Final Annexure

ANNEXURE 1
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July 21, 2023 1:50PM EDT | Dispatches
Indian Government Finally Responds to Violence in Manipur

Video of Sexual Assault Leads Prime Minister Modi to Break Silence
Meenakshi Ganguly
Deputy Asia Director
mg2411
A demonstration against sexual violence targeting women and ongoing ethnic violence in India's northeastern state of Manipur, in
Imphal, July 21, 2023. © 2023 AFP via Getty Images
For more than two months, India’s Manipur state has been wracked by ethnic violence between
Kuki tribal groups and the majority Meitei community. More than 100 lives have been lost and tens
of thousands displaced.
But it was only after a video emerged this week from May 4 showing a Meitei mob stripping and
parading two Kuki women that India’s ruling Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) decided to react.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi called the incident a

“disgrace for the entire country.” The BJP’s chief minister in Human Rights…
Manipur state, N. Biren Singh, announced arrests, defending @hrw · Follow
the delay in responding to the police complaint in May by After a horrific video showing the
claiming, bizarrely, that “hundreds of similar cases have sexual assault of two women in
taken place” and explaining “[t]hat is why the Internet has India’s Manipur state went viral,
there have been protests across
been shut.”
the country.
Internet bans are not a solution to inadequate law The attack on the women is just
enforcement and cause further harm by restricting access to one incident of many that have
gone unaddressed by authorities.
credible information, with rumors inciting retaliatory
attacks.
Watch on X
The government failed to act in this case despite police

having witnessed the violence. After a large Meitei mob
attacked the village in Kangpokpi district, two men and three
women – including the two women filmed in the May 4 video
– found themselves trapped. The complaint filed with the
police said officers had rescued the five who were then
"snatched by the violent mob." The mob killed the men and
then sexually assaulted the women, one of whom reported 9:01 PM · Aug 3, 2023
being gang-raped.
105 Reply S…
Civil society activists have alleged that Chief Minister Singh Read 7 replies
has fueled divisiveness in Manipur with political patronage
to violent groups named in this case in the Hindu-majority
Meitei community. He has accused the Christian-majority
Kuki tribal group of being involved in drug trafficking and providing sanctuary to refugees from
Myanmar.
The government ordered that the video be removed to protect the privacy of survivors and prevent
incitement to violence, even as the Supreme Court called for action against this “grossest of human
rights violations.”
ANNEXURE 2
Mid-Day Follow
Manipur: Fresh violence in Imphal, two houses torched

Story by Agencies • 5h
Manipur: Fresh violence in Imphal, two houses torched

© Provided by Mid-Day
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F resh violence broke out in Manipur`s Imphal West district where at least two
houses were set on fire and several rounds of bullets were fired, police said on
Thursday. The incident happened in New Keithelmanbi in Patsoi police station area
around 10 pm on Wednesday, they said. After the attack, the accused fled the spot,
triggering tension in the area, they added.
Security forces and fire services personnel brought the blaze under control, police said. A
mob of Meitei women who gathered in the area following the incident was prevented
by the security forces from proceeding further, they said. Additional security has been
deployed and the situation is under control, police said.
Related video: Manipur violence case: Seiminlun Gangte brought to Patiala House
Court in Delhi (ANI Video)
ANI Video
Manipur violence case: Seiminlun Gangte brought to Patiala House

Court in Delhi
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More than 180 people lost their lives and several hundreds were injured since the ethnic
clashes broke out in Manipur on May 3, after a `Tribal Solidarity March` was organised in
the hill districts to protest against the Meitei community`s demand for Scheduled Tribe
status.
This story has been sourced from a third party syndicated feed, agencies. Mid-day
accepts no responsibility or liability for its dependability, trustworthiness, reliability and
data of the text. Mid-day management/mid-day.com reserves the sole right to alter,
delete or remove (without notice) the content in its absolute discretion for any reason
ANNEXURE 3
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News / India / Manipur Violence News Live Updates: CBI team in Manipur amid disquiet over killing of two Meitei teens
Manipur Violence News Live Updates: CBI

team in Manipur amid disquiet over killing of
two Meitei teens
Written by Anamni Gupta +1 More
New Delhi | Updated: September 27, 2023 20:49 IST
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Manipur News Live Updates: Students run away during a protest against the killing of two youths who
were allegedly kidnapped in July, after the police Nred tear gas shells and baton-charged the protestors, in
Imphal, Tuesday, Sept. 26, 2023. More than 30 students, mostly girls, were injured. (PTI Photo)
Manipur News Today Live Updates: As photographs confirming the killing of two
missing Meitei teens triggered unrest in Manipur again, Congress national president
Mallikarjun Kharge today targeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding sacking
of the state's "incompetent" chief minister.
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Manipur Latest News Live Updates: As photographs confirming the killing of

two missing Meitei teens triggered unrest in Manipur again, Congress national
president and Leader of Opposition in Rajya Sabha Mallikarjun Kharge today
targeted Prime Minister Narendra Modi demanding sacking of the state’s
“incompetent” chief minister. Further, a team of 10 CBI officers, along with the
Special Director, reached Manipur today to probe the incident, reported PTI.
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“For 147 days, people of Manipur are suffering, but PM Modi does not have time
to visit the state… High time Prime Minister Narendra Modi sacks BJP’s
incompetent Manipur chief minister,” Kharge wrote on X. Meanwhile, the
Manipur government has extended the contentious Armed Forces Special Powers
Act (AFSPA) in hill areas of state for 6 months, effective October 1. This area,
declared ‘disturbed’, excludes 19 police stations of valley, an official notification
said.
More than two months after they went missing, two photographs of the
youngsters have emerged confirming that they had been killed. The deaths led to
fresh protests by Meiteis in the valley areas of the northeastern state on Tuesday.
External Affairs Minister S Jaishankar Tuesday said that efforts are being made
by the state and the Central governments to find a way to restore normalcy in the
state.
LIVE BLOG
Manipur News Live Updates: Protests erupt, internet snapped after
photographs confirm deaths of two missing Meitei youths; follow latest updates
from Manipur here.
20:49 (IST)
27 SEP 2023
'Disheartening to see state's refusal to accept responsibility': Mamata Banerjee

West Bengal CM Mamata Banerjee took to X to express solidarity with the people
of Manipur, and offered condolences to the kin of the two Meiti teens. "My
heartfelt condolences to the grieving families of the two young souls in Manipur.
The pain and sorrow reflected in the cries of their mothers have deeply affected
me. It is disheartening to witness the state government's refusal to accept
responsibility and the central government's failure to ensure accountability. The
recent violence against peaceful student protesters in Imphal is unacceptable,"
she wrote.
My heartfelt condolences to the grieving families of the two young souls in

Manipur. The pain and sorrow reflected in the cries of their mothers have deeply
affected me. It is disheartening to witness the state government's refusal to
accept responsibility and the central…
— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) September 27, 2023
18:49 (IST)
27 SEP 2023
CBI reaches Manipur to probe killing of 2 Meiti teens

CBI team has reached Manipur to help probe into killing of two youths, CM N
Biren Singh said, reported PTI.
15:28 (IST)
27 SEP 2023
AFSPA extended to hill areas of state

Manipur government extended the contentious Armed Forces Special Powers Act
(AFSPA) in hill areas of state for 6 months beginning October 1. This area
excludes 19 police stations of valley, PTI quoted an official notification as saying.
13:37 (IST)
27 SEP 2023
Who are Meitei?

