Much of the Western World has some form of capitalism in its worldview DNA.

And so people
have begun to use market based theories to describe supply and demand outside of traditionally
economic fields of study. Stark and Bainbridge proposed that even religions in America ought to
be examined within the lens of marketplace theory. (Shoemaker, 4:30). In their theory they
propose at their core that “People are naturally religious and religion meets human needs,
therefore the demand for religion remains constant. It is in human nature to seek rewards and
avoid costs, people make choices and they weigh up the benefits of different available options.”
(Bainbridge, et. al.).

Effectively, religious marketplace theory teaches that America is a pluralistic society and
therefore the religious marketplace is highly competitive. Through the “laws” of supply and
demand, religious institutions must fight for their place in the religious market. (Shoemaker 5a,
4:20). From a demand side, religious consumers seek institutions that best fit their personal
needs and desires. (Shoemaker 5a, 7:52). This can look like anything from finding a religious
tradition that meets your political sensitivities, finding a congregation that offers child
programming, or finding a congregation closer to your home. From a supply side there are two
main ways to affect the religious market: rent seeker and supply side religious marketing.
(Shoemaker 5b, 1:55). The former is more nefarious than the latter. Rent seeking in the
religious marketplace is the idea of increasing your social capital through means outside of
natural economic growth. Many religious institutions do this by lobbying the government or
through the establishment of parachurch ministries. (Shoemaker 5b 2:00). This can raise the
status of the religious institution in the eyes of the public, can help remove legal barriers for their
tradition (or add barriers for others), or make the institution more prestigious. The other path of
increasing the religious institutions' stake in the religious marketplace is supply side religious
marketing. (Shoemaker, 8:23). This can look like anything from offering programming that
appeals to the target audience, offering multiple services with a variety of worship styles, and
offering comfortable seating and relaxed dress codes.

I live in the Park Cities, a suburb of Dallas that boasts one of the highest median incomes in the
state of Texas. I found the three closest Presbyterian Church’s to my house. All three fall within
the physical and geographical boundaries of Park Cities. All three churches are from three
distinct Presbyterian denominations, yet share the same root tradition of being Presbyterian. All
three websites offer some commitment to the same theological document, the Westminster
Confession of Faith. And every one of these churches meets the definition of being a Mega-
Church.

Highland Park Presbyterian is the largest and most well endowed of the three churches
examined. (Comptroller). Highland Park Presbyterian is from a denominational tradition that
views itself theologically conservative in their stance on Human Sexuality, and yet theologically
accommodating in their relationship to women in ordained ministry. From the very first page on
their website, it is clear that Highland Park Presbyterian Church has fully embraced the idea of
the religious marketplace theory. Their website is attractive in their layout, uses contemporary
language, and features several prominent photos of young adults. It is clear from a marketing
perspective that the church is trying to appeal to the neighborhood demographic.
Programmatically, Highland Park Presbyterian Church’s website advertises 6 services
throughout the day. There is an early morning and late morning traditional service, there are mid
morning and early afternoon contemporary services, there is a service conducted in Mandarin,
and a service targeted at the African Refugee population of Dallas. The church offers intensive
programs for children, young adults, and seniors. The website advertises there is a parking
shuttle to take you from a secondary parking lot to the church itself.

From an advertising perspective their “who we are” section on their website the church claims to
be multicultural and multigenerational. The church advertises a variety of programming from
musical programs, youth programs, and recreation ministries. The church has a coffee shop, full
gym, and track and encourages the community to use their facilities.

