, is certainly
the richest tomb known from Hiatus-period Tikal (Fig. 3-24). When archaeologists first
encountered this tomb it was found to be choked with a vast quantity of mud and silt,
apparently the result of a great downpour immediately following the interment and
preceding the final covering of the tomb with the new temple, 5 ~ - 3 2 - (Coe
1 ~ ~1990: 565).
While this must have horrified the Maya who were burying their revered sovereign, it
proved a boon to archaeologists as it preserved the form if not the material of many
otherwise extremely fragile and perishable items. Included among these were four
wooden statues that had been stuccoed and painted to portray the god K'awiil, patron of
royalty (Fig. 3-25).
Other goods included a wide variety of items which, by virtue of the protective
mud, were recovered here and not in other royal tombs where similar objects likely once
existed but long since turned to dust. "Elaborately plastered, carved and painted wooden
boards were lying under the skeleton. Beautifully decorated pottery plates and even a
stuccoed wooden throne and a pair of alabaster rodents surrounded the body. The
wooden objects had rotted; but by injecting Plaster of Paris the archaeologists were able
to capture the thin Maya plaster that had covered them originally" (Coe 1967: 50).
The carvings on the wooden panels are very intriguing. On Tablet 1 (Fig. 3-26)
K'inich Waaw is shown cradling an enormous double-headed serpent bar from which
emerge deities now eroded beyond recognition. The king himself wears an elaborate
headdress and has a twisted cord between his eyes identifying him as GIII, the Fire God
of Temple 22. The other panels are in much poorer shape but all appear to have depicted
the lung in the same sort of pose.
Further items of note placed inside Burial 195 include a "basket of beans, a jar
likely filled with water, an intricate feather headdress, along with ball-game items. .."
(Coe 1990: 567). The latter included a ball-game yoke and possibly even a rubber ball,
suggesting that K'inich Waaw was a ballplayer in his younger years. As already
mentioned, he was even buried with the teeth he had. lost in his later years, providing a
poignant example of the devotion paid to the venerable old king. Of interest regarding
the personal side of K'inich Waaw's life is a "slightly flaring walled tetrapodal bowl,
which had a lid" (Coggins 1975: 356). The glyphs on the lid name the owner of this
drinking cup, a certain Lady K'a' T'u'l (Fig. 3-27). She was, perhaps, the wife of
K'inich Waaw and the item may have been a personal gift to the king for his final
journey.
Notes to Chapter 3
I thank David Freidel for bringing this to my attention.
As first noted by Steve Houston in Houston et a1 n.d.
One may also note that although Stela 8, as a whole, fits into the Staff Stelae style, certain aspects of its
iconography indicate a later date. Most notable is the anklet decoration, which most closely resembles
wristlets on the stelae of Lamanai, which all date to the early seventh century. Thus, even if one fits Stela 8
into the staff stelae group, it must be placed at the end of this sequence. Furthermore, the staff stelae form
certainly gave rise to the most common Late Classic style of Tikal stelae, evident in Stelae 19,20,22, and
30. These all portray the local ruler in profile, holding a decorated staff and with a minimum of text and
accompanying iconography.
The glyph at B2a denotes the end of a tuun period while A6 is the 'completion' verb. See Schele 1982:
80-82.
These consist of the Tzolk'in, the Haab' and their respective coefficients.
One can note that this 'extra' bar on Stela 8 is found at the top of the right side of the monument. This is
the exact position where Stela 7 has its odd, pointed bars. These appear as part of the date 18 Muwaahn.
This problem was first noted by Tatiana Proskouriakoff, as cited in C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: 15-
16,70).
Originally known as 'Curl Head' (Schele cited in C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982), this name was later
emended to Ete I (Schele and Grube 1994) and most recently as 'Bird Claw' (Martin and Grube 2000).
Stephen Houston recognized this in his original report on Caracol Altar 21. "The shell-star event at
Caracol apparently records war against Tikal, albeit in an unconventional reference. In common practice
the main sign of the victimized site occurs singly, that is, without "water group" and ahaw titles. By
contrast, the verb on Altar 21 adjoins a full Tikal emblem, indicating, perhaps, that the war affected not so
much the site of Tikal as its dynasty or possibly a key member of the royal family" (Houston 1991: 40).
However, Houston connects this war event with the archaeological evidence for destruction at the site in
the same report, a logical connection at the time.
10
Specifically, the damage dates to after a major renovation of the North Acropolis that was attendant to
the construction of Structure 5D-32-1" over Burial 195. that of K'inich Waaw. As this king ruled after the
562 defeat, the destruction evident in the North Acropolis simply cannot be ascribed to this earlier war.
I' This material was designated Problematic Deposit 134 as it was seriously disturbed, and a later burial
(201) intruded into the resultant mess. However, PD 134 material is quite uniform and it is safe to assume
that this material once formed Burial 200, and the two terms are considered synonymous in this thesis (see
Coe 1990: 400-406).
12
Pseudoglyphs are painted motifs resembling the form of hieroglyphs but which have no meaning and are
often repeated in patterns demonstrating that the artist was not proficient in the Classic script (Reents-Budet
1994: 139-142).
13
The PD 19 plate has a fairly flat base and a straight, flaring wall. The lateral-ridge flange is not
p4ronounced, and together these suggest a later Ik date.
If the PD 19 plate is considered among Burial 200's original ceramic assemblage, then the weight of
identification must swing towards K'inich Waaw's immediate successors.
' Note that a text from Dos Pilas records a 'star war' against B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil of that site, which he
clearly survived as he would live a further two decades. During this time he managed to avenge this attack,
as is discussed in Chapter 5.
l 6 This is all the more surprising, as Wak Chan K'awiil would have been well over fifty years of age by the
time of this war, plenty of time in which to have had children and even grandchildren.
17
Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 East Step 3 records that a probable great-grandson of K'inich Waaw,
B'alaj Chan K'awiil of Dos Pilas, fought a battle yitaaj, or 'in the company o f , a certain B'ahlarn Ajaw.
More importantly, Tamarindito Hieroglyphic Stairway 2, Step 1 titles the eighth century king Chanal
B'ahlam as a B'ahlarn Ajaw.
18
Interestingly, Wak Chan K'awiil's contemporary as ruler of the TamarinditoIArroyo de Piedra dynasty
had a name almost identical to that of 'Animal Skull' (see Tamarindito Stela 4 and Arroyo de Piedra Stela
6). In addition, a Tzutz Chan 'Axer' was the king of Altar de Sacrificios in 514 according to Stela 12 of
that site and thus was a contemporary of K'inich Waaw's mother.
19
Although the site of B'ahlam has never been located it must have been very small for the site is rarely
mentioned and lords of this site are always subordinate to larger centers. No artifacts have ever been
found, apart from one bowl (discussed later in the main text), that can be identified with the site of
B'ahlam.
20
Maya kings carried a number of different names and titles. The most important are what '[ have termed
the 'personal' and the 'royal' names. The personal name appears to have been that of the ruler since birth,
or at least since childhood. The royal name, almost invariably preceding the personal name when these are
written together, is of a much more ritualistic nature, formed of a descriptive term, a generic locative and a
deity name. A full study of Classic Maya naming practices is currently being undertaken by Pierre Robert
Colas of the Universitaet Bonn.
21
There is no separate toponym in front of the Maize God on this text, which instead immediately follows
the Tikal Emblem Glyph, which does include the Mutul toponym as its main constituent part. This
ingenious combination proclaims that K'inich Waaw was a native king of Tikal, perhaps a subtle contrast
with the Teotihuacan line of kings he followed.
22
This local nature of the Maize God is reflected in the fact that this deity is usually very site specific.
Note that on Vase MS1374 (Reents-Budet 1994: Fig.2.31) three different dancing Maize Gods are each
associated with a different toponym, that of one of the major cities of the Classic world.
23 In this fashion the Maya, like many European cultures, conceived of 'family trees'. The most notable
depiction of this is the famous rendition of the Xiu family tree from early colonial period Yucatan,
depicting the descent of the family from the eponymous ancestor, Tutu1 Xiu. For a more detailed
discussion see Cortez 1995 and Restall 2001: 350-352.
24
A cautionary note must be made here as the text on the rear of the roofcomb of Temple VI, the Temple of
Inscriptions, bears what appears to be a reference to Wak Chan K'awiil. In his title string is an eroded
glyph with what appears to be a numerical prefix of 14. In addition to its eroded nature, the clearly
retrospective mention of this event, which occurred more than two centuries after the fact clouds our
interpretation of this passage.
25
A royal prince, Muwaahn Jol, was interred in Burial 132 with a large, decorated cache-plate (see Culbert
1993: Figure 45). As well, Burial 190 provides the only reference to the ruler Tuunti' Chan K'awiil, quite
likely the 'missing' 28" king of Tikal.
26
Ti' hu'n is a title commonly found in the Late Classic texts of the western kingdoms such as Pomona and
Palenque, among others. Literally meaning 'mouth (of the) headband', the title would appear to label the
holder as a 'speaker' for the crown, akin to a prime-minister or chancellor.
27
These are Stelae 10 and 12. Stela 10 may be in its original location (Coe 1990: 688-689), while Stela 12,
known only from its upper part, was certainly re-erected in this location (Coe 1990: 701-702).
28
It will be remembered that it was one of K'inich Waaw's artists who painted the Tikal Dynastic Vase.
29
These are Burials PNT-029 and -030, which consist of 13 individuals in total: 6 adult males, 2 adult
females, 1 adult of undetermined sex and 4 infants (Laporte and Fialko 1995: 78). These may be members
of Tikal's elite from the reign of Wak Chan K'awiil, possibly even members of his family. Alternatively,
they could be sacrificial victims. Future DNA analyses will hopefully be able to investigate their identities
and relationships.
30
9.6.15.6.4, 8 K'an 7 Sip in the Maya calendar.
31
One may also note that Coba Stela I bears the same date as the arrival of Lady Wak Chan Ajaw of Dos
Pilas to Naranjo, 27 August, 682 (Stuart and Stuart 1977: 73). Nikolai Grube reports that the verb for this
date on the Coba monument, which is unfortunately badly weathered, also appears to have been 'arrival'
(Nikolai Grube, personal communication 1995 in Schele and Mathews 1998: 362, Note 24). As the arrival
to Naranjo was most likely carried out under Kana1 sanction, this coincidence in dates suggests yet another
link between Coba and the south.
32
A cautionary note must be made here as the situation at Pomona, directly astride this route, is not certain.
The site was later an enemy of Palenque but it is not known when this antagonism began. As Santa Elena
Balancan was subject to Palenque at the beginning of the seventh century, Pomona, between the two cities,
should have been as well. (Nikolai Grube reports (personal communication, 2001) that a panel from Santa
Elena Balancan appears to record that a local Wak'aab' lord was the vassal of Aj Nen Yo'hl Mat of
Palenque, who ruled between 605 and 612.)
Chiniluha, situated just south of Pomona, interestingly records a capture of a Tonina lord in 573
(Schele and Grube 1994: 104), suggesting a victory for the Teotihuacan Alliance in the area against this
enemy from the southwest. However, there are frustratingly few texts from this region from this time
period and only the vaguest sense of this history can be formed. Needless to say, the political situation of
 the Lower Usumacinta area at the turn of the seventh century is most complicated and still not fully
understood.
33
Importantly, Itzamnaaj B'alam 111 (the Great) of Yaxchilan specifically linked a war he ordained against
the site of B'uktuun in 713 with this capture of a Lacanha lord by 'Knot-eye Jaguar'. The connection of
these two events on Lintel 46 by the use of the 'ub'akb'u glyph normally reserved for indicating succession
between various lungs implies that Itzamnaaj B'alam 111 saw himself as being in the same vein as this
illustrious ancestor and that with this capture he re-established his city's independence.
34
Houston et a1 n.d. first suggested that 'Animal Skull' expanded Tikal's influence towards the southwest
based on evidence from Altar de Sacrificios (see below).
35
Stela 12 bears a date of 9.4.10.0.0, 12 Ajaw 8 Mol(24 August, 524) while the next dated monument is
Stela 18,9.9.5.0.0, 9 Ajaw 18 Wo (13 April, 618). Although Altar 1 bears a date of (9.7.15.12.9) 1 Muluk
12 Sotz', this is clear a back reference as a lengthy though eroded Distance Number precedes it (see J.
Graham 1972: 75-78).
36
20 February, 628 in the Julian calendar.
37
Marc Zender (personal communication 2001,2002) notes that as the Classic texts were written in a
Ch'olan language, the number 9 should be transcribed as b'alu'n rather than b'olon, the latter being a
Postclassic Yukatekan form.
38
Caracol Stela 3 bears a posthumous portrait of Lady Batz Ek', set up by her son K'an II, while Stela 6
a parently depicts the king Yajawte' K'inich I1 (Houston n.d.). Stela 6 was erected by Knot Ajaw' in 603.
38Lamanai Stela 9 dates to 625 and was erected by the king K'ak7 Yipyaj Chan Yopaat, as first identified
by Michael Closs (1988). However, the monument portrays another individual, Tzik'in Xook, who seems
to have been the previous ruler of Lamanai (Guenter n.d.g).
40
9.7.15.12.9, 1 Muluk 12 Sotz' in the Mayacalendar.
41
This date is recorded at least three times at Altar. Unfortunately, in no cases is the event clear, but as the
initial event associated with B'alu'n Yokte' K'uh, it should correspond to either his birth or accession. On
Stela 18 the collocation ti ajawil, "in kingship", is found in reference to this date and strongly supports the
interpretation of accession. Later references to B'aluun Yokte' K'uh consistently refer to him simply as a 3
K'atuun Ajaw. This could refer to him as either a king who lived into his third k'atuun or one who ruled
for more than 2 k'atuuns. The latter is far more impressive as most Maya kings lived into at least their
third k'ar~cun.If B'alu'n Yokte' K'uh had only lived for this amount of time a simple reference to him as a
3 K'atuun Ajaw would not be clear. A reference to a 3 K'atuun Ajaw who ruled between 40 and 60 years,
on the other hand, would be far more specific as only a few kings ever reigned for such a lengthy period.
42
Or, more accurately, no candidate for such a monument has come to light.
43
These include Structure 5 ~ - 3 2 - 1 "(K'inich Waaw), 33-1" (two anonymous regal burials of the Hiatus
period--see below), 33-3rd(Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11), and 34-2nd(Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I). Structure 5D-35 has
not been excavated.
44
ALthough we do not yet have a text recounting the death of Siyaj K'ahk', it is important that an apparent
mention of him by a variant name Siyaj 'Dart' on the Hombre de Tikal sculpture postdates the death of
Yaax Nu'n Ayiin (Guenter in prep.^).
45
His vassals included the kings of Tikal and Bejucal and probably those of Uaxactun, El Zapote, El Peru,
Rio Azul, Copan and perhaps even Palenque as well (Grube and Martin 1999: 11-26,27). Given that this
includes only those sites for which we have monuments not only dating to this period but also those which
have survived into the present, this list of the subjects of Siyaj ~ ' a h k is
' undoubtedly a gross
underestimation.
46 In this way he makes an interesting parallel to Hernan Cortes, who arrived to Mexico in 1519;
conquering the Aztec Empire in 1521 and re-establishing its capital of Tenochtitlan as Mexico City, the
center of the new colony of New Spain. Although Cortes died in Spain he was ultimately buried in the
Hospital de Jesus Nazareno in Mexico City, his greatest conquest (Prescott 1909: 414). His bones still rest
there today.
47
I thank Jesper Nielsen for this information (personal communication, 2002).
48
Coggins perceptively noted a probable original location for this tomb. "If this was originally a Maya
tomb, it is likely that such a rich assemblage would have been located on the North Acropolis itself -
perhaps in a non-axial position from which it was eventually removed" (Coggins 1975: 177). William Coe
first suggested that this deposit may have been removed from a tomb location below Structure 5 ~ - 3 2 - 2 " ~
(1990: 558).
Figure 3-1: The ceramics of Burial 160 are transitional in nature, including
vessels that fit into both the Early Classic Manik and the Late Classic Ik
complexes.
(a) These cylindrical tripods are among the last vestiges of Teotihuacan
influence on Tikal's culture. (After Culbert 1993: Figure 36a8,9)
(b) Also found in Burial 160 was this dish, one of the first examples of the
tripod plate that was popular throughout Late Classic Tikal. (After
Culbert 1993: Figure 36al)

Figure 3-2: Ik ceramics from the reign of Wak Chan K'awiil Plate.
(a) Plate with avian design in the center inside a hieroglyphic text circling
the edge. (Drawing by Simon Martin, after Martin 2001: Figure 6)
(b) This vessel, of early Ik form, bears the name of Wak Chan K'awiil,
and predates 562. (Photo O Justin Kerr, after Reents-Budet 1994: Figure
4.28)
Figure 3-3: The name of K'inich Waaw, previously known as 'Animal Skull'.
(a) (After Grube and Martin 2000a: It-51
(b) (After Martin and Grube 2000: 40)

Figure 3-4: Stela 8 of Tikal. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and
Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 12)
Figure 3-5: Tikal Stela 7, apparently the model for Stela 8. (Drawing by William
Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 11)
Figure 3-6: The mistake in the date of Yaax Nu'n Ayiin's accession. On Stela 31
the date is carved in error, as 10 Kab'an when 5 Kab'an, carved correctly on
Stela 4, was intended.
(a) From Stela 4. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite
1982: Figure 5)
(b) From Stela 31. (Drawing by John Montgomery)

Figure 3-7: The name glyph of the king from Stela 8, compared with that of
K'inich Waaw.
(a) (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure
12)
(b) (After Martin and Grube 2000: 40)
 ROOM 3

ROOM 2

I ROOM l
I

Room 2

- ---- - - - - - -
u.74 - - - - - - - - -- - - - - - -
---- -

w
-

Figure: 3-8: Tikal Burial 200

(a) Plan view of Temple 22, showing Burial 200 and the numerous other
'Problematic Deposits' intruded through its floors. (After Coe 1990: Figure
114)
(b) Profile view, showing vaulted crypt and the thorough mixing of tomb
contents. (After Coe 1990: Figure 117)
Figure 3-9: These ceramic vessels, from Problematic Deposit 134 (Burial 200),
are of early to mid-Ik date.
(a) Various bowls. (After Culbert 1993: Figure 146)
(b) Tripod plate. (After Culbert 1993: Figure 147)

Figure 3-10: This plate from Problematic Deposit 19, found in Temple 26, may
have originally come from Burial 200. However, the form of this plate varies
greatly from the one plate certainly from Burial 200 (Fig. 3-9b). (After Culbert
1993: Figure 122)
Figure 3-11: The parentage of K'inich Waaw, from a Burial 195 plate. (After
Culbert 1993: Figure 50e)
(a) ...son of (father), Fire Cross. (After Culbert 1993: Figure 50e)
...
(b) son of (mother), Lady Tzutz Chan. (After Culbert 1993: Figure 50e)
...
(c) son of (mother), Lady Tzutz Chan. (From a photo of vase K772, O
Kerr 1978, after Kerr 1989: 46)
Figure 3-12: K'inich Waaw, the native of Tikal, as given on the 'Warriors Plate'.
(a) Warrior Plate. (Drawing by L. Gorets, after Grube and Martin 2000a: 11-
53)
(b) K'inich Waaw as a local of Tikal, with the Maize God's head following
the Tikal Emblem Glyph. (Drawing by L. Gorets, after Grube and Martin
2000a: 11-53)
Figure 3-13: The Numbered Te' Title, perhaps a reference to a count of royal
dynasties at Tikal.
(a) Possible 13 te' as a title of Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I from the Hombre de
Tikal sculpture. (Drawing by Rene Ozaeta, Rafael Pinelo, and Roland
Caal, after Fahsen 1988: Figure 4)
(b) 13 te' title of Wak Chan K'awiil from Stela 17. (Drawing by William
Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 25)
(c) 14 te' title of K'inich Waaw from a plate found in Burial 195. (After
Culbert 1993: Figure 5 la)
(d) 14 te' title of Yik'in Chan K'awiil on Stela 5. (Drawing by William Coe,
after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 7a)
Figure 3-14: The final passage from Stela 8 records that K'inich Waaw was the
ti' hu'n of Lady Yok'in, indicating how this non-royal individual came to the
throne of Tikal. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:
Figure 12)

Figure 3-15: Looted plate portraying K'inich Waaw in the pose of the staff stelae
kings. (After Grube and Martin 2000a: II-53)
Figure 3-16: The Mundo Perdido Throne, perhaps that of K'inich Waaw
himself. (Drawing by F. Luin from Laporte and Fialko 1995, after ValdCs 2001:
Figure 5.10)

Figure 3-17: The recovery of Altun Ha in the late sixth century, as recorded on
the Jade Pendant from Burial B-417. (After Schele and Grube 1994: 103-104)
(a) K'inich Chak Pax waged an 'axe war' on 8 K'an 7 Sip (4 May, 569).
(b) The accession of Tiliw Man K'inich came on 7 Kab'an 5 K'ank'in (4
December, 584).
Figure 3-18: The Altun Ha Jade Head. (After Pendergast 1982: Figure 33b)

Figure 3-19: Sky Witness, the Snake king, from Okop Sculptured Stone 2. (After
Martin 1997: Fig. 9c)
Figure 3-20: K'inich Waaw's portrait on Altar de Sacrificios Stela 8.
(a) Front face of Stela 8. (After J. Graham 1972: Fig. 18)
(b) K'inich Waaw's name glyph. (After Schele and Grube 1994: 114)
Figure 3-21: Unprovenienced Vase K772 commemorates the sajal Ek' B'ahlam,
'Star-Jaguar', a vassal of K'inich Waaw's and apparently a native of the site of
B'ahlam. (Photo O Ken 1978, after Ken 1989: 46)
(a) The text from vessel K772.
(b) Ek' B'ahlam as a B'ahlam native. Note the jaguar ear on the Maize
God's head.

Figure 3-22: This sherd from the Duende cave at Dos Pilas records the name of
an otherwise unknown lord of Dos Pilaflikal of the late sixth or early seventh
centuries. (After Houston 1993: Figure 4-6)
Figure 3-23: Ceramics from Problematic Deposit 50, perhaps originally from the
tomb of Siyaj K'ahk' under Structure 5 ~ - 3 2 - 2(After
~ ~ . Culbert 1993: Figure 128)
(a) The 'Arrival' Tripod Cylinder.
(b) Another cylinder decorated with intertwined Feathered Serpents.
Figure 3-24: Burial 195, under Structure SD-32-1". (After Coe 1990: Figure 198)
Figure 3-25: The K'awiil statues from Burial 195. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after
Freidel et al. 1993: Figure 4: 15a)

Figure 3-26: Wooden Panel 1 from Burial 195, portraying K'inich Waaw on the
occasion of the 5 Ajaw Period Ending of 593. (Drawing by William Coe, after
Schele 1990: 142)
Figure 3-27: This stuccoed lid from Burial 195 bears the name of a Lady K'a
T'u'l, perhaps the wife of K'inch Waaw. (After Coggins 1975: Figure 91b)
Chapter 4: The Decline of Tikal
The Middle Years
The burial of K'inich Waaw initiated a massive reconstruction effort in the center
of the city. The North Acropolis received a new surface, Floor 2, and the southern comer
temples (Structure 5D-25 and -27) were rebuilt while two northern comer temples
(Structure 5D-20 and -21) were added (C. Jones 199 1: 116). This essentially completed
the form of the North Acropolis itself (Map 3), and all future constructions would
concentrate on those structures fronting the Great Plaza. The Great Plaza itself was
repaved and the North Terrace, connecting the Plaza and the North Acropolis, was rebuilt
with a new stairway (C. Jones 1991: 116).
This massive construction project, the greatest seen at Tikal in many years, was
the work of K'inich Waaw's immediate successors but testify to the rebuilding of Tikal's
fortunes by the old king. The 23'* and 2 4 kings
~ of Tikal have long remained
anonymous, no monuments from their names have ever been found and the era in which
they lived remains the 'darkest' portion of the Hiatus period. However, two candidates
for these 'missing' kings can be found on both ceramic and monumental artifacts from
sites outside of Tikal.
The first is known only from an inscription painted on a Tepeu I vase from Burial
A23 at Uaxactun (Fig. 4-la). He is titled a K'uhul Mutul Ajaw, a 'Divine Tikal Lord',
and the fact that his personal name is preceded by a royal one indicates that he is a king
of Tikal. His personal name likely reads K'inich Wayaan (see Appendix 3), while his
royal name parallels those of Wak Chan K'awiil and K'inich Waaw in consisting of a fire
compound fronting Chan Yopaat (Fig. 4-lb).
The other is K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11, who on Dos Pilas Panel 6 appears as the
father of the first ruler of that site, B'ajlaj Chan ~ ' a w i i l (Fig.
' 4-2a). His name may also
be found on a ceramic sherd, bearing Miscellaneous Text (MT) 25 of Tikal (Fig. 4-2b).
Here he is named as the father of Tikal's 25thking, Nu'n u Jol Chaahk (Guenter n.d.0.
Unfortunately, there are no firm dates associated with either of these figures
making their positions relative to one another uncertain. Nevertheless, there are good
reasons to believe that K'inich Wayaan preceded K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11. The latter is
clearly connected to the following lords of the lungdom, who lived in the mid- to late-
seventh century. K'inich Wayaan, on the other hand, bears a royal name remarkably
similar to that of K'inich Waaw while the vessel that bears his name is certainly coeval
with the reign of Aj Wosaaj of Naranjo, who died around 620. In fact, this bowl appears
to have been painted by a royal artist in the court of this Naranjo king (Stuart 1989: 158)
and this evidence places K'inich Wayaan into the period immediately following the death
of K'inich Waaw. It would thus seem that, upon present evidence, K'inich Wayaan was
most likely the 23rdruler while K'inich Muwaahn Jol I1 was his direct successor as the
24thking of Tikal.

The Reign of K'inich Wayaan

It is K'inich Wayaan, then, who must have been responsible for the facelift given
downtown Tikal in the wake of the construction of Temple 32. He would have inherited
a strong lungdom with allies and vassals on his western and southern borders, while the
northern and eastern borders, although occupied by enemies, appear to have been
relatively quiet.
The Pasion region appears to have entered into a period of considerable prosperity
at the beginning of the seventh century. Arroyo de Piedra Stela 1 was erected on the
occasion of the 9.9.0.0.0 Period Ending of 613 and it records the accession of a new lung
of this polity on 5 January of that year2 (Fig. 4-3). Most intriguingly, this king's name
appears to read K'inich Muwaahn Jol, and this name may reflect the influence of Tikal,
which only a few years later would have a lung of the same name. Only five years later
B'alu'n Yokte' K'uh of Altar de Sacrificios, already ruling for 29 years, commissioned
Stela 18, the first monument erected at the site in almost a century. Ten years later he
commissioned Stela 8 with its portrait of K'inich Waaw and followed this up with Stela
9, celebrating the 9.10.0.0.0 Period Ending of 633. Tikal's main province, that
encompassing the Pasion region, was certainly enjoying a period of prosperity.
The greatest coup of K'inich Wayaan's reign, however, came with a swing in the
allegiance of Naranjo, Tikal's eastern neighbor. Its lung, Aj Wosaaj, had been installed
as ruler in 546 by the Snake lord Tuun K'ab' Hix. As this information was carved on
Naranjo Stela 25, Aj Wosaaj's last monument and dating to 615, Simon Martin and
Nikolai Grube consider that he "remained a loyal client and ally" of this lungdom until
his death (Martin and Grube 2000: 72). However, a similar situation exists at Caracol,
where only later kings recorded that Yajawte' K'inich I1 acceded under the aegis of Wak
Chan K'awiil of Tikal, and these later kings were certainly enemies of Tikal at the time
(Grube and Martin 1998: 11-32, Martin and Grube 2000: 89). In this light, the Stela 25
reference cannot be taken to indicate a firm alliance with the Kana1 kingdom and there
are actually strong reasons to believe that already by this time Naranjo was in league with
Tikal.
It is clear that the Snake Hegemony changed its consideration of Naranjo in the
early seventh century for Caracol launched attacks on this city in 626 in a campaign that
culminated in the utter defeat of Naranjo in 631 at the hands of the Snake King, by this
time based out of Calakrnul. As Linda Schele and David Freidel have noted, Aj Wosaaj
appears to have betrayed his erstwhile overlords as he "apparently reached out to Tikal in
friendship and alliance, involving himself somehow in the politics of that kingdom"
(Schele and Freidel 1990: 177). The evidence they saw came from a polychrome bowl
recovered from Tikal that had been painted by one of Aj Wosaaj's artists and bore his
name (Fig. 4-4). This exquisite vessel was the lone gift to a noblewoman buried in a
vaulted tomb on the central axis of Structure 5G-8 in the city's eastern suburbs.
As Dorie Reents-Budet (2000) has shown, highly decorated elite service wares
such as this were exchanged by Maya nobility at @eat banquets and pageants where the
visitors received a painted drinking vessel in exchange for their attendance of the feast.
This bowl in the tomb beneath Structure 5G-8 implies that the anonymous noblewoman
buried inside had been an invited guest at the court of Aj Wosaaj, suggesting a
rapprochement between Tikal and Naranjo had been achieved before the end of this
lung's reign.
Even more suggestive is the vase bearing K'inich Wayaan's name found at
Uaxactun (Smith 1955: Fig. 7f). This vase was painted at Naranjo, but bore the name of
the lung of Tikal, suggesting that this lung, like his noblewoman, had also been an
honored guest at the palace of Naranjo. The lung of Tikal's high status meant that Aj
Wosaaj had asked his artist to personalize the vessel to be given to this guest. It is clear
then, that the king and non-royal elite of Tikal were being courted by Naranjo's lord and
treated to elaborate banquets and it must be considered that it was Aj Wosaaj himself
who betrayed the Snake lords. Such betrayal of the lords who had elevated him to the
kingship itself would not go unpunished and Aj Wosaaj's descendants would pay dearly
for the treachery of their predecessor.

Defeat in the East

While K'inich Wayaan could pride himself on his allegiance with Naranjo, his
reign saw the turning of the tide against Tikal. This began at the end of the sixth century
with catastrophic defeats of the far-eastern and -western bastions of the Teotihuacan
Alliance. In the spring of 595, at about the time that K'inich Waaw passed on, the forces
of Altun Ha apparently attacked Pusilha in southern Belize (Guenter n.d.d). This record
comes from Stela D of Pusilha and it is specified that Altun Ha's forces carried out some
action to a lakarntuun. or 'stela' (Fig. 4-513. There follows a reference to a hub'uy u to'k'
pakal event, the 'downfall' of the forces4 of some lord. Although the lord's name is
broken away at the top of this stela the appearance of the 'Scroll' Emblem Glyph of
Altun Ha suggests that the victim was the attaclung force itself.
An inscription on a jade plaque at Altun Ha records the accession of a king named
Tiliw Man ~ ' i n i c hin~584 who was likely the ruling lord of Altun Ha at the time of these
events in Pusilha (Pendergast 1982: 84-87, Guenter n.d.d). The text continues with a
number of poorly understood passages but a reference to the 'skulls of the Scroll
kingdom' suggests that this defeat for Altun Ha ended in a complete slaughter (Guenter
n.d.d). Interestingly, the tomb of Tiliw Chan K'inich has never been found (Pendergast
1982: 136), and he may well have fallen along with his army in the Pusilha debacle.
Altun Ha's disastrous campaign in southern Belize must have seriously weakened
this member of the Teotihuacan Alliance and opened up Belize to the Snake hngdom.
Altun Ha's immediate neighbor to the west was Lamanai, a 'dinosaur' of a site, being one
of the oldest and largest sites in Belize, one of the few survivors of the Preclassic collapse
(Pendergast 1981: 34-41). Although separated by only 40 lulometers Lamanai and Altun
Ha exhibit few similarities in archaeological culture (Pendergast 1981: 42-43) and were
most likely competitors for control of northern Belize (Freidel, pers. comm 2000). Not
surprisingly, the early seventh century period of trouble for Altun Ha coincided with a
marked upturn in the fortunes of Lamanai; all of that site's stelae date to this very time
(Reents-Budet 1988: 17).
Inscriptions from the eighth century confirm Altun Ha's involvement in southern
Belize and this kingdom appears to have been in competition with Pusilha for domination
of this important region (Guenter n.d.d). The site of Pusilha may well have been founded
by immigrants from Quirigua, as t h s site rose at the same time as that Quirigua was
abandoned to the silt of the Motagua and Pusilha's lords bore the same Tzuk Emblem
Glyph as the kings of Quirigua. Due to local peculiarities in the inscriptions of southern
Belize the history of this region remains quite opaque and important connections with
Copan are also apparent (Martin and Grube 2000: 201).
Copan itself seems to have been the only major member of the Teotihuacan
Alliance not to have suffered a major attack in the seventh century, likely due to this
site's distance from the tumultuous events talung place in the Peten and immediately
adjacent territories. The 25 year reign of Moon Jaguar was followed by the nearly fifty
year reign of K'ahk' Ti' chan6 (Martin and Grube 2000: 198-200). These lungs repaired
the damage of the mid-sixth century sack of the city and began erecting monuments once
again. One of the most impressive constructions from the Maya world, the Rosalila
structure built atop the funerary shrine of the dynastic founder, was constructed in the
reign of Moon Jaguar and remained in use for the better part of a century (Agurcia 2000:
265). The population of the Copan Valley increased markedly during these reigns and
many other construction projects carried out in the city attest to the renewed prosperity of
the southern member of the Teotihuacan Alliance (Fash 1991: 98). Copan's Stela P
accords K'ahk' Ti' Chan the title of Nohol Kalo'mte', or 'South Emperor' (Fig. 4-6),
declaring not only Copan's independence but also its domination of the southern Classic
Maya world.

War in the West

Only four years after the battle in southern Belize the Snake lords struck west and
attacked Palenque. The Hieroglyphic Stairway of House C of Palenque's Palace contains
the only reference to this event (Fig. 4-7a). Research by Linda Schele, Floyd Lounsbury
and Simon Martin has revealed the details of this long misunderstood passage. The text
states that on 21 April, 5997 the city of Palenque (referred to by its ancient name of
Lakam HaJ) was 'axed' by 'Sky Witness', the Snake lord (Schele 1995: 3). This Sky
Witness cannot be the famous king of that name, who must have been dead for decades
by this time since his successor Yaax yopaatg was already in power by 573 (Martin and
Grube 2000: 104). Quite possibly the Sky Witness mentioned on the Palenque stair was a
non-ruling namesake, as Martin and Grube suggest (Martin and Grube 2000: 104).
The record of this major defeat of Palenque continues by stating that Palenque's
primary patron gods, the famous 'Palenque Triad', were 'thrown out', presumably ripped
from their temple sanctuaries and trodden underfoot by the victors (Martin and Grube in
Schele and Grube 1994: 107). The text then goes on to describe an event (still
undeciphered) occurring the next day, presumably some celebratory ritual by the
invaders, involving a certain Nu'n Hiix Lakam Chaahk who was accompanied by
Itzamnaaj B'ahlam 11, king of ~ a x c h i l a n(Fig.
~ 4-7b). Although Yaxchilan's record is
fractured for this period, it appears to have held sway over Bonampak and Lacanja, the
gains of wars in the middle of the previous century1'. Half a century earlier Yaxchilan's
lung boasted of his capture of the vassal of the Snake lord Tuun K'ab' Hix (see above)
but the presence of Itzamnaaj B'ahlam I1 at Palenque only a day after the sack of this city
places him and his kingdom firmly in the Snake fold at this time. Whatever it is that he
was doing at Palenque, it is clear that this first attack on the city was the work of not just
Snake forces but an entire coalition and in this light it is perhaps not surprising that
Palenque went down to defeat.
These events occurred within the reign of Lady Yo'hl Ik'nal, one of only a
handful of women ever to have ruled in her own right. Her tenure upon the throne was
beset by trouble as Palenque's neighbors, possibly sensing its vulnerability under such a
non-traditional ruler, continued the pressure on it. Lintel 4 of Bonampak records that on
13 May, 60311 Palenque's forces were defeated in battle by Bonarnpak's king Yajaw
Chan Muwaahn 112(Fig. 4-8).
This second defeat of Palenque does not appear to have penetrated the capital
itself as had the previous attack. However, it may have prompted the queen to
temporarily abandon her capital. This may be gleaned from a passage of the new K'an
Tok panel from Group 16 at Palenque. This monument records a series of accessions to
secondary office by some of Palenque's highest elite. One of these lords was put into
office in 604 (Fig. 4-9). Uniquely in this list, the location where this event took place is
specified, being named Ki'us. Apparently Lady Yo'hl Ik'nal's court was now in exile
(Guenter 2000b).
This trouble in Palenque coincided with the return of Piedras Negras onto the
regional political stage, and the two events are surely linked. Half a century of silence
following the saclung of Piedras Negras in the mid-sixth century was ended with the
erection of Stela 25 in 608 (Fig. 4-10). This monument records that on 14 November,
60313 Yo'nal Ahk I became lung of Piedras Negras. Although there is no evidence of its
involvement in the wars of the early seventh century, only slightly later accounts indicate
that it was firmly aligned against Palenque in the coming century (see below). The rise
of Piedras Negras at this time of regonal upheaval is significant and by the reign of the
next ruler the city appears to have been part of the burgeoning Snake hegemony.

The Collapse of Palenque

The wars in the west at this time were likely an attempt by the Snake lords to cut
off the vital communication and trade route between Tikal and Palenque. The crucial
link in this route was the area between the San Pedro Martir and Usumacinta rivers (Fig.
4-1 1). In this location were to be found a number of the most hotly contested cities in the
wars between the Teotihuacan Alliance and the Snake Hegemony including Pomona,
Chinikiha, and Santa Elena Balancan. It is not known if Tonina was a member of the
Snake hegemony but it was certainly an enemy of Palenque throughout Classic history.
The record of the capture of a Tonina person in 57 1 at Chinikiha indicates that this
lungdom was embroiled in the wars of this region as well (see Chapter 3).
The seizure of these critical sites by the Snake Kingdom would not only cut off
direct contact between Palenque and Tikal but would open a link with Tonina and thus
surround Palenque in a ring of enemies. It is not surprising, then, that Palenque would
fight to the death for control of its eastern subjects. Lady Yo'hl Ik'nal was succeeded in
605 by Aj Nen Yo'hl Mat, who returned the court to Lakam Ha' and moved to recover
the kingdom's eastern domains. On 31 December, 6l0I4, Palenque attacked Wak'aab' in
an attempt to take back this important city, which had obviously been pulled into the
Snake camp (Fig. 4-12a). However, this was a Pyrrhic victory as all it accomplished was
to bring down the wrath of the Snake I n g for the second time on Palenque. Only
months later, on 4 April, 61 115,Lakam Ha' was sacked for the second time in a dozen
years, this time clearly at the hands of 'Scroll Serpent' (Fig. 4-12b).
Palenque had obviously not been cowed by the defeat of 599. The 61 1 repeat
seems to have had much more disastrous consequences. Aj Nen Yo'hl Mat died a year
and a half later and at the nadir of Palenque's fortunes a princess named Sak K'uk'
appears to have taken the throne under the guise of a local deity, Muwaahn Mat (Schele
and Freidel 1990: 223-228, Martin and Grube 2000: 161). The extent of the sorrow at
Palenque is reflected in a later account of this history. A passage on a tablet in the
Temple of the Inscriptions (Fig. 4-13a) records satay K'uhul Ixik, satay Ajaw, 'lost is the
queen, lost is the king', referring probably to the deaths of Lady Yo'hl Ikn'al and Aj Nen
Yo'hl at'^ (Schele and Mathews 1998: 105-106, Martin and Grube 2000: 161). The
text then goes on to list a number of items of a poorly understood ritual nature that the
gods failed to give on the 9.9.0.0.0, 3 Ajaw 3 Sotz' Period Ending of 613. Poignantly,
the only item actually given out by the gods on this day was time itself (Fig. 4-13b),
expressing just how forlorn Palenque's rulers felt their situation had been after having
been driven out of their city again.
In the wake of this disaster the royal court of Palenque appears to have been
moved once again, perhaps back to the Middle Classic capital of Tok Tan (Guenter
2000b). Lakam Ha' would languish in silence until the mid-seventh century when
K'inich Janaab' Pakal I would engineer the renaissance of Palenque.