Avvording to social scientists, a long history of invasions, plunder, and loss of
identity — including as a result of assimilation with the outside world — of the
Meitei, originally subjects of the thousands-of-years-old Manipuri kingdom,
cannot be uncoupled from the recent incidents in the state.
The Cheitharol Kumbaba, royal chronicles of Manipur that are the primary
source of information on its early rulers, trace the origin of the Meitei kingdom
of Kangleipak to 33 AD. The Meiteis are divided into seven Salai or clans —
Mangang, Luwang, Khuman, Angom, Moirang Kha, Ngangba, and Sarang
ANNEXURE 4
HOME / NEWS / INDIA
Manipur violence updates | Four

arrested in sexual assault case
PM Modi broke silence, assures stringent punishment for guilty with ‘full
might of law’
July 20, 2023 09:28 am | Updated 10:09 pm IST
THE HINDU BUREAU
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Deadly clashes, which have left at least 130 dead by the authorities’ conservative estimates, persist despite
the army’s presence in Manipur which now remains divided into two ethnic zones. File | Photo Credit: PTI
Tension mounted in the hills of Manipur after a May 4 video surfaced showing two
women from one of the warring communities being paraded naked by a few men
from the other side. The Manipur Police on July 20 arrested four accused after the
video of two tribal women being molested by a mob at a village in Senapati district
surfaced on social media.
Prime Minister Narendra Modi said the alleged incident has shamed 140 crore
Indians, asserting that law will act with its full might and no guilty will be spared.
“My heart is full of pain and anger,” he told reporters in his remarks ahead of
Parliament’s Monsoon Session, amid his criticism by Opposition parties for not
speaking on the ethnic violence in the northeast State. Meanwhile, the Congress
slammed the Centre after the video surfaced, with party president Mallikarjun
Kharge accusing the Narendra Modi Government of turning democracy into
“mobocracy”.
Chief Justice of India (CJI) D.Y. Chandrachud summoned both Attorney General and
Solicitor General, the two topmost law officers of the government in the country, to
convey that the court is “deeply disturbed” by the visuals. The Chief Justice, speaking
for the court, gave the Centre and Manipur government an ultimatum to either bring
the perpetrators to book or step aside for the judiciary to take action.
The government was ready for a discussion on the Manipur issue but the opposition
disrupted proceedings, making it clear that it has made up its mind to not let
Parliament function, Union Minister Piyush Goyal alleged on Thursday.
Lok Sabha and Rajya Sabha proceedings were adjourned for the day on the first day of
the Monsoon session, amid slogan shouting and demands for a discussion on the
situation in strife-hit Manipur.
Even outside Parliament, opposition parties, including the Congress, the Aam Aadmi
Party and the Samajwadi Party, have slammed the BJP government at the Centre over
the ethnic violence in Manipur and a May 4 video.
Here are the updates:
JULY 20, 2023 22:09
Manipur Police makes more arrests
Manipur police said in a statement that three more accused were

arrested in the “heinous crime of abduction and gangrape,” taking the
total number of arrests to four.
“The State Police is making all out efforts to arrest the other culprits at
the earliest. Raids are continuing,” police said.
JULY 20, 2023 20:16
Stop the violence immediately: Rahul Gandhi
Congress leader Rahul Gandhi hit out at PM Modi after the video
surfaced over social media.
Mr. Gandhi tweeted, “Prime Minister, the issue is not that it’s a shame
for the country. The issue is the immense pain and trauma inflicted on
the women of Manipur. Stop the violence immediately.”
JULY 20, 2023 20:09
Manipur mastermind arrested; thorough investigation

underway
The main culprit holding the woman in the video was arrested today
morning.
ANNEXURE 5
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Manipur violence: What is happening and

why
20 July
EPA
Women hold a sit-in protest against spiralling violence in Manipur
By Graeme Baker
BBC News
Ethnic violence has plunged the small Indian state of Manipur into what
many have dubbed a state of civil war as the two largest groups, the majority
Meitei and minority Kuki, battle over land and influence.
Shocking video emerged this week of an attack in May when two Kuki women
were paraded naked by Meitei men shortly aer their village was razed, in the
latest use of terror against women in the region.
Where is Manipur and who lives there?

The hilly north-east Indian state sits east of Bangladesh and borders Myanmar.
It is home to an estimated 3.3 million people.
More than half are Meiteis, while around 43% are Kukis and Nagas, the
predominant minority tribes.
What is happening?
At least 130 people have been killed and 400 wounded in violence that began
in May. More than 60,000 have been forced from their homes as the army,
paramilitary forces and police struggle to quell violence.
Police armouries have been looted, hundreds of churches and more than a
dozen temples ruined, and villages destroyed.
How did it start?
Tensions boiled over when Kukis began protesting against demands from the
Meiteis to be given official tribal status, which the Kukis argued would
strengthen their already strong influence on government and society, allowing
them to buy land or settle in predominantly Kuki areas.
But there are myriad underlying reasons. The Kukis say a war on drugs waged
by the Meitei-led government is a screen to uproot their communities.
Illegal migration from Myanmar has heightened tensions. There is pressure on

land use from a growing population and unemployment has pushed youth
towards the various militias.
Who is fighting whom?

Meitei, Kuki and Naga militias have for decades fought one another over
conflicting homeland demands and religious differences, and all sides have
clashed with India's security forces. The latest flare-up, however, is almost
entirely between the Meitei and the Kuki.
"This time, the conflict is strictly rooted in ethnicity, not religion," says Dhiren
A Sadokpam, editor of The Frontier Manipur.
Who are the Kuki and Meitei?

The Meitei have roots in Manipur, Myanmar and surrounding areas. The vast
majority are Hindu although some follow the Sanamahi religion. The Kukis,
mostly Christian, have spread across the north-east of India, and many of
those in Manipur can trace their roots back to Myanmar too.
Meiteis mostly live in the Imphal valley, while the Kukis live in the surrounding
hills and beyond.
Why are women being attacked and humiliated?

