BEATE PONGRATZ-LEISTEN Tubingen PosckAre-LeisteN Musrany Steamzor ano Couric PRACrICe The Interplay of Military Strategy and Cultic Practice in Assyrian Politics fhis year two major exhibitions on don and New York under the title “Art and Empire. Treasures from Assyria.” ‘The analysis of art as expression of political ideology and propaganda represents a well- established topic of research in the field of Assyriology. In my paper 1 would like to focus on the pre-eminent role religion played in the ideology of the Assyrian king- dom. And I would like to show that cultic procedures can be used to pursue the same ideological intentions as art. An intensive study of the cultic and divi- natory practices as well as of the literary tradition and political ideology in Assyria shows that Assyrian culture is not a mere copy of Babylonian tradition and thought. On the contrary, we have to acknowledge the independant Assyrian contribution to the Mesopotamian cultural heritage.' Con- sequently, any cultural expressions ot in- stitutional phenomena in Assyria and Baby- lonia should be studied under the aspect of tradition and originality. The other very im- portant aspect to be observed is the just mentioned interdependence of polities on the one hand and religion, art and literature on the other, Nowhere in the history of Mesopotamia can this interplay better be shown than in Assyria due to the rich ma- terial of written sources and artefacts. With these two aspects in mind I would like to dedicate my following contribution to the institutionalyzation and meaning of the akitu-festival in Assyria. It is the pur- pose of this paper to show that one has to abandon the concept of an akitu celebrated in the same standardized and canonized form in both, Babylonia and Assyria. I would like to demonstrate to the contrary, that prevail- ing local political and cultic interests lead toa very special realization of the akitu-fes- tival in Assyria.* After his destruction of Babylon in 681 8c, Sennacherib re-organized the cult of Assur transfering the theology of Marduk to the Assyrian national god Assur.’ The intro- duction of the akitu-festival is part of this cult-transfer, But contrary to the tradition ‘of Babylon we do not find, for example, the splitting of the procession to the akitu- house into different stages, nor do we have any attestation for gods visiting from other cities of the empire. The imitation of the Babylonian model is limited to the building of the courtyard to accommodate the parak Simate, the place where the decision of the destinies takes place. As in Babylon, the symbolical background of the procession was the fight of Assur against Tiamat, as depicted also on the gate of the akitu- U. Koch Westenholz, Mesopotamian Astrology (Co- penhagen 1995) 43 witha, 7. Part of Mul.apin is based ‘on observations probably made ia Assyria, (Assurbaai pal’s coronation byma appended to a Babylonian text MB Summa alu copied from an original from Subartu) For a first approach to this topic see B. Pongratz S. Papel sed RM, Win os) ‘Ast 1995 Gein 15) Leisten, Jno Sule ir, Die kultopographisehe und leologische Programmatik dar alitwProzession in Babylonien und Assyrien im I. Iahrtausend v Ch. (1998) 384, P Loe. cit 60-64, 2sPonoasre-Lestes Murrany SraaTeay aso Cotste Practice house.“ The victory of A8éur over the chaos and his procession back to the city sym- bolized every year anew the adventus of the god ASSur and his first rank within the As- syrian pantheon, But this program was limited to the city of A&Sur. In the following, 1 would fike to demonstrate that the pro- ‘gram of the akitu as attested in other cities of the Assyrian empire is different from the traditional celebration we used to know. In her book on the Assyrian Temple, B. Menzel has listed all the cities of the Assy- rian empire whose patron gods received fin- ancial and cultic promotion. They include Assur, the traditional centre of the Assyrian cult, as well as the residences Kalhu, Dir Sarru-ken and Nineveh, the city of Arba’il and its neighbour Milgia, as well as Tarbisu, Kilizi, Kurbe’il, Guzana, Hadattu, Harran, Huzirina, Imgur-Bel, and Sibaniba. In Ba- bylonia, the cities of Babylon, Borsippa, Der, and Uruk have to be mentioned. The history of the cities in the Assyrian region goes back to the Middle Assyrian or some- times even the Old Assyrian periods. But it is only since the 9th century BC, when the Assyrian empire culminates in its expan- sion that one can detect a political signific- ance joined with the promotion of the cult of the patron god. For the following cities