The Death of K'inich Wayaan

This, then, was the political situation as the reign of K'inich Wayaan came to an
end. The Peten appeared to be still firmly in the hands of Tikal and its Teotihuacan
Alliance partners, and the allegiance with Naranjo had been a major coup for Mutul.
However, the peripheral members of this alliance had been knocked out and would be of
no significant help to Tikal in the coming struggle. Thus as K'inich Wayaan went to join
his ancestors the clouds on Tikal's horizon were beginning to darken.
 There are no texts relating the death of K'inich Wayaan or the accession of his
successor, K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11. However, if K'inich Wayaan had an average reign
length, between 20 and 25 years (Martin 1997: 853-854), then he probably died around
6 2 0 ' ~ .In fact, there may be some evidence supporting this contention.
The personal nature of the bowl with the name of K'inich Wayaan painted upon it
from Burial A23 at Uaxactun suggests that this king of Tikal may well have been the
subject of this burial. Burial A23 was constructed at the very beginning of the Tepeu I
phase and had Early Construction V of the A-V Complex built over top of it (Smith 1950:
26). This burial (Fig. 4-14) is notable for its sparse furnishings and small size, and its
location would suggest that this is a rather unlikely tomb in which to find a king of Tikal.
However, no other location can be suggested for the final resting-place of this king, who
certainly would have ruled over Uaxactun as well as Tikal. Most importantly, the fact
that this bowl was a personal gift to this king means that it was not likely to have been
given away to a vassal, and is exactly the type of artifact one would expect to find within
his tomb.
Most suggestive is the fact that erected in front of Early Construction V was the
only monument from this period of the 'Hiatus' in the entire central Peten. Uaxactun
Stela 6 has proven a problem to epigraphers for many years as it is in a very poor state of
preservation, having lost large sections of the sides and back to disintegration of the stone
itself (Fig. 4-15). Sylvanus G. Morley. the first scholar to investigate this monument,
saw a partial Initial Series date of ?.9.6.?.3, 9 ?, which could only be reconstructed as one
of two possibilities: (9.)9.6.(2.)3, 9 Ak'b'al (16 Sotz'), or (9.)9.6.(15.)3, 9 Ak'b'al 16
K'ayab', both dates falling in 619, as he assumed that the b'ak'tuun and winal glyphs had
been lost as the sections of the monument on which they had been carved were destroyed
(Morley 1938 Vol I: 203-208). Peter Mathews subsequently revised this to 9.6.(0.0.0), 9
Ajaw (3 Wayeb') or 554, opting for no missing glyphs and instead having a truncated
date (Mathews 1985: 24,45). This interpretation sees Glyph B l as apparently marking 0
k'ins rather than 3, as did Morley.
There are major problems with both positions. Against Morley's proposal is that
Stela 6, stylistically a member of the 'Staff Stelae' series of Tikal (see Chapter I), should
record a Period Ending date. However, it should be noted that no Period Ending date can
be found in any part of the text. As well, there is no evidence for Morley's putative
missing glyphs (I. Graham XXX), which indicates that certain glyphs for the date were
not recorded. While Morley's position would have the b'ak'tuun position and winals as
being unrecorded Mathews' proposal considers those unrecorded positions being the
tziuns and winals. The latter would seem far more likely, especially for a Period Ending
monument but unfortunately the glyphs of the two periods that were carved on the left
side of Stela 6 are not sufficiently differentiated to decide whether what was recorded
were the b'ak'tuuns and k'atuuns (Mathews) or k'atuurts and winals (Morley).
Against Mathews' suggestion is the internal detail of the tzolk'in glyph at position
B2, which is compatible with the day sign Ak'b'al (as proposed by Morley) but not with
Ajaw (Mathews' position). Furthermore, archaeology also supports an early seventh
century date for this monument. As Stela 6 was built in alignment with Early
Construction V (Smith 1950: 26), it must postdate Burial A23, which was dedicatory to
its construction. As a vessel from this tomb certainly belonged to the king K'inich
Wayaan, who could not have acceded prior to 593 (when K'inich Waaw was still ruling),
the monument must have been carved, or minimally moved to its present position, at
some point after this date. This would rule out Mathews' proposition of 554.
Suffice it to say, this stela remains poorly understood. However, whether it was
carved in the mid-sixth or early seventh centuries, the associated archaeology indicates
that it was certainly not set up in its present position until well into the seventh century.
This provides a second example of a Hiatus period monument at Tikal and removes
another forty or fifty years from the period when Tikal's lungs were not erecting stone
monuments, leaving the Hiatus with barely half its original length.

Caracol and the Fall of Naranjo

If K'inich Wayaan's memorial stele was commissioned by his widow, this
suggests that K'inich Muwaahn Jol I1 may have been a minor when his predecessor died.
This could well explain the reign of K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11, which saw the complete
disintegration in the fortunes of Tikal and left the lungdom on the brink of disaster. No
monuments have been found in the central Peten dating to his reign and only one, Xultun
Stela 7 dating to 642, is known for the northeast Peten. No construction of any note can
be attributed to this king and K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11's reign is so anonymous that if it
were not for the mentions of his name by his sons we would have absolutely no
knowledge of this lung whatsoever. It is no surprise that in his reign the members of the
Snake Hegemony experienced an incredible resurgence with a veritable explosion of
monuments and new construction at these sites. The outlook for the Teotihuacan
Alliance was bleak and the rain of destruction moved into the Peten itself.
The beginning of the conquest of the Peten began with the settling of scores with
the turncoat regime in Naranjo. Sometime around 620 Aj Wosaaj, full of years, finally
went to meet his ancestors. His successor has long remained nameless, being referred to
only once in the monumental record courtesy of his enemy, the king of Caracol who
referred to him only by the Naranjo generic royal title, Sak Chuwe'n (Martin and Grube
2000: 72). However, there does appear to be one reference to his name on a looted bowl
painted by an artist in the school of Aj Wosaaj's master (Fig. 4-16a). Bearing the Sak
Chuwe'n title, his personal name, 'Bone Face', repeats that of the dynastic founder as
seen on Stela 24 (Fig. 4-16b). This king inherited a wealthy realm, courtesy of the long-
lived Aj Wosaaj, but would preside over the disintegration of the kingdom of Naranjo
and would be meet a grisly end at Calakmul at the hands of the Snake King.
Events were initiated by a new ruler of Caracol, lord K'an I. He was a younger
son of Yajawte' K'inich I1 by Lady Batz' Ek', a princess from some site within the Kanal
Kingdom (Schele and Grube 1994: 103). She had arrived to Caracol in 584 as a young
woman only 18 years of age to marry a lung who had already been on the throne for 31
years, much her senior (Martin and Grube 2000: 91). Her son took the throne only after
the 18 year reign of his older half-brother, Knot Ajaw.
It is perhaps significant that Knot Ajaw never made reference to any Snake Kings
on his monuments but did make a point of recording that his father's accession had been
supervised by the lung of Tikal. The latter is all the more remarkable as this reference
occurs without any rhetorical addendum that this Tikal king, Wak Chan K'awiil, had
gone down in defeat in divine justice for his attack on Caracol. Knot Ajaw's reign did
coincide with the time when K'inich Wayaan and Aj Wosaaj were engneering their
alliance and this union would have seriously constrained Caracol's contact with the
Kanal I n g d o m . There is no indication that Knot Ajaw joined this alliance and an
association with the kingdom that had sacked Caracol only half a century earlier is not
expected. However, gven the political situation in the Peten, Knot Ajaw would have
done well to not antagonize the allies to his north.
K'an I, however, pursued a very different path and thrust Caracol into the
maelstrom that was about to invade the Peten. Through his mother he was connected to
the Kanal Kingdom and it is not surprising that the first known event of his reign was
supervised by Yukno'm Ti' chanl8, the new Snake K n g (Fig. 4-17a). A major event in
622 was the arrival of one of Caracol's patron gods to the city, an event that was
witnessed by the queen mother and the lung (Fig. 4-17b). This deity was the 'gift' of yet
another Snake I n g , Tajo'm u K'ab' K'ahk' (Martin and Grube 2000: 106).
Firmly allied with the Snake forces, K'an I began his campaign against Naranjo in
626 with two attacks in May and August against a place within this lungdom named 'Ko-
Bent Cauac' (Fig. 4-l8a). This site, still unlocated, had been conquered by Aj Wosaaj in
596 according to Naranjo Altar 1 (Fig. 4-lab), which records the victory as a complete
slaughter, involving the 'mountaining of bones' and a 'pooling of blood"9 (Schele and
Grube 1994: 106). Three decades later this site fell to K'an I who continued his
campaign the following year with an attack on a place or person named ~ z a r n ~(Schele
'
and Grube 1994: 113, Martin and Grube 2000: 92). On Caracol Stela 3, K'an I declared
in reference to this battle that he was 'the companion o f , or fought this battle 'in the
company of'", 'Yukno'm Head', a royal prince of Kanal and the successor to Tajo'm u
K'ab' K'ahk' (Fig. 4-19).
Tajo'm u K'ab' K'ahk' played a ballgame on the very day of this battle and
passed away three years later, as dutifully recorded by Caracol scribes on one of K'an 1's
later accounts of the history of his Naranjo wars (Schele and Grube 1994: 113). This
brought to the throne Yukno'm Head, probably a son of Scroll Serpent as in all likelihood
were both of his predecessors (Martin and Grube 2000: 106). Yukno'm Head carried the
war into Naranjo itself, conquering the city on 24 December, 631'' (Fig. 4-20). The king
of Naranjo was hauled off to Calakmul and tortured, k'cwaj, at the hands of Yukno'm
Head, never to be heard from again (Martin and Grube 2000: 72). The Snake King
finally had his vengeance for Aj Wosaaj's treachery with this triumph at Calakrnul.
The Union of the Snake
This is the first reference to Calakmul as a site and it is clear that by this time the
royal court of the Snake l n g s had been removed to this site which would remain the
capital of the Kanal Kingdom for the rest of its history (Martin and Grube 2000: 106). It
is from this point, at the beginning of the seventh century, that the Snake Emblem Glyph
and Calakmul finally become synonymous. The first Late Classic stelae to be erected at
the site, Stelae 28 and 29, date to 623 and should represent the reigning Snake f i g ,
Tajo'm u K'ab' K'ahk', and his wife, although the weathered state of their texts
precludes confirmation (Fig. 4-21).
The same 9.9.10.0.0,2 Ajaw 13 Pop of 18 March, 623 appears to have marked the
return of the Snake Kingdom in a grand way to the land of its birth, the Mirador Basin,
which was finally repopulated at this time (Hansen 2000: 64). This is the first Period
Ending marked at Uxul, a site less than 10 kilometers north of El Mirador itself, while
Naachtun Stela 1 also bears this date (Ruppert and Denison 1943: 131, 149-150, 153). In
addition, a new outpost of Snake power was established at the site of La Corona, just
north of El Peru, with the accession of its first known lung, Sak Ma's, in 625 (Schele and
Grube 1994: 111).
It is at this same time that Calakmul's subjects on the peripheries also began to
prosper. Lamanai, in northern Belize (Map l), burst briefly onto the scene, eclipsing
Altun Ha following that site's defeat in 595, dominating the region for the next half-
century (Guenter n.d.d, n.d.g). Far to the west, with Palenque still suffering in silence,
the Snake lords appear to have established a new outpost on the San Pedro Martir k v e r
north of Pomona and Santa Elena Balancan. Morales, also known as Reforma, is notable
for its Peten-style architecture (personal observation, 1997) and though few excavations
have been carried out at the site, it seems apparent that the site represents an intrusion
from the east. The first date at the site comes in 622, as recorded on Stela 5 (Schele and
Grube 1994: 1lo), although a stela found in the general region of Morales is known to
date to 6 1 3 (Elisabeth
~~ Wagner, personal communication 2001). Most important is Stela
4, which records that a local accession in 662 was supervised by Yukno'm Ch'e'n, the
reigning Kanal King (Fig. 4-22) (Schele and Grube 1994: 126).
 Piedras Negras kept Palenque in check when, in 624, it captured a noble of that
city, Ch'ok B'ahlam, and the lung of Palenque's regional ally, Sak Tz'i' (Fig. 4-10)
(Schele and Grube 1994: 111). Upstream, Yaxchilan slipped under the shadow of
Piedras Negras, its last monument for 110 years, Stela 2, having been erected in 613 (Fig.
4-23a) (Mathews 1997: 121). Far to the west in Tonina an 8 year old boy, K'inich Hiix
Chapaat, took the throne in 615, which he would occupy for the next half-century (Fig. 4-
23b) (Martin n.d.a). His long reign, corresponding to a period of prolonged silence at
Palenque, saw an impressive list of monuments erected at the city and surrounding sites
(Martin and Grube 2000: 178-179), indicating a prosperous era for this enemy of the
Teotihuacan Alliance.
The defeat of Naranjo, only 40 lulometers from Tikal, must have been a serious
blow to the Mutul realm in the east and coincides with the absolute nadir of the fortunes
of the Teotihuacan Alliance. Every one of the major members of this alliance is silent at
this time, including Palenque, Altun Ha and Tikal. Even Copan, deep in the south,
inexplicably went silent at this time, no monuments are known at the site for the period
between 613 and 652 (Martin and Grube 2000: 200-201). Copan may have been the
victim of further, undocumented wars or perhaps only suffered an extended economic
depression brought on by the sinking fortunes of its northern allies. Only Altar de
Sacrificios, relatively safe in the Pasion region, remained a vibrant city, commissioning a
host of monuments towards the middle of the seventh century (J. Graham 1972).
However, Altar de Sacrificios itself went into decline mid-century, only one monument
being known for the 67 period between 644 and 71 1 (J. Graham 1972, Houston 1993:
122, Table 4-2).

The Fall of El Peru

It is quite likely that a coalition between Larnanai and Caracol, under Calakmul
supervision, encircled Naranjo and led to its defeat in 63 lZ4. Certainly these two cities,
with Naranjo between them out of commission, would have cut off the direct corridor
between Tikal and Altun Ha and seriously constrained the Teotihuacan Alliance in the
east. With a massive resurgence of the Snake Kingdom within the Mirador Basin, just
north of Tikal, the future could not have looked bright for the Alliance.
 A prostrate Palenque allowed the Snake forces to move into the Peten from
eastern Tabasco and, likely with support from Piedras Negras, they assaulted El Peru
probably at some point in the early seventh century. There is a possible record of this
event, on a Codex-style vessel, and though this text is admittedly far from being fully
deciphered, it does reveal some interesting information (Fig. 4-24a). Simon Martin
(1997: 850), has reconstructed the eroded date as 9.10.7.12.0, 5 Ajaw 8 Ch'en, or 15
August, 640, and the destroyed primary event involved a lord who is given both the
Snake Emblem Glyph and the kalo'mte' title. These should identify the reigning
Calakmul ruler, Yukno'm Ch'e'n 11, but the personal name which follows is identical to
that of the later ruler, Yukno'm To'k' K'awiil (Martin and Grube 2000: 112). However,
this later king of Calakrnul is known to have appropriated parts of the name of Yukno'm
Ch'e'n I1 as his own (Simon Martin, personal communication, 2000), and it seems best to
consider this a reference to the earlier king, Yukno'm Ch'e'n the Great.
Following this first, eroded, passage, are further records of the events of this day,
which are related to death and destruction. The first is K'A'-yi 4-TE'-CHAN, k'a'ay
chante' chan, a 'death-sky' event of a type found at Lamanai and on Tikal's Hombre de
Tikal sculpture, here occurring to an individual named Ztz ...(Fig. 4-24b). In these
examples the victim is known to have passed away under unusual circumstances, in the
former leading to a seven year interregnum, while in the latter no tomb has been found
for the affected individual, who may well have died in battle (Guenter n.d.g, in prep.^).
Uniquely for 'death-sky' events, the specific sky is named, being the chante' chan, which
on a Codex-style sherd excavated from Nakbe is also linked to El Peru.
One of El Peru's two Emblem Glyphs (Martin 1995) can be found in the next
passage of this vase text (Fig. 4-24c). Here the verb is the same 'Bent-Cauac' glyph that
describes the 'stoning' of the 'Baby Jaguar' deity on Naranjo Stela 35 (Schele and
Mathews 1998: 148-149) and Lady Unen B'ahlam on Tikal Stela 26 (Guenter in prep.a)
(Fig. 4-25). The victim here is not a deity or even a person but a building, a Wite' Naah
of the El Peru lord. Apparently, the defeat of El Peru involved the destruction of this
structure at the city, the victors destroying the public architecture proclaiming the city's
inclusion in the Teotihuacan Alliance. The rest of this text remains opaque but it would
appear that in 640 El Peru was finally destroyed and was conscripted into the fold of the
Snake I n g d o m . Subsequent history would see El Peru maintaining the closest of ties to
Calakmul (Guenter n.d.e).

The Final Years of K'inich Muwaahn Jol I1

The conquest of El Peru left Tikal in a most precarious position as the reign of
K'inich Muwaahn Jol I1 came to a close. Bereft of its allies, Mutul now faced enemies on
its eastern, northern and western borders. These enemies would celebrate while Tikal
prepared to defend its homeland. Caracol underwent a massive construction courtesy of
K'an I, who had numerous monuments carved and rebuilt many of the city's massive
structures, including the A-Group which was thoroughly refurbished and expanded (D.
Chase and A. Chase 1994: 90-91, A. Chase and D. Chase 1995: 97). Calakmul, Tonina,
and Piedras Negras also exhibit increased prosperity, as booty and tribute from the recent
victories flowed in.
However, while Calakrnul's concentration on subduing the Peten had brought it to
the point where it had surrounded Tikal by the mid-seventh century, this attention had
allowed the peripheral Teotihuacan Alliance members to begin their recovery. At
Palenque the 12 Ajaw Period Ending of 652 commemorated K'inich Janaab' Pakal 1's
return of the royal court to Lakam Ha' around 652 (Guenter 2000b). This initiated a
massive reconstruction program to renew the city, concentrating on the building of a
massive new palace, which would take the better part of the next k'atuun to finish.
Palenque's newfound prosperity appears to have been due to the efforts of a
lunsman of K'inich Janaab' Pakal, B'ahlam Ajaw, who was the king of Tortuguero. This
small site, west of Palenque, was a secondary capital of B ' a a k l , the kingdom of
Palenque, and B'ahlam Ajaw's conquest of Comalcalco in 649 brought the rich coastal
Tabasco region into the kingdom and tribute and trade from this area could well explain
Palenque's sudden f l o r e ~ c e n c e ~ ~ .
At Copan K'ahk' u Ti' Ha' K'awiil erected a whole series of stelae around the
valley and appears to have followed this up with a visit to ~ u i r i ~ uwhich
a ~ ~ would
,
remain under Copan's suzerainty for the better part of the next century (Schele and
Looper 1996: 120). In Belize, Lamanai faded from history mid-century after the reign of
K'ahk' Yipyaj Chan Yopaat. who appears to have been responsible for all of the site's
carved monuments (Guenter n.d.g). This allowed Altun Ha to recover and Burial B-416,
dating to ca. 650 and containing the jade plaque of Tiliw Chan K'inich, was the second
placed inside Temple B-4. The many jades included in this tomb, while not to the scale
of Burial B-417, do indicate a return to prosperity for Altun Ha's nobility (Pendergast
1982: 82-9 1, Guenter n.d.d).
While the other members of the Teotihuacan Alliance could thus celebrate the 12
Ajaw Period Ending of 652 as they recovered from earlier troubles, Tikal's troubles were
only beginning. Surrounded by enemies bent on its destruction, the only area still in the
hands of the Mutul lords was the Pasion region, more than half a century after K'inich
Waaw's conquest. However, an hieroglyphic stairway at the site of Itzan, less than 20
lulometers from Altar de Sacrificios, mentions Calakmul on a step dating to 652,
indicating that the Snake &ng was already subverting Mutz~lauthority in its last refuge.
The stars which had shone so bright on Tikal in the fifth century were about to fall down
upon the city as the forces of the Snake King moved in for the kill.
Notes to Chapter 4
-

Independently noted by Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube (2000: 231).

9.8.19.1 1.16,9 Kib' 4 Pax in the Maya calendar.
This is likely Stela Q, a fragmentary monument bearing a partial date of (9.)8.(0.)0.(0), 5 Ajaw (3 Ch'en).
Stela D's account begins with a reference to the erection of a stela on this day by the king K'awiil Chan
K'inich. It is he who would appear to have been the victim of the attack a year and a half later, which
involved the sacking of his city and the destruction of his monuments.
simon Martin (n.d.b) has suggested that the term to'k'pakal, alone or split into its component parts, refers
to individual persons involved in military functions, basically warriors.
This king has previously been known as Akbal Lord (Mathews and Pendergast 1979, Pendergast 1982).
Previously known as Butz' Chan.
9.8.5.13.8,6 Lamat 1 Sip in the Maya calendar.
Previously known as Yax Yoaat or First Axewielder (Martin and Grube 2000: 102, 104). The YOP
reading for T115 in this name and the resultant Yopaat reading are suggestions by David Stuart.(personal
communication 1999, in Martin and Grube 2000: 231).
Note that this is not Itzamnaaj B'ahlam the Great (Itzamnaaj B'alam I1 in Martin and Grube 2000), who
had not even been born in 599, but is instead a previously undocumented ruler of Yaxchilan of that name.
Itzamnaaj B'ahlam I1 also appears on Bonampak Sculptured Stone 4 (carved ca. 615) as the overlord of the
local lord of Lacanha (Anaya H. 2001: 63). Itzamnaaj B'ahlam the Great thus becomes Itzarnnaaj B'ahlam
I11 and his grandson, Chelte' Chan K'inich, is Itzamnaaj B'ahlam IV.
'O Later texts at Yaxchilan refer to the capture of a Lacanha lord in 564 by Knot-Eye Jaguar 11. No
contemporary monuments are known at Yaxchilan for a century and a half following 537 apart from Stela 2
with an apparent date of 9.9.0.0.0, or 613.
I ' 9.8.9.15.1 1, 7 Chuwen 4 Sotz' in the Maya calendar.
12
As this defeat is specifically attributed to Aj Lakarn Ha' or "He of Palenque" it would appear that, not
unexpectedly, Lady Yo'hl Ik'nal did not herself lead the city's army into the field.
I3
9.8.10.6.16, 10 Kib' 9 Mak in the Maya calendar.
14
9.8.17.10.17, 11 Kab'an 15 Muwaahn in the Maya calendar.
15
9.8.17.15.14,4 Ix 7 Wo in the Maya calendar.
16
Alternatively, this could refer to Aj Nen Yo'hl Mat and his spouse. The circumstances of these deaths is
not clear, but given the disastrous military defeats, these lords and ladies could have possibly been killed in
battle or in captivity.
17
This would leave approximately 37 years before the first mention of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk, providing plenty
of time for the entire reign of K'inich Muwaahn Jol I1 and the first years of the reign of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk.
This king is named as Yuknoom Chan in Martin and Grube 2000: 105-106.
19
David Stuart has proposed that the T628a sign in this collocation reads CH'ICH', or 'blood' (personal
communication, 2001). The NAAB' glyph sitting atop this glyph is probably cueing the verb 'to pool'.
20
Interestingly, Tzam was a lineage name known for central and eastern Peten in the colonial period (G.
Jones 1998: 26, Table 1.1).
21
The reference is problematic in that it apparently uses the verbal form yitaj, yet is found in the title string
of K'an I. The position of the reference in this passage leads to the expectation that the word read yiit, or
simply 'companion7,rather than yitaj, which would render 'he accompanied him...'. The specific meaning
here is not certain although it is clear that K'an I was a close companion of Yukno'mHead.
22
9.9.18.16.3,7 Ak'b'al 16 Muwaahn in the Maya calendar.
23
This is the monument known as the Estela La Cuchilla.
24
Dorie Reents-Budet (1988: 17), has noted the close similarity between the contemporary monuments of
Lamanai and Caracol. For Lamanai as a probable ally/vassal of the Snake ~ i n ~ d o m s~euee n t e n.d.g.
r
L3
Certain scholars have wondered whether Palenque and Tortuguero were not, in fact, competitors for
control of the kingdom (Martin and Grube 2000: 165). Evidence to this effect is suggested by the fact that
Tortuguero warred against the site of Uxte' K'uh, which had friendly relations with Palenque (Martin and
Grube 2000: 165). However, it must be noted that both of the parents of B'ahlam Ajaw, Tortuguero's
sovereign in the mid-seventh century, bore the B'aakal Emblem Glyph and this likely indicates that she
was a princess from Palenque itself. Furthermore, both Palenque and Tortuguero entered into a period of
prosperity at the same time and Palenque's construction boom did not begin until Tortuguero had
subjugated northwestern Tabasco. When Palenque itself began major military campaigns it was against the
east, not to the west. As well, although the two sites never make mention of one another in hieroglyphic
texts, archaeological evidence from Comalcalco, Tortuguero's successor as capital of the western B'aakal
kingdom, indicates continued cultural influence from Palenque in the following century (Marc Zender,
personal communication, 2000).
In combination the picture of the B'aakal kingdom is greatly reminiscent of the Roman Empire
following Constantine's division of the empire into two halves, with independent capitals at Rome and
Constantinople. Still officially a single political and cultural unit, the two halves operated essentially as
independent polities and though friction between the two did exist it never escalated to the point of actual
(civil) war. Such a model would work very well to describe the relationship between Palenque and
Tortuguero. Although Tortuguero was not in the same league as Palenque in terms of city size or power
base, it seems to have been comparable in terms of the wealth and amount of territory it controlled.
26
David Stuart was the first to recognize that the text of Quirigua Altar L recorded an arrival by the Copan
king (Fash 1991: 104). It must be said that the specific wording of this arrival is tzak huli, 'conjured,
arrived', which could suggest this was a mystic journey. The only other mention of this type of event
comes from Yaxchilan where the person involved was a Hiix Witz king, only recently at war with the city
(Martin and Grube 2000: 201).
Figure 4-1: A 'missing' Hiatus-period king of Tikal. This vase from Burial A23
at Uaxactun provides the only known reference to K'inich Wayaan, almost
certainly the 23'd king of Tikal.
(a) The Uaxactun Burial A23 bowl. (After R. Smith 1955: Fig. 7f)
(b) The PSS text from the Burial A23 bowl. (After R. Smith 1955: Fig. 80d)
Figure 4-2: K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11, another Hiatus-period lord of Tikal, likely
the 24thking.
(a) Dos Pilas Panel 6. Although badly eroded, this text ends with a
parentage statement, almost certainly for B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil, the
lord of Dos Pilas in the late seventh century. The father's name is
identical to a fourth century Tikal king, K'inich Muwaahn Jol.
(Drawing by Stephen Houston, after Houston 1993: Figure 4-7 )
(b) Miscellaneous Text 25 of Tikal. This sherd records the name of the
father of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk as Muwaahn Jol. Presumably, Nu'n u
Jol Chaahk and B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil, competitors for the throne of
Tikal in the late seventh century, shared the same father were thus
siblings. (After Haviland 1992: Figure 3.7)
Figure 4-3: The name of this early seventh century lord of the Arroyo de
Piedrnamarindito dynasty, as recorded on Arroyo de Piedras Stela 1,appears
to be K'inich Muwaahn Jol. As he ruled during the time when Tikal was
establishing its control of the Petexbatun region, his name may reflect
associations with the central Peten superpower. (After Schele and Grube 1994:
108)

Figure 4-4: This bowl from Burial 72 bears the name of Aj Wosaaj, king of
Naranjo, and was presumably a gift from that king to the Tikal noblewoman in
whose grave it was found. (After Culbert 1993: Figure 42c)
Figure 4-5: The 595 attack on Pusilha by Altun Ha. (Drawings by Berthold Riese,
after Schele and Grube 1994: 106)

Figure 4-6: K'ahk' Ti' Chan, king of Copan, as kalo'mte' on Copan Stela P.
(Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Looper 1996: 118)
Figure 4-7: On 6 Lamat 1Sip (21 April, 599) Palenque was sacked by the forces
of Dzibanche and its allies. Hieroglyphic account from House C Hieroglyphic
Stairway of Palenque. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele 1994: Figure 1)
(a) The axing of Lakam Ha' (the ancient name of Palenque) was overseen
by the Snake king, Sky Witness.
(b) Itzarnnaaj B'ahlam I1 of Yaxchilan and Nu'n Hiix Lakam Chaahk
(likely a Wak'aab' lord) were involved in some event connected to this
attack, which places them among Dzibanche's allies and thus enemies
of Palenque.
Figure 4-8: Lintel 4 of Bonampak records a defeat of Palenque 7 Chuwen 4 Sotz'
(13 May, 603) by Yajaw Chan Muwaahn I, king of Lacanha. (After Schele and
Grube 1994: 107)

Figure 4-9: On 8 Lamat 1Keh (17 October, 603) Lady Yo'hl Ik'nal installed a
sublord in his office at the site of Ki'us, suggesting that the royal court had been
temporarily removed from Lakam Ha' at this time. (Drawing of the 'K'an Tok
Panel' from Palenque Group XVI by Peter Mathews)
Figure 4-10: Piedras Negras Stela 25, portraying king Yo'nal Ahk I in 625 with
two captives. The captive to the left is K'ab Chante', lord of Sak Tz'i', while to
the right is Ch'ok B'ahlam, a vassal of the king of Palenque. (Drawing by John
Montgomery, after Schele and Grube 1994: 111)
Figure 4-11: The 'Western Rivers' area, one of the most strategically valuable
regions of the Maya world and heavily contested by the Teotihuacan Alliance
and the Calakmul Hegemony. Pomona controlled the lower Usumacinta while
Santa Elena Balancan guarded the San Pedro Martir River and its approaches to
the Peten. North of Santa Elena was the important site of MoralesIReforma,
while just south of Pomona was the equally important site of Chinikiha. (After
Mathews 1997: Fig. 10-1)
Figure 4-12: The War of 611. Palenque's attack on Wak'aab', ancient Santa
Elena Balancan, in the reign of A j Nen Yo'hl Mat prompted a second sacking of
Palenque by the Snake forces.
(a) Och ch'e'n Wak'aab'; Santa Elena Balancan was 'invaded' by
Palenque's forces on 11Kab'an 15 Muwaan (28 December, 610).
(Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele 1995: 13)
(b) On 4 Ix 7 Wo (4 April, 611) Lakam Ha' was axed again, this time by
the Snake king Scroll Serpent. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele
1995: 5)

Figure 4-13: The lamentations of Palenque. These passages from Palenque's

East Tablet of the Inscriptions provide a unique view into the social aftermath of
ancient Maya warfare.
(a) Satay K'uhul Zxik, Satay Ajaw, 'Lost is the queen, lost is the king'.
(Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Mathews 1998: Fig. 3.11)
(b) Yak'aw u pih u k'uhuul Muwaahn Mat, K'uhul B'aakal Ajaw, 'they
gave the bundle (of time), the gods of Muwaahn Mat, Lord of
Palenque'. (Drawing by Linda Schele)
Figure 4-14: Burial A23 at Uaxactun (After A. Smith 1950: Fig. 123a)

Figure 4-15: Uaxactun Stela 6. This monument has an unusual text, which
makes its dating rather problematic. The monument was either carved in the
mid-sixth or early-seventh centuries. The archaeological context of this
monument, however, implies that it was only erected after Burial A23. (Drawing
by Ian Graham, after I. Graham 1986: 147-149)
Figure 4-16: 'Bone Face', the 36thking of Naranjo.
(a) Kerr Vessel K4958. (Photo O Kerr 1991, after Kerr 1994: 624)
(b) Naranjo Stela 24, with 'Bone Face' as the name of Naranjo's founder.
(Drawing by Ian Graham, after I. Graham 1975: 64)
Figure 4-17: Caracol's interaction with the Kana1 Kingdom in the early years of
the reign of K'an 11. (Drawings from Caracol Stela 3 by Carl Beetz, after Schele and
Grube 1994: 110)
(a) Event by Yukno'm Ti' Chan to K'an I in 619.
(b) Arrival of Caracol's patron deity to Caracol in 622, an event witnessed
by Lady Batz' Ek'. The Snake king, Tajo'm u K'ab' K'ahk', is said to
have given this god; a remarkable indicator of the relative power of
these two sites.

Figure 4-18: On 9 K'an 2 Sek (25 May, 626) K'an I1 opened his war against
Naranjo with an attack on the KO-BentCauac place. (After Schele and Grube
1994: 112)
(a) The attack as recorded on (a") Stela 3 (Drawing by Carl Beetz) and 6;)
the Structure B18 Stucco Glyphs (Drawing by Nikolai Grube)
(b) Aj Wosaaj slaughtered the inhabitants of this place in 596, according
to this text from Naranjo Altar 1. (Drawing by Ian Graham, after I.
Graham 1978: 103)
Figure 4-19: On Caracol Stela 3 K'an 11 is said to have beenyitaaj, 'the
companion of', or 'accompanied by', Yukno'm Head. (Drawing by Carl Beetz,
after Schele and Grube 1994: 113)

Figure 4-20: The star fell on Naranjo on 7 Ak'b'al16 Muwaan (24 December,
631)' when Yukno'm Head conquered the city and hauled off its king to be
tortured andlor cannibalized in Calakmul. (Drawing of Caracol Stela 3 by Carl
Beetz. Drawing of Naranjo Hieroglyphic Stairway by Ian Graham. After Schele and
Grube 1994: 113)
Figure 4-21: Dating to 623, Calakmul Stelae 28 and 29 are the first Late Classic
monuments at the site. These should portray Tajo'm u K'ab' K'ahk' and his
wife, although the weathered state of the inscriptions on these monuments
precludes confirmation. (After Ruppert and Denison 1943: Plate 49c, d)
Figure 4-22: Morales Stela 4 records that the local lord acceded on 5 April, 662
under Yukno'm Ch'e'n I1 of Calakmul. (Drawing by Cesar Lizardi Ramos, after
Schele and Grube 1994: 126)

Figure 4-23: Yaxchilan Stela 2, likely a monument of Itzamnaaj B'ahlam 11,

bears a badly eroded date that has been read as 3 Ajaw 3 Sotz' (613). (Drawing
by Ian Graham, Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, Peabody Museum,
Harvard University)
Figure 4-24: This Codex-style vase bears a long inscription that, though poorly
understood, may make reference to an attack by Calakmul against El Peru in
640. (After Robicsek and Hales 1981: 100, Vessel 100)
(a) Vase K1457 bears a date of 9.10.7.12.0,5 Ajaw 8 Ch'en (15 August,
640).
(b) K'a'ay chante' chan. The 'wing-sky' verb, likely associated with death
and destruction, and known from only two other instances, is here
specifically associated with the chante' chan sky.
(c) The 'stoning' of the Wite' Naah. The first of El Peru's twin Emblem
glyphs immediately follows, suggesting that this kingdom may have
been the target of this attack.
Figure 4-25: The 'stoning' of GIIIIthe Baby Jaguar. This mythic episode was
reenacted by Classic kings, and Tikal's enemies must have found particular
delight in this action as GIIUthe Baby Jaguar was a patron god of Tikal and its
ally, Yaxha.
(a) This Codex-style vessel shows the god Chante' Ajaw throwing a large
stone atop GIII. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Mathews
1998: Fig. 4.19)
(b) Naranjo Stela 35 portrays the Naranjo king Itzarnnaaj K'awiil
impersonating Chante' Ajaw as part of his victory celebrations over
Yaxha in 799. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Mathews 1998:
Fig. 4.18)
(c) Tikal Stela 26 records the 'stoning' of the 'Lady Baby Jaguar' in the
reign of Chak Tok Ich'aak I. This particular feminine version of this
deity is likely as much a reference to the queen of this name as it is a
reference to an otherwise unattested goddess. (Drawing by William
Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 44)
Chapter 5: The Epic Life of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk

The Defense of Tikal

At some point around 650, K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11was succeeded by a new
king, Nu'n u Jol Chaahk. He is much better known than his two immediate
predecessors are, but information on this king comes almost exclusively from foreign
sources, which are clearly biased against him. Only one monument, most
unfortunately looted from parts unknown, bears a contemporary reference to him and
he is otherwise known from purely retrospective accounts of his turbulent reign.
The reign of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk was dominated by warfare, and he enters and
exits history wreathed in the flames of battle. The new king had inherited a city in
truly dire straits. The fall of Naranjo and El Peru and the reoccupation of the Snake
heartland meant that enemy forces were now arrayed against Tikal on three sides, and
were now within short strilung distance of the capital itself. As with his father, little
construction work in the city can be attributed to the reign of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk.
However, there is evidence for an enormous investment of energy in the single
greatest construction project ever undertaken at Tikal, the construction of the city's
defensive walls1.
Almost five lulometers north of the city center, Tikal's earthworks run nearly
10 lulometers east to west between the bajo-swamps that flank the city (Fig. 5-1). As
known from the better preserved northern line, these were composed of a ditch and
rampart, and almost certainly topped by a wooden palisade, a formidable wall against
intruders (Puleston and Callender 1969: 43-48, Martin and Grube 2000: 42). It is not
certain when these earthworks were built, the associated ceramics allowing for an
Early Classic to early Late Classic date (ca. 300-700) (Puleston and Callender 1967:
43-45).
There are a number of lines of reasoning, though, that point to this
construction having taken place in the mid-seventh century. First, excavations found
no evidence for renovation of the earthworks, implying a single construction effort
never repeated. This is rather surprising, considering that these walls were very
unstable, and even the trenches the archaeologists' were digging here collapsed after
only a little rain (Puleston and Callender 1967: 47). Therefore, it appears that the
crisis that instigated this construction was of a short duration and quickly remedied.
 The northern line of earthworks implies the expectation of attack from the
north, that is, from the direction of Uaxactun (Puleston and Callender 1967: 43).
Logic dictates that this would not have occurred when Tikal was in control of
Uaxactun, which it did from the arrival of Siyaj K'ahk' (378) until the end of the
reign of K'inich Wayaan (ca. 620), as indicated by the bowl in Uaxactun Burial A23.
Uaxactun Stela 14, dating to 702 and recording that the local lord was the son of a
man from Tikal, implies that Tikal had regained control of this city already by the
beginning of the eighth century2.
It is here proposed that Tikal's earthworks date to around 650 and were
constructed either at the end of the reign of K'inich Muwaahn Jol TI or at the
beginning of the reign of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk, when Tikal had lost Uaxactun to the
forces of the Snake lords to the north. The enormous amount of energy that went into
this work could well explain why no constructions in the center of the city have been
attributed to these kings.
The area demarcated by the line of earthworks is quite vast, being more than
120 square kilometers, and this makes it quite clear that "rural farmland, rather than
the urban core, was the primary object of defence" (Martin and Grube 2000: 42).
Tikal was obviously bracing itself for a long siege. The scale of this defense also
makes it apparent that while these works were undoubtedly supervised by the king,
they involved the entire populace, who were certainly being included in the Mutul
defense plans.
A truly apocalyptic vision thus emerges of Tikal in the mid-eighth century.
Tikal had obviously abandoned Uaxactun, almost certainly under duress, and this only
highlights the miserable state of the Mutul kingdom at this time. To have formed the
wooden palisade presumed to have topped the earthworks, innumerable trees must
have been felled and the city's hinterland must have been almost completely denuded.
An incidental benefit to this logging was that it would have made the detection of the
approaching enemy all the easier for the sentries guarding the wall.