The BBC's Geeta Pandey in Delhi says the video is the latest example of rape
and sexual assault being used as instruments of violence in conflict, which can
oen worsen into a spiral of revenge attacks.
According to local media, the attack in May came aer fake reports a Meitei
woman had been raped by Kuki militiamen. This unleashed "a new, deadly
cycle of reprisal violence on Kuki tribal women allegedly by Meitei mobs", The
Print says.
EPA
Prime Minister Narendra Modi said the attack on the Kuki women had shamed India
What is the central government doing?

Prime Minister Narendra Modi had remained silent on the violence in Manipur
up until the video of the 4 May attack emerged this week. He said the incident
had "shamed India" and that "no guilty will be spared... what happened with
the daughters of Manipur can never be forgiven".
But many Indians are asking why it has taken so long for him to comment
publicly on Manipur.
The Indian government has deployed 40,000 soldiers, paramilitary troops and
police to the region in an attempt to stem the latest round of violence. So far,
it has resisted calls from tribal leaders to impose direct rule.
But the violence continues to spread and force more villagers from their
homes.
Who runs Manipur?

Mr Modi's Bharatiya Janata Party, which governs India, also runs the state
government in Manipur, led by N Biren Singh, a Meitei.
The Meitei also control 40 of the regional parliament's 60 seats despite

totalling 53% of the population. The Kukis say that Mr Singh's recent war on
the cultivation of poppy for the heroin trade targeted Kuki areas.
Mr Singh's government accused Kuki insurgent groups of inciting the

community.
Related Topics
Violence against women Women in India India
More on this story

ANNEXURE 6
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News / Opinion / Columns / The big picture in Manipur
Premium
The big picture in Manipur

Written by D.S. Hooda
Updated: June 26, 2023 10:39 IST
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The failure of the peace committee formed in Manipur indicates that reconciliation could work better
through external intervention by New Delhi. (Express Photo)
Crisis in the state calls for a long-term strategy that reassures communities of their
physical, social, cultural, and economic security
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Listen to this article
00:00 1x 1.5x 1.8x
A tragedy is unfolding before our eyes in the “jewelled land” of Manipur. Violent
mobs have turned on their neighbours, forcing people of the Meitei and Kuki
communities to flee their homes, internally displacing more than 50,000 persons.
This grim scene harks back to the 1990s when the Naga-Kuki conflict uprooted
350 Kuki villages. The scars of the 1990s are yet to heal, and the current violence
will only deepen fault lines.
There are many immediate triggers for the ongoing clashes — land rights,
anti-poppy drive, illegal immigration, the Manipur High Court directive on
Scheduled Tribe status for the Meitei community, etc. These are all significant
issues warranting attention, but unless the fundamental character of the ongoing
ethnic conflict is understood, finding optimal solutions will remain elusive.
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Vesna Pesic, a professor at the University of Belgrade, said, “Ethnic conflict is
caused by the fear of the future, lived through the past.” Collective fears of an
ethnic group about their future, based on past memories, incite mobilisation and
violence. This is the situation that is playing out in Manipur. The majority
community, the Meitei, is deeply concerned about the future integrity of the
state, with both the Nagas and the Kukis clamouring for separate
administrative/territorial arrangements. Hemmed into 10 per cent of the land,
the Meities have suffered the maximum when the tribal communities have
blockaded the two highways leading to Imphal.
Also Read | In Manipur, a government people don’t trust
The Naga community in Manipur shows greater solidarity with their tribal
members in Nagaland and is fearful about what a future settlement of the Naga
problem would bring. In a state that is politically dominated by the Meiteis, they
worry whether they are destined to remain fringe political players. The Kukis,
the smallest ethnic group, are sandwiched geographically between the Nagas and
the Meiteis and have reason to fear both communities. The emergence of the
Kuki militant groups resulted from the need to protect the community against
armed Naga and Meitei groups, although they also often engaged in internecine
violence.
Addressing these fears requires adopting a long-term strategy that reassures

communities of their physical, social, cultural, and economic security.
Regrettably, on the ground, the emphasis has been on short-term conflict
management practices. Such practices are meant to control the immediate level
of violence but, unless complemented by further action for conflict resolution,
could exacerbate the situation.
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The Kuki militant groups have been in a Suspension of Operations (SoO)
agreement with the government since 2008, but in the last 15 years, there has
been no serious attempt at their rehabilitation. Instead, there are claims that the
SoO groups, who continue to remain in camps, have been utilised by government
agencies to act against other militant organisations in Manipur. There are also
reports that these groups continue with fundraising and extortion.
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Also Read | P Chidambaram writes: Incompetence, Injury & Insult
There is a similar situation with the Naga militant groups. An agreement was
signed between the Indian government and the NSCN (IM) in 2015 but has seen
little progress as both sides had misread the complexities of the problem,
particularly in Manipur, which also has a sizeable Naga population. Meanwhile,
the NSCN (IM) continues to run camps where armed cadres carry weapons
openly. The Meitei underground groups, primarily located in Myanmar, are
outside any agreement with the government, but it is known that a majority of
their funds also come through extortion.
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This focus on managing conflict through an indulgent approach against militant

groups led to their empowerment as they portrayed themselves as protectors of
their respective communities. State authority weakened and the local population
routinely took to the streets to enforce their demands. In 2010, national highways
in Manipur were blocked for 68 days, in 2011 for 121 days, and in 2016-17 for 139
days. The loss of confidence in the state has now led to people taking the law into
their own hands by forming armed vigilante groups.
What, then, is the way forward? The immediate need is to control the violence. It
may take some time, but the security forces will ultimately prevail through their
coercive power, and when people see that the destruction being caused will
eventually hurt them. But whenever calm returns, the state must not pat itself on
the back for managing the situation but revitalise efforts towards long-term
conflict resolution.
Also Read | All-party meeting on Manipur: It’s the state govt that has to get the job done
The state must reestablish its authority and become the leading arbitrator in
resolving differences between ethnic groups. This will require a credible political
leadership perceived as neutral by all communities. Politicians cannot ignore
their individual identities but should avoid acting like ethnic activists and
stoking polarisation. The leadership must also be conscious that statements that
appear to target minority communities increase fear and could provide
incentives for violence.
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An honest attempt must be made to find answers to identity — social, economic,

aspirational — and resource-sharing issues troubling different communities.
In the sharply divided atmosphere in the state, the Centre will have to take the
lead in assuaging the local communities. The failure of the peace committee
formed in the state indicates that reconciliation could work better through
external intervention by New Delhi. The all-party meeting held on June 24 is a
positive step. It should be taken forward in an endeavour to get a bipartisan
political approach to resolving the Manipur crisis.
The numerous armed groups under ceasefire and SoO constantly challenge state
authority. A serious effort should be made to revive the Naga Peace Accord, shut
down the NSCN (IM) and SoO camps in Manipur and rehabilitate the cadre for
their reintegration into society.
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Finally, there should be a concerted push to improve the management of the