of the Assyrian empire an akite is attested: city deity ‘month Assur Assur Nisannu (Ist month) Arbe'l with Milgia Bear Ulu (6th month) Addaru (12th month)? Nineveh Bur Tebetu (10th month) Kilizi Adad Ajjaru 2nd month) Kurbsil Adad ? Barran sin Ajjacu nd month) In Babylonia it is attested in the following cities city deity month Babylon Marduk Nisannw/Tasritu (sv/7th month) Der Anu Nisannu/Tasrim In order to pursue the question of why an akitu-festival had been established in these cities at the moment of the political climax of the Assyrian empire we have to look at their geographical situation and their mili- tary significance for Assyrian polities, There- fore, let me point out in brief terms in the following the strategical position ofthese cities. ‘sv/Tth month) Kilizi I will start with Kilizi, which is attested already in MA times, It is situated a day's journey east of the residence of Kalu on the road between Nineveh and the region of Kirkuk, which transpasses the Greater Zab. During the first millennium at the latest, + W.G. Lambert, “The Great Battle of the Mesopotamian Religious Year." Iraq 25 (1963) 188. * See Priam Fragmt. 82:5-22,2 (Bauer, IWA, pls. 59f, 246 p30) and new edition and discussion hy &. Weissert in this volumeKilizi was the capital of an Assyrian prov- ince. King Assurnasitpal took Kilizi as a starting point for his campaign against Za- mua, The patron-god of the city was Adad, who, during the first millennium, became fone of the favorite gods in northwestern Mesopotamia, ‘To my knowledge there is only one piece of evidence for the akitu-festival of Adad, tis an rather fragmentary letter* addressed to Esarhaddon or Assurbanipal. According to S, Parpola’s transcription the respective ies can be translated as follows (On the 6th of Ajjaru, Adad will set off and take up residence in the akits, The exorcist, the lamentation priest, and the king, my lord, will enter after Adad has. in his temple.” Itmay be assumed that this letter informs the king about the hierarchical order of the procession. Kurberil Similar to Kilizi, Kurba’i is the capital of a Neo-Assytian province, The earliest evi- dence of the city originates from the times of Shalmaneser II, who de: to its patron-god Adad. Adad was the city- god of Kurba’il and is mentioned in the adé-treaty between Matiilu and ASSur- iti V.* Unfortunately. Kurba'il has not yet been located. It is assumed to be in prox- imity of the Urartian border, because, in a letter to Sargon 11” the herald Gabbu-ana- ASSur reports to the king that his messen- gers are in permanent contact with govern- rated a statue © ABL 1197, coll by 8. Parpola, LAS 11262. 2 Bisgp up ¢ kas Mat te bi Hino $4 a hi-fe S0-0b 290 ye uns! Mona" [evo bet Ur} M0 od a eu Mer-ra-bu saa t02 VEIT, # SAV IIS, SAA X 329 9-07: PLomonet) “Kurta! ina PonoiavrzLarrey Mumrany Srearecy axb Cenc Paacrice| ots of three cities watching the Urartian king. The information that the Urartian king hhas not left TuruSpa shows that the garrison of Kurbatl served as a listening post for the Assyrian intelligence service and must have been situated in a strategically suitable place in its proximity, We have only a single, but very clear attestation for an akitu-festival of Adad in Kurbg’il, In a letter to Esarhaddon, the high- est lamentation priest Urad-Ea informs the king about the procedure of the ritual: The gods) of Kurbsil set off (forthe aku temple) under my [direetiJon, and the gar- ments of the king go (along). Year after year, they 20 on like this; the penitential psalm is performed over them, (and the {gods) bless the king, my lord, Let the king, my lord, order that they give the garments."® The akin-festival is not explicitly men- tioned, but itis suggested by the description of the ritual complex which corresponds exactly to the description of the akitu-fest val of Sin in Harran, A further indication lies in the fact that the rites mentioned are performed every year. From another letter (BM 79099) published by J. MacGinnis," we know that weavers of Arba’il went to Kurba'il to produce garments. The content of the above mentioned letter of Urad-Ea implies that there was no need for the physi cal presence of the king. Represented by his garments he could receive the blessing of the gods. The kuzippu-garments of the king played a very important role in the rituals and replaced the presence of the king not only during the akftu-festival."