The Fall of Tikal

For 17 years following the fall of El Peru the warriors of Mutul held back the
hordes of Snake warriors advancing against them. However, the odds had shifted
against Tikal and the city's defenses were finally breached on 12 January, 6573 (Fig.
5-2). Almost a century after the defeat of Wak Chan K'awiil, the blackest day in
Tikal's history came on 6 Ix 2 K'ayab', when the greatest Snake King of the Late
Classic, Yukno'm Ch'e'n 11, broke into the city and drove Nu'n u Jol Chaahk into
exile (Schele and Grube 1994: 122).
It can be seen that, in contrast to the 562 defeat of Wak Chan K'awiil, this
war recorded on meroglyphic Stairway 2 of Dos Pilas was directed against not the
lung of Tikal but against the site of Mutul itself. This date now appears to be the best
candidate for the massive destruction campaign waged against the site's monuments
and a wholesale sack of Tikal appears to have taken place. With Tikal's king having
fled this catastrophic defeat, Yukno'm Ch'e'n's minions set about defacing and
destroying many of Tikal's monuments, smashing pottery and hacking up architecture
as, for the first time since Siyaj K'ahk's amval279 years earlier, the flames of war
rose from the city.
The damage to the monuments took two forms. The first was breaking the
monument off at the base (Fig. 5-3a). This involved a most laborious process carried
out by pecking a line around the stela's base, still visible on many monuments (C.
Jones 1991: 117). Thus weakened, the stela could be bashed so that the remaining
stone cracked through, and the monument toppled over. Given that most faces on
these monuments are badly damaged, often in contrast to the rest of the monument,
the final blows to bring down these stones quite likely were aimed at the faces of
Mutul's ancient kings. Middle Classic stelae that exhibit this type of damage include
Stelae 1, 2, 3 , 4 , 12, 14 17, 23, 25, 284, 31,32, and40.
The second type of damage included deliberate abrasion of the texts on
various monuments (Fig. 5-3b). This would have been canied out by rubbing a hard
object, most likely a stone, against the glyphs and is clear evidence to the deliberate
excising of the public history of Tikal. Stelae 1, 2,4, 10, 17, 18?, 25,28, and 40
demonstrate or appear to exhibit this type of damage. It is interesting to note that the
damage to these monuments appears to have been quite selective. The kings to suffer
the worst of this damnatio rnernoriae were Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I and Siyaj Chan K'awiil
11, the kings who ruled at the height of the Teotihuacan contact period. Likewise, all
of the monuments from the reigns of Kalo'mte' B'ahlam, Lady Yok'in and Wak Chan
K'awiil were found badly damaged5.
Chak Tok Ich'aak II fared best, with only one of his monuments, Stela 3,
showing any clear signs of damage (it is missing its base). In fact, as a whole, the
'staff stelae' are remarkably well preserved, given the destruction meted out to the
rest of Tikal's monuments. Either these did not interest the attackers, having such
short inscriptions (or belonging to less-hated kings), or they were originally set up in a
location of the city not especially targeted by the conquerors6. The enormous energy
necessary to inflict this amount of damage to the monuments of Tikal testifies to both
the great hatred of the Snake warriors to their enemy and the considerable amount of
time they remained in the capital.
The victorious warriors of Calakrnul and its associates did not just occupy
themselves with the destruction of the monumental record of Tikal. They also
engaged in an orgy of violence, smashing pottery, likely tearing down palaces and
temples, and digging up old tombs. Copious numbers of ceramic sherds and the
detritus of these burials, including burnt bone, ceramics, marine material and lithic
debris were later to be resealed into a number of 'Problematic Deposits' when this
damage was repaired in later years (Coe 1990: 843). One is left with a picture of the
aftermath of 657 where damaged and desecrated temples looked down upon gaping
holes in scarred floors, ancient tombs open with their contents scattered around fallen
and broken monuments. The now-sightless faces of ancient lungs stared up at a
smoke-stained sky from toppled monuments, the texts relating the histories of their
glories now bearing the scars of the other side of empire.
Attempting to escape a similar fate to that of the monuments of his
predecessors, Nu'n u Jol Chaahk fled Tikal and left the city to the hordes of Yukno'm
Ch'e'n. The Dos Pilas account concludes with information on the result of this battle
for the lung and the nobility of Tikal (Fig. 5-2b). The king, Nu'n u Jol Chaahk, is said
to have found refuge in some other site, as indicated by a special use of the 'step-
verb' (see Appendix 4). The name of this site is unfortunately mostly broken away,
but reads either Tipa.. .n, or Sak Pa.. .n. This does not match any site names from the
Classic period, and neither does a plausible candidate for this site appear in any
colonial period sources. As only the southern route out of the capital was still open to
the lord of Mutul, it is likely in this direction that Nu'n u Jol Chaahk fled, and his
refuge was likely located in the region around Lake Peten Itza.
While Nu'n u Jol Chaahk escaped the grasp of the Snake lords, a different fate
befell Tikal's remaining nobility. The Dos Pilas sculptors recorded this with a verb
that made use of an otherwise unique sign, which precludes certain decipherment
(Fig. 5-2c). The root of this verb obviously begins with the sound nu, as a T592 nu
syllable fronts this glyph. This raises a number of possible verbs with appropriate
glosses. Linda Schele and Nikolai Grube have suggested Tzotzil nutz, 'to banish or
chase', or the Ch'ol nup 'to enclose' (Schele and Grube 1994: 122). Unfortunately, as
the second glyph remains undeciphered, a conclusive reading is not yet possible.
However, as this befell Tikal's nobility in the aftermath of a temble defeat and sack
of their city, it surely meant them no good.

Dos Pilas and B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil

Having suffered a massive defeat and now in exile, Nu'n u Jol Chaahk was in
an extremely poor situation. Cut off from his capital and main source of support, he
would have found himself in a very weak position from which to continue the war and
fighting for simple survival would have been his immediate goal. The Snake King
took this opportunity to circle around the central Peten and infiltrate the provincial
temtories of the Mutul lungdom. This is best seen in the situation at Cancuen, deep in
the southern portion of the Pasion region.
The site of Itzan already appears to have been co-opted by Calakmul by 652.
In August of 657, only half a year after Tikal's defeat, a new h n g , K'iib' Ajaw,
amved at the site of Cancuen to take up the lordship of this important center (Fig. 5-
4a) (Schele and Grube 1994: 122). K'iib' Ajaw had acceded at Calakmul under the
authority of Yukno'm Ch'e'n (Fig. 5-4b) and was clearly a representative of Snake
power in the pasion7 (Guenter 2002). Cancuen succeeded Tres Islas, the Teotihuacan
Alliance capital of the region, and the inclusion of this site in the Snake Hegemony
was a major coup for Yukno'm Ch'e'n.
Between Cancuen and Itzan lay Dos Pilas, which enters history at this time.
The first known lord of Dos Pilas and one of the most fascinating characters in Maya
history was B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil. A son of K'inich Muwaahn Jol I1 and presumed
younger sibling of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil appears to have been the
Mutul governor of the small site of Dos Pilas. In later years, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil
was a staunch supporter of Calakmul. The inclusion of a statement that he was the
vassal of Yukno'm Ch'e'n, in a passage describing a war event occumng in 648 has
been taken to imply that his defection had already occurred by this date (Schele and
Mathews 1998: 69-70, Martin and Grube 2000: 42, 56). However, there is evidence
to suggest that B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil was still in league with his brother after the 657
war, and this in turn suggests that their falling out came only a decade later (see
below).
 Nevertheless, even if Dos Pilas still recognized Tikal's authority it must have
been increasingly coming under the influence of the Snake power, since it now had
Snake associates both to the northwest and to the southeast. In this situation, if Dos
Pilas were still connected to Tikal it would have had enough trouble being occupied
with defending its own position and could have offered little help to Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk in the central Peten. It is thus little surprise to find that only shortly thereafter
the king of Tikal laid down his weapons and finally submitted to Calakmul.

The Yaxha Agreement

The evidence of this capitulation comes from a single, battered step of Dos
Pilas Neroglyphic Stairway 2 (Fig. 5-5). Step 2 has unfortunately suffered extreme
damage, almost completely effacing the first half of this text, including the date of the
event. However, the structure of Neroglyphic Stairway 2 is such that this missing
date must fall between that of Step 1 and Step 3. Thus, although the date is
completely missing, we know this event occurred at some point between 657 and
6628.
The erosion has damaged the verb to such an extent that no reading is now
possible. However, this event clearly occurred to the young heir to the Kanal
Kingdom, Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk'. He had been born in 649, making him between
8 and 12 years old at the time of this event9. Given his youth, this event is most likely
an heir designation ceremony and can certainly be described as a pre-accession rite of
some kind. Interestingly, this event is said to have occurred at Yaxha, almost
certainly the large site of this name on Lake Yaxha, southeast of ~ikal''. Most
important is the fact that this event at Yaxha is said to have been witnessed by both
Nu'n u Jol Chaahk and B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil.
I have described this event as the 'Yaxha Agreement' as it appears to signal
the submission of the Mutul lords to the Kanal Kingdom (Guenter n.d.f). By
witnessing this rite for the heir of Calakmul, Nu'n u Jol Chaahk and B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil were recognizing him as lord; and probably specifically as their future lord.
That this event occu~redat Yaxha, traditionally one of Tikal's strongest allies, must
have added insult to injury for Tikal's lung on this most humiliating of days. The
extent of this humiliation may be seen from the fact that the Mutul lords had to pay
their public homage not to the lung himself, but to his pre-adolescent son. This
treatment would not be forgotten and Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's son did his utmost to
avenge it. The first known event of his reign would be specifically designed to erase
the shame of the Yaxha Agreement, as shall be seen in Chapter 6.
Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk's newfound prominence was commemorated on
Calakmul Stela 9. Carrying a long account of his birth, it portrays him on the
occasion of the 662 Period ~ n d i n ~when
" he was just approaching 13 years of age
(Fig. 5-6a). On the other side, the monument portrayed a woman named Lady Mo',
almost certainly the mother of Yich'aak K'ahk', standing atop a prominent female
captive. The glyphs in front of this unfortunate lady's name are damaged and her
name has been lost but one can still read that she was captured on 13 Ak'b'al 16 Yax,
or 13 September, 65912 (Fig. 5-6b). Interestingly, this occurred at about the same time
as the Yaxha Agreement. Was this woman a Mutul princess, or even the queen,
caught in Yukno'm Ch'e'n's ongoing hunt for Nu'n u Jol Chaahk? Such a prominent
hostage could explain Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's submission to Calakmul and it is most
unfortunate that erosion of critical glyphs has precluded any certainty as to her
identification. Her identity as a noble lady from Tikal remains but an interesting
possibility.
While the Yaxha Agreement was certainly humiliating, it did allow Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk. to return to Tikal after an extended period in exile. The site upon his arrival
around 660 must have presented a dreary picture, and the lung had his work cut out
for him. The cleanup and repair of the damage wrought by the Snake warriors would
take years to accomplish and a general gloom must have hung over the city. Nu'n u
Jol Chaahk's return after the Yaxha Agreement would have been his first opportunity
to see this damage first-hand and one can well imagine the horror at seeing the
monuments of nearly three centuries of kings broken, battered and scattered across
plaza floors. This devastation must have lived long in the memories of the people of
Tikal and ultimately only served to spark a further series of wars for revenge in the
years to come.

The Triumph of K'inich Janaab' Pakal

While Yukno'm Ch'e'n and the Snake forces were occupied with hunting
down Nu'n u Jol Chaahk in the central Peten, the Middle Usumacinta region suddenly
burst into open warfare. For 44 years K'inich Janaab' Pakal had been on the throne,
with little to report from his reign as he had slowly brought his lungdom back from
the depths of despair and returned it to a position of strength. Then, on 7 August,
65913, he won his greatest victory, when he defeated a great coalition of enemies from
the east.
The account of this battle is split between a hieroglyphic stairway on House C
of Palenque's Palace and the West Tablet of the Temple of the Inscriptions. The
House C Stairway describes the battle itself while the Temple of the Inscriptions
account records the triumph which was celebrated when the warriors returned to
Palenque six days later, laden with the spoils of victory, including a grand series of
captives.
The battle account on the stairway steps begins with an undeciphered event
carried out by a king named Nu'n u Jol Chaahk (Fig. 5-7). While this has long been
taken to be the current king of Tikal (Schele 1995: 11, Schele and Grube 1994: 124,
Martin and Grube 2000: 42, 164), David Stuart first pointed out that this Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk appears to carry the Emblem Glyph of ~ a k ' a a b " ! Further study of the
relevant texts at Palenque definitely indicate that this figure was no respected ally in
exile from the central Peten but a hated enemy and important captive. This can be
seen in that this event by Nu'n u Jol Chaahk in 659 is related to the 599 sack of
Lakam Ha' and, more specifically, to the event carried out by Nu'n Hiix Lakam
Chaahk and Itzamnaaj B'ahlam of Yaxchilan the day after. In fact, the connection
between these events makes it likely that Nu'n Hiix Lakam Chaahk, who is not
identified by Emblem Glyph, was Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's predecessor as Wak'aab'
iord15.
While the verb related to Nu'n u Jol Chaahk has not been deciphered, it is
important to note that the verbal affixes indicate that it is Nu'n u Jol Chaahk who is
the actor. Given that the rest of the events for this day deal with warfare it would
appear reasonable to assume that this was a military attack of some sort. It thus
appears that this great victory of Palenque was the result of a defensive victory and
Palenque's warriors may well have ambushed an invading force. This contention
finds support in the list of captives netted in this victory, including lords from many
different kingdoms and towns along the lower Usumacinta. Among the most
prominent was Ayiin Chan Ahk, the lung of the Pipa' Kingdom of Pomona, and
perhaps even a lord from Piedras Negras (Fig. 5-8) (Guenter and Zender n.d.).
Nu'n u Jol Chaahk himself is not listed as a captive on the House C Stair, but
his arrival to Palenque six days later, as related in detail on the Inscriptions tablet,
indicates that he was caught, probably after the battle while attempting to flee. This
text relates that on 13 August, 65916 Nu'n u Jol Chaahk arrived to Palenque yichnal,
or 'into the presence of' K'inich Janaab' Pakal, indicating that the Palenque king
stayed in his city while his warriors pursued and ran down their foe (Fig. 5-9). In
addition to the hapless Nu'n u Jol Chaahk, the captives brought into Palenque by the
victors on this day included a whole series of gods and lords (Fig. 5-10). In a grisly
reminder of the brutal and otherwordly nature of these wars, these captives are said to
have been 'eaten' by a series of Palenque's gods, including K'inich Janaab' Pakal
himself.
With the lungs of both Pomona and Santa Elena in captivity, and countless of
their warriors as well, Palenque quickly consolidated its victory by moving into these
now leaderless kingdoms and reclaiming the eastern territories seized from it half a
century earlier. This significantly shifted the balance of power in the region and was
a serious blow to the Snake Hegemony. With two of the primary kingdoms allied to
Calakmul having been overthrown, the Snake King began to focus on his vassals in
Piedras Negras and Morales, which now flanked a resurgent and rapidly expanding
B'aakal Kingdom ensconced on the lower San Pedro Martir River.
In Morales, Yukno'm Ch'e'n personally supervised the accession of a six year
old boy on 5 April 66217 (Fig. 4-22) and such a young king takng the throne at such a
critical period beset by war only highlights the troubled times in which the Snake
Hegemony now found itself (Schele and Grube 1994: 126). In Piedras Negras, a
broken passage on Stela 35 records an event by a Snake lord occurring only two
months before the Morales accession, and which preceded a 'star-war' against
I.+'akJaab'(falling on 13 February, 662") by only 7 days, suggesting a Calakmul-
engineered counterattack (Fig. 5-1 la). The Piedras Negras king, K'an Ahk 1119, is
depicted on the front of the stela dressed in a Teotihuacan military costume, standing
in triumph above a young woman, probably a Wak'aab' princess (Fig. 5-1 lb).
However, this was not a complete Piedras Negras victory as only 40 days later, in a
ritual spanning two days, the king of Palenque decorated his captives for sacrifice
(Schele 1995: 13). Although one cannot be certain, these were most likely captured in
the same battle for Wak'aab' (Fig. 5-12).
Palenque's forces ultimately gained the upper hand in the continuing wars
along the Usumacinta. A conclusive victory over the polities of Pomona and Santa
Elena appears to have been achieved in 663. A text on the west side of House C of
Palenque's Palace records the death of another Pomona lord in this year, and
associates this event with flanking glyphic panels naming six Wak'aab' princes, all
apparently captives taken at around this time (Fig. 5-13) (Schele 1995: 13).
It is in this light that one must view Piedras Negras Panel 2 (Fig. 5-14a). This
monument, commemorating Turtle Tooth's investiture by Tajom Uk'ab' Tuun a
century and a half earlier, was commissioned by K'an Ahk IT in 667. The highlighted
date, however, was 21 October, 65g2O, less than a year before Palenque's great
victory. On this day K'an Ahk 11 took possession of 5 ko'haw war helmets of
Teotihuacan design (Fig. 5-14b). This is the same event undertaken by Turtle Tooth
and it would appear that K'an Ahk I1 was taking back the helmets given to the youths
pictured on the monument. K'an Ahk IT, it seems, was officially taking control of the
Usumacinta cities and it is significant that none of these cities, Lacanha, Bonampak
and Yaxchilan, have any monuments to show for this period.
Even more significant is that there is no mention on this panel of any of the
lowland sites to the north. Panel 12, the likely model for Panel 2, did record the
capture of the Wak'aab' king, but K'an Ahk I1 concentrated on the Upper Usumacinta
River cities on his own monument. In the light that Pomona and Santa Elena were
now in the hands of Palenque, this is not entirely surprising.
With the cities of Pomona and Santa Elena secured, Palenque's forces moved
south into the hilly terrain of the Piedras Negras kingdom and took over much of the
western bank of the Usumacinta River in the next few decades, as far as Anaite,
between Piedras Negras and Yaxchilan (Martin and Grube 2000: 182). While
Palenque never managed to take Piedras Negras itself, these victories secured its
position in the west for decades to come.

Recovery in the Peten

The sudden irruption of Palenque across the Usumacinta and San Pedro Martir
Rivers forced Calakrnul to expend considerable energy in containing this explosive
western member of the Teotihuacan Alliance. This may well have prompted
Yukno'm Ch'e'n's acceptance of the Yaxha Agreement. Allowing Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk to return to his city, and his power base, was risky, but it was preferable that
he did so acknowledging Snake supremacy than having him loose and actively
fomenting war while Palenque conquered the west. Thus began the second half of
Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's reign at Tikal.
 Little remains at the city that can be securely identified with this king, and he
must have been occupied to a great degree with the repair of the city. Perhaps the
strongest case can be made that Nu'n u Jol Chaahk was responsible for the first two
Twin Pyramid Complexes of the Late Classic. Two of these, largely destroyed in
later years (probably for construction fill), were associated with Lk ceramics and, if
immediately preceding the first dated example (Group M of 692), should correspond
to the 9.11.0.0.0, 12 Ajaw 8 Keh Period Ending of 652 and the 9.12.0.0.0, 10 Ajaw 8
Yaxk'in Period Ending of 672 (C. Jones 1969, Haviland 1992: 76).
Group 5B-1 (Fig. 5-15), southwest of the later Temple JY,
was likely built for
the 9.12.0.0.0, 10 Ajaw 8 Yaxk'in Period Ending of 672 (Haviland 1992: 76). Plain
Stela P41 is in the position to the north where normally a carved monument was
placed, portraying the lung and recording the rites celebrated to end the k'atuun. That
this monument was never carved may reflect the troubled state in which Tikal still
found itself. Another plain stela, P78 southeast of the city center, may well be all that
is left of the Twin Pyramid Group commemorating the 12 Ajaw Period Ending of 652
(Haviland 1992: 76). Given the troubled times in which the city was in at this
juncture, and the enormous effort then under way to build the defensive earthworks, it
is a wonder that anything was built.
While Nu'n u Jol Chaahk was busy in Tikal, his brother B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil
was occupied with re-establishing himself as governor of Dos Pilas and dominant
figure in the Pasion region. The east side of meroglyphic Stairway 2 records two war
events involving B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil that occurred in the years immediately
following the Yaxha Agreement. The first was an attack on a lord of Kob'an, perhaps
corresponding to the modem day town of Coban to the south, on 10 July, 66221(Fig.
5-16a) (Schele and Grube 1994: 126). This attack was conducted yitaaj, or 'in the
company of', a lord of B'ahlam, perhaps a distant kinsman and indicating that this site
maintained its relationship with the Mutul lords a century after K'inich Waaw had
come to the throne (Fig. 5-16b).
662 also saw the erection of Altar de Sacrificios Stela 1, the last at the site for
50 years. Tikal's ally in the region, Altar de Sacrificios fell into decline as its position
as dominant power along the Pasion was usurped by Calakmul's local representatives.
One of these was B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil of Dos Pilas, who, at some point during the
following decade, had a falling out with Nu'n u Jol Chaahk in Tikal and eventually
sided with Calakrnul. The only recorded event for him in this period is his capture of
a person named Tajal Mo', possibly of Machaquila, in 664 (Fig. 5-17) (Schele and
Grube 1994: 128). It may be significant that Machaquila was another site associated
with the Teotihuacan Alliance, as seen in later references to the site's Wite' Naah
structure (see the drawing of Machaquila Stela 3 in I. Graham 1967: 68).
We also know that during this period B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil married a princess
from Itzan (she gave him a son in 672) (Houston 1993: 107). Itzan, it will be
remembered, appears to have been one of the first polities in the region to have sided
with Calakmul and suggests that B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil was clearly associating himself
with Kanal representatives. This is not unexpected, given that at Yaxha B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil had become a vassal of the Snake King. However, his increasingly close
affiliation with the enemy may well have engendered suspicions in Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk, who already appears to have been plotting rebellion against his own
subservience to Calakmul. As this king celebrated the K'atuun Ending of 672 he was
probably already planning his vengeance on his turncoat brother.
The 9.12.0.0.0, 10 Ajaw 8 Yaxk'in Period Ending thus likely passed with an
air of anticipation. The k'atuun which was just ending had seen the long-awaited
triumph of the Kanal IQngdom over its main rival, Mutul. However, the same period
also saw the sudden and explosive return of the B'aakal Kingdom in the west,
threatening Kanal dominance of this area and possibly providing support for a Mutul
rebellion which would once again plunge the Peten into warfare. Nevertheless, the
Snake Hegemony could celebrate their victory in the Peten and monuments were
erected in 672 at Piedras Negras, Caracol, La Corona, Naachtun, Uxul, and
~alakmul~~.
However, this Period Ending was also celebrated at Palenque and, most
important to Tikal, also at Naranjo, in the eastern Peten. Stela 37 was found in
fragments, missing its base and associated with no structure, and had been clearly
discarded by later occupants of the city (Fig. 5-18). This is the only monument
erected by the 37'h lung of the city and the first lord at the site since 'Bone Face' had
met his gruesome end in Calakmul41 years earlier. Unfortunately, no example of this
lord's name has survived and he remains known only by Naranjo's royal title, Sak
Chuwe'n. However, his future actions indicate that he was an enemy of the Snake
Hegemony, and thus a natural ally for Nu'n u Jol Chaahk (see below). A revived
Naranjo could offer considerable support to any rebellion by Tikal against the Snake
lords and would have been most welcome by Nu'n u Jol Chaahk.
The Mutul Civil War
What occurred next is what Stephen Houston has described as the civil war of
Tikal, pitting against each other two lords, each claiming the Mutul Emblem Glyph as
his own23. Nu'n u Jol Chaahk struck first, at least according to texts commissioned by
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's, the only record of this war. On 8 December, 67224Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk attacked B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil at Dos Pilas and drove his brother into a five
year exile of his own (Fig. 5-19). As Werner Nahm has noted, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's
son and successor, Itzamnaaj K'awiil, was born only forty eight days later (in Schele
and Grube 1994: 131). This fact was deliberately obscured on Dos Pilas Stela 8
where the date given is five years later, at a time when B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil had
regained his town (Fig. 5-20a). Either Itzamnaaj K'awiil was born in exile or he was
born under the rule of his hated uncle, an embarrassing fact best covered up2'.
It is not stated where B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil spent his exile; Stair 2 Step 3
merely records that he 'walked', b'ixlziy, for five years (Fig. 5-20b) (as noted by
Werner Nahm in Schele and Grube 1994: 131). However, seeing as B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil returned in the company of the Snake King himself, a trip to Calakmul is not
an unreasonable assumption. While he was off in parts unknown, Nu'n u Jol Chaahk
took control of the Pasion and specifically Dos Pilas. This highlights another problem
faced by ancient Maya monarchs. While internal segmentation of one's city could
prove fractious and divisive, regional governors administrating conquered territories
could prove even more problematic, seeing how much independence they had in
being so far from the capital. It may well have been to forestall a Calakmul
appropriation of Tikal's last territories outside the central Peten that Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk attacked B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil.
By this action Nu'n u 301 Chaahk replicated the conquest of the Pasion by
K'inich Waaw a century earlier. This victory may have been celebrated by the only
carved stela from his reign. Currently in Mexico City, the monument was looted from
an unknown site and bears the name of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk but unfortunately its text is
damaged and no date survives upon it (Fig. 5-21). This is the lung's only known
portrait and it is a true tragedy that the looters have destroyed the piece's provenience.
The text begins with the 'scattering' verb suggesting a Period Ending was the focus of
this monument. A possible explanation for this monument is that it dates to the
9.12.5.0.0, 3 Ajaw 3 Xu1 Period Ending of 2 June, 677 and was erected somewhere in
the Pasion region26. However, as with so much of this king's life, the date and
original location of this monument remain mysteries.
While Nu'n u Jol Chaahk celebrated his territorial gains Yukno'm Ch'e'n was
planning to castigate his erstwhile vassal. On 14 January, 67727he installed a new
lung of Cancuen, presumably at Calakmul (Fig. 5-22). While there is nothing
immediately extraordinary about this event, it may be that Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's
control of the Pasion forced Cancuen's lord to flee to the Snake capital, as perhaps did
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil at the same time. The fact that this change in the rulership at
Cancuen occurred just after the ousting of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil by the king of Tikal
may not be coincidental.
Despite his earlier victories, time was running out for Nu'n u Jol Chaahk.
While he had restored the kingdom of K'inich Waaw, the enemy he faced was much
more powerful than it had been a century earlier. At the same time, Tikal itself was in
a much poorer state than it had been fifty years earlier. Although K'inich Waaw had
come to the throne in the aftermath of the 562 war against Wak Chan K'awiil, that
defeat was nothing compared to the devastation of 657, from which Tikal was still in
the process of recovering. The most notable difference between 562 and 672 was that
El Peru, just to the west, was now firmly in the Snake fold, malung Tikal's entire
northern and western flanks vulnerable to attack.
Yukno'm Ch'e'n's attack finally came on 13 December, 67728(Fig. 5-23).
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's scribes included as many verbs as possible in this account to
highlight the devastating nature of this attack. First is the 'star-war', the second is
puluy, 'was burned', and finally lok'oy, 'he left', indicating that Nu'n u Jol Chaahk
was forced into retreat and abandoned the Pasion (Schele and Grube 1994: 132). It is
not stated where this first attack took place, although the results of this battle indicate
that i t made Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's hold on Dos Pilas impossible. For this reason, and
seeing as how Naranjo was apparently in control of the eastern Peten, it seems likely
that this battle took place on Tikal's western borders, somewhere between El Peru and
Dos Pilas.
As with its account of the 657 defeat, Stair 2 notes the location to which Nu'n
u Jol Chaahk fled after being burned out in the first battle. This refuge is given by a
glyph perhaps reading Patuun, or 'fortress'. Although this is another unknown site, a
nearly identical glyph appears in the name of an Itza Ajaw on a looted tripod vessel of
the early Middle Classic period (see Kerr vessel K6547 in Kerr 2000: 972).
 Seven days later, on 20 December, 67729,B7ajlajChan K'awiil finally
returned to Dos Pilas, five years after having been forced out of his home (Fig. 5-24).
His reliance on his lord from Calakrnul is made obvious when one notes that this took
place on the same day as another victory by Yukno'm Ch'e'n over Nu'n u Jol Chaahk
(Martin and Grube 2000: 57). This attack took the form of a 'star-war' against a site
named Puluul, once again forcing Nu'n u Jol Chaahk to flee, presumably to Tikal
itself (Fig. 5-24b).
Puluul may correspond to the archaeological site of Polol, halfway between
Lake Peten Itza and Altar de Sacrificios (Schele 1995: 14). Alternatively, this could
correspond to a town on Lake Peten Itza named in 1 7 ' ~century colonial texts as Tixbol
~ u l u l h alocated
~ ~ , near Tayasal on Lake Peten Itza (G. Jones 1998: 138). Another
large Itza town was named Polol (G. Jones 1998: Table 3.1), and the Puluul
mentioned at Dos Pilas could refer to any or none of these. In any case, Puluul should
refer to a site within the central Peten, near or on Lake Peten Itza. With its loss, Tikal
seems to have finally lost control of even the central Peten and the realm of Nu'n u
Jol Chaahk now consisted of only the capital, Tikal, itself.

The Downfall of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk

The defeats suffered by Nu'n u Jol Chaahk in December of 677 had terrible
effects on both he and his kingdom. Tikal would never again directly control the
Pasion region, which would be ruled from Dos Pilas and its twin capital of Aguateca
for the next century under the scions of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil. For more than fifty
years Tikal would be at war with its former garrison town and facing an attack from
the southwest made necessary the southern line of earthworks guarding the city.
The next year passed without remark as each side prepared for a final
showdown, which came on 30 April, 6 B 3 ' (Fig. 5-25a). Both Stairs 2 and 4 of Dos
Pilas record this victory as jub'uy u to'k' u pakal Nu'n u Jol Chaahk, 'were brought
down the flint(s) and shield(s) of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk' (Schele and Grube 1994: 133).
This massive defeat was an absolute slaughter according to West Step 3 of Stairway
2, which states that the 'blood was pooled and skulls were 'mountained' in the central
Peten (13 ~ z u k of~ the
~ ) Tikal people', using the same Maize god metaphor seen with
K'inich Waaw (Fig. 5-25b).
It is often remarked that the date of this defeat fell exactly one k'atuun after
what until recently was thought to be the arrival of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk to Palenque
(Schele and Grube 1994: 133, Schele 1995: 15, Martin and Grube 2000: 43).
However, it must be reiterated that the Nu'n u Jol Chaahk mentioned at Palenque is
almost certainly not the lung of Tikal (see above). Nevertheless, although there is no
evidence for a direct connection between the defeats of these two namesakes, the
similarity in these dates may not be coincidental. It could be that Calakmul and Dos
Pilas timed their final attack on Tikal to fall on the anniversary of the defeat of the
other Nu'n u Jol Chaahk and thus avenge an earlier defeat to the Teotihuacan
Alliance.
While B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil records this victory as his own, one must surely
give considerable credit to Calakmul, whose wamors likely made up the bulk of the
Dos Pilas lord's forces. It could well be that Yukno'm Ch'e'n, considering the
rebellion Tikal engaged in after the 657 attack, was attempting a new approach to this
contentious enemy by allowing one of its own princes to claim the victory. This
would lead to the perception of this war as a Mutul civil war, rather than as a war
between Calakmul and Tikal. Interestingly, Yukno'm Ch'e'n appears to have played
the same game that Siyaj K'ahk' had, three centuries earlier. By patronizing one of
Tikal's factions, this foreign lord could divide and conquer Tikal and use a local lord
to make it all legitimate and forestall any possible rebellion against the new order.
The 679 defeat of Tikal was the third major military catastrophe to befall the
city in the 'Hiatus' period and was arguably the worst of the three. The 562 defeat of
Wak Chan K'awiil involved the death of the lung while the 657 defeat had led to the
loss of the capital. The 679 defeat involved both. Nu'n u Jol Chaahk certainly
appears to have died, either in this battle or shortly thereafter, likely from wounds
received therein. Some of the damage to the city discussed earlier could actually have
occurred at this time and B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil and his warriors almost certainly
occupied Tikal itself33. 679 can thus easily be seen to represent the absolute nadir of
Tikal's fortunes.
Notes to Chapter 5

Regarding the northern line of earthworks, Simon Martin and Nikolai Grube have the following to
say: "As a single construction effort it surpasses anything found in the grander setting of the ceremonial
core (its excavated volume of at least 118,047 cu. yards (90,250 cu. m) can be compared with the
23,884 cu. yards (18,260 cu. m) used in the building of Temple 1). Limited explorations to the south of
the city have since found corresponding sections of earthwork. If complete, this would more than
double the size of the project" (Martin and Grube 2000: 42).
Uaxactun Stela 14 bears a date of 9.13.10.0.0,7 Ajaw 3 Kumk'u (22 January, 702) and records the
name of a man named Sak Winik ... Aj Mutul, or 'He of Tikal', as the father of the local lord.
9.11.4.5.14, 6 Ix 2 K'ayab' in the Maya calendar.
Stela 28 is generally believed to date to roughly the same time period as Stelae 1 and 2. However, the
sculpture on the piece seems more archaic and the prominent jaguar paw imagery on the sides suggest
that Stela 28 may well predate Stelae 1 and 2 and correspond to the reign of Chak Tok Ich'aak I or one
of his predecessors.
It must be noted that these could have been damaged in the struggles for the throne of the 6" century.
Wak Chan K'awiil could well have been responsible for the destruction of his predecessors'
monuments while K'inich Waaw could have given Stela 17 the same treatment.
The staff stelae all commemorate K'atuun Endings and as they date to the same time period as the
East Plaza Twin Pyramid Complex, they could well have been originally set up there. The only
exception is Stela 3, bearing a date of 9.2.13.0.0.4 Ajaw 13 K'ayab', and this is the only damaged
member of the Staff Stela group. It may well have been set up, along with most of the other damaged
stelae, in the Great Plaza or on the North Terrace.
The beginning sections of the sculpture known as the Cancuen Looted Panel record the death of a lord
at Calakmul and an event by Yukno'm Ch'e'n, suggesting that Cancuen's lords had spent a period in
exile in the great Snake capital of the north (Guenter 2002).
The date of Step 1 is 9.11.4.5.14,6 Ix 2 K'ayab' (12 January, 657), while that of Step 3 is
9.11.9.15.19, 9 Kawak 17 Yaxk'in (10 July, 662).
According to Site Q Glyphic Panel 6 and Calakmul Stela 9 he was born on 9.10.16.16.19, 3 Kawak 2
Keh (6 October, 649).
10
David Freidel (personal communication, 1999,2000) has suggested another possible location for this
event at a second Yaxha situated to the west of Tikal. Martin (n.d.c) has identified this site as the
victim of a 'star-war' by Yik'in Chan K'awiil of Tikal in 743 related on Lintel 3 of Temple IV at Tikal.
This Yaxha is said to be lak'in waka', or 'east of El Peru', which, it must be admitted, could be a
candidate for the location referred to at Dos Pilas. However, the simple reference to Yaxha in this Dos
Pilas text implies that it was absolutely clear to the contemporary Maya which Yaxha was being
indicated. This is far more understandable if this were the city on Lake Yaxha, the third-largest site in
Guatemala. The El Peru Yaxha, on the other hand, is mentioned only once in the hieroglyphic corpus
(and then had to be clarified by stating its relation to El Peru), and does not appear to have been a site
of much importance. Furthermore, a later event staged by Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's son on an island in
Lake Yaxha appears to have been designed to avenge and repudiate this earlier event (see Chapter 6).
II
This was the 9.1 1.10.0.0, 11 Ajaw 18 Ch'en Period Ending of 20 August, 662.
I2
9.11.7.0.3, 13 Ak'b'al 16 Yax in the Maya calendar.
13
9.1 1.6.16.11, 7 Chuwen 4 Ch'en in the Maya calendar.
14
David Stuart presented this in an email to epigraphers in 2000.
l5David Stuart has noted that a Wak'aab' lord on Yaxchilan Lintel 16 is named Pay Lakam Chaahk,
the latter part of the name identical to that of the lord on Palenque's Hieroglyphic Stairway.
l6 9.1 1.6.16.17, 13 Kab'an 10 Ch'en in the Maya calendar.
" 9.1 1.9.1 1.3, 4 Ak'bal 1 Sip in the Maya calendar.
9.1 1.9.8.12,5 Eb' 15 Kumk'u in the Maya calendar.
19
Otherwise known as Ruler 2.
20
9.11.6.2.1, 3 Imix 19 Keh in the Maya calendar.
21
9.1 1.9.15.19.9 Kawak 17 Yaxk'in in the Maya calendar.
22
These monuments are Piedras Negras Stela 35, La Rejolla Stela 3, Site Q Glyphic Panel B, Naachtun
Stela 4, Uxul Stela 6, and Calakmul Stelae 9, 13, 32?, 75 and 86.
23 These events were first described in Houston et a1 n.d. and Schele and Grube 1994.
24
9.12.0.8.3, 4 Ak'b'al 11 Muwaahn in the Maya calendar.
25
Itzamnaaj K'awiil's mother would have been more than seven months pregnant at the time of this
attack and could well have been in no condition to flee with her husband into exile.
26 The monument almost certainly does not commemorate a K'atuun Ending, both of these apparently
having been celebrated at Tikal, and monuments (admittedly plain) exist for these dates. It is most
unlikely that this piece was looted from the Tikal National Park and the only other areas controlled by
Tikal in the reign of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk were the central Peten and, for 5 years between 672 and 677,
the Pasion. The 9.12.5.0.0 Period Ending would have been the first since Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's
conquest of the Pasion and a monument in this region seems a reasonable proposition.
''
28
9.12.4.1 1.1, 7 Imix 9 K'ayab' in the Maya calendar.
9.12.5.9.14,2 Ix 17 Muwaahn in the Maya calendar.
29 9.12.5.10.1,9 Imix 4 Pax in the Maya calendar.
30 Pululha is simply Pulul with the Maya locative ha', 'water', added on to the end.
31
9.12.6.16.17, 1 1 Kab'an 10 Sotz' in the Maya calendar.
32
Dmitri Beliaev (2000: 68) has interpreted 13 Tzuk as a toponym referring to the central Peten.
33
An occupation of Tikal by B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil would be the logical outcome of his defeat of Nu'n u
Jol Chaahk and is supported by a number of circumstantial pieces of evidence. First, one may note that
the Tikal king's son did not accede for three years after his father's death, an unusually long
interregnum. When this son did take the throne, he did so during an absence of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil
from the Peten (see next chapter). Furthermore, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's involvement in Naranjo in the
years immediately following this defeat imply a significant presence in the central Peten. Finally,
certain aspects of the burial of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk in Tikal bespeak the work of enemy forces, as is seen
in Chapter 6 .
Figure 5-1: Map of Tikal, showing the earthworks north of the city. (After
Puleston and Callender 1967: Fig. 1)
Figure 5-2: The Star Falls. Tikal was sacked by Snake forces on 6 Ix 2 K'ayab',
according to East Step 1of Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic Stairway 2. (Drawings by
Linda Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994: 122)
(a) Tikal was attacked by Yukno'm Ch'e'n 11, king of Calakmul.
(b) Nu'n u Jol Chaahk, the new king of Tikal, is said to have fled his
capital and retreated to a site whose name glyph is partially effaced.
(c) Tikal's nobility, the Mutul Ajawtaak, were subjected to this
undeciphered event.
Figure 5-3: The destruction of Tikal's monuments.
(a) Stela 12, an example of a monument that was broken off at its base
(which has never been found). (Drawing by William Coe, from C.
Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 17)
(b) The rear of Stela 10, an example of a monument with an abraded text.
The upper half of the text has been almost completely effaced.
(Drawing by William Coe, from C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982:
Figure 15)
Figure 5-4: The Cancuen Looted Panel records the re-foundation of this
kingdom at the behest of Calakmul's king Yukno'm Ch'e'n. (Drawings by Linda
Schele)
(a) The arrival of K'iib' Ajaw on 10 Kawak 2 Yax (25 August, 657). (After
Schele and Grube 1994: 122)
(b) The accession of K'iib' Ajaw under the auspices of Yukno'm Ch'e'n
11.