Indo-Myanmar border. This porous border permits the free movement of
refugees and insurgents who have their camps in Myanmar. We have been
decrying the poor infrastructure along the border for decades but have not done
enough to improve it.
Resolving the ethnic conflict in Manipur represents a formidable challenge,

potentially requiring years to find solutions acceptable to all communities. In
devising strategies, the present crisis should serve as a grim reminder of the
consequences of adopting short-term approaches.
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ANNEXURE 7
HOME / INDIA
The Package | 8 Stories
Violence in Manipur: An insight into

the State’s complex sociopolitical
history
Published : May 05, 2023 18:29 IST - 1 MIN READ
TEAM FRONTLINE
COMMENTS FOLLOW US SHARE READ LATER
Vehicles are seen burning after being set alight by protesters in Imphal on December 18, 2016. The
violence began when protesters angry with an ongoing economic blockade imposed by several Naga tribal
groups in the state took to demonstrating over the issue and attacking vehicles coming from the Naga-
dominated hill districts. | Photo Credit: -
Communal violence has erupted in the northeastern state of Manipur, displacing

over 9,000 people from their villages. The violence broke out during a “Tribal
Solidarity March” on May 3, which was organized by the All Tribal Students’ Union of
Manipur to protest the inclusion of the Meitei community in the list of the state’s
Scheduled Tribes. This demand had received a boost from an order of the Manipur
High Court last month.
The situation deteriorated rapidly when the Anglo-Kuki War Memorial Gate in
Leisang was destroyed by Meitei mobs, followed by the razing of Vaiphei houses in
Kangvai village in retaliation. The violence then spread to other areas of Manipur,
prompting the Governor to issue a ‘shoot at sight’ order on Thursday, allowing all
magistrates to issue the same when persuasion, warning, and reasonable force “have
been exhausted and the situation could not be controlled”.
To control the situation, the Army and Assam Rifles conducted flag marches in the
affected areas of Khuga, Tampa, Khomaujanbba, Mantripukhri, Lamphel, Koeirangi,
and Sugnu. However, the large-scale communal riots have exposed the collapse of law
and order in the state, and the displacement of thousands of people is a matter of
grave concern.
To understand the underlying issues in Manipur that lead to such violent outbreaks,
it is necessary to delve into the state’s complex sociopolitical history. As the situation
remains tense, it is crucial to address the root causes and work towards a lasting
solution to prevent such incidents from occurring in the future. Here’s a bunch of
stories from Frontline that provide an in-depth analysis of the situation, offering a
holistic view of the causes behind the unfolding violence in Manipur.
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ANNEXURE 8
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India
‘Separation is the only answer’: Manipur violence
fuels calls for separate state in India
Leaders of the mainly Christian hill tribes say that living
alongside the mostly Hindu Meitei people is ‘as good as death
for our people’
Amrit Dhillon in Delhi
I
Tue 16 May 2023 03.23 BST
n towns and villages across India’s north-eastern state of Manipur, some

houses have been reduced to ashes while neighbouring properties stand
I untouched, after an eruption of ethnic violence in which more than 70 were
murdered and 30,000 forced to flee.
The bloodshed which began on 3 May has mostly abated, but there is little hope of a
swift return to normality.
Food is scarce; a curfew is still enforced by the army and paramilitary troops; the
internet remains suspended; shops, schools and offices are closed; thousands of
people remain stranded in crowded and unsanitary refugee camps. And reports of
fresh violence over the weekend prompted fresh displacements.
“This is a civil war situation,” said John Mamang, a lawyer and relief volunteer in the
town of Churachandpur.
Shortages of food and medicine are becoming acute, said

Mamang, who on Monday was unable to even find rice to donate to a nearby camp.
“People are beginning to starve. Some haven’t eaten for two to three days. When I
reached the camp, a woman had just delivered a baby, with no medicines or medical
help and in the clothes she’d been wearing for five days,” he said.
Indian soldiers help evacuate a girl during the ethnic riots in Manipur state. Photograph: Arun
Sankar/AFP/Getty Images
Most of the victims were from the mainly Christian hill tribes such as the Kukis, but
members of the mostly Hindu Meitei people were also targeted.
And in towns where the two communities once lived warily alongside each other,
the idea of a return to such uneasy harmony seems unthinkable after so much
violence – when friends and neighbours stood by as men, women and children were
killed.
“It’s impossible. They can never be our neighbours. Not after what’s happened,” said
Alun Singh, a Meitei in Imphal.
Moses Varte, a Kuki in Churachandpur, said “separation is the only answer”, adding
“This was ethnic cleansing of the hill people. Now we can only feel safe as a
minority if we have our own state.”
Children play at a temporary shelter in the Leimakhong army cantonment in the north-eastern Indian
state of Manipur. Photograph: Arun Sankar/AFP/Getty Images
Debory Fimsangpui’s home in the region’s capital, Imphal, was burned down by a
mob, and she and her family survived only because they happened to be away at the
time.
“If we had been there, we would not be alive today. But we will not forget those who
died, the elderly, those who could not run away,” said Fimsangpui, a college lecturer.
The fact that Kukis were targeted in the city – despite the presence of security forces
– has for many hill tribe members underlined a sense that they cannot be safe
anywhere in the state.
“Before, Kukis used to send their children to Imphal for higher studies,” said
Fimsangpui. “I have one son, Daleed who is 24. Do you think I would ever send him
to Imphal now? We can never trust the Manipur government or the police again.”
The spark for the fuse