Park Cities Presbyterian is the second largest of the three churches I examined. PCPC is a
church within in conservative denomination of presbyterianism. In the religious marketplace,
PCPC’s website advertises mostly on their theological distinctives and ties to parachurch
ministries. On their website PCPC makes it abundantly clear “this is what sets us apart.” In the
religious marketplace, PCPC is raising their supplyside capital by appealing to the demand of a
theological niche in the market. PCPC’s website tells a story of doctrinal clarity and effective
ecclesiastical church government. Whereas HPPC was advertising programmatic incentives to
raise their market share, PCPC almost seems to be communicating that they aren't
programmatic. Park Cities Presbyterian almost seems to be trying to raise their market share by
setting themselves against the other Presbyterian churches in the neighborhood. Between a
distinct lack of advertised programming and a heavy emphasis on doctrinal and ecclesiastical
distinctives, PCPC advertises their market share in a way that communicates “we aren't the
other guys.”

In a rent seeking manner, PCPC puts a heavy emphasis on their connection to Reformed
Theological Seminary in Dallas. On their “messages” page, the church advertises how students
from the seminary regularly teach at the church. On their staff page they prominently advertise
the staff that have come from the seminary or who work at both institutions. By contributing
prominently to the only Presbyterian Seminary in the region, they can help ensure the future of
presbyterianism looks like their tradition.

First Presbyterian is the smallest of the three churches examined. First Pres is from a
theologically liberal denomination that has a theologically progressive view on women in
ministry and human sexuality. The church’s website promotes their impact before their
theological differences or even their programming. Where the other two churches emphasize
their theological differences and their programming, First Pres emphasizes how they have
positively impacted the community. They also emphasize that they are a welcoming community
and that they are an inclusive community. From the marketplace theory it seems as if they are
trying to get congregants through their social impact and through their political and theological
leanings.
Their website also emphasizes the church’s historacity. The website advertises that First Pres
was instrumental in planting HPPC. They are making an appeal to potential congregants that
they are the more historic congregation and that they have more historic grounding.

In all three cases it is clear that religious marketplace theory helps drive decisions in marketing.
HPPC has used supply side economic theories to offer programs that consumers can take
advantage of. The congregation offers programming that the community can take advantage of
but brings the congregation through the door. The congregation offers transportation to
secondary parking to increase their community presence and to increase their comfort. PCPC
uses demand side market theory to market to a niche religious community. And they use rent
taking strategies in the way they contribute and tie themselves to the seminary. And First
Presbyterian church uses demand side economic strategies in the way they appeal to a historic
precedent.

In all three cases market theory has to drive their decisions. The three churches are fighting for
market share in a relatively confined space. There are only so many presbyterians in the Park
Cities. And beyond having to compete with each other, there are other religious traditions and
denominations fighting for the same people. Some people might be drawn into more traditional
mainline denominations and others yet into newer evangelical ones. In a society where religious
demand is decreasing, suppliers have increased competition (Ruhr, 23). Beyond having to
adapt to the changing religious landscape, all three of these congregations examined are mega-
churches. It is often quipped that Dallas is the buckle of the Bible belt, and the amount of mega-
churches in the city is of note. However, with that they carry the unique challenges of being
mega churches. All three of these congregations appeal to their flexibility. (Ruhr, 25). I attend
one of these congregations, and in the last 5 years we have absorbed two smaller
congregations into our own. The religious marketplace rewards flexibility and consumer focused
strategies.
Citations

(PCA), Park Cities Presbyterian Church. “About PCPC.” Park Cities Presbyterian Church
(PCA) in Dallas, TX, pcpc.org/about/. Accessed 21 Nov. 2023.

Accounts, Texas Comptroller of Public. Texas Tax-Exempt Entity Search,

comptroller.texas.gov/taxes/exempt/search.php. Accessed 21 Nov. 2023.

Handbook of Megachurches on JSTOR, www.jstor.org/stable/10.1163/j.ctv2gjwndw.

Accessed 22 Nov. 2023.

“Ministries Archive.” Highland Park Presbyterian Church, hppres.org/ministries#kids-

students. Accessed 21 Nov. 2023.

Shoemaker, Terry. “Lecture 5a.”

Shoemaker, Terry. “Lecture 5b.”

Who We Are, fpcdallas.org/who-we-are. Accessed 21 Nov. 2023.