Figure 5-5: The Yaxha Agreement (ca. 660), as given on East Step 2 of
Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 at Dos Yilas. Nu'n u Jol Chaahk and B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil witnessed a pre-accession rite for Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk', the Snake
heir, thus symbolically submitting to Calakmul. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after
Schele 1990: 149)
Figure 5-6: Calakmul Stela 9 (662)' appears to commemorate the designation of
Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' as heir to the Snake Kingdom.
(a) Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' is portrayed on the front of this
monument. (After Ruppert and Denison 1943: Plate 48b)
(b) A female captive is portrayed underneath Lady Mo', likely the mother
of Yich'aak K'ahk', on the rear of Stela 9. (After Marcus 1987: Fig. 56)
Figure 5-7: A lord named Nu'n u Jol Chaahk carried out some type of war event
on 7 Chuwen 4 Ch'en (7 August, 659), according to Palenque's House C
Hieroglyphic Stairway. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994:
124)

Figure 5-8: On the same day as Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's action, Palenque's forces
captured an entire series of captives, including Ayiin Chan Ahk of Pipa'
(Pomona). (Drawings by Linda Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994: 124, and
Schele 1994: 5)
Figure 5-9: On 13 Kab'an 10 Ch'en (13 August, 659)' in the greatest event of the
reign of K'inich Janaab' Pakal, Nu'n u Jol Chaahk 'arrived' at Palenque, into
the presence of the king. Traditionally seen as the arrival of the allied king of
Tikal, it is now known that this Nu'n u Jol Chaahk was the contemporary king of
the enemy city of Wak'uab', and his arrival was as a captive. (Drawing from the
West Tablet of the Inscriptions by Linda Schele, after Schele 1994: Fig. 2)

Figure 5-10: Along with Nu'n u Jol Chaahk, an entire series of gods 'arrived' at
Palenque as part of the spoils of victory. K'inich Janaab' Pakal is said to have
'eaten' these gods, in a bizarre instance of Maya ritual cannibalism. (Drawing by
Linda Schele, after Schele 1994: Fig. 2)
Figure 5-11: The Piedras Negras counterattack of 662.
(a) The left side of Piedras Negras Stela 35. A fire ceremony (B7)
involving a Snake Lord (B8) took place on 9.11.9.8.6,12 Kirni 9
Kumk'u (7 February, 662). Six days later there was a star war against
Wak'aab' (B11). (Drawing by John Montgomery)
(b) The front face of Piedras Negras Stela 35. The Piedras Negras king is
portrayed in Teotihuacan war costume, standing above a female
prisoner, probably a Wak'aab' princess taken in the 662 war.
(Drawing by John Montgomery)
Figure 5-12: These two texts adorn images of captives flanking House A in the
northeastern court of Palenque's Palace. They record the nawaj, 'adorning', of
captives on 25-26 March, 662. Occurring only forty days after Piedras Negras'
attack on Wak'aab', these likely represent captives seized by Palenque in that
battle. (Drawings by Linda Schele, after Schele 1995: 12)

Figure 5-13: The names of six Wak'aab' princes as recorded on the west face of
the House C substructure. The last glyphic panel records the death of a Pipa'
lord of Pomona on 13 Manik' 20 Yaxk'in (15 July, 663). (Drawing by Linda
Schele, from Schele 1994: Figure 7)
Figure 5-14: Piedras Negras Panel 2, K'an Ahk 11's memorial to Turtle Tooth.
(Drawings by David Stuart, after Schele and Miller 1986: Plate 40a)
(a) Piedras Negras Panel 2, commissioned by K'an Ahk I1 in 667.
(b) K'an Ahk I1 took possession of five ko'haw war helmets on 3 Irnix 19
Keh (24 October, 658). Given the image on Panel 2, and historical
considerations, this likely marks the complete seizure of power over
the Upper Usumacinta region by K'an Ahk 11.
 (Na ~ d w da r~ ! :~2 967 plezaH pur!
u e 3 ~ a l j v .u!rr:ruaJ
) eIa)S %u!pn13u!'arr:la)su!rr:ld Jnoj LIUO
s1rr:)Ie a a q purr: ' ~ p d
.popad y~ ayl jo xaldruoa p!ru~.~bd U!ML rr: 30 a)!s ay] a3uo b ~ a y !srr:~
~ 'xaldruo3
op!plad opunm ay] 30 lsaM b ~ ] ~ a ~sJa)aru ! p osc'1-8sd n o ~ 3:SI-S a~n%!d
Figure 5-16: Following the Yaxha Agreement, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil returned to
the Pasion and began to reassert his control. (Drawings by Linda Schele, after
Schele and Grube 1994: 126)
(a) On 9 Kawak 17 Yaxk'in (10 July, 662) B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil attacked
Tab' Joloom, lord of Kob'an.
(b) This battle was fought yitaaj, 'in the company of', a certain Yaax
...Kalaw, B'ahlam Ajaw. This latter title connects him to the home of
K'inich Waaw's mother.

Figure 5-17: On 9 Kab'an 5 Pop (20 February, 664) B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil
captured Tajal Mo', his most important captive, who appears to have been from
the site of Machaquila. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994:
128)
Figure 5-18: Naranjo Stela 37, dating to 672, is the only monument of the 37th
king of Naranjo. (Drawing by Ian Graham, after I. Graham 1978: 2:95)
Figure 5-19: On 4 Ak'b'al 11 Muwaan (8 December, 672) Nu'n u Jol Chaahk
attacked B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil a t Dos Pilas and forced his brother into exile.
(Drawing of-Step 3 of Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic Stairway 4 by Stephen Houston,
after Schele and Grube 1994: 131)

Figure 5-20: The exile of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil.

(a) The opening passage of Dos Pilas Stela 8, with its erroneous Initial
Series date for the birth of Itzamnaaj K'awiil, son of B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil. The date as given is more than six years after the actual
birthdate, by which time B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil had returned home.
(Drawing by Ian Graham, after Schele and Grube 1994: 131)
(b) West Step 1 of Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 records that B'ajlaj
Chan K'awiil b'ixniy, or 'walked', for five years, one month, and
eighteen days. (Drawing by Stephen Houston, after Schele and Grube
1994: 131)
Figure 5-21: The Nu'n u Jol Chaahk Stela, confiscated from looters in Mexico, it
is currently in INAH storage in Mexico City. (Photo composite by Ian Graham,
courtesy the Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphics Project, Peabody Museum, Hanard
University)
Figure 5-22: A new king of Cancuen acceded, once again under the authority of
Yukno'm Ch'e'n of Calakmul, on 7 Imix 9 K'ayab' (14 January, 677). (Drawing
of the Cancuen Looted Panel by Linda Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994: 131)

Figure 5-23: On 3 Ix 16 Muwaan (13 December, 677) Nu'n u Jol Chaahk was
attacked, burned out, and forced to flee. (Drawing of West Step 1 of Dos Pilas
Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 by Linda Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994: 132)
Figure 5-24: 9 Imix 4 Pax (20 December, 677) was a momentous day for the
Mutul lords. (After Schele and Grube 1994: 132)
(a) On this day B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil finally returned to Dos Pilas.
(Drawing of West Step I of Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 by Linda Schele)
(b) On the same day, Yukno'm Ch'e'n attacked Nu'n u Jol Chaahk at
Puluul, a site in the central Peten area, and once again forced Tikal's
king into retreat. (Drawing by Stephen Houston)

Figure 5-25: The Last Battle. On 11 Kab'an 10 Sotz' (30 April, 679) B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil and Nu'n u Jol Chaahk met in mortal combat. (After Schele and Grube
1994: 133)
(a) Step I11 of Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic Stairway 4 records that Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk's took' pakal, or 'war implements' (possibly a euphemism for
army) was brought down by B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil. (Drawing by
Stephen Houston)
(b) West Step 2 of Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic Stairway 2 also records the
battle in the same words, but also includes an account that in the
aftermath of battle, naahb'aj u ch'ich'il, witzij u jolil uxlaju'n tzuk
mutul naal, or 'the blood was pooled, and the skulls were piled up of
the central Peten, Tikal people. (Drawing by Linda Schele)
Chapter 6: Recovery and Revenge
The Burial of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk
Nu'n u Jol Chaahk appears to have died as a result of this final battle with his
brother at the end of April, 679. Although no texts can corroborate this, Burial 23 at
Tikal has been identified as his final resting-place (Coe 1990: 846, Schele and Freidel
1990: 197, C. Jones 1991: 118, C. Jones 2000). Certainly the pottery in this tomb
dates to the very end of the Ik phase (Coggins 1975: 372-379), and there is much to
support this identification1. Burial 23 was placed inside Temple 33 and was
dedicatory to subsequent erection of the new Structure 5 ~ - 3 3 - 1 "(Coe 1990: 527-
540). This could have been the work of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk's son, Jasaw Chan
K'awiil, but the fact that this new lung did not accede for three years after his father's
death makes it more likely that the burial itself was conducted by B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil. The lord of Dos Pilas appears to have occupied the city following his
victory, and this may well explain this unusually long interregnum.
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's interment of his brother would have taken on the role
of designated heir, whose first job was always to bury his predecessor, and by this
action would have marked himself as the legitimate successor of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk.
This is essentially similar to the burials of Chak Tok Ich'aak I and possibly Wak Chan
K'awiil, as seen in earlier chapters. This interment would have gone a long way to
winning over the many lineages of Tikal that would have been none too happy to have
a Calakrnul vassal as their new king.
Attributing the burial of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk to his brother also allows for an
explanation of many oddities in the burial and the events surrounding it. Most
apparent was the savage treatment to the old Structure 33-2ndinto which this tomb
was to be placed2. Far exceeding anything necessary, the excavation for this tomb
removed approximately 140 cubic meters of material, gouging a large hole in the front
of the substructure (Fig. 6-1) (Coe 1990: 537). Subsequent preparation of the
structure for burial under the new construction was also quite excessive. This is most
noticeable in the vandalism of the masks for which 33-2ndis so famous. "So ravaged
were the six masks when unearthed that esoteric destniction ought to apply (rather
than mundane "roughening" by construction crews to improve fill adhesion)" (Coe
1990: 527). When one considers that a great many of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's
associates who entered the city with him must have been Snake warriors, the bnital
treatment of this, the funerary shrine of Siyaj Chan K'awiil II, becomes more
understandable.
Burial 23 itself was certainly fit for a lung, even if it was not as lavish as other
royal burials. Interestingly, much of the funerary assemblage of this tomb had
precedents outside of Tikal, and may reflect the culture of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil and
his Kana1 associates (Coggins 1975: 379). The tomb was built with benches to the
north and south with the wooden bier holding the corpse placed in the center (Fig. 6-
2). The tomb furnishings included "carved jade ornaments as well as jade, shell and
pearl beads. Spondylus shells were found in a position that suggests they decorated a
cape or shroud at neck, waist and hem.. .There was evidence of wooden, mat and
textile objects in the tomb, as well as jaguar pelts. Finally, there were many marine
objects including seaweed, fish vertebrae, shells and a sting ray spine. Cinnabar
coated many objects including the skeleton itself' (Coggins 1975: 373).
The pottery vessels placed upon the northern bench are the most interesting.
These comprised nine cylinder vases and three large tripod plates. The only painted
vase is almost certainly not local to Tikal and must have been imported (Culbert 1993:
Fig. 40). The design on this vessel (Fig. 6-3a), a unique collection of horizontal bands
bearing geometric motifs, bears resemblance to Palmar Naranjo Polychrome sherds
from the Mirador Basin (Forsyth 1993: 116, 139), suggesting that this piece may have
come to Tikal with the Snake warriors who accompanied B'ajlaj Chan ~ ' a w i i l ~ .
The plates each had five Ajaw day name designs painted upon them, although
the fact that coefficients are found on both sides, as well as further designs above and
below, make their function as dates most problematic (Fig. 6-3b). The coefficients in
all cases are either the numbers 6 , 7 or 8. Curiously, there was absolutely no trace of
foodstuffs ever having been present in these vessels and Nu'n u Jol Chaahk must have
gone hungry into the otherworld (Coe 1990: 538).
If Burial 23 is that of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk, this lung was a very short man.
Only around 150 cm tall, this Precolumbian Napoleon was 17 cm shorter than his son,
Jasaw Chan K'awiil (Coe 1990: 539,607). There was some frontal deformation of
the skull and the "upper teeth back to and including first premolars had been modified
by filing; they also displayed jade disc inlays, while premolars had fillings of specular
hematite" (Coe 1990: 539). With this information, and the portrait on the looted stela,
one may begin to form a picture of this fascinating individual.
The Repair of the North Acropolis
With Nu'n u Jol Chaahk buried, the massive excavation was refilled and
roughly repaired and a huge fire dedicated this construction effort (Coe 1990: 529).
At this time Stela 31 was (reverentially?) burned in front of Structure 33-2nd's
substructural stairs and then carried up to be placed inside the rear room of the old
temple (Coe 1990: 843). A number of fragments of what appears to have been Stela
3 1's associated monument, Altar 19, were dumped against the western substructure
mask, also destined to be buried in the reconstruction of Temple 33.
Presumably at the same time, the shattered base of Stela 26 was placed inside
the back room of Structure 34-1" and a bench built atop it (Coe 1990: 505). The
contemporary nature of these events is suggested by the fact that a fragment of Altar
19 appears to have been included in this bench (Coe 1990: 505,843). Four caches
were placed beneath the floor of Temple 34 at this time that were so similar to Cache
71 in Temple 33, dedicatory to the work about to begin new construction of Structure
5 ~ - 3 3 - l " ,that these appear to have been simultaneous events (Coe 1990: 493, Schele
and Freidel 1990: 203).
The vast amount of marine material included in these deposits, from both
Pacific and Atlantic waters, suggests that the lord responsible for these actions had
easy access to materials from these disparate regions (Shook 1958: 32, Coe 1990:
490-493). This is entirely understandable if this lord is identified with B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil, whose overlord Yukno'm Ch'e'n II held sway over most of the Maya world
at the time4.
Problematic Deposit 22, a giant hole dug in front of Structure 5D-26, behind
Temple 33, is also thought to have been deposited at around this time (Coe 1990:
325). Its fill consisted of the apparent detritus of ransacked tombs, broken censers,
charcoal, and many monument fragments in a dark earth matrix. The monument
fragments included ones which fit with others deposited inside Structure 33-2ndalong
with Stela 31 (Coe 1990: 325). The most important of these were the two pieces of
Stela 32, portraying a Teotihuacan lord, possibly Siyaj K'ahk' or even Spearthrower
Owl himself (Fig. 6-4).
The thorough mixing of all this material suggests that it had not been simply
shoveled into the Problematic Deposit 22 hole, but were transported from outside of
the North Acropolis, presumably from some large dump where all of these artifacts
had originally been deposited (Coe 1990: 325). The material is all certainly of an elite
nature and probably did originally come from the North Acropolis or surrounding
structures. The most reasonable explanation for all of this material is that it represents
the destruction and looting attendant to the 657 sack of Tikal. Presumably, Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk had this mess left by the Snake warriors cleaned up and deposited in large
collection dumps off the edges of the plazas, where the dark earth became mixed with
this 'trash'.
This interpretation indicates that Problematic Deposit 22 and other
collections of this material, with cross-ties to each other, need not have been all
deposited at the same time, but could have mined this 'dump' for construction fill for
many years. However, the vast quantity of this material within these selected deposits
indicates that the material was not simply being used as fill, but being ritually re-
deposited within the North Acropolis, repairing the damage caused by the Snake lords
and returning the sanctity inherent in these objects to their rightful home.
It thus seems most reasonable to believe that this material was deposited in
one vast repair program and the connection of this with Burial 23 most likely makes
this the work of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil. Stela 31's deposition appears reverential,
although one must note that by placing it inside Structure 33-2nd,this k n g
permanently removed this monument from the city's public record. Stela 32 was
found face down and surrounded by 'garbage', and was dumped here with little
ceremony and no respect (Coe 1990: 325). Stela 26's position was greatly disturbed
by later activities and so little can be said of its original arrangement within Temple
34. Interestingly, this concealment of ancient monuments contrasts strongly with the
actions of later kings at the site, who took pains to re-erect even the most fragmentary
monuments in the Great Plaza and North ~ c r o ~ o l i s ~ .

Burial 24: The Anonymous Lord of Tikal

Just after the re-erection of Stela 3 1 inside the rear room of Temple 33, a
change in plans occurred. Workers ripped out the eastern half of the upper stair they
had just built to intrude a second burial (Fig. 6-5a). Burial 24 was placed between
Burials 23 and 48, being situated directly atop the fill blocking the entrance to the
latter (Fig. 6-5b). No texts in the tomb identify the occupant, who, like the individual
in Burial 23, also had dental inlays and forehead deformation6 (Coe 1990: 543). Less
elaborate than Burial 23, this tomb also had all of its pottery vessels at the northern
end of the chamber, and again, these contained no traces of food offerings (Fig. 6-6)
(Coe 1990: 542).
Strangely, the ceramics in this tomb appear to be stylistically earlier than those
in Burial 23, even though Burial 24 was certainly deposited after the latter, if only by
a short interval (Culbert 1993: Fig. 43). In addition, the vessels seem related to the
southeast Peten region around Caracol (Coggins 1975: 385-386). The best example is
the ring-stand bowllplate bearing the painted image of a fish inside the center (Fig. 6-
7). Such vessels and decoration are common in the eastern Maya world but rather
unusual in Tikal (Coggins 1975: 385).
There are many other curious aspects to this burial. Although there was
considerable jade scattered about the corpse, these pieces were not arranged in any
meaningful order, as one would expect had they once formed a necklace or other
piece of jewelry (Coe 1990: 542). In addition, a number of Spondylus shells were
scattered around the funerary bier in varying positions (Coe 1990: 542). The body
itself appears to have shifted, giving rise to the belief that this individual was a
diminutive hunchback (Coe 1990: 543). There were further indications that this
individual had been dead some time before final interment. "Most unusual, however,
was the covering of the body on the litter with a mud mortar, followed by a textile
shroud" (Coggins 1975: 383).
Considering all of this information in tandem, it seems plausible that this
individual was brought into Tikal from outside the city already a corpse, wrapped in a
funerary bundle. The associated ceramics could indicate that this individual was a
foreigner, or perhaps that this was a re-interred burial. That this person should have
been given burial in one of the greatest temples at Tikal suggests that slhe was a
member of the Mutul royal family. Although speculative, one wonders if this could
not be the secondary burial of K'inich Muwaahn Jol 11, the father of Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk and B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil. Perhaps, as was proposed for K'inich Wayaan, this
king was buried elsewhere and the imminent rise of Structure 5 ~ - 3 3 - 1suddenly
~'
brought to mind the possibility to inter this earlier lung (and father to the current ruler,
carrying out this construction) in the most important building in central Tikal. DNA
analyses will hopefully eventually resolve the identities of the occupants of Burials 23
and 24.
The Burial 24 excavation was subsequently refilled and work proceeded
immediately on the construction of Structure 5D-33-lSt.The first action was pulling
down the old superstructure and filling in the rooms of the old temple. This was
achieved by extending the substructure stair straight up and over the base of the
temple walls. When this reached the level of the doorway sills the wooden lintels
appear to have been removed and burned (Coe 1990: 530).

Rebuilding Temple 33: Part 1

With Structure 5 ~ - 3 3 - 2 now
" ~ completely buried, a new stair was begun far in
front of the ol'd one and this action was probably the one seen by the Maya as
separating termination rituals for 33-2"d and the beginning of 33-1". This idea is
supported by the fact that Cache 71 was placed immediately before the construction
of this stair. Containing many eccentric flints and obsidians, jades and vast quantities
of marine material, and topped off with cinnabar and charcoal (from a ritual fire), this
cache dedicated the new construction (Coe 1990: 543-544).
With this stair in place and divine sanction for this construction assured by
Cache 71, workmen began transforming Temple 33 into the massive entity it would
now become. First, a great substructure was built around the old pyramid,
encompassing the entire previous construction, and was capped off by a small 4-meter
tall pyramid (Fig. 6-8a). Atop this small platform (Unit 27/28) a great fire was lit to
celebrate this stage of work (Coe 1990: 531).
This small platform marked the height the builders planned for the new
pyramid base and the next stage in their work involved building up the basal structure
around the platform. The Unit 27/28 platform appears to have been the center from
which the new work proceeded, as can be seen in the radiating lines of the fill sections
(Fig. 6-8b). This culminated in a great new platform, capped by an 8 cm thick layer
of plaster, applied from East to West, with a pause evident just after half of this work
had been accomplished (Coe 1990: 531). At this point the stair from below was
raised to the top of the new platform, and appears to have featured balustrades (seen
on Temple 22 but not common in central Tikal). The imminent construction of a new
temple is evident in a north-south line that was inscribed atop the platform after yet
another series of fires (Coe 1990: 53 1).
However, this planned structure was never built and there is plenty of
evidence to suggest a major change in plan now occurred. The basal pyramid of
Temple 33 was built up using a different construction method and a new stair was
built, without balustrades and prominently featuring another dedicatory cache (see
below). It is here suggested that this break in the construction sequence of Structure
5 ~ - 3 3 - 1coincides
~' with the accession of Jasaw Chan K'awiil and the eviction of
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil and his associates from Tikal (Footnote for Freidel and Suhler
thoughts).

The Triumph of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil and the Accession of Jasaw Chan K'awiil
The 9.12.10.0.0,9 Ajaw 18 Sotz' Period Ending of 7 May, 682 was to be the
highlight of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's career. In the previous five years, along with
considerable support from Calakmul, he had defeated his brother and seized control of
Tikal and also appears to have been instrumental in the downfall of the king of
Naranjo. His reward was an invitation to celebrate the Period Ending with Yukno'm
Ch'e'n in Calakmul itself (Houston 1993: 108). Both Hieroglyphic Stairways 2 and 4
at Dos Pilas recorded this event (Fig. 6-9). Stair 4 Step I1 recorded that a stair, or
k'antuun ehb', was built although damage to this step leaves it unclear where this
construction took place. Stair 2, West Step 3 states that Yukno'm Ch'e'n danced on
this day 'in the company of', yitaaj, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil (Fig. 6-9b).
Dos Pilas Stela 9 bears the third record of this day's events and portrays
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil at Calakmul (Fig. 6-10). Crouching below the lord of Dos Pilas,
a captive named Nu'n B'ahlarn was portrayed, presumably one of Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk's associates who was captured in 679 (Fig. 6-1 la) (Martin and Grube 2000:
57). Vase K4021 bears the name of Nu'n B'ahlam, who carries the titles of b'akab'
and 'throne lord' (Fig. 6-1 lb). While this vase may have once been owned by Nu'n
u Jol Chaahk's hapless associate, the presence of a second name on this vase, 'White
Bird', renders such an identification problematic7.
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil is shown in profile, dressed as the Tikal version of the
Maize God (Fig. 6-lob) (Schele and m l l e r 1986: 76-77, Houston et a1 1992: 503).
Covering his right arm is a shield bearing the prominent glyph u Naahb'nal K'inich,
the royal Tikal title. B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil would appear to have danced as the Maize
God with Yukno'm Ch'e'n and the presence of the hapless captive Nu'n B'ahlam,
who may well have been sacrificed on this day, certainly suggests that this was a
Roman-style triumph for the Dos Pilas lord.
The celebrations in Calakmul, however elaborate, must have been tempered by
news from the south. The lords of Tikal appear to have taken the opportunity of
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's absence from the Peten to install a new lung for Jasaw Chan
K'awiil's accession took place on 3 May, 6828,just four days before the Period
Ending (Fig. 6-12). That this accession was delayed three years and then only took
place when B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil left the region certainly supports the idea that the
Dos Pilas lord had been instrumental in this interregnum. His association with
Calakmul and the civil war with Nu'n u Jol Chaahk could not have endeared him to
Tikal's nobility who appear to have taken the first opportunity to raise up his nephew
as lung in his stead.
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil must have rushed back to Dos Pilas to confront this new
threat. Although we may imagine that he would have contested his nephew's hold on
the capital, Tikal was now in the hands of his enemies. The unbelievable treason of
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil would have united the new lords of Tikal against him, and this
posed an immediate danger to his own control of the Peten. In order to strengthen his
position and secure the new prize, Naranjo, against any machinations by the revived
Tikal, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil sent his daughter, Lady Wak Chan Ajaw, to found a new
dynasty at this city (Schele and Freidel 1990: 184-185, Schele and Grube 1994: 136).
She arrived on 27 August, 6 ~ along
2 ~with a number of companions, presumably her
guards to re-establish Naranjo as a kingdom (Fig. 6-13). That this action was
ultimately sanctioned by Calakmul is apparent in that Lady Wak Chan Ajaw's son,
K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaahk, is said to be a vassal of the Snake EGng on Naranjo Stela
1 (Fig. 6-14) (Martin and Grube 2000: 75).
Under the rule of Lady Wak Chan Ajaw and K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaahk,
Naranjo would prove an implacable foe of Tikal. They associated themselves with
the great ruler Aj Wosaaj, erecting their monuments next to his and pointing out
connections between their actions and the template he set more than a century earlier
(Martin and Grube 2000: 75). Significantly, this connection concentrated on the
earlier part of Aj Wosaaj's reign, when he was a vassal of Kanal, and not his later
years when he was associating himself with ~ikall'.

T h e Early Reign of Jasaw Chan K'awiil

Remarkably little is known of the first decade in power of Jasaw Chan
K'awiil, considering that these years were some of the most momentous in the entire
Hiatus period. At the beginning of his reign Tikal was in the worst condition it had
known in the entire Classic period, having lost its last territory outside of the central
Peten (the Pasion), as well as its last major neighboring ally (Naranjo). By the end of
this short period it would already be accepting tribute from its former enemy and
overlord. This is all the more remarkable when one considers that Jasaw Chan
K'awiil was only between 10 and 26 years of age at his accession".
One of the first actions of the reign of Jasaw Chan K'awiil must have been to
initiate construction on a new version of Structure 5 ~ - 3 3 - 1 ' ~The
. plan designed by
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil was abandoned and two further substructure levels were added,
greatly elevating the temple high above the Great Plaza. A new stair (without
balustrades) was added, covering the old, and dedicatory to this were two caches.
Cache 59 was placed below the lower section of this stair and, like the earlier Cache
71, contained lithic and marine material (Coe 1990: 544). However, this cache was
much poorer in terms of both quantity and quality of its offerings and could reflect
Tikal's newly isolated situation. Cache 201, below the upper level of this stair,
consisted of a single, imported vessel (Coe 1990: 544, Culbert 1993: Figure 114g).
A new construction technique was apparent in the final stages of Structure 5D-
33-I"', where the inner cores took the form of irregular, rectangular blocks (Fig. 6-15).
Significantly, unlike earlier construction stages, the final two substructure levels were
not dedicated by fires and their top surfaces were pristine when further construction
resumed atop them (Coe 1990: 532). Not until the temple platform itself had been
constructed and plastered were fires built atop this pyramid. By this time Temple
33's substructure was the same height as Temple 22 behind it and, without any
superstructure to obscure this ritual, the fire must have been visible for lulometers
around the city.
The new Temple 33 was built atop this pyramid platform and took the form of
a two-room structure that dominated the Great Plaza and blocked all practical access
to the North Acropolis behind it. As Linda Schele and David Freidel have noted,
Jasaw Chan K'awiil's actions ritually 'deactivated' the North Acropolis and shifted
the focus of ceremonies into the Great Plaza itself (Schele and Freidel 1990: 196).
More specifically, Temple 33, now dominating the Great Plaza and obscuring the
North Acropolis, became the center for dynastic ritual (Fig. 6-16). This has been seen
to indicate a particular interest by Jasaw Chan K'awiil in Siyaj Chan K'awiil II, the
occupant of Burial 48, which was dedicatory to the original structure (Schele and
Freidel 1990: 208). However, the identification of Burial 23 with Nu'n u Jol Chaahk
makes it more likely that Jasaw Chan K'awiil was commemorating his father with the
first great construction of his reign, one of the few events known for this, the most
dynamic period of his life.

Tribute at Topoxte
The ten years following the accession of Jasaw Chan K'awiil were a time of
great change across the Maya world. K'inich Janaab' Pakal died in Palenque and was
succeeded by his son, K'inich Kan B'ahlam II. K'inich B'aaknal Chaahk, the great
warlord of Tonina, became king only five years later. In Piedras Negras Yo'nal Ahk
11replaced K'an Ahk 11 and in Yaxchilan Itzamnaaj B'ahlam the Great came to the
throne only half a year before Jasaw Chan K'awiil himself. The most important
change, at least for Tikal, was the death of Yukno'm Ch'e'n the Great in Calakmul
and the accession of Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' as the Snake King on 3 April, 68612.
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil traveled once again to the Kana1 capital to attend this coronation
(Schele and Freidel 1990: 182), and thus fulfilled his part of the Yaxha Agreement
(Fig. 6-17). Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' would remain on the throne for less than a
decade and would oversee the downfall of his kingdom just as Nu'n u Jol Chaahk had
presided over the prostration of Tikal.
It is significant that his accession was recorded at both Dos Pilas and El Peru,
while Naranjo's new king recognized Yich'aak K'ahk' as sovereign and La Corona's
lord recorded rituals he conducted in concert with this new Snake King p i g . 6-18).
Tikal, it can be seen, was surrounded by enemies loyal to Calakmul and Jasaw Chan
K'awiil's early years must have been fraught with danger as Tikal's neighbors plotted
his downfall. Yet, despite all odds, the lung of Tikal succeeded where none of his
predecessors had, in bringing down the Snake King.
Jasaw Chan K'awiil's triumph over Calakmul is generally believed to have
occurred with his defeat in battle of Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' in 695 (Schele and
Freidel 1990: 205, Martin and Grube 2000: 44-45). This belief can be attributed to
Jasaw Chan K'awiil himself, for he gave this battle pride of place on Lintel 3 of his
funerary shrine, Temple I, and appears to have regarded it as the greatest event of his
reign. However, a fascinating painted vase indicates that already four years earlier
Tikal had gained the upper hand in its struggle with its northern enemy and forced the
submission of Calakmul.
This vase, K5453 in the Kerr system, is a true masterpiece of Classic Maya
artistry, depicts a typical 'palace scene' with a vassal kneeling before a seated lord
and his attendants (Fig. 6-19a). The lord seated upon the throne is named as Ch'ok
Wayis, one of the epithets of Jasaw Chan K'awiil, and the presence of the full Mutul
Emblem Glyph following this name confirms that this is the king of ~ i k a l (Fig.
' ~ 6-
19b). The man kneeling in front of the king, bearing a symbolic burden upon his back
and reaching out in a supplicating manner is named as K'ahk' m i x Muut, the yeb'eet,
or 'messenger of', Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk', the Snake kng14.
The vertical text, painted upon a column of the portrayed palace, dates this
event to 4 Ajaw 13 Keh, or 7 October, 69115 and records this as a 'witnessing', ilaaj,
which was carried out by Ch'ok Wayis (Jasaw Chan K'awiil), and that this took place
at the site of ~ o ~ o x t e(Fig.
" 6-19c). This text concludes by stating that the king
yilaaj 14pat, 'saw 14 tribute(s)'. This corresponds to the scene, which has K'ahk'
N i x Muut bearing tribute on his back while a stack of cloth and feathers can be seen
on the throne next to the king. A bundle of cacao beans is placed on the floor in front
of him17. Clearly, only nine years after the accession of Jasaw Chan K'awiil,
Calakmul was already in a tribute relationship to ~ i k a l (Martin
'~ and Grube 2000:
110).
How Jasaw Chan K'awiil managed to so completely reverse the relative
positions of Tikal and Calakmul in his first decade in office is a complete mystery.
No texts relate the events that must have led to this occasion at Topoxte have yet been
found and this vase provides the first known post-accession event for this king of
Tikal. This realization brings home the point of truly how little we know of the
ancient history of the Maya and emphasizes how truly dynamic the political situation
was in the past.
There is one aspect of the archaeology of Tikal that may help in the
understanding of how, just as the city found itself most constricted and surrounded by
enemies, it managed to oust B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil and impose tribute on Calakmul
itself. This is in the appearance of new, imported ceramics from the western Maya
lowlands (Coggins 1975: 276-279). Most common in this group are large cylinder
vessels of a fine orange paste, belonging to the Ulum Incised type (Coggins 1975:
276). The origin of these vessels, in the lands of the B'aakal Kingdom of Palenque,
suggest that Tikal was in close contact with this ally in the early years of Jasaw Chan
K'awiil. Support from the seasoned waniors of K'inich Janaab' Pakal, advancing
east along the San Pedro Martir River just west of El Peru, could help to explain how
Tikal managed to so dramatically turn the tables on Calakmul.
The Lords of Tikal: The Royal Court of Jasaw Chan K'awiil
Jasaw Chan K'awiil's choice of Topoxte as the stage on which to accept the
tribute of the Snake King was likely a very deliberate decision. Topoxte is an island
in Lake Yaxha within sight of the great city of Yaxha, whose kings set up monuments
and even buried their royal dead here on the island19. By staging this ceremony on
Lake Yaxha, Jasaw Chan K'awiil could wipe out the stigma of his father's submission
to Calakmul in the Yaxha Agreement of three decades earlier. It must have been
sweet revenge for Tikal's lung to accept the tribute of the same man who, as a boy,
had witnessed the capitulation of his father.
Jasaw Chan K'awiil's presence at Yaxha implies that he had won this
kingdom from the grasp of his opponents and this lakeside city would provide an
eastern bulwark for Tikal against any attempted incursions from Naranjo. This is the
only victory for which we have even a hint in the epigraphic record, and would have
been one of a number won by Tikal's new king that forced Calakmul's quick
submission. Jasaw Chan K'awiil's youth at the time of these events suggests that he
had strong support from the nobility of Tikal in his quest to avenge his father and vase
K5453 is a unique document to two of them.
To the far left of the scene (Fig. 6-19a), and facing the viewer in a unique
frontal portrait (Reents-Budet 1994: 26), is the B'aalz Ajaw ('Head Lord', one of the
highest titles of the ancient Maya). His name glyph appears to read Tetchin and his
title places him at the top of Tikal's non-royal nobility and leader of this The
person to the right, kneeling behind K'ahk' Hiix Muut, is named Chak an" and
takes a full Tikal Emblem Glyph. This title, restricted to only the lung and his
immediate family, suggest that Chak Tan was a younger brother or uncle of Jasaw
Chan ~'awiil".
Another member of this family is Sak Mo', who is named on a number of
looted ceramics, including K1256, MS0739, and ~ ~ 0 7 4 (Figs.
0 ' ~ 6-20). MS0739
specifically links Sak Mo' with Jasaw Chan K'awiil while K1256, like MS0739,
portrays a meeting of wayob', the emblematic spirits of the ancient ~ a ~ aThe
' ~ .
collection on Sak Mo's vase includes the wayob' of Palenque, Altun Ha, Motul de
San Jose, and, Calakmul among others. This could well be a record of a meeting
between Calakmul on the one hand and Tikal and its allies on the other, such as
occurred at Topoxte.
 Vase MS0740 accords Sak Mo' the title Yaax Mutul Ajaw, 'Lord of Tikal',
indicating that he is another member of Tikal's royal family and another brother or
uncle of Jasaw Chan K'awiil. Interestingly, a looted panel currently in the Morley
Museum in Tikal also appears to record his name, again with a Mutul Emblem Glyph
(Fig. 6-21a) (Mayer 1991: 34, Plate 158). This piece is but part of a series of looted
all-glyphic panels that give the name of yet another Mutul prince, one whose name
glyph has unfortunately not yet been fully deciphered (Fig. 6-21b) (Mayer 1991: 33-
34, Plates 127,128, 155, 156, 157).
The tragedy of looting leaves their original provenience a mystery with much
of the Peten a possibility. Karl Herbert Mayer (1991: 33) has noted that, as sculptural
programs such as that exhibited in these panels are not known around Tikal, but are
common in the Pasion region, the panels may have come from that area of
Southwestern Peten. However, the identification of the lords named on the panels
with Jasaw Chan K'awiil makes it far more likely that these came from Central Peten.
Vase K3395 may provide support for this position as its chemical profile ties this
vessel, and Sak Mo', to the area around Lake Peten Itza (Reents-Budet 1994: 355).
Vase MS0740, intriguingly, appears to have been made in the Holmul region of
Eastern Peten (Reents-Budet 1994: 3-51), suggesting that Sak Mo' had wide
connections throughout Central and Eastern Peten, likely facilitated by Jasaw Chan
K'awiil's actions at Topoxte in securing the Yaxha region for the Mutul Kingdom.
One of these looted panels bears a clear 8 Ajaw 8 Wo date, which must be the
date 9.13.0.0.0, 8 Ajaw 8 Wo Period Ending of 15 March, 692, confirming that these
siblings or uncles of Jasaw Chan K'awiil were very prominent during the early years
of his reign. The h n g himself must have hunied back to Tikal from his Yaxha
triumph to celebrate the first K'atuun Ending of his reign. In celebration of the end of
the 8 Ajaw K'atuun Ending Jasaw Chan K'awiil dedicated the first monuments carved
at Tikal since Stela 8 had been set up by K'inich Waaw a century earlier. These
memorial stones were Stela 30 and Altar 14, set up in Twin Pyramid Group M, just
west of Tikal's North Group (Fig. 6-22). These monuments officially ended the
Hiatus period and are interesting in their unique features. Stela 30 bears no
hieroglyphic text and the date, 9.13.0.0.0, 8 Ajaw 8 Wo, or 15 March, 692, is only
found on Altar 14 (Fig. 6-22b). This latter monument is carved in the fashion of the
Giant Ajaw altars most famous at Caracol and this feature has been used by scholars
to posit influence from this region (Coggins 1975: 371, Schele and Freidel 1990: 205,
C. Jones 1991: 117). However, similar monuments are known from Altar de
Sacrificios (J. Graham 1972) and Aguateca (I. Graham 1967: Fig. 20), and may
simply reflect the culture of the southern Peten, with which Tikal had been in such
close contact for the last half-century2'.