The states of north-east India – wedged between Bangladesh, China and Myanmar –
are a patchwork of ethnic groups, many of them shot through with longstanding
enmities.
The spark for the latest outbreak of violence in Manipur was a plan to grant the
majority Meitei the status of a “scheduled tribe” which would give them access to
quotas in government jobs and colleges under India’s affirmative action policy.
Tribal leaders say the Meiteis are already better off and dominate the government,
police, and civil service. Granting them more privileges would be unfair, the Kukis
argue, and would allow the Meiteis access to the forest lands which have been
occupied by the tribes for centuries.
“The Meities already have Imphal – which has malls, sports centres and big office
buildings – while the hill areas have been neglected and received much less
investment. For anything important – social, political, educational or medical
treatment – all of us Kukis come to Imphal because it is much more developed than
the hill areas.”
Each group blames the other for the violence. Conspiracy theories abound which
have furthered weakened what little trust the Kukis had in the government.
Police have been accused of favouring the majority Meitei community. The Kukis
evacuated to the safety of army-run camps claimed police did not defend them, or
even joined the mobs.
Mamang said: “Hill people have seen policemen in uniform leading some of the
mobs and torching whole villages. I was away in Churachandpur for work but my
home in Imphal was burnt, with my car, electric scooter, my possessions, all my law
books. A friend who tried to stop the mob was almost killed. He managed to run
away. The government let the mobs have their way, it was complicit.”
A Indian soldier stands guard during a curfew at Oinam bazaar of Bishnupur in Manipur. Photograph: Arun
Sankar/AFP/Getty Images
The feeling that there is no going back to an uneasy status quo was reflected in a
statement released on Saturday by 10 tribal legislators from the state assembly. They
called on New Delhi to create a separate administration for the hill people which
could “live peacefully as neighbours with the state of Manipur”. They said that after
the carnage, living alongside the Meiteis was “as good as death for our people”.
After a meeting in New Delhi with India’s home minister, Amit Shah, on Sunday,
Manipur’s chief minister N Biren Singh told journalists on Monday morning: “The
territorial integrity of Manipur [would] be protected at all costs.”
Local people say there is no chance that the small number of Kukis who once lived
in Meitei majority areas will ever return – or vice versa.
Before the violence, Fimsangpui was the only Kuki living in her neighbourhood in
Imphal. She said that when she heard reports that a Meitei mob had invaded Imphal
University, demanding to see students’ ID papers to single out the Kukis, she knew
she would never be able to live in the city again. She plans to remain in
Churachandpur, Manipur’s second town, which has a predominantly Kuki
population.
“The physical separation that’s already there will now become complete
segregation. That, I think, will form the basis for a separate hill state,” said
Fimsangpui. “We can no longer trust the Manipur government. It does not want to
protect us. And we do not want to forget the cries of those who died. We have to
keep the memory of them alive.”
(Some names have been changed to protect people’s identities)

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ANNEXURE 9
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Fresh Wave Of Violence Erupts in Manipur: Two Houses Torched

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fresh wave of violence erupts in manipur: two houses torched in imphal west, gunshots fired
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Imphal: Refusing to settle down, a new incidence of violence is reported from Manipur.
The north-eastern state has been engulfed in violence since the outbreak of a full-blown
ethnic conflict in May 2023. Two houses were torched, and several rounds of bullets were
fired in Imphal West district.
The fresh incidents of violence happened in the New Keithelmanbi area at around 10 pm,
the police said on Thursday. The violence-hit area comes under the Patsoi police station,
reported news agency PTI.
Tensions are simmering in the area after the attack. Meanwhile, the accused fled the spot
after setting the houses on fire, informed Manipur police.
Related video: Manipur violence case: Seiminlun Gangte brought to Patiala House
Court in Delhi (ANI Video)
Following the violence, firefighters were rushed to the spot. According to the police,
security forces and fire service personnel brought the blaze under control.
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To maintain law and order, security forces reportedly stopped a group of people from
having a meeting in the area. A mob of Meitei women who gathered in the area
following the incident was prevented by the security forces from proceeding further, the
police added.
Meanwhile, security has been beefed up, and additional personnel have been deployed.
The situation is under the police’s control.
Since the ethnic confrontations began in Manipur on May 3, when a 'Tribal Solidarity
March' was arranged in the hill areas to oppose the Meitei community's desire for
Scheduled Tribe designation, more than 180 people have died and hundreds have been
injured.
The majority of Meiteis, who make up around 53 per cent of Manipur's population,
reside in the Imphal Valley. A little over 40 per cent of the population are tribal people,
mostly Nagas and Kukis, who live in the hill districts.
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ANNEXURE 10
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INDIA
Manipur violence: Internet ban e2tended till

October 6
In an order stated, "Whereas, Director General of Police, Manipur vide letter of
incidents No.IC/11(163)/2008-PHQ(Pt)/ dated 30-09-2023 reported that there
are still reports of violence like confrontation of the public with security forces,
trying to mob elected member's residences, civil protests in front of police
stations etc. And whereas, there is apprehension that some anti-social
elements might use social messages, hate speech and hate video messages
inciting media extensively for transmission of image the passions of the public
which might have serious repercussions for the law and order situation in the
State of Manipur."
The order further said, "And whereas, there is an imminent danger of loss of life
and /or damage to public property and wide spread disturbances to public
tranquillity and communal harmony. And whereas, to thwart the design and
activities of anti-national and anti-social elements and to maintain peace and
communal harmony and to prevent any loss of life or danger to public/private
proper has become necessary to take adequate measures."
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ANNEXURE 11
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PRESS RELEASES | SPECIAL PROCEDURES
India: UN experts alarmed by

continuing abuses in Manipur
04 September 2023
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GENEVA (4 September 2023) – UN experts* today raised the alarm about
reports of serious human rights violations and abuses in the Northeast
State of Manipur in India, including alleged acts of sexual violence,
extrajudicial killings, home destruction, forced displacement, torture and
ill-treatment.
The experts pointed to an “inadequate humanitarian response” in the

wake of the grave humanitarian situation in Manipur following the latest
round of community conflict between the predominantly Hindu Meitei and
the predominantly Christian Kuki ethnic communities that erupted in May
2023.
By mid-August 2023, an estimated 160 persons had reportedly been killed,

mostly from the Kuki ethnic community, and over 300 injured. The conflict
also reportedly resulted in tens of thousands of people from the
communities being displaced, thousands of homes and hundreds of
churches being burnt down, as well the destruction of farmland, loss of
crops and loss of livelihood.
“We are appalled by the reports and images of gender-based violence

targeting hundreds of women and girls of all ages, and predominantly of
the Kuki ethnic minority. The alleged violence includes gang rape,
parading women naked in the street, severe beatings causing death, and
burning them alive or dead,” the experts said.
“It is particularly concerning that the violence seems to have been

preceded and incited by hateful and inflammatory speech that spread
online and offline to justify the atrocities committed against the Kuki
ethnic minority, particularly women, on account of their ethnicity and
religious belief,” they said. “We are further alarmed by the reported misuse
of counterrorism measures to legitimise acts of violence and repression
against ethnic and religious minorities.”
The experts said recent events in Manipur were another tragic milestone
in the steadily deteriorating situation for religious and ethnic minorities in
India.
“We have serious concerns about the apparent slow and inadequate
response by the Government of India, including law enforcement, to stem
physical and sexual violence and hate speech in Manipur,” the experts
said.
The experts welcomed the fact-finding mission conducted by lawyers and