* pacna-)-a Mi-Aa-ab-bid "he-sip-Upt Ka went TB taku 8a arta ane) ort" Rare ‘uu easiagncd Mn oul inde. pads arn Lua e-t-ia i-kar mba "uc }ont bei e-eom li san Ukucp-pi eden N'SAAB 2 (1988) 67-72. © CAD K, 61659, kuzip b) 27PONGRATZ-LEISTEN MILITARY STRATEGY ASD CULTIC PRACTICE Harran To the west of Kurba’il, Harrin, another big Assyrian garrison, is situated. It is close t0 modern Urfa. The ancient city of Harran was a stage on the Assyrian trade route between the Mediterranean and the plains of the Middic Tigris as well as on the Baby- lonian route from Malatya to Babylon down the Euphrates. During the first millennium, Harran develops into a very important mili tary garrison controling northwestern Mes. opotamia, It also serves as one of the out- posts against Anatolia, The history of Har- ran can be traced back to the third millen- nium, and the cult of the city-god, the moon god Sin, to the Mati-period. Since the 9th century, Harran was part of the Assyrian Empire. The fact, that Harrin is the only Assyrian city besides Assur to be given the Kidinntita in the time of Sargon 11 attests to its great political significance. Under the Sargonid kings and especially under Assur- banipal, the moon-god Sin plays an import- ant role in the ideology and propaganda of the king.” There is more than one piece of evidence for the existence of an akitu-house and festival for Sin, In a letter to Esarhad~ don from 670 Bc, when Harran was the centre of a rebellion against the king, the lamentation-priest reports to the king as fol- lows: On the 17th day, Sin sets off and takes up residence in the aktiu-temple. Let the king, my lord, order that they give the garments; I should b[ring them] with me, The peniten- tial psalm will be [performed ov[er them], hhe will bless the king, [my lord], and give a life of dis{tant dlays to the king, [my] lord,"* ‘The described procedure of the ritual com- plex parallels exactly the ceremony of the akitu-festival of Adad in Kurba’il with the akitu-house explicitly named. Here too, the ptesence of the king is guaranteed by his garments, and here as well, the king receives the blessing of the god after the procession Before proceeding to the akitu of [Star of Nineveh and Istar of Arba'il, which is char- acterized by a very special function, 1 would like to dicuss the akitw of Anu in the city of Der. Der Déris situated in southeastern Babylonia on the border of Elam. Since the third millen- nium, it was a much embattled city, as it served as the starting point for campaigns against Elam, With the Assyrian conquest of Babylonia, Der became the military glacis for steady conflicts with Elam. Under Sennacherib, all the garrisons on the border of Elam were put under the control of the commanding officer of Dér."® The situation of Der as a strategically important post on the Elamite border is men- tioned explicitly in a Jetter of Mar-Tstar to Esathaddon."* In it, he reports on the resto- ration of the temple of Der and asks for a bodyguard and an Assyrian master-builder to come. In another letter to Esarhaddon, the prin cipal exorcist Marduk-Sakin-Sumi discusses the introduction of an intercalary month and the resulting postponement of the akitu-fes- tival in Babylon.” He gives some informa- tion on the ritual procedure. Following this ©, PongeatzsLeiste, “Ani Vegel Sr das en oem arsan” jn. U. FinkbeinerR. Ditnannt: Hauptmann {66s Beitrage cur Kulurgescielte Vorderasiens 19 sas 8 SAA X38: 71 reso’ Labi Ming oki eb cat ect! am tun TEgupep ltd nad “fishsiée Metbilal PHelesaanes ina Twat} 248 nnd) pads a-na wens [esta] '-kar-[rab] "patos na-plital) "Ke vlosme rig) “ana pont be-l-[ia) "edacan © OW 1139 I,S6fr Sa x 340 LIE saa x 253,description we find the short remark: “(The ceremJonies of the city of Dér are con- ducted in the same way.” To my knowledge this is the only evi- dence for an akitu celebrated for Anu, the patton-god of the city of Der during the time of the Sargonids, Based on the sources we may assume that the procedure and function of the akitu-fes- tival of the goddesses IStar of Nineveh and [star of Arba’il was the same which is not surprising, as both goddesses during the time of Esarhaddon and Assurbanipal share the function of delivering oracles to the king in very crucial political moments" in addition to their warlike aspect. Nineveh According to Assurbanipal’s report on his restoration work at the akztu-house in Nine- veh, its beginnings date back to the time of Sargon 1.” In his hymn to [star of Nineveh, Assurbanipal mentions the procession of T5- tar from her temple #148 was to the akitu- house on the 16th of Tebétu."