The Triumph of Jasaw Chan K'awiil

Whatever troubles had affected Calakmul to the point that Yukno'm Yich'aak
K'ahk' was sending tribute to Tikal must have been solved shortly after the 692
Period Ending. The Snake King rebelled against his subservience to Jasaw Chan
K'awiil and a new war broke out only a year after Tikal's new monuments were
dedicated. Our knowledge of this campaign begins with an apparent defeat of Tikal
by Naranjo on 19 January, 69526(Fig. 6-23a). This city had burst onto the regional
political scene with the accession in 693 of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's five year old
grandson, K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaahk (Schele and Grube 1994: 140). Only twenty
days later Naranjo' s forces, under the leadership of the queen mother, Lady Wak
Chan Ajaw, engaged in the first of many battles fought for their new king (Martin and
Grube 2000: 76).
Significantly, one of these attacks in 693 was on a site named Tub'al (Fig. 6-
24) which, although known only epigraphically, appears to have been located in the
vicinity of the archaeological site of Nakum, to the west2'. This suggests an advance
against Tikal, and was most likely part of a coordinated attack against this city
organized by Calakrnul, for, on Naranjo Stela 1, K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaahk is
described as the yajaw, or 'vassal lord of', Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk', the Snake
k n g (Fig. 6-14) (Martin and Grube 2000: 75). It would appear that Calakmul was
rebelling against the tribute imposed upon it at Topoxte and bringing in its own
vassals to put an end to this presumptuous lung and the independence of Tikal.
Tikal's battle with Naranjo in early 695 took place at a site named K'an T'u '1,
'Yellow Rabbit' (Fig. 6-23b). A basal design on Naranjo Stela 40 portraying a rabbit
holding two Sa' 'Naranjo' Emblem Glyph Main Signs in its arms suggests that this
battle may have occurred somewhere within the Naranjo kingdom2' (Schele and
Grube 1994: 141). This battle, then, could have been a response by Jasaw Chan
K'awiil to a dangerous new enemy threatening the Mutul lungdom's eastern flanks.
While this battle with Naranjo was a temporary setback for Jasaw Chan
K'awiil, events quickly raced ahead to a climactic showdown with the Snake &ng
himself. On 5 August, 69529the two sides met in battle and Yukno'm Yich'aak
K'ahk' was soundly defeated (Fig. 6-25a). The text relating this victory, on Lintel 3
of Temple I at Tikal, uses the same 'downing of the flint and shield7 metaphor as used
to describe the final defeat of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk on the Dos Pilas stairs. Jasaw Chan
K'awiil's victory was "the extraction of revenge for that defeat" (Schele and Grube
1994: 141).
The results of this battle only emphasize the catastrophic nature of this defeat
for Calakmul and it is easy to understand Jasaw Chan K'awiil's pride in his victory.
Lintel 3 of Temple I concludes its account of the battle by relating that Yajaw Man
'was made a captive' (Fig. 6-25b). Yajaw Man was apparently one of Calakmul's
patron war deities, having overseen the accession of a Cancuen lord in 656 (Fig. 6-
2%) (Martin and Grube 2000: 111). Most likely this was a deity figure attached to a
war palanquin, which the Snake King himself rode into battle (Schele and Grube
1994: 141).
Thirteen days after the battle, on 18 August, 69530,a captive taken in this
battle was 'adorned' for sacrifice, presumably at Tikal (Fig. 6-26) (Schele and Grube
1994: 142). He is titled Aj Sa, likely meaning 'He of Naranjo', Aj Sa', which suggests
that Lady Wak Chan Ajaw had sent a contingent of troops to support Yukno'm
Yich'aak K'ahk' (Martin and Grube 2000: 76). It would seem most likely that this
battle involved warriors from many different lungdoms, Tikal and Calakmul both
calling in allies and vassals for support in this great showdown between these two
superpowers.
Seven days after displaying his captives, Jasaw Chan K'awiil staged his
'triumph' by being paraded around Tikal in his own war palanquin (Fig. 6-27a)
(Martin and Grube 2000: 45). This palanquin bore the image of a giant jaguar deity
named Nu'n B'ahlarn Chaahknal, and was probably the one that Jasaw Chan K'awiil
had rode to victory against Yich'aak K'ahk'. This 'triumph' is the highlighted event
of Lintel 3 and the scene portrays Jasaw Chan K'awiil beneath the protective reach of
Nul?zB'ahlam Chaahknal (Fig. 6-27b). The text finishes its account by relating that
on this same day the king 'conjured god' and that there was construction 'in front of
the center of Tikal' (Fig. 6-28).
This construction likely refers to the final dedication of Structure 5 ~ - 3 3 - 1 "
(Schele and Grube 1990: 208-209). Built over the tomb of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk,
Temple 33 now soared over the Great Plaza and effectively provided a new front for
the North Acropolis. As William Coe has noted, the new temple appears to have been
designed to replace Temple 22 behind it, specifically the version known as Structure
5 ~ - 2 2 - 3(Coe
' ~ 1990: 844-845) 31. Most interestingly, this is the very structure that
was central to Tikal when Siyaj K'ahk' arrived, and the building where Yaax Nu'n
Ayiin I and Siyaj Chan K'awiil I celebrated their first K'atuun Ending ceremonies
(Guenter in prep.b). The new temple, in contrast to the elaborate version it
superseded, is characterized by its "evidently unadorned, planed, ultimately austere
quality7'(Coe 1990: 553).
Perhaps in conjunction with the rituals dedicating Temple 33, a most unique
cache was deposited within Temple 32. As it was badly disturbed by later would-be
looters at the end of the Classic period, it is known as Problematic Deposit 180 (Coe
1990: 573). Into this large pit were originally placed seven large censers, bearing the
images of both humans and deities. While incensarios had been known at the city
since the Manik period, they proliferated at this time, and this may explain the cease
in fire-damage on temple floors at this time (Coggins 1975: 279). Most prominent
among these examples from Temple 32 are two modeled to represent the Fire God,
GIII (Fig. 6-29). This type of incensario is not found earlier in Tikal but is common
in Palenque, and these may reflect influence from that city brought by warriors
fighting for Tikal (see Cuevas G. 2000: 55).

Jasaw Chan K'awiil and the Snake Kingdom

Calakmul may well have submitted to Tikal following the catastrophic defeat
of Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk'. A new ruler of the Kana1 lungdom was in power
within a few months of this battle. His name, 'Split Earth', resembles no other royal
names at Calakrnul and may well have been a puppet ruler set up by Jasaw Chan
K'awiil (Martin and Grube 2000: 111). He is known only from two exquisitely
carved bones found in Burial 116 at Tikal (Fig. 6-30). These record a battle he waged
on 30 November, 69532against a person named Aj Kob'a', or 'He of Coba' (Schele
and Freidel 1990: 213, Schele and Grube 2000: 143, Grube and Martin 1998: 11-67),
This most likely refers to a battle waged by Calakmul's new king against the great site
of Coba, in northern Quintana ROO^^. Such a record as this suggests that Split Earth
had to quell rebellions that broke out upon news of Yich'aak K'ahk's downfall.
Of uncertain legitimacy, Split Earth could hardly have been a popular ruler of
the city, taking the throne in such troubled times. The fact that his victory over Coba
was commemorated in Jasaw Chan K'awiil's tomb suggests that this was a battle
fought for Tikal's benefit. This battle appears to have been a very personal affair for
Split Earth. The portrait of a captive associated with this text on the Tikal bones is
said to be u mum 'Split Earth', or 'the grandson of 'Split Earth', indicating that even
the new king's progeny disputed his rule3! 'Split Earth' could have had little support
in Calakmul itself and it is not surprising that he quickly fades from history. A new
Snake King, Yukno'm To'k' K'awiil, was in power within half a dozen years and no
memorials to 'Split Earth', if they ever existed, remained at the site (Martin 2000: 44).
Tikal's supremacy over Calakmul was brief but it did manage to retain a major
influence if not suzerainty over the Mirador Basin in the years to come. The Masul
lung Chan Sak Wayis was a close associate of Jasaw Chan K'awiil in later years and
suggests that this site, possibly Naachtun, was brought once again into the Tikal
sphere following the 695 victory (Martin and Grube 2000: 46). This influence could
also explain the large number of Codex-style vases produced in the Mirador Basin
that exhibit prominent Teotihuacan designs (Robicsek and Hales 1981: 75,215-217,
220,226).
Jasaw Chan K'awiil's connection to the Snake l n g d o m were even more
personal, though. HISwife, on Tikal Stela 5, bears a Preclassic version of the Snake
Emblem Glyph (Fig. 6-31). However, rather than being from Calakrnul, she was a
princess from the otherwise unknown site of Yokman, presumably some small site in
the Mirador Basin whose nobility still claimed that the blood of the ancient Mirador
Snake l n g s flowed through their veins (Guenter 2001b). Jasaw Chan K'awiil, it
would appear, may well have won a wife as well as a victory in 695.

A New Tikal
The tribute that must have now streamed into Tikal likely supported a massive
building project carried out over the next few years as the entire city appears to have
been renewed. Much of this new construction featured prominent Teotihuacan
designs such as talud-tablero architecture and the goggle-eyes of the Storm God
(Coggins 1975: 292, 391-395). For example, Structure 5D-57 of the Central
Acropolis, interpreted as Jasaw Chan K'awiil's new palace (Harrison 2001: 89), was
decorated with the image of the king standing above the Naranjo captive taken in the
climactic battle of the 695 war (Fig. 6-26). Jasaw Chan K'awiil appears to have seen
in his reign a revival of the New Order line of Teotihuacan-descended lungs who
ruled Tikal three centuries earlier (Martin and Grube 2000: 45). Lintel 2 of Temple I,
in fact, portrays Jasaw Chan K'awiil as a Teotihuacan warrior, seated on a palanquin
bearing the image of the Teotihuacan War Serpent, the Wuxaklaju'n u B'aah Chan
(Fig. 6-32).
The greatest transformation in the city took place in the East Plaza where the
old Twin Pyramid complex, long since rendered obsolete by new ones built around
the city, was overbuilt with a large ballcourt (Fig. 6-33). A fragmentary text, once
gracing panels set just above the sloping benches of the court, records its dedication
on a date 1 Ajaw. This is most likely the 9.13.5.0.0, 1 Ajaw 3 Pop Period Ending (17
February, 695), only a year and a half after the victory over ~ a l a k r n u (C.
l ~ ~Jones
1996, 2000). Interestingly, the buildings erected above the court buildings featured
round door columns, unique to Tikal but relatively common in southern Quintana
Roo, and could reflect the importation of architects from the Snake Kingdom as part
of the tribute placed upon that lungdom (Schele and Mathews 1998: 71).
Just south of this ballcourt was constructed a radial platform featuring talud-
tablero architecture and prominent motifs (Fig. 6-34). Known as Structure 5D-43, the
three-part profile of the talud-tablero is not matched at Teotihuacan but is found at
Xochicalco and El Tajin, the successor states to the great Mexican metropolis, which
had already collapsed by this time (C. Jones 1996: 34, Schele and Mathews 1998: 72).
This may reflect contact with these centers far to the west, which was now possible
through Palenque.
At about the same time as this construction in the East Plaza, Jasaw Chan
K'awiil refurbished the West Plaza of the Mundo Perdido. The 5C-53 platform in the
centre of the plaza was rebuilt in the same style as 5D-43, featuring a three-part talud-
tablero faqade (Rodriguez G. and Rosa1 T. 1987: 320-326). The main change effected
here, however, was the reconstruction of Structure 5C-49, fronting the north of the
plaza (Fig. 6-35). This involved adding two further levels to the top of the
substructure, both featuring talud-tablero elements, and the construction of a new
three-room temple on top (Laporte 1993: 307). Just as with Temple 33, the new
version of this structure added a new plain stair, replacing an earlier one that had
featured balustrades (Laporte 1993: 307).
Another talud-tablero decorated radial platform dating to this time, Structure
6~-144-1"(Fig. 6-36), was found south of the city center, and is probably one of only
many, reflecting a citywide renovation following Jasaw Chan K'awiil's great victory
of 695 (Rodriguez G. and Rosa1 T. 1987: 326). This work, however, was the product
of the Late Classic Imix phase and is a reflection of a city no longer in the shadow of
the fiatus.
While the Hiatus officially ended with the erection of Stela 30 and Altar 14 in
692, the 695 victory over Calakrnul initiated a second 'golden' era for Tikal, and the
triumph of this lung provides a most fitting point at which to conclude this study of
Tikal's Hiatus period. Jasaw Chan K'awiil was revered by all future generations of
Tikal's nobility and his funerary pyramid, Temple I, became the focal point of the city
in the Late Classic period (Miller 1985: 14, Harrison 1999: 147). The last king of
Tikal even took his name as his own (Grube and Schele 1995: 193) and his pyramid
was the site of pilgrimage well into the Postclassic period, long after the city itself
was abandoned (Coe 1990: 874).
This reverence is quite understandable, as Jasaw Chan K'awiil must rank
among the greatest figures of ancient Mesoamerican history. When one considers the
state in which he found his city when he took up the office of kingship, and to what
heights he brought the kingdom in little over a decade, one can only marvel at the
accomplishments of this lung. When one considers how young Jasaw Chan K'awiil
was when he embarked upon his path to rejuvenate Tikal and avenge the death of his
father, the sense of amazement is complete. Every year now, tens of thousands of
tourists, today's 'pilgrims', visit Tikal to see Temple I, a symbol of the modem state
of Guatemala, and marvel at the ancient city, a fitting tribute to the man who brought
the Hiatus to a triumphant close.
Notes to Chapter 6

Modern DNA analysis should be able to test this assertion with a comparison of the person in Burial
23 with that in Burial 116, who is confidently identified as Jasaw Chan K'awiil, the son of Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk.
David Freidel and Charles Suhler first brought this material to the author's attention in discussions in
1999. David Freidel has also kindly provided early drafts of chapters from his forthcoming book on
Maya history that have also proven most helpful in sparking continued discussions. Although our
interpretations often differ, the correlations presented in this thesis, between various archaeological and
epigraphic events, owes much to the original work of these two (see Suler and Freidel 1995).
A similar vase was found in the Ik phase Burial PNT-066, that of an infant, located in K'inich
Waaw's palace on the northern edge of the Mundo Perdido area (Laporte and Fialko 1995: 79, Fig. 63).
Yukno'm Ch'e'n's vassal in Cancuen would have had access to trade with highland Guatemala, and
the Pacific materials from this region, while the old Snake capital of Dzibanche is very close to the
Caribbean Sea.
Stela 14 provides an excellent case in point. All that remains is the butt of this monument, with only
the feet of the figures carved on the sides and the lower portion of the rear text surviving of the original
decoration (C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: 34-35). It is likely for the reason that no carving
remained on the front of the monument that this stela was erected backwards in relation to the rest of
the Great Plaza monuments, thus keeping the primary side of the monument (now the rear text) facing
south.
Although this individual is described as a hunchback with a stature of only 115-125 cm (Coe 1990:
543), this identification appears to be in error and there is no reason to suspect this person was anything
but normal (David Freidel, personal communication 2001).
' 'White Bird' is a name held by an eighth century king of Motul de San Jose, known currently only
from a series of looted ceramic vessels. See Schele and Miller: Plate 96. However, it must be said that
K4021 is painted in completely different style than those known for the Motul king
9.12.9.17.16,5 Kib' 14 Sotz' in the Maya calendar.
9.12.10.5.12.4 Eb' 10 Yax in the Maya calendar.
10
The stelae of Lady Wak Chan Ajaw and K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaahk are conspicuously positioned
next to those of this great king and Stela 3 connects the 1'' k'atuun anniversary in lungship of both
K'ahk' Tiliw and Aj Wosaaj (Schele and Freidel 1990: 193).
II
The birthdate of Jasaw Chan K'awiil is not known. However, K'ntuun Ajaw records indicate this
must have occurred at some point between 9.1 1.3.6.9 (656) and 9.1 1.19.17.19 (672).
12
9.12.13.17.7,6 Manik' 5 Sip in the Maya calendar.
" Ch'ok Wayis is the name by which Jasaw Chan K'awiil is referred on Tikal Altar 5 and one may
note that the portrait on Stela 16 (the mate to Altar 5) is the same as that seen on this vase.
14
Yeb'eet as 'messenger' is another reading by David Stuart.
I5
9.12.19.10.0,4 Ajaw 13 Keh in the Maya calendar.
l6For this glyph as the toponym of Topoxte, see Stuart and Houston 1994: 29-30.
17
See Stuart 1998: 41 1-416 for a discussion of similar tribute scenes. The glyph upon this bundle, 3
PIH, identifies this bundle as containing 24,000 cacao beans (pih is the Maya word for 8,000
(Lacadena 2001: 232). The bundle as portrayed is far too small to have contained this amount and
must be taken as a representation of the total whose number has been given.
I s The importance of this scene was first noted by Stephen Houston and Peter Mathews (1985: 14-15).
19
See Grube 1999: 252-253,257-261 for a discussion of the relationship between Topoxte and Yaxha
as revealed through glyphic inscriptions.
20 For a discussion of the B'aah Ajaw title, see Houston and Stuart 2001: 62. The title, meaning 'head
lord' and implying the number one noble in the kingdom (apart from the king) suggests a position akin
to a prime minister in the English political tradition, although one who would clearly come from the
House of Lords rather than the ~ o u s of e Commons.
21
The full name appears to be spelled CHAK-TAN-na mo-wi, although the forms of the last glyph
block are not the clearest. The full name may thus read Chak Tan Moow.
22 If Chak Tan were a member of Jasaw Chan K'awiil's immediate family he could be only his son, his
brother, or his uncle (both his father and grandfather would have been dead by this time). Given that
Chak Tan is portrayed as an adult, and that on this date Jasaw Chan K'awiil was only between 20 and
35 years of age (see Note 11 above), it is most unlikely that Chak Tan was the son of Jasaw Chan
K'awiil. Instead, Chak Tan was more likely a younger son or brother of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk.
23
MS, 'Maya Survey', identifies vases catalogued by the Maya Polychrome Ceramics Project of the
Smithsonian Institution (Reents-Budet 1994: xx). MS0739 is the same vase as K3395 in the Kerr
sequence, while MS0740 corresponds to K3033.
24 Stephen Houston and David Stuart (1989) and Nikolai Grube independently deciphered the way
glyph (Freidel et a1 1993: 442, Note 33).
25 There is currently no evidence to suggest that Caracol ever controlled Tikal or was a significant
player in the local politics or culture. It would seem preferable upon present evidence to posit that the
similarity in culture between these two sites at this time was through an intermediate source, such as
Calakmul andlor the southern Peten.
26
9.13.2.16.10. 5 Ok 8 Kumk'u in the Mava calendar.
27 A location for Tub'al near Lake Peten Itza has been suggested by the fact that a famous court painter
at Motul de San Jose, just west of Lake Peten Itza, in the mid-eighth century was named Tub'al Ajaw
(Reents-Budet 1994: 60, 175, Martin and Grube 2000: 76). However, Lintel 2 of Tikal Temple IV
records that the contemporary king of Tikal, Yik'in Chan K'awiil, travelled to Tub'al from Tikal in one
day, attacking Naranjo the next. This would be impossible were Tub'al a site near Lake Peten Itza
(more than a day's journey from Tikal and more than two from Naranjo). As Naranjo attacked this site
on a number of occasions, this suggests that Tub'al is a site somewhere between Naranjo and Tikal,
and less than a day's journey from either site. This could only be a site in the vicinity of Nakum,
approximately 25 kilometers from either site, and Tub'al could well be the ancient name of this large
archaeological site. There are unfortunately few texts known from this site and the Main Sign of the
one Emblem Glyph presently known from Nakum is simply the logogram for a pyramid (Grube 2000:
253).
28
he lack of any sign of a K'AN glyph in the basal register on Naranjo Stela 40 somewhat weakens
the argument that this is a reference to the same site where the 695 battle took place. Nevertheless, this
battle likely took place somewhere between Naranjo and Tikal.
29
9.13.3.7.18, 11 Etz'nab' 11 Ch'en in the Maya calendar.
9.13.3.8.1 1, 1 1 Chuwen 4 Yax in the Maya calendar.
31
These similarities between Structures 5 ~ - 3 3 - 1 "and 22-31d include similar height, position on the
central access of the North Acropolis, and a two-room structure wider in the rear than in the front.
32 9.13.3.13.15, 11 Men 8 Muwaahn in the Maya calendar.
33 Another possible location for this Kob'a may be found in colonial manuscripts which refer to a site
by this name in the Yalain region, around Lake Macanche in central Peten (G. Jones 1998: 17, 18,451
Note 83). However, this is hardly likely the Kob'a referred to on these bones for it is located south of
Tikal, far from Calakmul and in territory certainly controlled by Tikal at this time.
34
This figure is titled a Hiixil Ajaw, or 'Lord of Hiixil'. This could refer to the archaeological site of
Ixil, southwest of Coba and linked to that site by a causeway.
35 In Tikal Report 16, Christopher Jones suggested that this date was the 1 Ajaw K'atuun Ending of 633
(C. Jones 1996: 29, 83). However, subsequent analysis, especially of masonry techniques utilized in
the construction of these buildings suggests that this ballcourt was built at about the same time as
Structure 5D-33-I", which dates to around 695 (C. Jones 2000). Most important is that these buildings,
along with Structure 5D-43, which was arguably built at the same time as this ballcourt, contained Ik
and possibly Imix sherds (C. Jones 1996: 35).
Figure 6-1: The excavation for Burial 23 required the removal of most of the
stair of Structure SD-33-2"d.(After Coe 1990:Figure 16%)
Figure 6-2: Burial 23, dedicatory to Structure 5 ~ - 3 3 - 1 ~has
' , long been identified
with the king Nu'n u Jol Chaahk. (From Coe 1990: Figure 176)
Figure 6-3: The ceramics of Burial 23.
(a) Probable non-local vase. (From Culbert 1993: Figure 40b)
(b) One of three nearly identical tripod plates with Ajaw 'date' motifs.
(From Culbert 1993: Figure 39)

Figure 6-4: Tikal Stela 32. Dating to the early Middle Classic period, it portrays
a Teotihuacan lord, perhaps Siyaj K'ahk' or even Spearthrower Owl himself.
(Drawing by William Coe, from C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 5%)
Figure 6-5: The curious Burial 24 was placed after Burial 23, yet contained
ceramics that belonged to an earlier time period.
(a) Burial 24 required far less excavation than Burial 23. (After Coe 1990:
Figure 168e)
(b) This profile of Structure 5D-33 shows just how closely this tomb was
placed between Burials 48 and 23. (After Coe 1990: Figure 9b)
Figure 6-6: Burial 24 of Tikal. (After Coe 1990: Figure 177)

Figure 6-7: Lateral-ridge dish with painting of a fish from Burial 24. This is an
unusual piece, being more characteristic of the early Ik period, and resembles
forms from Caracol and the southern Peten. (After Culbert 1993: Figure 42a)
Figure 6-8: The first version of Structure SD-33-lStwas likely set up in the reign
of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil.
(a) The Unit 27/28 platform marked the summit of the new pyramid. The
planned temple was plotted out but never built. (After Coe 1990: Figure
168j)
Figure 6-8:
(b) The unique radiating walls of fill composing the internal construction
of Unit 47 of Structure 5~-33-1".(After Coe 1990: Figure 170)

Figure 6-9: The 9.12.10.0.0,9 Ajaw 18 Sotz' Period Ending of 672 was the
greatest moment of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's life. (Drawings after Schele and
Grube 1994: 135)
(a) Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic Stairway 4, Step I1 records that on this day a
k'antuun stairway was dedicated. orawing by Stephen Houston)
(b) Dos Pilas Hieroglyphic Stairway 2, West Step 3 states that on this day
Yukno'm Ch'e'n danced and that B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil accompanied
him. (Drawing by Linda Schele)
Figure 6-10: Dos Pilas Stela 9, the 'Triumph' of B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil
(a) The side texts: Glyph E2 records the 9 Ajaw Period Ending of 682,
while F4 records that the events of this day took place a t Uxte' Tuun,
ancient Calakmul. (Drawing b y Stephen Houston, from Houston 1993:
Figure 4-12)
(b) Stela 9 bears this portrait, the only known, of the king B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil. Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Miller 1986: Plate 2d)
Figure 6-11: B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil apparently dragged along to Calakmul a
captive from 13 Tzuk named Nu'n B'ahlam. He is portrayed on the base of Stela
9 and is also named on Vase K4021.
(a) Rubbing of Stela 9 base by Merle Greene Robertson. (After Greene et
al. 1972: P1. 93)
(b) Vase K4021, which names its original owner as Nu'n B'ahlam. (Photo
O Justin Ken 1988, after Ken 1992: 455)

Figure 6-12: The accession of Jasaw Chan K'awiil as kalo'mte' of Tikal on 5 Kib'
14 Sotz' (3 May, 682)' only four days before B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil's 'triumph' in
Calakmul. (Drawing of text from Lintel 3 of Temple I by John Montgomery)
Figure 6-13: The arrival at Naranjo of Lady Wak Chan Ajaw of Dos Pilas,
served to re-found dynasty at this city. (Drawings of Naranjo Stelae 24 and 29 by
Ian Graham, Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, Peabody Museum, Harvard
University. After Schele and Grube 1994: 136)

Figure 6-14: These glyphs from Stela 1 record that K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaahk,
the 3sthking of Naranjo, was a vassal of Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk', the Snake
king. (After Martin and Grube 2000: 75)

240
Figure 6-15: Unit 58 construction demonstrates the change in composition of the
later inner core blocks of Structure SD-33-lSt.(After Coe 1990: Figure 171b)

Figure 6-16: Temple 33-lSt(left, center), the first construction from the reign of
Jasaw Chan K'awiil I. (Drawing by Francisco GutiCrrez Martinez, after Gendrop
1987: Fig. 2.28)
Figure 6-17: Dos Pilas Panel 7 records that B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil witnessed the
accession of Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' at Calakmul on 6 Manik' 5 Sip (3 April,
686). (Drawing by Stephen Houston, after Houston 1993: Figure 5-1 1)

Figure 6-18: Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' is one of the best-attested rulers of the
Classic period.
(a) El Peru Stela 34 records his accession. (Drawing by Linda Schele,
after Schele and Grube 1994: 137)
(b) Site Q Glyphic Panel 4 records that on 4 February, 687 Yukno'm
Yich'aak K'ahk' played ball. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele
and Grube 1994: 138)
Figure 6-19: Tribute at Topoxte: the revenge for the Yaxha Agreement. Note the
pile of feathers and cloth on the throne and the bundle of cacao below.
(a) K5453, the Topoxte Vase. (Photo O Kerr 1992, after Kerr 1997: 804)
(b) The central image, showing Ch'ok Wayis (Jasaw Chan K'awiil)
accepting tribute from K'ahk' Hiix Muut, the messenger of Yukno'm
Yich'aak K'ahk'. (Drawing by Mark Van Stone, after Grube and Martin
2000a: 11-60)
(c) The vertical text from the palace pier, recording that Ch'ok Wayis
witnessed the delivery of 14 tribute(s) on 4 Ajaw 13 Keh (7 October,
691). (Drawing by the author)
Figure 6-20: These ceramic vessels bear the name of Sak Mo', a Tikal prince of
the late seventh century. (Photos 63 Justin Kerr, Kerr Archives. Drawings by the
author)
(a) K1256 (After Freidel et al. 1993: Plate 38)
(b) K3395 (After Freidel et al. 1993: Plate 37)
(c) MS0740 (K3033) (After Reents-Budet 1994: Fig. 6.46)
Figure 6-21: Sak Mo' and another Tikal prince are named on a series of looted
hieroglyphic panels
(a) The Sak Mo' Panel. (Drawing by Nikolai Grube, after Mayer 1991:
Plates 157, 158)
(b) Another panel, bearing the name of Chak 'Bloody-mouth Jaguar'
To'k'. (Drawing by Nikolai Grube, after Mayer 1991: Plate 128)
Figure 6-22: The official end to the Hiatus: the 9.13.0.0.0,8 Ajaw 8 Wo Period
Ending (15 March, 692). (Drawings by William Coe, after C. Jones and
Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 50)
(a) Stela 30
(b) Altar 14
Figure 6-23: Naranjo Stela 22 records that Siyaj K'awiil of Tikal was defeated
and captured on 5 Ok 8 Kumk'u (29 January, 695). This battle is said to have
occurred at a site named K'an T'u'l, 'Yellow Rabbit'. (Drawing by Ian Graham,
after I. Graham 1975: 56)

Figure 6-24: Naranjo Stela 22 records a firey attack on the site of Tub'al on 7
Chikchan 8 Sak (11 September, 693). Although unlocated, Tub'al likely refers to
a site within the vicinity of the archaeological site of Nakum, and indicates that
Naranjo was attacking towards Tikal. (Drawing by Ian Graham, after I. Graham
1975: 56)
Figure 6-25: The defeat of Yich'aak K'ahk', king of Calakmul, on 11Etz'nab' 11
Ch'en (5 August, 695)' was the greatest event in the reign of Jasaw Chan K'awiil.
(a) The text on Lintel 3 of Temple I uses the same wording (jub'uy u to'k'
pakal) as was used to describe the downfall of Nu'n u Jol Chaahk at
Dos Pilas. (Drawing by John Montgomery, after Schele and Grube 1994:
141)
(b) The passage includes a mention that the Yajaw Man deity was
captured. (Drawing by John Montgomery, after Schele and Grube 1994:
141)
(c) On the Cancuen Looted Panel, the Yajaw Man is titled a kalo'mte', or
'warlord/emperor', and was presumably a Calakmul war god.
(Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994: 141)
Figure 6-26: When Jasaw Chan K'awiil built himself a new palace, Structure
5D-57, in the Central Acropolis, he decorated it with scenes of his 695 triumph
over Calakmul. Both scenes shown here depict the king in Teotihuacan war
costume. The top scene portrays him with a captive who may be from Naranjo
(Aj Sa).
(a) (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994: 142)
(b) (After Hamson 1999: Figure 76)
Figure 6-27: On 12 Etz'nab' 11Sak (14 September, 695)' Jasaw Chan K'awiil
was paraded around Tikal on a palanquin with the deity Nu'n B'ahlam
Chaahknal, quite likely the one he rode into battle with against Calakmul. The
king also 'conjured god', u tzak k'uh. As this date happened to be the 13k'atuun
anniversary of the death of Spearthrower Owl, he may have been the deity
contacted to sanctify this 'triumph'.
(a) Parade text. (Drawing by John Montgomery, after Schele and Grube
1994: 142)
(b) Temple 1, Lintel 3. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and
Satterthwaite 1982: 142)
Figure 6-28: The account on Lintel 3 of Temple I concludes by stating that
patwaan tan ch'e'n Mutul, 'it was constructed in the middle of the city of Tikal.
Jasaw Chan K'awiil thus explicitly links his military victory with new
construction at Tikal. (Drawing by John Montgomery, after Schele and Grube 2000:
142)

Figure 6-29: A number of incensarios depicting the fire god GI11 were cached
inside Temple 32 a t about the time of this construction, suggesting a wide
program of renovation and new construction after the 695 victory. (After Coggins
1975: Figure 75c,d)
Figure 6-30: Tikal Miscellaneous Text 39. On 11Men 8 Muwaan (30 November,
695)' Aj Kob'a.. . was brought down by Split Earth. The captive seen here is said
to be Ux K'alte', Hiixil Ajaw, the ntam, or 'grandson', of Split Earth, the Snake
king. (After Schele and Freidel 1990: Fig. 5.27)

Figure 6-31: On Tikal Stela 5, Yik'in Chan K'awiil's mother (Jasaw Chan
K'awiil's wife) is given the Preclassic form of the Snake Emblem Glyph in
addition to the normal Yokman Ajaw title she regularly takes. This suggests that
this woman was from a small site in the Mirador Basin, and was descended from
the Preclassic Snake kings. Jasaw Chan K'awiil may well have met this woman
on his campaign against Calakmul. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and
Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 8)
Figure 6-32: Jasaw Chan K'awiil is portrayed as a Teotihuacan warlord on
Lintel 2 of Temple 1at Tikal. The platform on which he sits, decorated with
highland plants and War Serpent images, is evocative of the Feathered Serpent
Pyramid at Teotihuacan. Jasaw Chan K'awiil may well have had a palanquin
designed to replicate this most famous of ancient Mesoamerican temples.
(Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and Satterthwaite 1982: Figure 69.)
Figure 6-33: The East Plaza Ballcourt, likely built for the 9.13.5.0.0,l Ajaw 3
Pop Period Ending of 697, replaced the old Twin Pyramid complex in this plaza.
(Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Mathews 1998, Fig. 2.7)

Figure 6-34: Structure 5D-43, the 'Teotihuacan Embassy', roughly

contemporaneous with the East Plaza Ballcourt, which it faces.
(Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Mathews 1998, Fig. 2.9)
 MUNDO PERDIDO,.TIKAL
West Plaza
/ M I X Phase

Figure 6-35: The West Plaza of the Mundo Perdido group, showing Structures
5C-49 (left) and 5C-53 (center) as they appeared in their final form after the
reconstruction after the 695 victory. As with other constructions of the period,
Teotihuacan revivalism is readily apparent. (After Laporte 1998: Fig. 5 )

Figure 6-36: Platform 6 ~ - 1 4 4 - 1 ~from

' , a small residential group southeast of the
city center, is an example of the 'Teotihuacan-revival' that characterized the
reign of Jasaw Chan K'awiil. (After Rodriguez G. and Rosa1 T. 1987: 330)
 Conclusion: A New History of the Hiatus
The Hiatus of Tikal, as popularly described, is but a construct of the
imagination of modem s c l ~ o l a ~ This
~ s . thesis has examined numerous diffel-ent lines of
evidence, both epigraphic and archaeological, and from many disparate sources, that
a seconstruction of the history of this period of Tikal's history. In the process, a
completely new understanding of the Hiatus has been achieved. The period of time
described as the Hiatus ceitainly must be reassessed, and any new proposal depends
upon the criteria by which one defines it. If following the traditional model, which
recognizes only dates cal-ved upon stone monuments, thjs spans a pei-iod of just under
118 years, between 5 December, 573 (Stela 8) and 15 march, 692 (Altar 14).
Ho~veves,the 593 Period Ending, so prominent in Burial 195, may not have been
commemorated on a monument simply for the reason that K'inich Waaw passed away
only shoi-tly thereafter'. In any event, Tikal was obviously still n very active city on
and immediately after this date: and one is left with a 'true' hiatus in Tikal's fortunes
of less than a century.
Uaxactun Stela 6 and the looted Nu'n u Jol Chaahk stela must also be
considered, for although not from the site itself, they were commissioned by lords of
Tilcal. Although they cannot be at present confidently dated, they appear to delinlit
the period between ca. 620 and 675, leaving only half a century when Tikal's lungs
et-ecled no carved monuments. This corresponds to an excellent degree ~ r i t hthe
absolute nadir of the fortunes of Tikal's h n g s and the height of the power of the
Snalte h n g d o m at Calakmul. This new dating has great implications for an even
more important question of this thesis. the cause of the Hiatus itself.