human rights defenders in Manipur and the follow-up by the Supreme
Court of India on the situation in Manipur, though the response could have
come in a timelier manner. They urged the Supreme Court to continue
monitoring the response of the Government and other actors, with a focus
on justice, accountability, and reparations. “We are also concerned about
reported criminalization and harassment of human rights defenders
documenting the cases,” they said.
They urged the Government to step up relief efforts to those affected and
to take robust and timely action to investigate acts of violence and hold
perpetrators to account, including public officials who may have aided
and abetted the incitement of racial and religious hatred and violence.
ENDS
*The experts: Reem Alsalem, Special Rapporteur on violence against

women and girls, its causes and consequences; Michael Fakhri, Special
Rapporteur on the right to food; Irene Khan, Special Rapporteur on the
protection and promotion of freedom of opinion and expression;
Fionnuala Ní Aoláin, Special Rapporteur on the promotion and protection
of human rights and fundamental freedoms while countering terrorism;
Balakrishnan Rajagopal, Special Rapporteur on the right to adequate
housing; Nazila Ghanea, Special Rapporteur on freedom of religion or
ANNEXURE 12
INDIA
Official sanction for killings in Manipur
Introduction
For nearly four decades, the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, 1958 has been in force in
Manipur, one of the seven states of the north-east region of India.1 By conferring broadly
defined powers to shoot to kill on the armed forces, this law has fostered a climate in
which the agents of law enforcement use excessive force with impunity. A pattern of
apparently unlawful killings of suspected members of armed opposition groups has
resulted from the systemic use of lethal force as an alternative to arrest by the security
forces. Civilians, including women and juveniles, have been among the victims of killing
or wounding by security forces.
As well as providing powers to shoot to kill, the Armed Forces (Special Powers)
Act provides virtual immunity from prosecution to those forces acting under it. Despite
consistent allegations of widespread human rights violations in areas of the northeast of
India where the Act is in operation, to Amnesty International’s knowledge, no member of
the security forces has been prosecuted for a human rights violation.
Bordering the Indian states of Nagaland, Assam and Mizoram, towards the north
and west, Manipur has an extensive border with Myanmar to the east and south. Within
this region insecurity prevails, owing to the internal armed conflicts which have been
raging for decades in many areas.
Armed opposition has been particularly active in Manipur since the 1950s. What
began as a movement for self-determination for the Naga people is today far more
complex. Various other tribal and non-tribal communities have become engaged in the
conflicts and a faction-ridden armed opposition has emerged, organised on the basis of
community affiliations and conflicting demands for greater autonomy and
self-determination. The troubled political history of Manipur has been perpetuated by a
multitude of factors including anger at economic under-development, drug-smuggling and
corruption.
Abuses of human rights by government forces and by armed opposition groups are
a feature of daily life. Intra-factional fighting among the opposition groups is common and
political killings are a regular event. Amnesty International condemns abuses by armed
opposition groups and calls on all such groups to adhere to the minimum standards of
1
A government notification of 8 September 1980 declared the entire state to be "disturbed" under
section 3 of the Act. Prior to this the Act, the full title of which is the Armed Forces (Assam and
Manipur) Special Powers Act, 1958, had been applicable in parts of the state.
Amnesty International April 1997 AI Index: ASA 20/14/97

2
international humanitarian law, by calling a halt to the deliberate and arbitrary killing of
civilians, torture, ill-treatment and hostage-taking.
While recognising the security problems which armed opposition poses in

Manipur, and the right and obligation of all governments to defend themselves and their
citizens against violent attacks, in fulfilling this obligation, fundamental human rights
cannot be compromised.
The cases documented illustrate a pattern of human rights violations carried out by
police and security forces in the state of Manipur without censure by the authorities in
1995 and 1996. The pattern of killings in the context of the continued application of the
Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act leads Amnesty International to conclude that there is
an official policy of sanction for extrajudicial executions in the region.
Shortcomings of the legal process
Human rights and women’s organisations in the region have become increasingly vocal in
their opposition to the violence in Manipur and other states of the northeast region, and to
the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. An India-wide campaign has been initiated in
opposition to this Act, and has mobilised support throughout the country for its repeal2.
Appeals challenging the constitutionality of the Act have been pending in the Supreme
Court of India since 1982. Within Manipur, people from differing communities and
organizations, who share a concern for the disregard of human rights have formed Joint
Action Committees in response to reports of killings of civilians by the security forces.
These protests have been fuelled by frustration at the lack of redress mechanisms
for victims of human rights violations. Human rights activists have reported that people are
reluctant to file complaints against the security forces with the police, as investigations
launched in the past have not succeeded in bringing those responsible to justice.
In several cases complaints -- known as First Information Reports (FIRs) -- have

been filed with police and forwarded to judicial magistrates for investigation to determine
whether a trial can commence. Advocates representing the security forces concerned have
then filed review petitions challenging the right of magistrates to investigate offences
alleged to have been perpetrated by members of the security forces, on the grounds that
they do not have the jurisdiction to hear such cases. This has had the effect of stalling the
legal process. The review petitions invoke section 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure
(CrPC), under which no court can take cognizance of an offence alleged to have been
committed by a public servant or member of the Armed Forces while acting or purporting
2
Known as "National Campaign Committee Against Militarization and Repeal of Armed Forces
(Special Powers) Act".
AI Index: ASA 20/14/97 Amnesty International April 1997