® An inscrip- tion of Assurbanipal gives us the precise function of this procession.” As for Tammaritu, Pe’, Humban-baltas, who had exercised the sovereignty of Blam cone after the other but whom Thad subjected to my yoke through the might of ASSur and Povosare-Letsres Musraay Sraateoy axo Cutnic Pascrice Bitar, and Uwaite the king of Arabia, whose defeat I had necomplished by the command of ASSur and IStar and whom I had brought ‘out of his land to Assyria ~ after I had gone up into & ta5.mAs, the seat of their dominion, to make sacrifices and had performed the rites of the bit akiti in the presence of BStar/Ninlil, the mother of the great gods. the beloved consort of A8Sur, I had them grasp the yoke of the carriage and they drew it under me as far as the gate of the sanctuary. Accompanying the goddess to her akitu- house, the king uses the procession as an occasion for his criumphus® displaying the captured kings of Blam and Arabia put to the yoke of his chariot, A similar situation can be pointed out for the akitw in Arbavil. Arberil Arba’il is situated at the border of the west- ern threshold of the Zagros. In ancient times, it controlled the Northern access to the Ira- nian plateau, From Arba’il, passing the west- em bank of Lake Urmia it was possible to invade the land of Urartu. Arbaril owes its strategical significance for Assyrian poli- tics to this favourable situation in respect to the Northern and Northeastern neighbours of Assyria, This importance is still percep- tible in Achaemenid times in the form of a big military camp.” 9 M4 Woipport, “Asssrische Prophetion dor Zait Asar- hhaddons und Assurbanipals,” i BM, Fales (4. A355" ran Royol Inscriptions: New Horizons (1981) 71-1 idem, “Die Bildsprache der neuassyrischen Prophetiea, in: H. WeippervK. SeyboldiM. Weipner, Beirdge prophetischenBildsprace in oraet wid Asssrien (1985) 55.93; idem, “Aspekieisracitischer Prophet im Lichte verwandier Erscheinungen des Alten Oriens.” in: G MaueriU. Magen. ad bene et fideliter seminandum, FS Deller, AOAT 220 (1988) 267-319; S. Parpols, SAA IX, {nrrodiction, in press "RC. Thompson, PEA 36 V 339% 2 SAA IIT. 31 YAR 7,82 col. X 17-30, new reading and translation by A.R, George, BiOr 33 (1996) 376: """Tom-ma-r-th "Pace "Umman-aldas 4a tom acharnet epic ‘ectut xu sata "a ina emu gf an sha wis en” ie SS esakemicss cone MuDiNia VC-aa-te? a 0 Acricbi ama git SAR 048 BAD, BAD SH dS-om aca woe al-gast aon xR ASGAP” Male cone nasa vou sin lie *Ping Ein aa Sbat Ev 2 machar *NLNL AN OCI Gal hi eta acramth 9-855 Pept GAREN d-ki-stSCDUN Pig Seedandi etd-ay-bit-su-nuct! Mandl x6 eu Veda de ina R17. 2S. Verena, Triumphs. An Inquty into the Origin, evelopment and Meaning ofthe Roman Triumph (1970) 2A, Kuli, “Achaemenid Babylonia: Sources nd Pro Jems. in: H. Sancsi-WeendenburgA, Kuh, Achoeme. nid History £1990) 1858; S. Dalley, “Nineveh ater 612 BC,” AoF 20 (1993) 134-87 9Ponapare-LeIsrex Miciragy Sreateay axp CULTHC PRACTICE As S. Parpola pointed out, the akiru- house of [Star of Arba’il situated in the near~ by Milgia has been rebuilt twice: once in “the reign of Esarhaddon, subsequent to the conquest of Egypt in 671 B.C,” and “once in the reign of Assurbanipal, following two victorious campaigns to Elam and Gambulu (ca. 653 BC). In either case, the goddess and the king set off for a pompous erab ali from the akituchouse to the city. In a letter from the reign of Esathaddon” dated in the month of Ulu the sender discusses the problem of whether it should be the king or the goddess to enter the city first during the procession from the akiruchouse to the city of Arba’. ‘The letter reads as follows in the translation of S. Parpola:” Tomorrow, (either) Satru-Istar will leave Milgia early and enter (the city of Arba"il) before the king, whereupon the king will enter, or the king will enter (che city first) and IStar thereafter. Let the king, my lord, ‘write which way is preferable to the king. my lord. Petitaps tar (will set out) from that direction and the king from this direc tion; how will the king, my lord, present hhimaself in the sight of tar? It seems that until the moment of the triumphant procession of Esarhaddon after his campaign to Egypt there was no empiri- cal experience how to organize the common procession of the king and the goddess. However, Assurbanipal did not have this 2 1.88 11196 sub date % ABL 1161, Parpoa, LAS I, 159 with», 304 > thi 2 hid, Victor? Saver Moy eat “Mitgea Masharsrapu pasan wont tered M-da-a-t Lent rab Miaea went era Viedacecti So trea ie 44 ing pacan wwont ex-ia macbi-recn’ PLven. bet I ina pitt leve-pt a a Minton SN Fa" armma-kE oat TAP anenackaYaokeve Laat, belt ina 8a tt ta sin “mage ina mubebi Sten ® ggse-apera i 2° EE, Weidner, Af0 8 (1932/33) 184 1 431: Pa-na-ku Ryoghmct-a Leak Rum ao8An alta saxon” Satrt apquene pik isinend La-kiet atomic bu S088 250 problem anymore. He says of himself: having offered surnptous sacrifices to Satru, having performed the festival of the bit akin, and having token hold of the reins of {the chariot of) [tar 1, Assurbanipal, king of Assyria, triumphantly entered the city of Abel with Dunana, Samgunu, Aplt and the severed head of Teumman, whom Ister my Indy, had surrendered to me." Out of this text we can deduce the ele- ments of the ritual complex of the akitu-fes- tival for Itar: sactifices for Star in the akitu-house and subsequently the triumphal procession to the city. Another element possibly contained in it, is the so called war-ritual ~ recently re-edited by K, Del- lec — because the erab ali of the king is mentioned in the ritual text. After the per- formance of the war-ritual the text says: After the king has conquered his enemy, he puts on the jewellery and hangs the lyre on his shoulder, He stands before the gods and sacrifices are given to them, He kisses the ‘ground and orders the erdb ati for the mili tary camp. He enters the gersu, The meal is served. The king rejoices.” For the akitu-festivals in Nineveh and Arba’il we are able to define not only the procession to the akitu-house but also other ritual elements of the whole ceremony. They include: the banget in the akitu-house, the procession back to the city defined as triumphus of the king, and the war-ritual. “petar ina 85" Deena-ni'So-am-guena hau.s-ia w x40 is sac.v ‘Te-umman ives. KUR Sica" Sa tar ‘nay mena gti Pore "Arbacil espa ina ©. Deller, “Newsssysische Rituale fUr den Binsatz der Gaitersiteitwagen,” i: B, Pongratz-Leisten/K, Delle/B, Bleibtreu, Gatiersteitwagen und Gotterstandarten: Got ter auf dem Feldzug und ihr Kult im Feldlager, BaM 23 (3992) 341-46, 8 hid. 343: 94Fma rcs Macon kta tad dems gf -na-di-8 "aac ing nag-la-bi-G e-lal ne 1h ONoK™ aEIak unvstsKUR™ pete Peg quer t nactig *Yet-rad unt cena macdahete up-pard8 "a nla erst evra nap-tnene Gstean We leat bade‘The Assyrian sources on the akftu-festi- val in the above mentioned cities of the Assytian empire yield the following result These cities were either residences of the Assyrian kings or important garrisons, built as strongholds and listening posts on the borders of the Assyrian empire with Anato- Jia in the northwest, Urarta in the north, the Manneans in the northeast, and Elam in the southeast."" These strategically important cities, exposed on the Assyrian borders, re- quired special financial investment and ad- ministration, which is evoked in the royal correspondance. The paramount military role of these cit- ies presupposed the support and the promo- tion of the cult of their respective patron- gods. Certainly, the cult of each patron-god was already established before its respec- tive city was incorporated to the Assyrian empire, But at the moment when the city was rebuilt into a military garrison, the cult of the city god also experienced a special financial and theological promotion. This can be shown for example in the case of Sin of Harran. This promotion is quite under- standable, considering the fact that the As- syrian king wanted to be helped and pro- tected by the patron-god of a border garri- son in close proximity to his enemies. Starting from these pragmatic aspects, we should ask which elements of the symbolic system of the akitu of Babylon were adop- ted by the Assyrians, and in what way were they transformed in order to respond to the needs of Assyrian ideology. As everybody knows, the akitu-hous. Babylon was situated outside the city in the region symbolizing the anti-order and the paradigmatic situation of chaos, that is, the séru.” Speaking in terms of religious geog- Posanarz-Leterex Matsraty Sinatpay ax CuLn€ Practic: raphy, the chaos is placed directly outside the city, which represents order and actual power. In other words, in the mental map of the cultic topography. the way to reach the chaotic part of the universe is shortened to make ritual procedures possible By his procession from his temple Esagi- {a to the akituchouse outside the city walls of Babylon the god Marduk gains anew every year control over the part of the os- mos that symbolizes the anti-order. By as- sociating the procession with the battle of the gods and the victory over chaos, the expressive function, or, with Vitruvius the venustas of the akitu-house, can be defined as a guarantee for the re-establishment and the reorganization of the traditional world- order. A similar funetion can be determined for the Assyrian