The Cause of the Hiatus

This thesis has emphasized the importance of the relationship between Tiltal
and Teotihuacan in understanding the Middle Classic period of Tikal's history.
However, Willey's proposal that the onset of the E a t u s may have been brought about
by a severing of this relationship is not directly borne out by the historical facts.
Tikal's Icings maintained their own hegemony over the Peten for almost a century
after [he defeat of Wak Chan K'awiil and Tikal itself \%!asnot overrun for another 95
years. In fact, the late-fifth century, when Tila1 was newly independent, appears to
 11aL.e been one of the more prosperous and aclive periods in tile city's history, and one
fl.om which many later rulers would draw inspiration.
While the image of Tikal being sacked in 562 no longer holds true,
~ ~ n s e n t i e i m appears
er to be cor-sect in attributing the Hiatus to 'excessive wal-s'. The
two major defeats of Tiltal: in 657 and 679. bracket and define the apogee of the
Hiatus period. Wak Chan K'awiil's probable death in battle in 562 was certainly a
blow for Tikal, but K'inich Waaw stabilized the lun,adom and even expanded the
realm towards the Pasion, with fateful results for the Suture.
Earlier studies have generally focused on Sky Witness of Dzibanche or
Yajawte' K'inich of Caracol as the ultimate cause of Tikal's f i a t u s . The credit for
this achievement must now go, however? to Yuk~lo'mCh'e'n II?who appears to be
fully deserving of his modem epithet, 'the Great'. It is no coincidence that his reign,
spanning the half-century from 636 to 686, corresponds almost exactly LO the period
of the 'True E a t u s ' , when Tikal erected no inscribed monuments. That Tikal's Hiatus
was largely the work of this one man is emphasized by the fact that i t was he who
oversaw both the 657 sack of the city and its conquest in 679.
Yultno'm Ch'e'n [he Great, then, was arguably the piimary cause of the
Hiatus. 13s figure dominates the penod as no other individual, and while one cannot
say that Tikal would not have suffered a hiatus ~vithouthim, i t would certainly have
been vastly different from that which history I-ecorded. While it is true that Yukno'm
Ch'e'n I1 inherited a strong lungdo~nwon by his predecessors. the fact [hat the
domination of C a l a h i l l fell apart within only a few years of his death only
emphasizes his impact on Classic history. His predecessors deserved much credit for
kvealiening and encircling Tikal by conquering its neighbors, but Yukno'm Ch'e'n
was the one who ultiillately captured the city and accepted the submission of its king.
However, Yukno'm Ch'e'n is not alone in bearing credit for Tikal's nlisery
and woes at this time. Another figure iooming large over the a a t u s is B'ajlaj Chan
I<'awiil of Dos Pilas. The itir~l~zilcivil war, for which he was largely responsible,
divided Tiltal's forces at exactly the moment ~tcould least afford such a weakening of-.
its power. While one cannot say what might have occun-ed had B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil
remained loyal to Tikal, his presence in Dos Pilas meant that Nu'n u Jol Chaahk was
forced to fight a two-front war with potential enemies on all sides. In this light one
can perhaps sympathize with this lung of Tikal, whose ill-fated rejgn, even more than
that of Yukno'm Ch'e'n of Calakmul, defined the Hiatus.
 The Cause of Tikal's Recovery
As with the causes of the Hiatus, the recovery of Tikal can be co~relatedto the
I-eignof one king: Jasa~vChan K'awiil. lJ711ilethe death of Yukno'm Ch'e'n II no
doubt helped Tikal in its recover', the heir to the throne o f the Snake Kings. Yukno'm
Yich7aal<K'ahk', was a formidable opponent who could count on the loyalty of
Tikal's neighbors, Naranjo and El Peru. Jasaw Chan K'awiil took the thl-one at the
absolute nadir of Tikal's fortunes and the fact that within a decade he was accepting
the tribute of the Snake King certainly emphasizes his dynamic power. That he did so
when he was only aged between 20 and 35 years old only heightens his
accomplishment.
Just as with Yukno'm Ch'e'n, howc\~er.Jasaw Chan K'awiil was not solely
I-esponsible for his kingdom's success. The princes of Tikal who are known for this
period testify to the importance of Jasnw Chan K'awiil's bsothers, or more likely
uncles, in bringing about the recovery of the Mutlil kingom. That these references to
the Tikal princes can be dated only to the early years of Jasaw Chan K'awiil is
p~-ohablyno coincidence, and the h n g likely assumed a much more personal control
of his kjngdom after the victory over Calakmul. Princes of the ! I f u t ~hngdom
~l are
almost completely unknown apart from this s11o1-t period at the end of the seventh
century, and this reinforces the belief that, while Tikal's recovery can be credited to
the reign of Jasaw Chan K'awiil, he received much support from his nobility.
Even str-onger evidence towards the popular support of the h n g , however,
coines from the city's earthworks. The incredible amount of effort needed to erect
these defenses of Tikal emphasizes that the entire population of the city must have
been engaged in this co~lstruction.That the cntire city was to be defended, rather than
just the aristocratic center, suggests that Tikal's citizens recognized their common
cause with the city's nobles. The city's eai-th~vorks,then, are suggestive of a nascent
patsiotisin 01. 'nationalism' i n seventh century Tikal, and this recognition will be of
great iinpoi-tance in studies of Classic Maya society. In this light, i t is not surp~ising
that R'ajlaj Chan K'awiil, by siding with Calalunul, had little popular suppoi-t fro111
the people of Tikal.
 K'inich Waaw and the Culture of T i 1 4 before the Hiatus
It has been shown that the defeat of Wal< Chan K'awiil in 562 was not [he
oreat downfall of Tikal as popularly believed. No sack of Tikal took place at this time
5

tlie accession of K'inich Waaw, despite the fact tliat it i~itrodiiceda new royal
line, does not appear to have been overly traumatic for the lungdom. Stela X's
identification ~x/iththis lung finally allows for an understanding of how this non-royal
noble rose to the lungship of Tikal. As tlie ti' lzu'rz of Lady Yok'in, lie as much
repi-esented a return to the earlier regime tliat preceded Wak Chan K'awiil as he did
the rise of' a new dynasty. If Kalo'mte' B'alilam can be associated with the Yik'in
Chan K'awiil mentioned in the Temple VI inscription and its record of the 14 te' title,
[he fanii1.y of IC'inich Waaw may be argued to have had a close association with
Tikal's royal family for a number of decades before Wak Chan K'awiil's accession.
Tlie accession of K'inich Waaw cannot no\\/ be attributed to any foreign
power, and this Tikal native appears to have carried on tlie city's traditional
domination of tlie Peten, and conlpensated for the loss of the easteili Peten by
conquering the Pasion. Tlie lasting effect of this conquest is reflected in the
domination of this region by Mrltzil lords, residing in Dos Pilas and Aguateca, for the
next two centuiies.
K'inich Waaw's importance to Maya history has heretofore little been
recognized. His actions i n delajring the Karla1 conquest of the Peten and his own
conquest of the Pasion are certainly notable accomplishments. This is all the more
renial-ltable when one notes the troubled times in which he came to the throne. The
foundation he laid for his kingdom and tlie royal family tliat he established would
endure even through the blackest years of the f i a t u s to rise to even greater glory in
tlie Late Classic.
It is worth considering how many kingdoms his progeny eventually ruled. Elis
liileal descendants included the kings of Tikal, Dos Pilas, Aguateca, Seibal, La
Amelia, Alroyo de Piedrx, El C l i o ~ ~Naranjo,
o, Yaxha: and Zacpeten, and
undoubtedly a host of others for which we now have no evidence2. When one
considers that the contemporary lungs B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil of Dos Pilas, Jasaw Chan
K'awiil of Tikal and IC7ahk'Tiliw Chan Chanhk of Naranjo represent three different
genesations of his fanlily it becomes apparent just how thoroughly K'inich Waaw's
descendants came to doniiilate the Peten. Much of Late Classic Peten history can now
 be seen as revolving a r o ~ ~ nthe
d conflicting relationships between the menibers of this
family.
The new vision oE the Hiatus of Tilcal also calls into question many of the
cuitural changes that traditionally Lvere thought to have been attendant to the downfall
of JVak Chan K'awiil and the rise of K'inich Waaw. These include many aspects of
Ik archaeoIogy, most notably the ceramic shift from the Early Classic Manik phase LO

tlie Late Classic Lk phase. Previously seen to reflect influence from southeast Peten
brought in by conquerors following the 562, the fact that diagnostically Lk ceramics
were already in use in Tikal during the reign of Wak Chan K'awiil makes it clear that
this cultural shift n.as a local developnlent in Tikal. The end to overt Teotihuacan
symbolism at Tikal, often associated with a C a l a h ~ ~victory
il over Tikal, has been
shown to predate the defeat of Wak Chan K'awiil by almost a century.

The 'True Hiatus': Tikal in the Seventh Century

The mid-sixth century saw a sudden surge of Snake power, which cullninated
in the defeat of LVak Chan K'awiil. I-Iowever, while this lung likely met his end on
the field of battle, this did not result in the downfall of Tik:tl, and under K'inich
Waaw the Teotihuacan Alliance recovered and held the Snake lords of Dzibanche in
check.
The Snake hngdom did not remain static during the reign of K'inich Waaw,
however, and the Snake lords appear LO have used this tirne to seize control of the
northern Yucatan. These new territories would provide them with a strong base from
which to strike when the conflict wlth the Teotihuacan Alliance resumed at the end of
tlie sixth century. The death of K'inich Waaw around 595 coincided with a new
Karla1 advance, which soon had the Teotihuacan Alliance in retreat.
This canlpaign began with tenible setbacks to the Teotihuacan Alliance on the
edges of the IvIaya world. A major defeat of Altun Ha in 595 in a disastrous attack on
Pusilha to the south knocked out this member of the Alliance for at least half a
century. To the far west, Palenque was attacked a number of times in the next two
decades and twice the city was saclced by Snake forces, in 599 and 61 1. effectively
eliminating this kingdom as a major force for the next fifty >!ears.
FL'ith the proximal member-s of the Teotihuacan Alliance neutralized, the
Kciizc~lforces advanced into the Peten itself in the first decades of the seventh century.
This advance coincided with the transferal of the Snake capital to Calalmul, just noi-th
 of the homeland of the oiiginal Kc~iz~ll
Kingdoin of the Mirador Basin. From this new
positioned base the Snake lungs moved against Tikal's last effective
allies, the cities of Narari.jo and El Peru in the Central Peten. The first to fall was
Naranj0, whose king Aj Wosaaj had traitorously associated himself with Tikal,
despite owing his accession to the beneficence of the Snake King Tuun K'ab' six. A
five-year campaign begun by Caracol was capped off by the conquest of Naranjo in
631 at the hands of Yukno'm Head, the new Snake G n g . The tei-sible fate meted out
at Calalunul to Naranjo's lung liltely reflects the betrayal felt by the Snake IGngs in
regard to this erstwhile vassal.
It would be Yultno'm Head's successor, Yukno'm Ch'e'n II (the Great), who
would preside over the complete prostration of Tikai by mid-century. K'inich
Waaw's successor, K'inich M7ayaan, had seen the beginnings of this process but
seems to have died before the true catastrophe materialized. It fell to K'inich
Muwaahn Jol LI to witness the collapse of Tikal's remaining bulwarks against the
ever-encroaching Snake forces. Less than a decade after Naranjo's defeat, El Peru
appears to have been overrun by the enemy and within a few decades was being ruled
by a quisling for Calakmul.
The loss of Naranjo and El Peru in the reign of K'inich Muwaahn Jol II left
Tikal isolated and surrounded by enemies. Having reoccupied the traditional Snake
heartland of the Mirador Basin, the forces of Calakrnul could easily march south and
soon had even Uaxactun in their grasp. The response at Tikal was to invest an
enormous amount of energy in constructing the city's famed earthworks as a last
defense against sorties by the Snake forces and .their allies. The effort necessary to
call-y out such a massive undertalung likely explains the general lack of buildings in
the city center dating to this period.

The Destruction of Tikal: The Reig~lof Nu'n u Jol Chaahk

Despite the grandiose attempt to defend the city on its ramparts, Tikal
ultilnately fell to the enemy in January of 657, only shortly after the accession of Nu'n
u Joi Cliaahk. The new liing fled his city, likely retreating south to the Lake Peten
Itza region, while attempting to carry 011 the war from his exile. Tlie victorious Snake
armies, however, occupied the city and laid waste to it in a terrible orgy of violence.
Monuments wel-e brolten and their precious texts abraded. The tombs of Tikal's
ancient lords were violently rippeci open and the remains of the occupants and their
 gave goods were scattered about ihe city's plazas, to be burned in a final insult
.,
perpetl-ated by the city's conquerors. The pall of smoke that must have hung over the
city would have been etched into the meil~oriesof Tikal's residents for many years.
It is not known how long Nu'n u Jol Chaahk remained in exile. continuing his
war with the enemy who had now seized his capital. However, information from Dos
Pilas' hieroglypliic stairways indicates that within a few years he was finally forced to
submit to his enemy. This took the form of public acknowledgment of the young heir
to the throne of Calakmi~lin a celebration at Yaxha, the so-called 'Yaxha Agreement'.
This allowed Nu'n u Jol Chaahk to return to his city, but only as a vassal of Calaknlul.
Accompanying him on this most humiliating of days for Tikal Lvas the Tikal king's
brother, B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil. While Nu'n u Jol Chaahk \~rouldbe fomenting
rebellion against the Snake lords within a decade, the lord of Dos Pilas would prove to
be a source of I-ebellion against the lung of Tikal himself. B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil
I-ermined true to his pledge of fealty at Yaxha, and, for this newfound sense of loyalty
and honor, was rewarded by Calaiunul in subsequently being recognized as the
legitimate il'llltul lung.
The reasons Yukno'm Ch'e'n' I1 had for allowing his defeated enemy to
rerum to his capital are not entirely certain, but this move could well have been to
allow a freer hand in dealing wiih a much more pressing problem, the sudden
resurgence of the ldngdom of Palenque. K'inich Janaab' Pakal's great victory of 659
and his subsequent takeover of Poniona and Santa Elena threatened Kulrnl supremacy
in the west, and left only El Peru standing between a reunion of Tikal and Palenque
forces along he Sail Pedro Martir River. I'ukno'rn Ch'e'n's apparent sudden interest
in his vassals tlanking the resurgent Palenque may reflect the danger he felt from this
lungdom.

The A4rrtul Civil War

The possibility of support from the west may have sparked Nu'n u Jol
Chaahk's decision to throw off the yoke of Calaknlul and the failure of B'ajlaj Chan
K'awiil to support this rebellion may well have sparked the hi'utul civil war that broke
out in 672. N~l'iiLI Jo1 Chaahk attacked Dos Pilas and dl-ove his brother into exile for
five years. While Nu'n u Jol Chaahk gained control of the Pasion at this time, his
brother gained a most powerful ally. I'ukno'm Ch'e'n the Great. The old Snake king
embai-ked on a new campaign to finish off his erstwhile and inco~rigiblevassal,
 apparently in support of B'ajlaj Cha!i K'aw~il'sclaims on Tikal itself. In what must
have been the Classic hfaya ecluivalent of a blitzkrieg attack, Yukno'm Ch'e'n
attaclced Nu'n u Jol Chaahk and sent him reeling, evicting Tikal's forces from the
Pasion region for good. B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil, after five years on the road, finally
managed to retuin home. The lord of Dos Pilas, though, had his sights set upon the
capital itself.
In 679 the two brothers met in a final battle, from which B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil
emerged victorious. Nu'n 11 Jol Chaal~kappears to have died in the aftermath of this
final defeat, and disappears from histol-y w ~ t hthis final ignominy. B7a,jlajChan
K'awiil likely gained control of Tikal, although not the hearts of its people, and it is
he who would have been responsible for the interment of Nu'n it Jol Chaahk. This
buiial has been identified as Burial 23 in Tikal, and the initial stages of tlie
construction of Structure 5 ~ - 1 3 - 1 "above it can also be argued to be the work of the
lord of Dos Pilas. B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil: then, seems to have been responsible for
much of the final clean up of the mess left by the 657 sack of the city. While this
material had been swept up by Nu'n u Jol Chaahk cvhen he first returned to Tikal in
the early 66Os, i t fell to his brother ro rebury this material. B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil took
the oppoilunity to bury a number of prominent stelae and lnonument fi-agments in the
Noi-th Acropolis at tlie same tirile, perhaps ones that were offensive to his fii-ianciers
from Calalunul.
With control of the centi-a1Pcten, i t is inost likely B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil who
spearheaded a Snake attack on Nxanjo to eliminate this pl-obable ally of Nu'n u Sol
Chaahk. F-laving snuffed out a renascent Naranjo, B'ajlaj Chan IC'awiil traveled to
Calakmul in 682 to celebrate the Period Ending with Yukno'm Ch'e'n and receive
accolades for five years of incredible success on tlie battlefield.
I-Towever, as B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil left the Peten, 'Tikal's nobles took the
opportunity of his absence to install the young son of Nu'n u Sol Chaahk as their new
h n g . By this move Tikal was forever lost to B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil and he must have
hun-ied baclc to the Peten to attemp to contain any further moves by a resurgent Tikal.
In this light it becomes apparent why no monuments exist at Dos Pilas prior to ihe
record of the 682 Period Endin2 on Stela 9. After this date. when he lost Tikal,
B'ajlaj Chan K'awiil set about tsansfol-ming his provincial town into a capital worthy
of a iMzrt~i1Icing in exile.
 In order to forestall any move by h ~ nephew
s towards the eastern Peten, B'ajlaj
Chan Ii'awiil sent his daughter. Lady Wak Chan Ajaw, across the Peten to Naranjo In

an effort to iestarL the dqnastq tliere Her son hould take the throne eleven years later
as IC'ahk' Tllin Chan Chaahk, and he would ensure that Tlkal had a major enemy on
its eastern border for inany years to come.

The Early Reign of ,Jasaw Chan Ic'awiil

Jasaw Chan K'awiil set about on twin paths of resul-section for his city. The
first was to continue the repair work on the North Acropolis, most notably by a
chanse in design for- Temple 33. which was built to a towering height above the Great
Plaza, a suitable memorial for Nu'n u Jol Chaahk. The second was to throw off the
shackles of Calakmul domination and by a series of campaigns since lost to history.
Within a decade he was accepting tlie tl-ibute of the Snake King himself. This action
was staged on Topoxte Island in Lake Yaxlia, indicating chat one of Jasaw Chan
K'awiil's campaigns must have secured [lie Yaxlia region for his lungdom. This
conquest allowed him to repudiate the Yaxha Agreement, which his father had been
forced to endure three decades earlier. With these great victories Jasaw Chan K'awiil
could celeb~.atetlie Period Ending of 692 with tlie first carved monuments el-ecLed in
the city for over a century. By this act, Tikal's young lung provided an official end to
the Hiatus period and established Tikal once again as a great power.
Almost ~mrnediatelyafterwards, however. Calakmul's king rebelled against
his submission LO Jasaw Chan K'a~viil.sparhng a war that would bring he and his
Tikal counterpart into combat in August of 695. Despite having gathered together his
vassals and allies into ~vhatmust have been a formidable army, Yukilo'm Yich'aak
K'ahk' went down in defeat and likely met his end in, or shortly after, this battle.
Jasaw Chan K'awiil took a number of prominent captives. including one of the patron
war gods of Calakmul, the Yczjn~ijhlan. E-lis triumphal parade around Tikal, on the
palanquin of his own war god, tlie N z L B'alzlnnz
'~~ Chnnlzkr~al,was the highlight of his
reign and given prominent POI-trayalin his own funerary shrine. Temple I. many years
later.
It seems likely that Calalunul capitulated to Jasaw Chan K'awiil following its
defea~and the next lung of the city, Split Earth, may well have been a puppet ruler- for
Tikal. Jasaw Chan K'awiil's victory can almost certainly he creclitecl for a massive
construction boom aL Tilcal, evidence of which has been found across the city. The art
 and architecrure that dccoi-ated many of the buildings made at this time reflect a
nlarked resurgence in the use of Teotihuacan symbolism. As this foreign style is not
evident in later reigns, this association with Tikal's Central Mexican past appears to
be a distinctive feature of the I-eign of Jasaw Chan K'awiil, who is the last lung of the
site known to have used the oclzk'in k~zlo'rille' title,

The Successor of Spearthrower Owl

Jasaw Chau K'awiil's identification with his city's Teotihuacan past was a
very persoiial affair, and on a series of bones from his tomb, Burial 116, were
inscribed a number of events relating to this early history (D. Stuart 2000: 509, Note
19). Jasaw Chan K'awiil's use of the oclzk'in kalo'inte' title and his employment of
tnlr.td-tnbler-o architecture in his many building PI-o,jectsgive the appearance that he
regarded himself as much the heir to the glory of Teotihuacan as he was the Maya
lung oS Tikal. In fact, a strong case can be made that this lung of Tikal considered
hinlseli to be the legitimate successor of Spcnrthrower On11 himself, as revealed on
the lood den lintels that evenlually graced the door~vaysof his funerary pyramid.
Temple I.
Lintel 3 of Temple I I-ecords the victory of Jasaw Chan K'awiil over
Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' in 695 and the triumphal parade of the ~ J L L ' , L B'~~Izlcr/?uzal
Clrnlzlzk forty days later. It is often remarked upon Lhat this latter event, occurring on
the day 5,13.3.9.18, 12 Etz'nab' 11 Sak: Sell exactly on the 13 k'aruul~anniversary of
the final dare still extant u11on Stela 3 1 (first noted by Tatiana Proskouriakoff, as cited
in Coggins 1975: 448). Earlier studies used this apparent connection to posit that
Jasaw Chan K'awiil paid a special reverence to Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11, the lung who
had cominissioned Stela 31' (Coggins 1975: 449, Schele and Freidel 1990: 208).
However, with the epigraphic advances of the past few years, it has been I-evealed that
this eal-lier event was the death of Spearthrower Owl, on 9.0.3.9.18, 12 Etz'nab' 11
Sip. Jasaw Chan K'awiil's connections, then, were not with Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11,
the grandson of Speartl~rowerOwl, but with the lung of Teotihuacan himself4.

The Feathered Serpent Palanquin

The most direct connection w ~ t hTeotlhuacan and Spcaithl-ower Owl, though,
comes from Lintel 2 of Teinple I (Flg. 6-32). Here a lord is sho~\,nse:~ted ~rr~icist
a
vel-]table cacophony of l'eotihua~ansymbolism, especially that of the Teotihuacsn
 bvar Serpent. D a v ~ dStuart has proposed that this may be a portrait of Spearthrower
owl himself (D. Stuart 2000: 490). Enough remains of the associated hieroglyphic
text, ho~vever,to be certaln that t h ~ sis another portrait of Jasaw Chan K'awiil.
Nonetheless, an association wlth Spearthrower Owl does seem to be implicit in this
remarkable image.
Karl Taube has revealed much of the iconography of this scene and he notes
that the basal register seen here is very distinctive, being composed of terraces
emblazoned with War Serpents, mirrors, and fighland Mexican plants (Taube 1992:
65-74). Elsewhere on the other lintels and many stelae from throughout Tikal, and in
a pattern known from examples across Mesoamerica, the basal register identifies the
specific location at which the represented scene took place (Stuart and Houston 1994:
57-68). As Taube has noted, the Lintel 2 base suggests a reference to a very specific
building in Mesoamerica. "The only known Classic period structure emblazoned with
the War Sel-pent in highland Mexico is the Temple of Quetzalcoatl at Teotihuacan"
(Taube 1992: 72).
T11e image on Lintel 2 does not suggest that Jasaw Chan K'awiil was ever
actually present in Teotihuacan, which was probably already in ruins by the time he
was born5. However, it does suggest a very specific evocation of the Temple of the
Feathered Serpent at the heart of the Ciadadela In Teotiliuacan, which Speai-thi-ower
Ow1 must have once called home! Jasaw Chan K'awiil's apparent corninernoration
anniversary of Spearthrower O\vl's deatli on Lintel 3 makes such an
of the 13 k'i~n~zlil
evocation all the more interesting.
Alongside tlie linear time of their iamous Long Count calendar, the Maya
lived in a world of cyclical time, doniinated by tlie 13 k'vt~i~iizs
that repeated endlessly
(Morley et al. 1983: 487). Each k'atriz~i?had its own character and it was believed that
events falling in a given k9at~~1,i1.1
resonated through time and would influence, if not
repeat, when that specific k'ntziun returned 256 years later7 (Thompson 1956: 148,
Roys 1967: 144-163, Haviland 1992: 78). The anniversary of the death of
Spearthrower Owl on Lintel 3, then, placed Jasaw Chan K'awiil, in cyclical time, at
the very moment of the Teotihuacan monarch's death.
The artistic program evident in the lintels of Temple I can thus be argued to be
an intricate attempt to position Jasaw Chan K'awiil as tlie direct successor to
Spear-thrower Owl, the Teotihuacan ruler who had so transformed tlie Maya world.
Tikal had benefited greatly from its I-elationshipwith Teotihuacan in this eral and tlie
se\~eranceof this link initialed a decline thal culminated in thc Hiatus itself. Jasaw
Chan K'a~viilreturned Tikal to the 'glory days' of Spea1-thrower Owl, and these two
kings oversaw both the beginning and end of the Middle Classic period. Between
their glorious reigns, Tikal existed under the shadow of a falling star.
Notes to Conclusion
-
' A similar argument has been used to explain the ~lncarvedstate of the monuments in Twin Pyramid
Group 0.This construction dates to tlie 9.15.0.0.0, 4 Ajaw 13 Yax Period Ending of 731, which was
built at about the time that Jasaw Chan K'awiil died (Jones 1977: 44-45, Harrison 1999: 140).
"These kingdoms were all either ruled by lords using the M ~ ~ tEmblem ul Glyph, or whose mothers
were Mllt~llprincesses.
' This belief in Jasaw Chan K'awiil's association with the earlier Siyaj Chan K'awiil I1 was supported
by the belief that it was the former who buried Siyaj Chan K'awiil's Stela 31 in Temple 33, above the
very tomb of Siyaj Chan K'awiil himself. It now appears, though, that it was not Jasaw Chan K'awiil
who buried Stela 31. Fulther~nore,while this king was responsible for at least the final form of Temple
33, this is more probably due to its elevation as the mortuary pyramid of his father, Nu'n u Jol Chaal~k,
than as a tribute to Siyaj Chan K'awiil 11.
1n this regard it is significant that while one of the Burial 116 bone texts refers to Spearthrower Ow1
(MT 32), there is no evidence for any mention of any Siyaj Chan K'awiil.
Nevertheless, the fact that Jasaw Chan K'awiil's Structure 5D-43 was built not in the style of rnlud-
rablero of fifth century Teotihuacan, but in that of seventh century Xochicalco and Cacaxtla suggests
that Tikal's lords were in contact with contemporary Central Mexico. The means by which such
relations were maintained is not known. However, the fact that 5D-43 was built not long after the fall
of Teotihuacan leaves open the possibility that refugees from Teotih~lacanmay have been responsible
for this style of architecture.
he bassi register on Lintel 2 with its [erraces bearing Teotihuacan motifs almost certainly took the
forin of a palanquin. a litter on ~vhicha throne for the king was set. The ancient Maya had many
palanquins, each uniquely decorated in motifs appropriate for the god to whom the palanquin was
dedicated, whose image rears behind the king on most images (Freidel et al. 1993: 310-316, Schele and
Mathews 1998: 90-92). The presence of the god-image upon these palanquins transformed them, in
essence, into portable temples. As such, they were incredibly emotive objects that w u l d have been
host to countless rituals and the tucus of Inany battles.
As the k'at~llci~ was composed of 20 I ~ L L L I being
~S, of 360 days themselves, a full k'atil~lllcycle of 13
r l s a length of 256 years.
k ' a l ~ ~ ~ ihad
Appendix 1: The Relationship Between
Teotihuacan and the Maya
One of the most hotly debated topics in Mesoamerican archaeology has been the
relationship between the Central Mexican metropolis of Teotihuacan and the various
polities that made up the world of the Classic Maya. That this relationship was intense
and of great importance to the Maya cannot be denied and excavations from across the
Maya region continue to provide evidence towards this assertion. However, much ink
has been spilled in arguments over how specifically this interaction was manifested. This
appendix relates two crucial pieces of evidence in this debate. The first regards the
identity of Spearthrower Owl, a person intimately related to the question of Teotihuacan
interactions at the greatest of the Early Classic Maya cities, Tikal. The second discusses
the problems in correlating archaeologcal histories from Teotihuacan with those of the
Maya world.

Part A: The Identity of Spearthrower Owl

One of the most fascinating characters in Maya history is the person known as
'Spearthrower Owl' (Fig. A l - 1). Currently the focus of much scrutiny by epigraphers,
much confusion still exists as to his identity. The Spearthrower Owl glyph has been
interpreted as a title of the local Maya h n g of Tikal (Schele and Freidel 1990: 156-157)
or a general reference to Mexican(ized) foreigners (Proskouriakoff 1993: 11- 14). Most
recently, David Stuart has proposed that Spearthrower Owl may, in fact, be none other
than a lung of the great site of Teotihuacan (D. Stuart 2000: 481-490). While no
conclusive proof has yet emerged, the majority of Maya epigraphers now accept this
proposition. Nevertheless, while a consensus is emerging among Maya epigraphers,
there is as yet considerable opposition from many Maya archaeologists, to say nothing of
other Mesoamerican archaeologists. Stuart's groundbreaking article is still the best
discussion on the identity of Spearthrower Owl and should be required reading for
anyone studying the Classic civilization of Mesoamerica. However, as some readers may
not be familiar with this work, and as Spearthrower Owl's identity is of the greatest
importance to this thesis, a review of the evidence relating to this figure is in order.
Spearthrower Owl in Maya Inscriptions
It has only been recently that much of the mystery surrounding 'Spearthrower
Owl' has been dispelled courtesy the perceptive eye of David Stuart. Stuart noticed that,
employing a phonetic transcription of his name, Tikal's Marcador monument recorded
his accession date as 4 May, 374' (Fig. A1-2a), while Tikal Stela 31 recorded his death
on 10 June, 4392 (Fig. A1-2b). Only a specific person could be the subject of both of
these verbs and the ideas that the Spearthrower Owl glyph could be a general reference to
foreigners or a title of Maya rulers is now untenable (Stuart 2000: 482-483).
Furthermore, on Stela 3 1 the contemporaneous lung of Tikal, Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I, is
referred to as the son of Spearthrower Owl himself (Fig. A1-3). Spearthrower Owl, then,
was an individual and one whose person was of extreme importance to the Maya of Tikal.
Spearthrower Owl's accession as ajaw, or 'king', indicates his royal status and on
the Marcador he is also given the title of kalo'mte', the highest known in the Classic
Maya texts (Fig. A1-4). Kalo'mte' is a title interpreted by Simon Martin as referring to
an overlord or 'emperor', someone who ruled over conquered foreign lungdoms (Simon
Martin, personal communication 1995, in D. Stuart 2000: 487). That Spearthrower Owl
held the titles of both 'lung' and 'emperor' indicates that he was of the highest status
conceived of by the ancient Maya. If Spearthrower Owl were a king, though, where did
he rule?
Significantly, although Spearthrower Owl is primarily known from the
inscriptions of Tikal, he was certainly not the ruler of this city. During his 65 year reign,
from 374 to 439, Tikal was ruled by at least three different kings: Chak Tok Ich'aak I
(360-378); Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I (379-404); and Siyaj Chan K'awiil I1 (41 1-456) (Martin
and Grube 2000: 32-36). The latter two, in fact, were related to Spearthrower Owl, Siyaj
Chan K'awiil I1 being the son of Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I. In fact, there are no texts that
suggest that Spearthrower Owl was ever actually present in the Maya world. Apart from
having acceded and died, he is not known to have 'done' anything, and appears only as a
figure of reverence and a distant lord, the progenitor of the Tikal's new dynasty. Instead,
Spearthrower Owl was represented in the Maya region by arguably the most important
person to Middle Classic Maya history. This person was Siyaj K'ahk'.
Siyaj K'ahk'
Siyaj K'ahk's arrived at Tikal on 15 January, 37g3 in the most dramatic event of
that site's early history. This arrival preceded the accession of Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I by
only a year (Stuart 2000: 472). On Stela 3 1 this accession, that of the son of
Spearthrower Owl, is said to have occurred u kab 'jiiy, 'under the auspices o f , Siyaj
K'ahk' (Fig. Al-5). Clearly, Siyaj K'ahk' appears to have been in the service of
Spearthrower Owl and on the Marcador he is even titled the yiit, 'companion', of this lord
(Fig. A1-6). A similar construction on Caracol Stela 3 links that site's ruler K'an I to the
much more powerful Yukno'm Head of Calakrnul (Fig. 4-19), further reinforcing the
respective ranks of Siyaj K'ahk' and Spearthrower Owl.
Siyaj K'ahk' apparently conquered or subdued most of the Peten as he appears in
the position of overlord in the texts of Tikal, Uaxactun, Rio Azul, Bejucal, El Zapote, El
Peru, Copan, and perhaps even Palenque (Grube and Martin 2000: 11-26-27). The list of
sites affiliated with Siyaj K'ahk' continues to rise each year, and ongoing excavations
provide a wealth of new information on this important lord4. As conqueror of the Peten
and representative of Spearthrower Owl, Siyaj K'ahk' was identified by the kalo'mte'
title and he wielded incredible power during his campaigns in the Maya area (Fig. 1-9a).
It is important to note that even Yaax Nu'n Ayiin of Tikal is described as his
vassal on the sides of Stela 31 (Fig. 1-9b). This adds, indirectly through Tikal, yet more
sites that were ultimately subordinate to Siyaj K'ahk' and Spearthrower Owl, most
notably Ucanal in southeastern Peten (Martin and Grube 2000: 34-35). It is becoming
increasingly apparent that Siyaj K'ahk' dominated the Maya world like no other character
of the Early and Middle Classic periods5 (Guenter 2001a).

The Honle of Siyaj K'ahk' and Spearthrower Owl

Siyaj K'ahk's arrival at Tikal in 378 implies that he came from a foreign location,
and this almost certainly must have been the capital of his lord, Spearthrower Owl.
David Stuart has commented that a reference to Siyaj K'ahk' on Stela 15 of El Peru, only
eight days before he appeared at Tikal, suggests that he had journeyed from the west (D.
Stuart 2000: 480). This idea may be supported by the fact that Siyaj K'ahk' is often
associated with the direction west in the texts of central Peten (D. Stuart 2000: 480).
One of the greatest clues as to the location of the realm of Spearthrower Owl, and
the original home of Siyaj K'ahk', is that the arrival of Siyaj K'ahk' at Tikal was
associated with the onset of the massive influx of Teotihuacan culture into the Peten that
characterized the succeeding period of Maya history (Schele and Freidel 1990: 146-164,
D. Stuart 2000: 467-489). This is most obvious in the only known depiction of Siyaj
K'ahk' on Uaxactun Stela 5, which portrays him as a Teotihuacan warrior6 (Fig. 1-8b)
(Guenter n.d.a). Although there are no known representations of Spearthrower Owl, his
son, Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I, is likewise portrayed in Teotihuacan costume in all extant
images of him (Fig. 1-10, 1- 14). Without doubt, these three lords had an intimate
connection with Teotihuacan.
Another connection these three have is with a specific building redolent with
Teotihuacan imagery, whose glyph is characterized by a mirror set atop a pair of crossed
torches (Fig. A1-7a) (D. Stuart 2000: 492-493). Reading, perhaps, W i t e 1 ~ a a h this
7,
building, or ones built in the Maya region and named after it, are known from many
Maya cities, stretching from Copan in the south to Oxkintok in the north. It is surely no
coincidence that Siyaj K'ahk' appears to be titled Aj Wi...teJat both Tikal and El Peru
(Fig. A1-7b), implying that his home was the city that hosted the original Wite' Naah.
Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I is said on a bone text (Miscellaneous Text 35) to have left this
building 26 1 days before his accession, and Stela 3 1 records his arrival at a building of
the same name at Tikal (Fig. A 1-8a). This suggests that the original Wite' Naah was
located far from the Maya region, a suggestion which is supported by the journey of Yaax
K'uk' Mo', the founder of the Copan dynasty. He is known to have left the Wite' Naah
on 8 September, 426* and arrived at Copan on 8 February, 4279, a journey of 153 days1'
(Fig. A1-9). Interestingly, a bone text from Burial 116 at Tikal appears to record that
Siyaj K'ahk' embarked upon a journey 145 days before his ultimate arrival at Tikal
(Grube and Martin 2000a: 11-28),
Unless one wishes to posit a very roundabout path for these journeys (one not
supported by the currently known hieroglyphic texts), this information suggests that the
original Wite' Naah, and hence the home of Spearthrower Owl himself, was located
many hundreds of kilometers from Copan or Tikal. The references to west in the titles of
Yaax K'uk' Mo' and Spearthrower Owl and his associates argues strongly that this is the
direction whence they all came. If, in the Classic period, one had headed west from the
Maya Lowlands for hundreds of kilometers, one would have been heading straight
towards Teotihuacan itself.

Spearthrower Owl and the War Serpent of Teotihuacan

One final piece of information, and potentially the most important, comes from
the rear text of the Marcador monument of Tikal. Here Spearthrower Owl is described as
the Ho' Noh Witz Kalo'mte', or ' 5 Great Mountain(s) Emperor' (Fig. Al-lOa). This title
is highly suggestive of a highland location, and specifically a highland empire, but
unfortunately this region is not referenced in any Maya texts apart from the Marcador
itself.
The only other mention of this location comes at the end of the rear text of the
Marcador (Fig. Al-lob). In this text the Teotihuacan War Serpent (see below for more
discussion) is identified specifically as the Ho' Noh Witz Waxaklajrr'n rr B'aah Chan, the
-5 Great Mountain(s) 18 Images of the Snake"'. The important connection here is that
the Teotihuacan War Serpent, which has been specifically identified by Karl Taube
(1992) with the Temple of the Feathered Serpent at Teotihuacan, was from the same
location as Spearthrower Owl. Of course, this can be stated in the opposite order to
greater effect: Spearthrower Owl came from the same site as the Teotihuacan War
Serpent.
The link is obvious and many scholars, though not following Stuart's
identification of Spearthrower Owl as a Teotihuacan ruler, recognize his clear
associations with that highland city. However, such a position is simply not defendable.
The Maya texts are very specific: Spearthrower Owl was a king and an emperor. The
identity of Spearthrower Owl is no more negotiable than that of the famous K'inich
Janaab' Pakal', lung of Palenque. If one accepts the overwhelming associations with
Teotihuacan that Spearthrower Owl and his associates had, there is little option but to
consider him a ruler of that site.
 A review of the pertinent information regarding the identity of Spearthrower Owl
may be helpful at this juncture. Spearthrower Owl.. .
. .. was a very important person, mentioned in texts from across the Southern Maya
Lowlands.
... was a king, ajaw,
... was an 'emperor7,kalo'mte', of the ' 5 Great Mountain(s)', Ho' Noh Witz, location,
suggestive of the highlands.
was ultimately lord, through his lieutenant Siyaj K'ahk', of most of the Maya world.
... is not known to have ever been physically in the Maya world.
... can be linked to the Wite' Naah structure, which is associated with Teotihuacan
culture and fire rituals. The original Wite' Naah appears to be located west of the
Maya world, around a hundred and fifty days' journey from Tikal and Copan.
.. .and his associates were overwhelmingly associated with Teotihuacan culture.
... was from the same site as the War Serpent, which is undoubtedly a Teotihuacan
creation, and specifically associated with the Temple of the Feathered Serpent.