3
to act in the discharge of his official duty except with the previous sanction of the central
or state government.
The requirement of the consent of the central or state government for the
prosecution of officials under section 197 of the CrPC and of the central government under
section 7 of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act, prevents full redress for violations,
and reinforces the climate of impunity for the security forces. The National Human Rights
Commission has acknowledged this in its support for the recommendation of the Law
Commission in 1985, that section 197 CrPC be amended to obviate the necessity for
sanction3. Amnesty International considers that such an amendment is necessary in order
for there to be full redress, which would consist of the thorough, independent and impartial
investigation of such violations, prosecution of the alleged perpetrators and reparation for
the victims.
Remedies have also been pursued in the Supreme Court in the form of writ
petitions seeking the observance of constitutional rights. Petitions challenging the
constitutionality of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act have been pending in the
Supreme Court since 1982. In a significant development, the Supreme Court of India, on 6
February 1997, ordered the Government of Manipur to pay Rs 1 lakh (Rs 100,000 --
approximately $US 3,000) in compensation to the relatives of two men whom it found had
been killed in a "fake" encounter with Manipur police in April 1991. Both men were
suspected to have been members of an armed opposition group, the Hmar People's
Convention (HPC).
The Supreme Court had ordered a district and sessions judge in Manipur to
investigate the allegations and it confirmed the "administrative liquidation" of the two
men. However, the judgement of 6 February 1997 referred only to monetary compensation.
The court did not exercise its authority to refer the matter to the trial courts in Manipur for
their criminal prosecution; the alleged perpetrators of the killings are reportedly still on
active duty with the Manipur police. The Supreme Court order was a result of several years
of legal action by the Peoples Union for Civil Liberties, which had filed a public interest
petition in the Supreme Court in 1992 as an alternative to pursuing criminal proceedings in
the Manipur courts4, because the families of the victims were reluctant to bring legal action
in the local courts for fear of reprisals. Should the families of the victims now wish to
3
National Human Rights Commission: Annual Report, 1995-6 at 95.
4
The "Inquiry and Report on the Disputed Question of Encounter in Nungthulien Village in
Churachandpur District, Manipur resulting in the death of (i) Lalbeiklien s/o Thatngur of Nungthulian
village and (ii) Saikaplien s/o Tenga of Tingvum village of Mizoram on 3/4/1991" was ordered by the
Supreme Court in People’s Union for Civil Liberties vs Union of India and Another (Writ Petition
(Criminal) No 612 of 1992 ), and was submitted to the Supreme Court on 8 April 1996.

4
pursue the matter further, fresh legal proceedings will have to be instituted and sanction for
prosecution obtained.
This case is not the first in which the Supreme Court has expressed its concern at
the action of the security forces in Manipur. In a judgement in 1984, in a habeas corpus
petition -- Sebastian M Hongray v Union of India5 -- filed after the "disappearance" of two
men, the Court chastised the respondents to the petition for having misled the court and
distorted the facts of the case, and considered this to be contempt of court. Awarding
compensation to the wives of the two men who had been illegally detained, the Court also
directed that the papers relating to the case be forwarded to the Superintendent of Police,
Ukhrul, Manipur, with orders that the information be treated as a cognizable offence, and
that an investigation be commenced under the CrPC, 1973. To Amnesty International’s
knowledge, the inquiry subsequently initiated in Manipur has yet to present its findings,
and the alleged perpetrators have yet to be brought to justice. The fate of the two men
remains unknown.
At a political level, the Government of Manipur has responded to the public

protests of Joint Action Committees by appointing several Commissions of Inquiry under
the Commissions of Inquiry Act, 1951, headed by sitting and retired judges. These
Commissions have been mandated to enquire into specific incidents in which civilians
have been killed during operations by members of the security forces. While a Commission
of Inquiry does ensure a public hearing of the circumstances of a specific case, their
findings and recommendations are not legally binding and, to Amnesty International’s
knowledge, have not as yet resulted in security forces being prosecuted for violations.
On 7 February 1997 Mr Rishang Keishing, Chief Minister of Manipur since

February 1995, was reported to have said; "So far the findings of all the judicial inquiries
have justified incidents of police firing during my tenure" 6 . However, the evidence as
detailed in the cases below presents a different picture -- Commissions of Inquiry
appointed by the government have found security forces responsible for violations and
have suggested remedies.
Limited access to information on unlawful killings and other human rights

violations exacerbates the climate of impunity which prevails in Manipur, where human
rights violations in reprisal for attacks on the security forces continue. Amnesty
International has not been granted regular or routine access to India, and access to Manipur
is restricted even for Indian citizens through the Restrictive Areas Permit Act. In the
5
Order of 23 April 1994 by Justice D A Desai and Justice O Chinappa Reddy, reported AIR
1984 SC 1026.
6
Telegraph, 8 February 1997

5
context of restricted access to information, the incidents documented in this report are
those in which Amnesty International has been able to obtain strong documentary evidence
of unlawful killings.
However, the number of incidents cannot be quantified. In one report, the

Committee on Human Rights, a human rights organization based in Manipur, has
documented 55 selected incidents between 1980 and 1996 in which civilians have been
killed by the security forces in a deliberate and arbitrary manner -- none of these cases
have been resolved, and none of the perpetrators have been brought to justice7. Almost a
decade has lapsed since at least eleven men from Oinam village, Senapati district were
deliberately killed by the Assam Rifles during “Operation Bluebird” which had been
launched in reprisal for the killing of nine soldiers and looting of an army camp in 1987.
Many others were subjected to torture, including rape and at least four children died in
detention during the army operation which lasted for over two months.
Petitions filed by the Naga People's Movement for Human Rights and the Manipur
Baptist Convention Women's Union seeking redress for the victims of the violations in
Oinam are still pending -- having been adjourned repeatedly on the request of lawyers for
the Assam Rifles8. In 1996 alone, the final hearing of the petition was adjourned fourteen
times. In the interim, the security officials stationed in Manipur continue to use excessive
force in their counter-insurgency operations.
The effect of this impunity cannot be underestimated. Justice C Upendra, the

Commissioner appointed by the Manipur Government to enquire into the killing of a
young woman, Amina Devi, in April 1996 (described below), articulated this in his report:
If the person(s) responsible for indiscriminate firing resulting to the loss of

the life of innocent people on mere pretext of self-defence or for
apprehending a person or persons suspected to be extremists are left
scot-free, it would amount to anarchy
The perpetrators of the deliberate and arbitrary killings documented in this report come
from different arms of the security forces. A series of enquiries by sitting and retired judges
7
Right to Life in Manipur. A Report, Committee on Human Rights (COHR), Manipur, 13
February 1997.
8
Naga People's Movement for Human Rights v Union of India and others, Civil Rule No 1043
of 1987 and Manipur Baptist Convention and another v Union of India and others, Civil Rule No
1355 of 1987. The Guwahati High Court disposed of the first petition to be filed on the events at
Oinam, Civil Liberties and Human Rights Organisation v State, Civil Rule No 2 of 1987, in an order
in 1987.