akftuchouses. But contrary to Babylonia, the function of the Assyrian festival- houses cannot be interpreted any more on the basis of the symbolic and my- thological codes. It can be seen, to the con- trary, as a very assurance against the con- stant threat of the people of the surrounding mountains. The essential element chosen by the Assyrians from the Babylonian ritual complex is the procession of the gods, which is performed either with the king physically attending the celebration, as in Assur, Nineveh, and Arbwil or with the king only symbolically represemted by his gar- ments as in the other cities. In both, Babylonia and Assyria, this pro- cession celebrates anew every year the ad- ventus and the otiginal taking possession of the city by its patron-god. The important distinction to be made in the cultural com- plexes of Assyria and Babylonia is the rep- resentation of power connected with the cakitu-festival 4 simitae connection between cultand politics is tobe observed in the Leviti cities: Cheon. 11:13-17: see B Mazar, "The Cites of the Proests und the Levites.” VTS 7 (1960) 193-207; ¥, Akaroni, The Land of the Bible (1986) 273.1 would like so hank B, Oded for bringing these references ro my anention, 2P°B, Pongeatz-Leisto, Ina Sulmi irub, 4-78, asPonoeavz-Leisray Musraay STRATEGY axp Corti PRACTICE The journey of the gods from several cit- ies of Babylonia to Babylon to attend the procession strengthens the cultic bonds of the periphery to the capital, which implicit- ly underscore the paramount status of Baby- Jon on the political level. The Babylonian national god Marduk is the central figure of the cultic events, and by the hommage ren- dered by the visiting gods and the pantheon of Babylon his pre-eminent position is pro- claimed anew every year. Concerning the self-presentation of the Babylonian king, the legitimatory aspect of his power is high- lighted by the recitation of the so-called ‘negative confession” which is, in fact, a justification of his actions before the cit- izens of Babylon and the god Marduk. In Assyria, however, the procession of the city-gods in the respective military gar- risons serves to visualize the presence of the king in this peripheral region, even if it occurs only symbolically through his gar- ments. With the exception of the city of ASSur, it is not the national god A8Sur who is the central figure of the cultic events. Rather, the Assyrian king is at the centre, accompanied by the respective patron-god whose blessing the king receives after the akitu-festival. In Assyria, the net of power is not produced by the visiting gods coming from the periphery to the centre of the em- pire, but the Assyrian king departs from the centre toward the periphery. Hence, in Bab- ylonia the movement within the cultic-topo- graphical space can be described as cen- tripetal, whereas in Assyria it is a centrif- ugal one."* ‘Coming back to my initial remark that art and religion may be mobilized for the same political propaganda, I would like to cite one example from the domain of arts pur- suing the same intention as demonstrated above for the ritual Jevel. As pointed out by Mario Liverani, in As- sytia the king’s presence is documented in the periphery of his empire by the visual documentation of stelaes or rock-reliefs set up in the mountains, Besides, in addition to the very technical meaning of the celebra- tory stela, delimiting the state border and marking the possession of the universe by the king, “other metaphorical implications can be pointed out. Concerning space, if we view the border as an elastic perimeter that follows the outwards displacement of the king, the stela (with name and image of the King) acts as a substitute of his presence in order to keep the perimeter fixed at the farthest point, even when the king returns to a more central position.” Carved image and religious festival are codes symbolizing the constant presence and control of the Assyrian king over the space of the anti-order at the command of the gods. Hence, for the Assyrian kings, the very meaning of the akitu-festival is not that of legitimizing power but of visualizing and enacting his territorial claim of controling the universe. % B. Pongratz-Leisten, “Das ‘negative Sndenbekennt nis" des Konigs anliBich des babylonisehen Newjahes festes and die Kidinntzu von Babylon.” in: J. Assmann (ed) Sehuld wd [densit, pres. 282 © Graf, “Umatige und Prozessionen. Raum und Reli- sion in der griechisch-romischem Ante,” in: F. Grav. Hornung (eds.), Wandernngen (1995) 85-112. ML Liverani, Prestige and Interest (Padua 1980) 59.