The only site that can fulfil all of these criteria is the site of Teotihuacan itself.
The inescapable conclusion is that, if one accepts that Spearthrower Owl was a king and
emperor, as the Maya texts relate, he must have been the ruler of Teotihuacan itself. As
such, one should expect to find evidence at Teotihuacan of Spearthrower Owl. As David
Stuart has noted, the Spearthrower Owl emblem is indeed a very common motif in the art
of Teotihuacan, where it is known as the lechlcza y armas (Fig. Al-11) (D. Stuart 2000:
486). The lechuza y armas appears normally in heraldic fashion, although it does appear
in various contexts. These, though not fully understood, do not contradict their
interpretation as possibly referencing a name1'.
While the picture of Spearthrower Owl as given above is generally accepted by
Mayanists it must be stated that his identification of a Teotihuacan ruler is a hypothesis
generated from almost purely Maya sources. To test this hypothesis, the history of
Teotihuacan as gleaned from a century of archaeological excavations at that site must be
compared with the history of Spearthrower Owl and his associates as gleaned from Maya
hieroglyphic sources.
Part B: Correlating the Archaeological
Chronologies of Teotihuacan and the Maya

The Spearthrower Owl Dynasty

An extremely important, but to date completely overlooked, piece of information
about Spearthrower Owl comes from Tikal's Marcador. Here, this lord bears the title
chan tz'akb'u ajaw,or 'fourth king in the (dynastic) line' (Fig. 1-3). This indicates that
Spearthrower Owl was the fourth king of a dynasty, which, as has been seen, should be
that of Teotihuacan itself. Spearthrower Owl is known to have acceded in 374, and,
given an average reign length between 20 and 25 years, this would place the reign of the
founder of this 'Spearthrower Owl Dynasty' at around the beginning of the fourth
century.
Evidence from Tikal suggests that this city became independent of Tikal around
470, at the same time that the Spearthrower Owl dynasty came to an end (see Chapter 1).
This gives the dynasty a span of approximately 170 years, or between a century and a
half to two centuries in length. This dynasty would have included the reigns of around
half a dozen lungs, ruling between approximately 300 and 470. A dynasty of such a
length, and of such importance to the entire Maya world, can surely be expected to be
represented in the archaeology of Teotihuacan. The search for this dynasty in the central
Mexican capital will focus on the remarkable Temple of the Feathered Serpent.

The Temple of the Feathered Serpent and the 'Great Ruler' of Teotihuacan
The Feathered Serpent Pyramid at Teotihuacan, often referred to as the Temple of
Quetzalcoatl, is arguably one of the most important structures ever to have been
constructed in Mesoamerica (Fig. 1-la). Situated in the middle of the Ciudadela complex
in the heart of the ancient city (Fig. 1-2), the pyramid is the third largest ever built at
Teotihuacan and was one of the most elaborately decorated buildings the city ever saw
erected. The pyramid itself was built in the Early Tlamirnilolpa phase of the site's history
(Cabrera C. et al. 1991: 78) (Fig. Al-12). It was one of the first structures at Teotihuacan
to be constructed in talud-tablero architecture, where vertical, rectangular panels
(tableros) are separated by sloping ones (taludes) (Fig. 1-lb). Both the taludes and
tableros of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid were completely covered in elaborate
iconography, a unique and expensive instance of artistic exuberance in the site's history.
There have been many proposed dates for the construction of the Feathered
Serpent Pyramid, a situation brought about by the fact that dating at Teotihuacan
archaeologists are dependant to a large degree upon radiocarbon dates. Such dates,
especially in comparison to Maya Long Count dates, are quite imprecise, and published
dates for specific events are often quite variable. The dates for the construction of the
Feathered Serpent Pyramid span the range from AD 150 to 250, with 200 being the
popular mean. The Feathered Serpent Pyramid was built.. .
" ...during the Miccaotli phase.. ." [ca. A.D. 150-2501 (Millon 1973: 54).

"...in Miccaotli or Early Tlamimilolpa times" [ca. A.D. 150-3001 (Cabrera Castro,
Sugiyama and Cowgill 1991: 77).
". ..about A.D. 150" (Lopez Austin, Lopez Lujan and Sugiyama 1991: 93).
". . .around A.D. 150 or a little later.. ." (Sugiyama 1992: 210).
". ..by ca. A.D. 225" (Millon 1992: 363).
". . .ca. A.D. 200" (Millon 1993: 37, note 19)
"...about A.D. 150." (Coggins 1993: 143, Pasztory 1993: 50)
". ..between A.D. 150 and 200" (Cabrera Castro 1993: 101).
"...was erected around 150-250 C.E." (Cabrera Castro 2000: 208)
".. . by 200 C.E." ... around 200 C.E." (Sugiyama 2000: 126, 134, 135).
"

"...urn 250 n. Chr." (Martin 2001c: 99).

Excavations from last century revealed that this building was a temple to the cult
of sacred war (Taube 1992a). The temple was built atop the bodies of over 200 warriors
and featured hundreds of images of the Feathered Serpent and the goggle-masked war
headdress that he carried upon his back (Cabrera C. et al. 1991) (Figure 1-la). The
creature identified by this headdress (Fig. 1-lc), referred to by Karl Taube as the War
Serpent (Taube 1992a: 59), came to identify Teotihuacan individuals abroad as military
emissaries of this great central Mexican state. Peaking in the fourth and fifth centuries
AD, Teotihuacan influence saw talud-tablero architecture, cylindrical tripod ceramics
and the cult of this War Serpent spread throughout Mesoamerica.
Flanking and slightly behind the Feathered Serpent Pyramid are two identical
residentialladministrative structures that have been identified as the palace of
Teotihuacan's rulers (Fig. 1-2) ( h l l a s 1964, Millon 1973: 55, Cowgill 1983). The
pyramid and these palaces are located towards the eastern end of the massive Ciudadela
complex, one of the largest architectural programs ever constructed at the city.
At the same time that the Ciudadela was built, in the Early Tlamimilolpa phase,
the equally massive Great Compound was set up immediately west of the Ciudadela itself
(Millon 1992: 379, 1993: 24). The Great Compound has been interpreted as the
marketplace and bureaucratic center of Teotihuacan (Millon 1993: 24). The fact that
these great construction projects took place at the same time when Teotihuacan cultural
influence became strongly felt across Mesoamerica strongly suggests that at this point an
incredibly powerful ruler took control of the city (Millon 1973: 58, Cowgill 1983: 335,
Millon 1992: 395, Pasztory 1993: 50-5 1). "With the building of the Ciudadela compound
and the complex of constructions within it, the focus shifted away from the recently
enlarged Sun Pyramid and the newly enlarged Moon Pyramid. To me the most
persuasive explanation for this shift is that an ambitious new ruler with a passion for
immortality wished to build a colossal new seat of power and authority" (Millon 1993:
25).
The idea that there was a shift of focus in the city at this time, from the Sun and
Moon pyramids to the Ciudadela, is supported by the contemporary treatment of the
famous cave situated under the Sun Pyramid (Fig. A1 - 13). This pyramid had been
specifically built over a lava tube that stretched over one hundred meters long so that the
top of the pyramid was situated directly over the heart of the cave and its four chambers
(Millon 1981: 245, 1992: 385-386, 1993: 22). This cave has been identified as 'the'
place of emergence for ancient Teotihuacanos, from which it was believed that both
humans and deities had entered the world (Heyden 1973, 1975, 1981, Taube 1986).
Interestingly, this cave was "sealed by a succession of 17-19 blockages of stone"
in the second century AD (Millon 1992: 387). This occurred at just about the same time
that the Feathered Serpent Pyramid was built, and, as Karl Taube has shown, this temple,
with its supernatural serpents emerging from feathered mirrors, was another temple of
creation and emergence (Taube 1992b: 197). As such, the Feathered Serpent Pyramid
replaced the Sun Pyramid, and the sealing of this cave of origin can be construed as an
attempt by the original Ciudadela ruler to move the focus of the city's ritual to his own
temple (Millon 1992: 395). The audacity of such a ruler is truly breathtaking, but entirely
understandable in the wake of the slaughter of so many sacrificial victims to the new
temple.
The incredible power and wealth of this new ruler is also manifest in a
revolutionary change in settlement pattern at the city. In the Tlamimilolpa phase,
"(p)ermanent stone-walled residential compounds, most consisting of a number of
apartments, appear to have been built in all parts of the city, replacing most of the earlier
structures built of relatively impermanent materials" (Millon 1973: 56). The construction
of these apartment compounds according to Teotihuacan's famous grid pattern indicates a
high level of organization and central planning. "While I do not yet know what was the
basis for the internal transformation, I suspect that it was directly related to the
transformation of Teotihuacan's external relations, for this is when the city was
beginning to make itself felt as a force in all of civilized Middle America" (Millon 1973:
58-59).
There is thus abundant evidence to posit the dramatic rise to power at Teotihuacan
of an incredibly powerful and ambitious new ruler at the beginning of the Tlarnimilolpa
phase of the site's history. If there is any point in the history of Teotihuacan in which the
rise to power of a new dynasty can be postulated it is here, with the construction of the
Ciudadela and the Temple of the Feathered Serpent.

The Sack of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid

Approximately one to two centuries after its construction, the Feathered Serpent
Pyramid suffered a spectacular sack (Cabrera C. et al. 1991: 90). The pyramid was badly
burned, its temple apparently tom down and the Adosada, a large and austere platform,
was erected against its front, or western, face (Coggins 1993: 145). This event has been
almost universally recognized as marlung a dramatic end to the personalized dynastic rule
so evident in the construction of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid (Cabrera C. et al. 1991:
89-90, Millon 1992: 397-398, 1993: 26-27, Pasztory 1993: 51, Sugiyama 2000: 139, Note
6). Athough earlier studies had seen this event as occurring not long after the pyramid's
construction, it is now believed to have taken place at some point between 300 and 400,
during the Late Tlamimilolpa or Early Xolalpan phases (Cabrera C. et al. 1991: 88,
Millon 1992: 397, Cabrera C. 1993: 104, Coggins 1993: 145).
The intense emotions demonstrated by the destruction of the Feathered Serpent
Pyramid are even more evident in the looting of many of its sacrificial burials. This
involved considerable risk and a great amount of effort as the looters tunneled deep into
the heart of the pyramid (Cabrera C. et al. 1991: 82-84). Although it is impossible to read
the minds of the ancient despoilers of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid, one can imagine
that their efforts must have been geared towards de-sanctifying this temple, which so
publicly proclaimed the otherwordly power of the Ciudadela Dynasty (Matos M. 2000:
191).
Many other contemporary events at Teotihuacan testify to the dramatic end of the
Ciudadela dynasty. Within the Ciudadela itself there was a hiatus in the renovations and
additions to the palaces flanhng the Feathered Serpent Pyramid. All five of the concrete
floors of the southern palace date to the Early Tlamimilolpa phase (fourth century AD),
and were not rebuilt afterwards (Millon 1992: 364). The South Tranverse Platform which
separates southern palace from the great plaza of the Ciudadela also demonstrated
extensive construction during the Early Tlarnimilolpa phase, and were only rebuilt in the
Metepec phase, after a long hiatus (Millon 1992: 370).
At the same time, there was a return to traditions that had been apparent before
the Feathered Serpent Pyramid was built. Most notable, the cave underneath the Sun
Pyramid was reopened, implying a return to prominence of this pyramid (Fig. A1-13).
The Sun Pyramid thus replaced its own usurper, the Feathered Serpent Pyramid itself
(Millon 1993: 22). It is interesting that in this later time the Great Goddess of
Teotihuacan, identified with the Sun Pyramid, rose in popularity (Pasztory 1993: 48, 54).
Symbols associated with this goddess appear to have been painted upon the Adosada and
further suggest an ideological component to the efforts waged against the Feathered
Serpent Pyramid and the rulers associated with it (Millon 1992: 397-398).
 There is thus every reason to believe that the dynasty ruling from the Ciudadela
was overthrown at some point probably between 350 and 400. The antipathy towards
this line of rulers was so great that their temple, the Feathered Serpent Pyramid, was
brutally sacked and their palaces were virtually abandoned for perhaps a century or two.
The extent to which the Ciudadela lost its prestige may be gauged by the fact that one of
the faqade blocks from the Feathered Serpent Pyramid was dragged all the way to
decorate a tomb in an apartment compound of foreigners (Coggins 1993: 151).

The Ciudadela and Spearthrower Owl Dynasties

Together with the evidence for its construction, the destruction of the Feathered
Serpent Pyramid can be used to define a 'Ciudadela Dynasty' that ruled at Teotihuacan
for a period of between one and two centuries, from its founding around 200 or 225 to its
brutal end between 350 and 400. The similarities between this Ciudadela Dynasty and
the Spearthrower Owl Dynasty known from Maya texts are immediate and obvious.
Both:
were ruled by extremely powerful rulers
were intimately associated with the Teotihuacan War Serpent and specifically the
Temple of the Feathered Serpent
were associated with talud-tclblero architecture and other elements of Teotihuacan
culture that characterized the Middle Classic period
can be associated with the 'imperial' age of Teotihuacan
lasted between approximately 150 and 200 years during the Middle Classic period
At this point it should be simply a matter of equating these two dynasties.
However, a major problem is immediately apparent in that the Ciudadela Dynasty dates
to approximately 200 to 350 while the Spearthrower Owl Dynasty dates to between
approximately 300 and 470. Even adopting the latest proposed dates for the Ciudadela
Dynasty, 250-400, there still remains a discrepancy of between fifty and one hundred
years.
Given these problems, one could be forgiven for simply opting to consider that
two dynasties ruled at Teotihuacan. However, this leads to the absurd situation where all
archaeological evidence for a powerful and imperialistic dynasty at Teotihuacan dated
before 400, when all epigraphic evidence for this dynasty only begins at this date.
Furthermore, by following the current chronologies, the founder of the Spearthrower Owl
Dynasty accedes mid-way through the span of time for the Ciudadela Dynasty. Even
more disconcerting, the spectacular sack of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid, which has
almost universally been accepted as being emblematic of the overthrow of the Ciudadela
Dynasty, occurs in the midst of the reign of Spearthrower Owl (374-439), the most
visible member of this dynasty. Such a situation is so incredulous that it beggars the
imagination.
One can add to this problematic picture the later history of Teotihuacan contact
with the Maya world, as revealed in the hieroglyphic record. Direct contact with
Teotihuacan ends in the central Peten at around 470, at which time Tikal appears to have
achieved its independence (see Chapter 1). At Piedras Negras and other western sites
such as Lacanha, though, contact with the central Mexican superpower only begins in
5 10 (see Chapter 2). This new wave of Teotihuacan-affiliated persons, arriving after a
hiatus in direct Teotihuacan-Maya connections of almost fifty years, align themselves not
with Tikal and its allies, but with new centers without previous Teotihuacan connections.
These two sides, as might be expected, were mutually hostile, and the overthrow in the
balance of power that resulted from this second wave of influence from Teotihuacan did
great damage to Tikal and its allies (see Chapter 2).
A situation such as this is eminently explainable if one considers that the
overthrow of the Ciudadela Dynasty. so evident in that city's archaeology, corresponded
to the disappearance of the Spearthrower Owl Dynasty around 470. The 'second wave'
of Teotihuacanos into the Maya world, then, would be representatives of the new
government in Teotihuacan. The latter's extreme antipathy towards the Ciudadela
Dynasty could then explain why, when the Teotihuacanos reenter the Maya world, they
align themselves against Tikal and its allies. The possible links between the histories of
the Ciudadela and Spearthrower Ow1 Dynasties are so striking that a revision of their
dates to align them more closely can be considered. However, is there any evidence
supporting such a revision of between fifty and one hundred years?

Dating the Temple of the Feathered Serpent

 Dating specific events in Teotihuacan's history is a much more complicated
process than it is for the Maya region, where the Long Count calendar provides a day-to-
day correlation between ancient and modem time. This calendar was never employed at
Teotihuacan, and not even a single full Calendar Round date is known from the site. This
has resulted in a chronology for Teotihuacan that is far less exact than that of a Maya site
such as Tikal. As RenC Millon states, "absolute chronology is provided by cross-ties with
the lowland Maya and their calendrical system and by radiocarbon dates" (Millon 1973:
51). These cross-ties with the Maya world are mainly between ceramic phases and deal
with the types of Teotihuacan ceramics found in the Maya region. Specifically,
Teotihuacan ceramics in the Maya region are of the Late Tlamimilolpa and Early
Xolalpan phases (Millon 1973: 61).
Converting these ceramic chronologies into dates of the Western calendar
introduces many problems and imprecision. First, one must define the period when the
Maya experienced direct cultural contact with Teotihuacan. This definition, which
should be the easiest to make, has proved quite problematic, for reflections of
Teotihuacan culture in the Maya world extends from possibly as early as the second
century AD (Pendergast 1981) to as late as ninth and tenth century Chichen Itza (Schele
and Mathews 1998: 197-255). The hieroglyphic texts of Tikal and other Classic sites
allow us to define the period of most intense direct contact between Teotihuacan and the
Maya as falling between 375 and 550. Nevertheless, one must be watchful as many
studies of Teotihuacan chronology follow varying dates for this period.
The second main way of establishing firm dates for the Teotihuacan cultural
sequence and historical chronology is through the use of radiocarbon dates. Due to the
absence of the Long Count calendar in central Mexico, Teotihuacan archaeologists have
relied to a much greater degree on such scientific dating methods, especially to refine the
ceramic dating originally based on correlations with the Maya sequence13. Although
Mayanists also make use of scientific dating methods, Long Count dates or ceramic
chronologies based upon such dates take precedence and radiocarbon dates are regularly
suppressed in their favor (Coe 1990: 807-8 11). This difference in dating methods should
immediately strike a chord of warning with scholars yet few have addressed or even
recognized this potential problem.
 Minimally, it must be recognized that the dates from Teotihuacan, being based on
scientific dating methods, are imprecise approximations. The precision with which dates
for events in Teotihuacan history are given belay the fact that they are derived from
radiocarbon samples, and so are really only the midpoint along a range of equally
plausible dates. George Cowgill, one of the leading experts in revealing ancient
Teotihuacan history, has recognized the imprecision inherent in the Teotihuacan
chronology. "Incidentally, although they are valuable supplements, radiocarbon and
other archaeometric dating techniques cannot substitute for chronology based on changes
in characteristics of pottery and the relative proportions of different kinds.. . Furthermore,
numerous technical problems and inherent statistical uncertainties mean that the dates
provided by these laboratory methods are also rarely secure to within an interval of much
less than two centuries" (Cowgill 1993: 121).
This recognition certainly allows more than enough latitude for the proposed
revision of Teotihuacan's dates to accord better with the epigraphic information from the
Maya region for a Teotihuacan ruling dynasty. However, before one simply adds 50 to
100 years to all of the published dates for Teotihuacan, one should step back and check to
see if the Maya sequence may not be at least partly in need of revision itself.
Teotihuacan scholars worlung with the chronology of this site have done an excellent job
of proposing and adjusting their dates to accord with the latest information and dating
techniques. Mayanists, on the other hand, with their incomparable Long Count calendar,
generally simply accept the GMT correlation as absolute truth, and discard or modify
radiocarbon dates to fit with the near universally accepted GMT scheme. A closer look at
radiocarbon dates of epigraphically datable object from the Maya region reveals that this
faith in GMT may be premature.

The Problems with the GMT Correlation

The validity of the Goodman-Martinez-Thompson, or GMT, correlation in
general use among both Mayanists and Mesoamerican scholars as a whole is accepted as
a matter of fact. Prior to the invention of radiocarbon dating, the correlation of the Maya
and Western calendars was a considerable problem and a number of variant proposals
competed for attention. Early radiocarbon dates from northern Yucatan appeared at first
to support the Spinden correlation, which placed Maya dates about 260 years earlier than
GNIT (Andrews IV 1965). However, dating of wooden lintels from Tikal with actual
Maya dates carved upon them overwhelmingly supported the GMT correlation, from
which general scholarly opinion has not moved (Satterthwaite and Ralph 1960).
Nevertheless, there has been a vocal minority of scholars arguing for alternative
correlations and the range of proposals to this effect continues to grow every year, with
most favoring 'younger' dates than GMT (Kelley 1983, A. Chase 1986, Wells and Fuls
2000). While many of these proposed alternative correlations involve questionable
interpretations of astronomical data supposedly found in Maya texts, and postulate a
most-unlikely reform of Mesoamerican calendars, they do justifiably point out the
problems inherent in the GMT correlation.
Given that we are here comparing Maya chronology with that of Teotihuacan,
where radiocarbon dates are one of the cornerstones of that site's chronology, the
problems with GMT discussed here will be limited to this one topic. Most notable is the
fact that, from both northern Yucatan and the central Peten, radiocarbon dating methods
regularly suggest earlier dates than those indicated by the GMT correlation. There are
many examples of such a discrepancy, but for the sake of brevity only two will here be
examined: Chichen Itza and Tikal.
Chichen Itza is generally agreed to be an Epiclassic and Early Postclassic site,
although there have been recent attempts to redate the site to the Late Classic period
(Lincoln 1986: Schele and Freidel 1990: 346-376, Schele and Mathews 1998: 197-255,
Boot 2000). While much of the evidence towards this redating is derived from ceramic
and architectural evidence (see especially Lincoln 1986), a number of early radiocarbon
dates from the site have also supported these assertions. The Iglesia structure, for
example, has provided radiocarbon dates of AD 600 +-70 and AD 780+-70, of which the
average is AD 690, while the Casa Colorada provides a date of 610 +-70 (E. Andrews IV
1965: 63).
These radiocarbon dates certainly would place these buildings squarely within the
Late Classic period. However, both buildings are associated with Maya dates recording
their dedications that fall much later. The Iglesia structure is part of the Monjas complex
of structures, which records dedicatory ceremonies on 4 February, 88014, according to the
GMT correlation. The Casa Colorada bears a frieze that contains two dates, which in the
GMT correlation are 11 September, 86915and 12 June, 87016(Schele and Freidel 1990:
357-360).
Probably the most famous building at Chichen Itza, the grand Castillo, is not
directly associated with any inscriptions, but the High Priest's Grave structure has been
identified as its prototype17(Schele and Freidel 1990: 356, Schele and Mathews 1998:
369, Note 36). The High Priest's Grave bears a Maya date corresponding to 8 May,
998" and it is highly unlikely that the Castillo could date much earlier than this.
Radiocarbon dates for the Castillo, however, are A.D. 790 +-70 and A.D. 780+-70, or
corrected as A.D. 755+-70 and 776+- 100 (Cohodas 1978: 105, note 10; Parsons 1969:
178, as cited in Boot 2000: 183). A third date of 810+-100 was taken separately
(Andrews 1965: 63, as cited in Boot 2000: 183). The cohesion between these three dates
makes contamination or laboratory error an unlikely source for these unexpectedly early
dates19.
The discrepancy between GMT and radiocarbon dates at Chichen Itza thus
approaches two centuries, and these dates, among the first to be taken from the Maya
region, led early scholars to favor the Spinden correlation. The radiocarbon dating of the
wooden lintels of Tikal, though, based on a larger sample and with much firmer cross-ties
to Maya dates, overrode the Yucatan evidence and pulled the scholarly world strongly
into the GMT camp.

Dating a t Tikal
Tikal's 'Great Pyramids', with wooden lintels covered in hieroglyphic texts and
images that were dated in the Maya calendar, provided a perfect test case for the
correlation question. Most useful were lintels from three structures: Temple I, Temple
IV, and Structure 5D-52, a palace building of the Central Acropolis. Temple IV and
Structure 5D-52 bore the same Period Ending date that, in the GMT correlation,
corresponded to 26 June, 74120. TObe accurate, Temple IV recorded further dates as
well, the final one, from Lintel 2, being 7 March, 74721.
Temple I also recorded a number of dates, the last being equivalent to 14
September, 69522according to the GMT correlation. However, the basal pyramid of
Temple I was built atop Burial 116, that of Jasaw Chan K'awiil, the king referred to in
the lintel texts in the temple above. As there was no passageway left to provide access to
the tomb after the construction of the pyramid, Temple I cannot predate the death of
Jasaw Chan K'awiil (C. Jones, personal communication 1986 in Schele and Freidel 1990:
466, Note 85).
Unfortunately, the death date of Jasaw Chan K'awiil has never been found.
However, a number of hieroglyphic texts were recovered from the tomb, providing a
terminus post quem of 24 January, 72723. Jasaw Chan K'awiil's successor acceded on 8
December, 73424and so Temple I can be dated to around 735. A further uncertainty,
however, is encountered as, there being no mentions of Yik'in Chan K'awiil in the texts
of Temple I, some have argued that the lintels were carved in the reign of Jasaw Chan
K'awiil and dutifully placed within the finished temple by the successor (Schele and
Freidel 1990: 214). Nevertheless, a date between 720 and 735 is a most reasonable
assumption.
Numerous carbon samples were taken for all of these lintels, with the following
results:
Temple I=684+-37 (a), 682+-3 1 (b)
Temple IV=746+-34 (a). 734 +-I4 (b)
Str. 5D-52=62 1+-20 (b)
(a) from Satterthwaite and Ralph 1960: 1 8 2 ~ ~
(b) from Ralph 1965: Table 5

It can be seen that these radiocarbon dates, especially those from Temples I and IV, do fit
quite well with the GMT correlation proposals, and argue against a Spinden correlation.
Nevertheless, the Structure 5D-52 lintel is disconcertingly early, and even the upper
limits of the date for Temple I barely reach the earliest plausible date that the Temple I
could have been carved.

Dating the North Acropolis of Tikal

One of the most thoroughly excavated architectural assemblages in the Maya area
(and one of the few that has been fully published), the North Acropolis of Tikal revealed
an incomparable sequence of architectural and cultural history from which much of the
chronology of the site derives. 66 radiocarbon samples were taken from these
excavations, and are plotted out in Fig. A1-14. As excavator William Coe has written,
this chart glaringly reveals the systematic discrepancy between radiocarbon and GMT
dating methods. "So simply sorted, the results at first glance convey a progressive
"upward" trend. Under scrutiny, however. numerous discordant entries of a "too early"
or "too young" nature all but nullify impressions of an otherwise satisfactory pattern"
(Coe 1990: 808).
Curve A on the chart in Fig. A1-14 is that drawn by Coe to follow the radiocarbon
dates, without reference to any chronology based on the Long Count calendar. Only
three such Long Count dates can directly be associated with specific points in the history
of the North Acropolis. These are represented on the chart by the 'x' points 1, 2, and 3.
Point 1 is a date of 19 March, 45726from Burial 48. Point 2 is 22 August, 593" from
Burial 195. Point 3 is approximately 73 128?
the date of Burial 116. Curve B was drawn
by Coe to represent the revised chronology suggested by the GMT correlation, including
these three direct and other, indirect, references to the Maya calendar.
The resultant comparison of radiocarbon and GMT derived chronology is most
enlightening. Firstly, it can be seen that the radiocarbon line, Cuve A, follows more
closely a GMT correlation, represented by Curve B?than it would the Spinden
correlation. represented by Curve C. Even less satisfactory is Curve D, which represents
the later correlations favored by most non-GMT scholars today. The fact that this curve
matches at best only two of the radiocarbon samples should give serious pause to those
scholars arguing for correlations 'younger' than GMT.
Most important to the present question of the relationship between Teotihuacan
and Maya chronologies, it can be seen that Curve A provides dates that are systematically
earlier than Curve B, on the order of between fifty to over a century in difference. In his
analysis, Coe compared only the major competing correlations of his dayz9. As he notes,
"in no way can the case for [GMT] be claimed to be proven by the [North Acropolis]
radiocarbon series; only that, among three "contenders," it is circumstantially the most
compatible with available results. Viewed otherwise, a [GMT] correlation is simply the
least conflicting" (Coe 1990: 81 1). While this chart favors the GMT correlation, it
nevertheless "presents an uncomfortably large number of radiocarbon date-ranges
arrayed temporally below a graphic line of expectation" (Coe 1990: 810).

Correlating the Histories of Tikal and Teotihuacan

The GMT correlation was thus adopted, somewhat hesitantly, as the basis for
Tikal's chronology. Tikal's chronology has since become one of the standards against
which most archaeological sequences and chronologies from the Peten and the southern
lowlands are compared. This is not a great problem within the Maya world, as there are
enough cultural cross-ties among the various sites within the region to allow for a fairly
cohesive chronology. Furthermore, the presence of Long Count dates at the vast majority
of these sites allows the individual site chronologies to be fixed into a very solid
chronological framework. However, great potential problems arise when trying to
associate non-Maya cultures and archaeological sites, which have no resort to Long
Count dates, with this Tikal-based chronology. This is precisely the case with
Teotihuacan and calls into question the problems in correlating its history with that of the
Maya.
Given the discrepancy between GMT and radiocarbon dates from the Maya
region, even at Tikal, it cannot simply be taken for granted that all radiocarbon-based
chronologies should be modified upwards to accommodate this correlation. It is not the
intention of the author, nor does he have time, to reassess the issue of the Maya
correlation. Nevertheless, in order to be able to properly evaluate Tikal and Teotihuacan
cultural history, one of the focuses of this thesis, a choice must be made for a
chronological base. As this thesis deals primarily with Maya material, especially Long
Count dates, the GMT correlation will hereafter be followed. This does not necessarily
mean that the GMT correlation is correct. However, the inherent imprecision of
scientific dating methods such as radiocarbon dating lend themselves much more easily
to adjustment.
For the Maya chronology, the recognition that radiocarbon dates regularly fall
upwards of a century or more earlier than those given by the GMT correlation matters
little. However, this has enormous implications for the chronology of Teotihuacan.
Nigel Davies, who also investigated the problem of Teotihuacan chronology, came to
much the same conclusions as presented here. "In the meantime, it can only be
emphasized that one cannot have it both ways. If the "orthodox" [GMT-based] dating is
right, then the present radiocarbon figures are misleading without further interpretation"
(Davies 1977: 79). With this recognition, I believe that 'interpretation' is both a
justifiable and necessary act in order to properly compare Teotihuacan and Maya history.
Dates for specific events at Teotihuacan must now be seen to correlate not with
events of the same date from the Maya region, but with events that, in the Maya
chronology, fall about a century or more later in time. Such a move is certainly
revolutionary and will no doubt be anathema to many scholars. However, as this
appendix has endeavored to show, by simply comparing the chronologies of Teotihuacan
and the Maya as published in current literature, one is comparing apples and oranges. To
be precise, Maya chronology is 'inflated' by upwards of a century from a radiocarbon
basis and if we want to compare Teotihuacan history with that of the Maya we must
similarly inflate the Teotihuacan dates.
At Tikal this inflation appears to be on the order of between fifty and one hundred
years. Evidence from northern Yucatan favors the higher number and so a century will
be added in this thesis to specific Teotihuacan dates as published. Nigel Davies, in his
analysis of the date for the fall of Teotihuacan, considered an upwards adjustment of the
Teotihuacan dates by the same amount. "and that anything up to one hundred years may
be added by way of correction, in accordance with the factors mentioned above" (Davies
1977: 83). Given the natural imprecision in radiocarbon dates and the other problems
outlined above, considerable latitude should be considered.
Nevertheless, the results of this process reveal an incredible number of cross-ties
between the history of Teotihuacan and Tikal that were never before possible. The
construction of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid, dating to approximately 200, thus
actually correlates with events in the Maya region occurring around 300. The destruction
of this pyramid, believed to have occurred between 350 and 400, would correspond to
events in the Maya world falling between 450 and 500. The Ciudadela Dynasty, then,
does parallel the Spearthrower Owl Dynasty as revealed in the hieroglyphic texts of Tikal
and the Peten. There is thus every reason to associate these two dynasties and the
following history of Teotihuacan may be proposed, using dates in the GMT correlation:
 ca. 300 Construction of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid (Early Tlamimilolpa)
Reign of the First Ruler (EarlyLate Tlamimilolpa change?)
ca. 325 Accession of Second Ruler (EarlyLate Tlamimilolpa change?)
ca. 350 Accession of Third Ruler (Late Tlamimilolpa)
374 Accession of Spearthrower Owl, the Fourth Ruler
(Late Tlamirnilolpa/Early Xolalpan)
378-400 Conquest of Peten by Siyaj K'ahk' (Late TlamimilolpalEarly Xolalpan)
439 Death of Spearthrower Owl, Accession of Fifth Ruler (Early Xolalpan)
ca. 470 Overthrow of the Dynasty
Sack of Feathered Serpent Pyramid (Earlybte Xolalpan change?)

It should be noted that this proposed revision to the Teotihuacan chronological sequence
involves some rather delicate adjustments for the simple fact that the Teotihuacan
ceramic sequence already incorporates many cross-ties to Maya dating. For example, the
Early Xolalpan phase has already been dated by virtue of its contacts with the Maya
world. This results in a constriction of time for the Late Tlamimilolpa phase, as it must
postdate the Feathered Serpent Pyramid (here dated to around 300), while being replaced
by the Xolalpan phase by 400, by which time contact with the Maya was already strong.
Thus, the Late Tlamimilolpa phase would last somewhat less than one century. It is left
to future scholars to test the validity of such a modification.
The identification of the various rulers of this dynasty with specific ceramic
phases of Teotihuacan history must be considered only a working hypothesis, and is thus
fully open to emendation. The identifications as given above have the advantage of
correlating ceramic change with major episodes of dynastic history. The great EarlyILate
Tlamimilolpa change, for example, can probably be associated with the later reign of the
First Ruler, or perhaps the reign of the Second ~ u l e r ~ 'The
. incredible power that the
First Ruler of Teotihuacan wielded would handily explain the dramatic change in ceramic
inventory at Teotihuacan. On the other hand, this change could also correspond to the
reign of the Second Ruler. It is likely in his reign that the Likewise, the overthrow of the
Feathered Serpent Pyramid likely corresponds to the Early to Late Xolalpan change. This
is less certain and excavations of those Maya sites that had relations with Teotihuacan
between 500 and 550 should be able to test this hypothesis by identifying Teotihuacan-
style ceramics as either Early or Late Xolalpan.

Conclusion
It has been seen that epigraphic information, combined with material derived from
archaeological excavations at Tikal and other sites in the Maya region, suggest the
existence of a an extremely powerful royal dynasty at Teotihuacan that spanned the
period between approximately 300 and 470. The history of Teotihuacan indeed provides
evidence towards such a dynasty, yet dates this dynasty to the period between
approximately 200 and 3501400. This discrepancy is explained by virtue of the fact that
there is a systematic discrepancy between Maya Long Count dates, as interpreted by the
GMT correlation, and radiocarbon dates. The latter regularly fall considerably earlier
than the Long Count dates. Given this discrepancy, it is misleading to compare Maya
dates directly with ones from Teotihuacan's history. In order to provide a common base
for these disparate chronologies, either the Teotihuacan dates must be advanced by
approximately one century, or the Maya dates must be dropped by that amount. For the
purposes of this thesis, which deals primarily with Maya history, the Teotihuacan dates
have been revised. This procedure, although controversial, does finally correlate the
Spearthrower Owl and Ciudadela Dynasties, and allows an insight into the rulership and
history of Teotihuacan.
Notes to Appendix 1

I 8.16.17.9.0, 11 Ajaw 3 Wayeb' in the Maya calendar.

9.0.3.9.18, 12 Etz'na'b 11 Sip in the Maya calendar.
8.17.1.4.12, 11 Eb' 15 Mak in the Maya calendar.
A new stela recently discovered in the Holmul bears the name of Siyaj K'ahk' (David Stuart, Nikolai
Grube, Joel Skidmore, personal communication 2001).
' It should be noted that although the Northern Maya Lowlands (Yucatan Peninsula) and Southern Maya
Highlands (Guatemala) have yet to provide references to Siyaj K'ahk' or other associates of Spearthrower
Owl, this can likely be attributed to the fact that these regions generally eschewed the written record during
the Middle Classic period. Significantly, an early text from the site of Oxkintok in northwestern Yucatan
bears the Wite' Naah glyph that is so intimately associated with Siyaj K'ahk' and his associates (see
below).
There are actually two portraits on Stela 5, but the image on the rear is almost totally effaced. David
Stuart (2000: 472) states that this is not an image of Siyaj K'ahk' as the glyphs identifying the figure on
Stela 5 do not include the Siyaj K'ahk' glyph with by which he is normally referred.
David Stuart notes that this glyph has not been deciphered (D. Stuart 2000: 492). An apparent phonetic
spelling on Tikal Stela 31 as wi-TE'-NAAH makes little sense. However, as the logographic version of
this glyph on Yaxchilan Lintel 25 is preceded by a phonetic wi- syllable, the actual name is probably
Wi...te' Naah, where the missing middle part of this name is a weak and u~epresentedconsonant. Given
that the Tikal Stela 31 example is simply written as Wite' Naah this is the form which will be used in this
thesis, though this transcription should be noted as being incomplete.
8.19.10.1 1.0, 8 Ajaw 18 Yaxk'in in the Maya calendar.
8.19.11.0.13,5 B'en 11 Muwaan in the Maya calendar.
This information comes from Copan Altar Q, the details and implication of which were discussed in a
series of emails between Nikolai Grube, Stephen Houston, Alfonso Lacadena, Barbara Macleod, Simon
Martin, Joel Skidmore, David Stuart, Marc Zender, and the author in 2000.
I ' David Stuart and Linda Schele have identified the hieroglyphic name for the Teotihuacan War Serpent as
Waxaklaju'n u B'aah Chan, or 'Eighteen are the Snake's Heads/Images' (D. Stuart 2000: 494). The
etymology of this name is not clear. Although Stuart has suggested that it may refer to the eighteen heads
of the War Serpent on the terraces of the Feathered Serpent Pyramid at Teotihuacan, this seems unlikely.
Originally there were many more such sculptural heads on this pyramid, and those remaining today were
hidden beneath the Adosada structure, and thus would not have been visible. Perhaps there were eighteen
heads upon the temple superstructure, but such a thought is pure speculation, given that nothing remains of
this temple.
'' A similar range of contexts can be found for the Feathered SerpentIWar Serpent itself, which ultimately
oave rise to both the god and the king named Quetzalcoatl/K'uk'ulkan/Gucumatz.
One other scientific dating method employed at Teotihuacan has been archaeomagnetic dating, which has
suggested rather early dates for the final downfall of the city (Wolfman 1990).
I4
10.2.10.1 1.7, 8 Manik' 15 Wo in the Maya calendar. This date is found on Lintels 2, 3,4, 5, and 6.
l5 10.2.0.1.9, 6 Muluk 12 Mak in the Maya calendar.
l6 10.2.0.15.3, 7 Ak'b'al 1 Ch'en in the Maya calendar.
17
Annabeth Headrick first proposed this sequence, as cited in Schele and Freidel 1990: 500, Note 26. Also
see Headrick 1991. It must be noted that Peter Schmidt, archaeologist at Chichen Itza, does not share
Headrick's view (cited in Schele and Mathews 1998: 369, Note 36).
18
10.8.10.11.0,2 Ajaw 18 Mol in the Maya calendar (see Thompson 1937: 185-186, Grafia-Behrens et al.
1999).
19
That these dates are truly against all expectations can be seen that even Erik Boot, one of the primary
proponents of an early dating for Chichen Itza, considers that perhaps the wooden lintels from which these
samples were taken had been reused timbers (Boot 2000: 195, Note 1).
20
9.15.10.0.0, 3 Ajaw 3 Mol in the Maya calendar.
21
9.15.15.14.0,3 Ajaw 13 Wo in the Mayacalendar.
22
9.13.3.9.18, 12 Etz'nab' 11 Sak in the Maya calendar.
23
9.14.15.6.13, 1 B'en 11 Kumk'u in the Mayacalendar. This date is from MT28b.
21
9.15.3.6.8, 3 Lamat 6 Pax in the Maya calendar.
25
Ralph 1961 also provides the dates of 684+-36 for Temple Iand 746+-33 for Temple IV. As these dates
differ so little and are basically only a revision to those in Satterthwaite and Ralph 1960, they are not
important for the present discussion.
6' 9.1.1.10.10,4 Ok 18 K'ayab' in the Maya calendar.
" 9.8.0.0.0, 5 Ajaw 3 Ch'en in the Maya calendar.
28
The date of 9.15.0.0.0,4 Ajaw 13 Yax corresponds to 18 August, 731.
29
These were the GMT correlation, and two competing correlations which fit the same ethnohistoric
evidence on the Maya calendar but gave dates 256 years earlier and later than GMT.
30
The Feathered Serpent Pyramid is generally believed to have been built more towards the earlier part of
the Early Tlamirnilolpa phase (Cabrera C. et al. 1991: 89).
Figure Al-1: The name of Spearthrower Owl: a) Tikal Stela 31; b)
unprovenienced cylindrical tripod ceramic vessel; c, d, e) The Marcador of
Tikal; f) 'Rio Azul Earflare'; g) Tikal Miscellaneous Text 32; h) 'full figure'
form in headdress on the front of Tikal Stela 31; i) from central medallion of the
Marcador. (After D. Stuart 2000: Fig. 15.14)

Figure Al-2: The only known events of the reign of Spearthrower Owl are his
accession and death.
(a) Accession of Spearthrower Owl, on 11Ajaw (4 May, 374), as recorded
on the rear of the Marcador monument from Tikal. (Drawing by Linda
Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994: 82)
(b) Death of Spearthrower Owl, on 12 Etz'nab' (10 June, 439), as
recorded on Stela 31. (Drawinb by John Montgomery, after Schele and
Grube 1994: 93)
Figure A1-3: On Tikal Stela 31, Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I is specifically stated to have
been the son of Spearthrower Owl. (Drawing by William Coe, after C. Jones and
Satterthwaite 1982: Fig. 52a)

Figure A1-4: On the Marcador, Spearthrower Owl is said to have been a

kalo'mte', or 'emperor'. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Schele and Grube 1994:
82)
Figure A1-5: On Stela 31, Yaax Nu'n Ayiin's accession at Tikal is said to have
occurred u kab'jiiy, 'under the auspices of', Siyaj K'ahk'. (Drawing by John
Montgomery, after Schele and Grube 1994: 87)

Figure A1-6: On the Marcador, Siyaj K'ahk' is said to have been the yiit, or
'companion o f , Spearthrower Owl. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Freidel et al.
1993: Fig. 7.5)
Figure A1-7: The Wite' Naah Structure is deeply associated with Teotihuacan.
(a) The Wite' Naah glyphs: (left) Logographic form from Copan Altar Q;
(right) Phonetic spelling from Tikal Stela 31. (After D. Stuart 2000: Fig.
15.22)
(b) On the Marcador of Tikal (left) and El Peru Stela 15 (right), Siyaj
K'ahk' is associated with a place called Wi...te', likely a reference to
the Wite' Naah. (Drawing of the Marcador by Linda Schele, after Freidel
et al.. 1993: Figure 7.5. Drawing of El Peru Stela 15 by Ian Graham,
Corpus of Maya Hieroglyphic Inscriptions, Peabody Museum, Harvard
University, after Grube and Martin 2000a: II-26)
Figure A1-8: Yaax Nu'n Ayiin of Tikal was especially closely associated with the
Wite ' Naah.
(a) Miscellaneous Text 35 records that Yaax Nu'n Ayiin I left the Wite'
Naah on 4 Kib' 14 Keh (25 December, 378). (Drawing by Annamarie
Seufert, University of Pennsylvania Tikal Project, after Schele and Grube
1994: 87)
(b) Stela 31 records the second half of the passage relating Yaax Nu'n
Ayiin's arrival to the W&e' Naah (at Tikal), shortly before his
accession. This action was overseen by the kalo'mte' (Siyaj K'ahk')
(Drawing by John Montgomery, after Schele and Freidel 1990:
Figure A1-9: K'inich Yaax K'uk' Mo', the founder of the Copan dynasty and a
person continually portrayed in Teotihuacan costume, was also associated with
the Wite' Naah structure. (Drawings by Linda Schele, after Schele and Looper 1996:
97-98)
(a) Three days after his accession, K'inich Yaax K'uk' Mo' left the Wite'
Naah on 8 Ajaw 18 Yaxk'in (8 September, 426).
(b) After a journey of 152 days, he arrived at Ux Witik, ancient Copan, on
5 Kib' 11Muwaan (8 February, 427).
Figure A1-10: The Five Great Mountains, likely a Teotihuacan place name from
the Marcador monument. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after Freidel et al. 1993: Fig.
7.5)
(a) Spearthrower Owl is said to have been the Ho' Noh Witz Kalo'mte',
the 'Five Great Mountain(s) Emperor'.
(b) The Teotihuacan War Serpent is specifically said to have been the Ho'
Noh Witz Waxaklaju'n u B'aah Chan, the 'Five Great Mountain(s)
War Serpent'.

e
Figure Al-11: The lechuza y armas motif. (After D. Stuart 2000: Fig. 15.18)
a) Tikal Stela 31; b, c, d, e) various sources (from von Winning 1987)
 ,.-,.m- 8 -.
OXTOTICPAC

METEPEC

5034 LATE XOLALPAN

4001 EARLY XOLALPAN

LATE TLAMIhlI LOLPA

EARLY TLAMII\ll LOLPA
2 00 MICCAO'TI-I

TZAC UA LLI
j o 0 i

200A LATE CUANALAN

--

Figure A1-12: The Chronology of Teotihuacan. (After Sugiyama 1996)

CAVE
BENEATH
-
IRUb-PSe
c.m
PYRAMID OF THE SUN

Figure A1-13: The cave under the Sun Pyramid at Teotihuacan, which was
blocked off just before the Feathered Serpent Pyramid was constructed. It was
subsequently reopened after the Feathered Serpent Pyramid was sacked. (After
Millon 1993: Fig. 5b)
 ~ 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 00 0 0 0 0 0 0 0 0
o g S g g g ~ g g v ~ n ~ ~ g z ~ ~ z
1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 1 I~ ~ 1 1 1 ' 1 1 1 1 1 -
I I-%
2
;
"6,

5".
-
-
,\ m
c
.
\
$ a., - I
5 '*' - \ I -
g --2006
"6, I
g ., - I
g - .IS I
2 .< -
2 ,. -
4 -
2 .'. -
"C

,$,
- 4,
r, .,. -
6 "8 -
8 -c -
$ I.( -
: --- OEL
&. --
5 M$ - m
4.c. -
7

7 - -
a .., -- -OOL
c.4

"put -
: - 6-

q U.8 -
w
D.6 -
:: - C'.,

: - <t.,

2 $. . -
2 - -
-009
#'St

2 ,mz
4 "' --SLV
- 3
L - 3
2 ", -
fi - t.6,
h
,'a -
g - -6,

g ma, - --
W -- - SZC -1

cu -
W m., -
2
::,.., -- ooz -
2 -
a. . B
m
fi - 1- -
R "' -- 0 6 1 P
& .K - -
g '.' -- SLL
p
m
.- -
-
-Sf
0
-
--
In

5 In -
2 n r - 9
-
,a' -
.'--
"-
2 0
X
"= ,<'- n'
-
- M)I
'2
-
.-
n
2
P
m nr
w,
"l
-
-- OOZ
-
-
D

2
-
h .“ - v I--
Q ", -
a" 1,'

p I"
-
-
\ -
P

0 - -
-- OSC
11'

e, 9
s
'

_. m'
7

;2
, --- 009
- 008

k K pg mg gh gQ gwg ~g mg pN o g- ngn gV ga "g- gS h8 m8 P8 %:

z
0 - .!

Figure A1-14: Radiocarbon versus GMT chronology at Tikal. Curve A shows

the radiocarbon chronology, while Curve B shows that given by the GMT
correlation of the Maya and Western calendars. The Maya dates are generally
between fifty and one hundred years later than that provided by radiocarbon
dating. (After Coe 1990: 809, Chart 2)
Appendix 2: The Name of 'Animal Skull'
The Animal Skull Creature
The name of the 22ndking of Tikal has long proven problematic (Fig. 3-3).
Linda Schele (n.d.) first proposed the nickname 'Animal Skull' as the main sign in his
name appeared to be the skeletal head of an animal. Later, she and Nikolai Grube
proposed the name K'inich Et (Schele and Grube 1994: 114). It was recognized that
the personal name of this h n g was preceded in all cases by one of several k'inich
variants. The main sign itself was now seen to be identical to that of the 'winal'
reptile head, with a T712 sign variant1 placed inside its mouth (Fig. A2-1). As the
'winal' sign, ~ 7 4 1was
~ , known, in at least certain cases, to read 'e, and the T7 12 sign
substituted with T87, TE', or 'wood', the reading K'inich Et or K'inich Ete' was born
(Schele and Mathews 1998: 65,69). However, subsequent analysis cast doubt on this
reading. The main problem was that Et or Ete' could not be understood and there
were no substitutions for the component parts of this name. Since 1994 K'inich Et or
Ete' has dropped out of favour and the latest treatises of Tikal's history have returned
to 'Animal Skull' (Martin and Grube 2000: 40), or the more accurate, 'Lizard Head'
(Harrison 1999: 94, 102).
The greatest problem in deciphering the name of 'Animal Skull' is the lack of
syllabic substitutions or phonetic compliments, which have proven so fruitful
elsewhere in the decipherment process. Animal Skull's name, in every example
known, consists of a single, fused logogram with no clue as to its exact reading. As
the winal head and the T712 variant sign are never separated it seems rather unlikely
that they are to be read as individual units but instead form one single word. The
winal head strongly suggests a reptilian or amphibian creature and the name can thus
be loosely translated as K'inich 'Reptile'. This name is very similar to other such
'Deity-Animal' names as K'inich B'ahlam (K'inich-Jaguar) of El Peru, Yopaat
B'ahlam (Yopaat-Jaguar) of Yaxchilan and Nakbe, as well as Itzamnaaj B'ahlam
(Itzamnaaj-Jaguar) of Yaxchilan, Dos Pilas, Ucanal and Los Alacranes.
The specific reptile head seen in Animal Skull's name does resemble the winal
frog or lizard head but is also virtually identical to that of the turtle, known to read
AHK (Fig. A2-1). Unfortunately, T741 appears to be a generic reptiliantamphibian
head that needs further iconographic or contextual clues to differentiate the various
species and animals involved. The Animal Skull glyph is thus distinguished solely by
the wood sign inside its mouth, and one must find phonetic complements to it in order
to complete a proper decipherment.

The Evidence
An early ruler of the TamarinditoIArroyo de Piedra dynasty of the Petexbatun
region bore a name very close to that of 'Animal Skull' (Fig. A2-2a). Tamarindito
Stela 4, dating to 554, names this lord twice: once as 'Animal Skull'-K'INICH and
the second as wa-'Animal Skull1-[CHANI-K'INICH. Anoyo de Piedra Stela 6,
dating to 20 years later, gives the name of the father of the reigning lord, bearing the
same Emblem Glyph, as wa-'Animal Skull'[CHAN]-K'INICH, confirming that
these are all variant spellings of the same name.
An onyx bowl, K4692, provides another spelling of this name (Fig. A2-2b).
The companion of a Hiix Witz lord is named by just the Animal Skull glyph, prefixed
by a T130 wa syllable. In fact, this reference could very well be to 'Animal Skull'
himself3.
In any event, it is clear from these two names that the specific word for the
reptilelamphibian in this name must begin with the sound wa.. . Dictionary entries
reveal the following possibilities in various Mayan languages4:

Ch'ol
waw "guao, tres lomos (reptil)"
(Aulie and Aulie 1978: 128, 164)
waw "turtle (three-ridged shell); guao, tortuga (de tres filos)"
(Hopkins and Josserand 1988-16-11: 3)
waw "guao, tortuga de tres lomos"
(Aulie and Aulie 1996: 137)
waw "Staurotypus triporcatus; guao, tres lomos"
(Aulie and Aulie 1996: 270)

Chontal
waw "guao (tortuga conocida tambiCn como "tres lomos")"
(PCrez Gonzilez and De La Cruz 1998: 77,99)
ajwawu "guao (tipo de animal de concha)"
(Keller and Luciano 1997: 30,408, 502)
 nb.: Ajwawu' es ump'e clase de animB t'oc u pat que utz tuba ajc'uxcan
"El guao es un animal que tiene concha y sirve para comer"
(Keller and Luciano 1997: 30)

Yukatek
waw "unos galiipagos o tortugas de agua dulce"; "tortugas de agua dulce";
"Dermatemys mawii (Gray 1847)
(Barrera VBsquez et al. 1980: 915, II=-341)
vavu "unos galiipagos o tortugas de agua dulce"
(Martinez HernBndez 1929: 894[442r]; ~ l v a r e z1980: 262)
uauu "tortugas de agua dulce"
(Swadesh et al. 1970: 88)

The Waaw Turtle

From these entries it seems clear that waw or wawlc' is the reading for the
Animal Skull logogram and that the creature it refers to is a freshwater turtle. As
Marc Zender notes, "the term waw -wawu' "guao, freshwater turtle" is well-attested
in Yukatek, Ch'ol and Chontal, suggesting that it can be reconstructed back at least as
far as Proto Western-Mayan, long before the time of the script" (Marc Zender,
personal communication, 2002). As for the original word and the form represented by
the Animal Skull logogram, waw is preferred over wawu'. "This is suggested by the
fact that wawu' needs affixation with aj- in Chontal, whereas waw does not.
Moreover, wawl is somewhat more widespread (i.e., whereas Colonial Yukatek and
Chontal both have wawu' and waw, Ch'ol has only waw)" (Marc Zender, personal
communication, 2002).
Marc Zender also notes the fact that a long vowel is most probable in the
original form. "The Ch'ol and Chontal forms, however, unequivocally point to an
original long-vowel, since Western Ch'olan a and a come from Proto-Mayan *aa and
*a, respectively. If the ancient form had simply been *waw, then, we should have
found ttjairl in Ch'ol and Chontal. Thus, I think we can probably reconstruct Proto
Western Mayan *waaw, which should also have been the form in the script
(WAAW)" (Marc Zender, personal communication, 2002).
Thus Animal Skull's name can now be confidently read as K'inich Waaw,
"Sun God-Freshwater Turtle". Furthermore, another word for turtle can be added to
the list known from Classic inscriptions, joining ahk (marine turtle) and kok (small
freshwater turtle). The dictionary entries give two specific species identifications as
well: Staurotypus triporcatus and Dermatemys mawii. The former is commonly
known as the "Mexican Giant Mud Turtle" or "Three-Keeled Musk Turtle", and
grows up to 50 centimeters in length, making it one of the largest freshwater turtles in
the region. The latter is known in Belize as the ''I-hckety Turtle", also the "Central
American River Turtle" ("Tortuga Blanca" or "Tortuga Plana" in Spanish), and is
known to reach 40-45 centimeters in length. Both species have a distribution range
confined to the Gulf of Mexico and Caribbean drainages of Southern Mexico, Belize
and Guatemala, the "Maya Lowlands", and are sadly in danger of extinction5 (Marc
Zender, personal communication 2002).

The Waaw in Maya Culture

Interestingly, this "three-keeled" turtle is the specific one worn as a pectoral
by Palenque's king K'inich Janaab' Pakal on his famous sarcophagus lid (Fig. A2-3a).
Linda Schele and Peter Mathews (1998: 116-117) identify this creature with the
mythological turtle from which the Maize God is depicted as rising in his rebirth after
death (Fig. A2-3b). While the latter identification cannot be confirmed, due to a
dearth of glyphic glosses identifying the specific turtle portrayed in these
mythological scenes, it is an interesting proposal and would explain why Pakal is
specifically identified with this turtle in his death monument. Regarding Maya
representations of the waaw turtle, it may also be noted that Staurotypus triporcatus is
distinguished by a very prominent snout, highlighted in a number of Animal Skull
logograms (Fig. 3-3).
As Marc Zender has noted, waaw/waw/wawu' appears to be one of a select
group of Maya words that were borrowed into Spanish. The dictionary entries often
give the Spanish form as guao, which is merely an orthographic variant of waw.
Given that guao is a word known only in Chiapas and Tabasco (Marc Zender,
personal communication 2002), and the fact that the Maya already appear to have had
this word in the Classic period, it seems certain that guao derives from Mayan, as did
cenote ('water-hole', tz'onot) and cacao ('chocolate', kakaw).
In conclusion, it now appears possible to retire the Animal Skull nickname for
the 22ndlung of Tikal and refer to him by his ancient Maya name, K'inich Waaw. We
may also now name a sixth century king of TamarinditoIArroyo de Piedra as Waaw
Chan K'inich and identify a third species of turtle in the Classic script.
Notes to Appendix 2

This sign is not the standard T712 sign, which reads CH'AB'. The major difference is that this sign
seen in Animal Skull's name only ever shows up placed inside the mouth of various head glyphs, while
proper T712 can occupy a full glyph block in and of itself. Furthermore, the curving 'mirror' lines in
the variant seen in this name are found below the upper cut, rather than inside of it, as seen in CH'AB',
' Note that T741b does not belong in this group, being a piscine form and not reptilian or amphibian in
nature.
This Animal Skull on the onyx vessel is given the title b'akab', one only held by great kings and
suggests that this lord was very important. The only known king throughout Classic history to whom
this name could apply is the 22"* king of Tikal (the omission of prefixed k'inich is a common practice
in Maya onomastica, see Colas n.d.).
If this vase does indeed bear the name of Animal Skull the dates recorded upon it must be as
follows:
D.N. 5.5.8.2
(9.3.12.9.3) *7 Ak'b'al 16 Sip
(9.8.17.17.5) 9 Chikchan 18 Sip
The author is deeply indebted to Marc Zender for much of this dictionary and grammatical analysis
and his assistance in this way is gratefully acknowledged.
Marc Zender gathered this information from the website:
httv://w~vw.oneworId.org/ips2/iune99/16 36 062.html
and is krndly thanked for this detective work (Marc Zender, personal communication 2002).
Figure A2-1: The 'Animal Skull' logogram compared with other
reptilelamphibian heads.
(a) 'Animal Skull'. (After Martin and Grube 2000: 40)
(b) The Winal head. (After Mathews 1991: 28)
(c) The Ahk turtle head. (After Schele 1995: 11)

Figure A2-2: Phonetic Complementation to the 'Animal Skull' logogram.

(a) Name of the lord from Arroyo de Piedra Stela 6. (Drawing by David
Stuart, after Escobedo 1997: Figure 5)
(b) Name from onyx bowl K4692. (Drawing by the author after a photo O
Justin Kerr 1990, in Kerr 1994: 594)
Figure A2-3: The waaw turtle in Maya culture. (Drawings by Linda Schele, after
Schele and Mathews 1998: Fig. 3.24)
(a) The turtle hanging around Pakal's neck has three keels on its shell,
and is thus identified as a waaw.
(b) The turtle from which the Maize God was reborn, from a scene
painted upon a Codex-style plate.
Appendix 3: The Uaxactun Burial A23 Bowl
Text and the Name of a New King of Tikal
The name- and title-phrase of the new Tikal lord found upon a bowl from
Burial A23 at Uaxactun involves a long and potentially confusing number of glyphs1
(Fig. 4-1). This is because, on this vessel, the painter has given a fairly full rendering
of the king's nominal sequence. Glyphs K-L clearly comprise the royal title, K'uhul
Mutul Ajaw, "Divine Lord of Tikal", and so should be at the end of the name
sequence, those glyphs following (M-N) being of a secondary importance. Glyph J is
also a known title, reading Wite' Naah and refcning to a person associated with the
Wite' Naah structure of Teotihuacan derivation (Stuart 2000: 492-493). The glyphs
A-C are simply part of the standard PSS formula yuk'ib' ta yutal kakaw, "(this is) the
chocolate drinlung vessel of.. .". This leaves only glyphs D through 1 as comprising
the (proper) name of this lung of Tikal.
Extended royal nominal sequences can often be broken down into two parts: a
'royal name' preceding a 'personal name". The personal name appears to be that
attached to the individual since birth and can take any form. The royal name almost
always precedes the personal name in complete records and only kings are known to
have adopted this fonn of nominal sequence. The royal name is invariably cornposed
of a 'Descriptive Deity' form (see Note l), which, in Tikal at the time this bowl was
painted, took the form of a unique descriptive term3, preceded by k'ahk', the word for
fire, and followed by Chan Yopaat, or "Sky-Lightning God". A comparison with the
full name phrases for this new lung's immediate predecessors, Wak Chan K'awiil and
K'inich Waaw, provides a useful comparison (Fig. A3-1). Thus it can be seen that
Glyphs D through F on the Uaxactun bowl fonn the royal name K'ahk' ??? Chan
Yopaat.
As Simon Martin has noted, what is here termed the 'personal name' is that by
which the ruler is normally referred. This would be the equivalent to Wak Chan
K'awiil and K'inich Waatv? the personal names of this new king's predecessors. In
comparison with their names, it can be seen that Glyphs G-H on the Uaxactun bowl
comprise the personal name, which is composed of two parts: the head of the Sun God
K'inich; and a head variant logogram composed of a human head with distinctive hair
interstrung with disembodied eyeballs (Fig. A3-2a). This head forms a not-
uncommon title found many times in the hieroglyphic corpus (Fig. A3-2b).
 This glyph in question shares many diagnostic features of the royal title
way(wal), known from examples at Tikal, Palenque, and Yaxha (Fig. A3-3). These
include a youthful male head with a darkened semi-circle behind or through the eye, a
prominent hank of hair and often a dot on the cheek and a headdress item covering the
lower jaw. The title form of this latter glyph has been read by Linda Schele and
David Freidel (1990: 441, Note 32) as WAY, following decipherments by Stepehen
Houston and David Stuart (1989), as well as Grube (n.d.). Marc Zender has noticed
that phonetic substitutions on the Tablet of the 96 Glyphs at Palenque indicate that, in
full, spell the title as WAY-wa-la, or WAYWAL (Fig. A3-4) (Marc Zender, personal
communication 2001).
The version of this glyph seen in the name of this Tikal king, however, is
distinguished by a row of bones or eyeballs in his hair, and although part of the way
series of glyphs, does not substitute with WAYWAL. A T I 16 ni phonetic
complement appears with this glyph on an example from a glyphic frieze on Structure
4 at the site of Machaquila (Fig. A3-5) (I. Graham 1967: 58). In analogy with the
WAYWAL glyph, this variant is likely composed of the root way with a presumably
nominalizing grammatical suffix -Vn. Although a concrete reading has not yet
emerged, the final form should be way ...n , with wayaan perhaps being the more
probable (Marc Zender, personal communication 2001).
With this reading this new lung of Tikal from the Uaxactun Burial A23 bowl
may be tentatively named K'inich Wayaan. The final glyph in his nominal sequence,
Glyph I, reads K'an B'uy and is presumably another personal name, perhaps the birth
name of this king. However, following the analogy provided by Wak Chan K'awiil
and K'inich Waaw, it is most probable that K'inich Wayaan was how this king was
generally known to his subjects and courtiers.
The final two glyphs in this text are somewhat harder to understand. The first,
Glyph M, appears to read ka aja\rq, possibly meaning 'our lord', and could suggest
that the artist was a subject of this king. This is most curious for, as David Stuart has
recognized (D. Stuart 1989: 158), this bowl was painted by a royal artist in the
employ of Aj Wosaaj of Naranjo. This would suggest that only that Naranjo had very
close relations with Tikal towards the end of Aj Wosaaj's reign, but also that this
Naranjo artist and perhaps even his h n g , were subordinate to the king of Tikal.
The final glyph in this text, Glyph N, reads K'ahk' Ch 'ich ' Ti', and, as this is
certainly not a verb, should be a further name or title. The latter is more probable and
a Preclassic Snake f i n g of this name is the 1 6 ' ~
ruler in the Codex-style Dynastic
Vase list (Martin 1997: 861). Perhaps here this is a reference to the artist himself,
although there are no clear indications of this.
In conclusion, the name of this new Tikal king can be provisionally given as
K'inich Wayaan. A full analysis of the Uaxactun Burial A23 bowl is given below in
Table A3- 1.

Table A3-1: A Glyphic Analysis of the Uaxactun Burial A23 Bowl

Glyph Transcription Transliteration Reading
A yu-k'i-b'i yuk'ib ' his drinking vessel
B ta-yu-ta ta yut(a1) for sustenance?
C (2)ka-wa kakaw chocolate
D K'AK'-? K'ahk' ??? 'Fire-???
E CHAN-na Chan Sky
F YOP-AAT Yopaat Lightning God'
G K'INICH K'inich 'Great-Sun?
H WAYAAN Wayaan Witch?'
I K'AN-na?-b'u-yu K'aiz B'uy Yellow ?
J W1TE'-na wite ' na(ah) (of the)
'Teotihuacan
House'
K K'UH-MUTUL-la KJuh(ul)Mutul Divine Tikal
L AJAW Ajaw Lord
M ka-AJAW ka ajaw our(?) lord
N K'AK'-TI'- k'ahk' ch'ich' ti' Fire-Blood(y)
CH'ICH' Mouth
Notes to Appendix 3

The author had the opportunity to visit the storage area of the National Museum in Guatemala City
with Dorie Reents-Budet and Virginia Fields. The specific readings given here were made during this
visit and the author thanks the generosity of Drs. Reents-Budet and Fields, and the staff at the National
Museum for facilitating this visit. The drawing presented here is that of the original report of 1955 and
is not of epigraphic quality, missing much detail that is apparent only to a person long familiar with
ceramic texts of the period. The author hopes to make a full drawing of this very important piece in the
near future, but for the moment the original drawing must suffice.
Understanding the intricate nominal system employed by Classic Maya royalty is still poor. One of
the major problems in this process has been an over-reliance on material from the Western Maya
world, especially Palenque and Piedras Negras, which now appear to be rather unusual in much of their
culture in comparison to the cities of the Peten. Removing these aberrant examples out of the equation,
a number of strong patterns emerge. Most important is the presence of two main names for Maya
kings. The first invariably is a 'Descriptive Deity' name, composed of a descriptive term, a celestial
locative, and a deity name. The description quite often includes a reference to fire andfor a verbal
phrase. The locative is normally celestial in nature, 'sky' being by far the most common. Finally, the
deity is invariably one of the major, pan-Maya gods, and never is it a patron god restricted to a specific
city.
Table 7: Royal Names of the Classic Maya
Site Name Descriptive Term Locative Deity Name
Naranjo K'ahk' Tiliw K'ahk' Tiliw Chan, 'Sky' Chaahk, 'Rain
Chan Chaahk 'Fire-Drills' God'
Copan K'ahk' Joplaj K'ahk' Joplaj, Chan, 'Sky' K'awiil, 'Lineage
Chan K'awiil 'Fire-Stokes' God'
Copan Siyaj Chan Siyaj, 'Is Born' Chan, 'Sky' Yopaat,
Yopaat 'Lightning God'
Tikal Taaj Yal Chan Taaj Yal, 'Torch- Chan, 'Sky' K'inich, 'Sun
K'inich (Yaax Throws?' God'
Nu'n Ayiin I)
Tikal Jasaw Chan Jasaw, 'Clears' Chan, 'Sky' K'awiil, 'Dynastic
K'awiil God'
Dos Pilas B'ajlaj Chan B'ajlaj, Chan, 'Sky' K'awiil, 'Dynastic
K'awiil 'Hammers' God'
Naranjo K'ahk' u Kalaw K'ahk' u Kalaw, Chan, 'Sky' Chaahk, 'Rain
Chan Chaahk 'Fire-Cleaves God'

The royal name is very restricted in form while the personal name can take any form,
including a 'Descriptive Deity' name. For example, Naranjo's famous king K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaahk
(a.k.a. Smoking Squirrel) has a well-known nominal sequence. K'ahk' Tiliw Chan Chaahk is a
Descriptive Deity name yet is this king's personal name and the one, when only one part of his nominal
sequence is given, which is invariably present. His royal name was Muyal Kalni Chan Yopaat,
'Cloudy Cleaving Sky Lightning-God'. Some kings had multiple Descriptive Deity names in addition
to a standard personal name, such as Itzamnaaj K'awiil of Naranjo, although those kings who exhibit
this practice lived during the very Late Classic period and this practice may be aberrant. There is still
much unknown about Classic Maya naming practices. Pierre Robert Colas of the Universitat Bonn is
currently making a full study of this subject for his Ph.D. dissertation (Colas in prep.).
3
Unfortunately, the descriptive terms employed by Tikal's kings in this period are so unique that not
one has yet been deciphered.
Figure A3-1: The names of Wak Chan K'awiil, K'inich Waaw, and the king
from the Uaxactun Burial A23 bowl.
(a) Wak Chan K'awiil names. (After Martin 2001: Figure 7)
(b) K'inich Waaw names. (After Grube and Martin 2000a: II-53, and K772,
O Kerr 1978, after Kerr 1989: 46)
(c) Burial A23 bowl names. (After R. Smith 1955: Fig. 80c)
Figure A3-2: The 'death-head' logogram.
(a) From Uaxactun Burial A23 bowl. (Drawing by the author)
(b) From Tikal Stela 31. (Drawing by John Montgomery, after Schele and
Freidel 1990: Fig. 4.21)

Figure A3-3: The waywal glyph.

(a) From Tikal Temple IV. (Drawings by William Coe, after C. Jones and
Satterthwaite 1982: Figures 73,74)
(b) From Palenque Tablet of the 96 Glyphs. (Drawing by Linda Schele,
after Mathews 1991: 163)

Figure A3-4: Phonetic spelling of the waywal glyph as wa-WAY-wa-la. (Drawing

of Palenque Tablet of the 96 Glyphs by Linda Schele, after Mathews 1991: 163)

Figure A3-5: An example of the 'death-head' logogram with a -ni phonetic

complement. (Drawing of Machaquila Structure 4 Stones, after I. Graham 1967: Fig.
39c)
 Appendix 4: The 'Step Glyph' in Locative
Statements
Introduction
A very important verb in Maya inscriptions is that known as the 'step glyph'
as it depicts in iconic format a foot upon the tread of a stair (Fig. A4-la). This verb is
commonly found in dedication expressions on a number of different types of artifacts
where it freely substitutes with the 'God N-verb' (Fig. A4-lb) (Macleod 1990).
Recently it has been suggested that these verbs may read T'AB', with t'ab' being a
Ch'olan verb meaning 'to go up, ascend' (D. Stuart 1998: 417).
While step glyphs are most commonly found functioning as dedicatory verbs
for ceramics, another context for it is found in monumental texts. In these
inscriptions, usually recording historical narratives, the step glyph is followed by a
locative, usually a specific building or site (Fig. A4-2). David Stuart, by comparing
the iconic origins of the step glyph with tribute presentation scenes, often shown
talung place upon steps, has suggested that this glyph may function as a verb
meaning, roughly, 'to delivertoffer (tribute)' (D. Stuart 1998: 414, Houston et al.
2000: 101). This interpretation appeared to be supported by the fact that the step verb
was often found in close association with glyphs for 'bundle', ikaatz or ikitz, that
could refer to tribute bundles (D. Stuart 1998: 414).
While Stuart makes a persuasive argument, it must be said that the step verb is
never found describing tribute scenes. Nor do the associated 'bundle' glyphs offer
any support to the 'tribute' hypothesis, for tribute is only known to be referred to as
pat, literally 'tribute'. Instead, the ikaatz and ikitz glyphs appear to label ritual
bundles associated with the 'burden' of office' (Stross 1988). Furthermore, as Stuart
notes, the step verb appears to be an intransitive verb (Stuart 1998: 409), malung an
interpretation of 'to delivertoffer (tribute)' rather untenable.
The footprint atop the stair that gave rise to this glyph gives the best clue as to
its meaning. Footprints in iconography the world over are known to indicate
movement, and the proposed reading of the step verb as t'ab', 'to go up, ascend',
certainly fits this idea. Given that toponyms invariably follow this glyph when it
appears in monumental texts, it seems reasonable to posit that this glyph refers to
movement of some sort. It is curious that journeys that are described using the step
glyph usually immediately follow records of warfare in which the person making the
journey had just been defeated. As the locative, in turn, immediately follows the step
glyph, a meaning of 'retreated to' might be entertained2. Nevertheless, one should
note that Siyaj K'ahk's amval at Tikal on Uaxactun Stela 5 may be recorded as both
huli, 'arrived', and the step glyph, which may be the glyph preceding the name of
Siyaj K'ahk' (Fig. 1-8a, right).
In conclusion, the step glyph in monumental texts is best interpreted as a verb
of movement. Although a sense of 'retreat' is often indicated, this is not always the
case. A direct implication of this verb that tribute was delivered is not substantiated
and such an interpretation must rely upon other information.
Notes to Appendix 4

In his analysis, David Stuart highlights the text of Piedras Negras Throne 1, which begins with a
verbal phrase u-chu[ku]-wa i-ki-tzi, 'step verb' LAM-NAAH. He read the first verb as u-kuch-wa
ikitz, "he carries the cargo" (D. Stuart 1998: 410). While it is true that the spelling of this verb does
not preclude Stuart's proposed kuch reading for the verb stem, 'to carry', this is most unlikely. A verb
for 'to carry' is already known glyphically, being T174IT224. These glyphs have been read by Barbara
Macleod as KUCH, although full phonetic subsitutions have never been found (cited in Schele and
Grube 1994: 164).
The spelling of this verbal stem in the Piedras Negras Throne 1 text is, however, the classic
way to spell the verb chu[ku] chuk, 'to capture'. Of the greatest significance is that this passage
appears between a record of the abdication of Piedras Negras' king Ha' K'in Xook in March of 780
(Martin and Grube 2000: 15 l), and the accession of Turtle Tooth 11, more than a year later. Interpreted
in the light of this rather unusual succession, the ikitz event on Piedras Negras Throne 1 can perhaps be
interpreted as the capture of the city's sacred bundle in a dispute for the lungship of Piedras Negras.
The full ramifications of this interpretation fall outside the boundaries of this thesis, however.
' Linda Schele and Nikolai Grube first noted the association of this verb with war and exile (Schele and
Grube 1994: 122).
Figure A4-1: The step glyph appears to freely substitute with the God N head in
verbal phrases.
(a) The 'Step Glyph'. (After Macleod 1990: Figure 2)
(b) The God N glyph. (After Macleod 1990: Figure 1)

Figure A4-2: In monumental texts, the Step Glyph is almost always followed
directly by a locative. In this example from Piedras Negras Throne 1, the place
is Lam Naah, 'Descent House'. (Drawing by John Montgomery)

319
Appendix 5: Teotihuacan and the Snake
Kingdom
Teotihuacan and the Snake Kings
It is tempting to consider the conflict between DzibancheICalakmul and Tikal
during the Hiatus period as one between a Teotihuacan-affiliated power on one side
(Tikal), and a traditionally Maya one (DzibancheICalakmul) on the other. This,
however, was most certainly not the case. While Teotihuacan culture was never as
publicly promoted in the Snake capitals, it nevertheless was present, a fact that has
long gone unrecognized.
Site Q Ballplayer Panel 1 (Fig. A5-I), portrays the La Corona lord Chak
Ak'aach Yuk, who is depicted playing ball at Calakmul in 687 (Martin and Grube
2000: 110). The character to the right is the ti' hu'n of the kalo'rnte', who, at this
time, was Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk'. This ti' hu'n is dressed in full Teotihuacan war
costume (Schele and Mller 1986: 256), indicating that the highest nobles at Calakmul
had also adopted this foreign style of dress. Furthermore, Site Q Altar 1, also looted
from La Corona, portrays two queens of the Snake Kingdom (Fig. A5-2). One wears
a headdress bearing Teotihuacan motifs and is standing on a palanquin featuring an
anthropomorphic-jaguar version of the Teotihuacan War Serpent deity.
On La Corona Stela 1, the same Chak Ak'aach' Yuk is said to have celebrated
the 692 K'atuun Ending with Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' and the Kalo'mte'
Waxaklaju'n u B'aah Charz. The latter is almost certainly another palanquin deity,
this time the Teotihuacan War Serpent, and may even be the same deity shown on the
Site Q altar. This association demonstrates that as this Snake lung was plotting to
revolt against Jasaw Chan K'awiil he was doing so in league with the Teotihuacan
god of war.
One may also note that on Calakmul Stela 9, Yukno'm Yich'aak K'ahk' is
shown holding a spearthrower, the Teotihuacan weapon of choice (Fig. 5-6a).
Likewise, K'inich B'ahlam, the lung of El Peru and brother-in-law of Yukno'm
Yich'aak K'ahk', also wields this weapon on El Peru Stela 33, dating to 692.
The Kana1 association with Teotihuacan may have begun early, and the
sudden irruption of both Tajom u K'ab' Tuun of Teotihuacan and Tuun K'ab' Hiix of
Dzibanche into Maya history at the same time is probably no coincidence. The fact
that both of these forces appear attempting to infiltrate the kingdom of Yaxchilan at
the same time, apparently out of Piedras Negras, suggests that the new line of rulers in
Teotihuacan may have joined forces with the Snake lords of southern Quintana Roo in
an attempt to outcircle Tikal.
Whatever the specifics of the Snake kings' association with Teotihuacan, they
were obviously employing Central Mexican symbolism and adopting its war gods in
parallel to Tikal. This renders untenable any proposal that the conflict between Tikal
and DzibancheICalakrnul represented a simple continuation of Teotihuacan's attempt
to conquer the Maya. Rather, both kingdoms were in competition for control of the
post-Teotihuacan Maya world, a competition in which both sides claimed
Teotihuacan heritage.
Figure AS-1: Site Q Ballplayer Panel 1shows a ti'hu'n of the Calakmul king (to
the left) dressed in Teotihuacan war costume. (Drawing by Linda Schele, after
Schele and Grube 1994: 157)

Figure AS-2: Site Q Altar 1portrays two Snake queens, the one to the right
wearing a Teotihuacan-inspired headdress. Behind her rears a jaguar version of
the Teotihuacan War Serpent. (Drawing by Linda Schele)