6
have indicted the central paramilitary forces, including the Assam Rifles and the Central
Reserve Police Force (CRPF), battalions of the armed forces, and the Manipur police, as
also its special units the Rapid Action Police Force and the Indian Reserve Battalion.
The strong evidence of a pattern of unlawful killings by the security forces in

Manipur -- some deliberate and targeted killings, others resulting from the unjustified use
of lethal force in the course or arrest or apprehension -- underlines the urgent need for a
review of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act. In addition, a clear message needs to be
sent to all the forces stationed in Manipur -- that the excessive use of force will no longer
be tolerated by Indian authorities.
The cases documented below demonstrate an apparent disregard for the state's
human rights obligations as set out in international human rights law.
The killing of two forest officers
On the evening of 26 December 1996, two forest officers -- Mayanglambam Ibotombi (47)
and Thondam Muhindro (45) -- were shot dead at Keirak in Thoubal district, by members
of a combined team of state police and Indian Reserve Battalion 9 (IRB) forces while
returning home from work. The team reportedly mistook them for members of an armed
opposition group when they saw them on a scooter and opened fire. In response to protests
and the formation of a Joint Action Committee by several local organizations, the
Manipur government ordered a judicial inquiry into the incident and suspended two police
constables and two riflemen of the IRB. The judicial inquiry is reportedly due to begin
proceedings in April and in the meantime, the son of Thondam Muhindro was reportedly
given a job in the State Forest Department by the government. No charges have so far been
brought against those responsible.
The reaction of the police personnel to the apparent presence of armed opposition
group members in this recent incident demonstrates that excessive force is used by the
security forces in dealing with insurgency.
The killing of Ms Kehtrumayum Ongbi Prabhahmi Devi (45)
In the middle of the night of 3 May 1996, personnel of the 30th battalion of the Assam
Rifles raided a complex of houses in Kwakeithel Haorokchambi Soibam Leikai, Imphal.
They had received information that several members of an armed opposition group were
taking shelter there. They allege that while cordoning off the complex, they were fired at
from within the complex.
9
The IRB is was set up under the command of the Manipur police to undertake
counter-insurgency operations.

7
The complex consisted of several houses inhabited by a large family of three

brothers, a sister and their respective families with a common courtyard.
Members of the family awoke at 11.30 pm to the sound of a voice speaking in

Hindi outside the compound saying "Should I shoot?" and an answer "shoot". This was
followed by heavy firing. Assam Rifles personnel entered several of the houses in the
complex and allegedly began interrogating and beating Jotin Gagan (25), and his cousin
John Singh (19) both of whom were suspected to be members of an armed opposition
group.
One of the houses was occupied by Kshetrimayum Sideswar Singh (49), his wife
Nongthombam Ningol Kshetrimayum Ongbi Prabhahini Devi (42), his son Bungbung (12)
and daughter Kumari Kshetrimayum Priyalakshmi Devi (8) who were sleeping on the first
floor of the house. When they heard the firing they got down on the floor. While lying on
the floor, Prabhahini Devi received a bullet wound in the head and died instantly. Her
8-year-old daughter was shot in the left shoulder.
Members of the Assam Rifles then entered the room and took the family outside to
the courtyard where the rest of the family members had been rounded up. Priyalakshmi
Devi and her father were taken to the hospital where pellets were removed from her
shoulder. She remained in hospital for 12 days while undergoing treatment.
At about 3.30am, all the remaining members of the family, including the women,
were taken to Imphal police station. Jotin Gagan and his cousin, John Singh, were taken
away for interrogation by members of the Assam Rifles to Kangla, Imphal, while the rest
of the family remained in the police lock-up until midday on 4 May when they were
released. On the same evening, Jotin Gagan and John Singh were admitted to the RMC
hospital to be treated for the injuries they had sustained -- they were discharged three days
later.
Despite notification of the setting up of a Commission of Inquiry into the incident

on 5 May 1996, members of the battalion did not comply with orders of the Commission to
appear before it and repeatedly sought adjournments. As a result, the lawyer acting for the
personnel of the Assam Rifles stood down, reportedly stating that he had no orders from
his clients as to how he should proceed. In October 1996 an Adjutant of the 30th Assam
Rifles refused to accept a summons to appear before the Commission on 29 October on the
grounds that none of the concerned personnel were available in the unit. Subsequently, the
Commission issued further warrants saying "The Commission has reasons to believe that
the aforesaid personnel have been avoiding to receive the summonses".

8
In the absence of cooperation from the Assam Rifles, the Commission of Inquiry
submitted its report to the government in November 1996. It is not known what action has
been taken by the authorities subsequently.
The killing of Ms Oinam Ongbi Amina Devi (25) and injury to her baby Abem (1)
On the morning of 5 April 1996, three vehicles carrying around 13 members of the CRPF
entered the village of Naorem Mayai Leikai in Bishnupur district of Manipur. The CRPF
personnel caught sight of a man riding a bicycle. Believing him to be a member of an
armed opposition group, they shouted to him to stop. As the man got off his bicycle and
ran away, the CRPF personnel began to chase him, shooting at him. The cyclist ran
towards the house of Naorem Modon whose daughter, Oinam Ongbi Amina Devi, was
weaving with her younger sister and four children. CRPF personnel surrounded the house
and continued firing.
On hearing shots, Amina Devi put her one-and-a-half-year-old baby on her back
and went to the door of the house to try and lock it. As she was doing this, a bullet passed
through the house and hit Amina, killing her instantly. A further bullet passed through
Amina’s body and lodged in the body of her baby, Abem.
In response to protests, the Government of Manipur appointed a Commission of

Inquiry to look into the causes and circumstances surrounding the death of Amina Devi. In
July 1996 the Commission of Inquiry found that the CRPF personnel had opened fired
indiscriminately at her house resulting in her death.

9
0 The body of Amina Devi
The CRPF personnel

whose shots killed Amina Devi, claimed that they were being fired at from inside Amina
Devi’s house by the suspected member of an armed opposition group. Although a suspect
was arrested from inside the house, the evidence presented before the Commission of
Inquiry led it to reach a different conclusion. It found:
The evidence on record clearly shows that no firing was made from inside
the house and therefore the story of self defence asserted by the CRPF was
not sustainable... The firing was un-provoked and unwarranted and could
be avoided easily, if they exercised a little thought on their heads10
The Commission went on to conclude that CRPF personnel had failed to give a warning
before firing at the house.
10
Naorem Village Inquiry Commission, headed by Shri C. Upendra Singh, retired District &
Sessions Judge, Manipur, to enquire into the firing incident resulting the death of Amina Devi on
April 5, 1996 at Naorem Village, established under sub-section (i) of Section 3 of the Commission of
Inquiry Act, 1952 (60 of 1952) by an order issued by the Chief Secretary, being No.7/1(7)/96-H dated
6 April 1996.

10
In his enquiry report, the Commissioner also criticised the police investigation
which was carried out immediately following the incident and pointed to serious omissions
in the collection of evidence by the investigating officers -- they did not confiscate
weapons carried by the CRPF personnel involved, nor did they keep the bullets found at
the scene and those taken from the baby’s body.
The Commission recommended that security forces should maintain close contact
with the civil police and that police officials should be present at the time of such
operations. It further held that security forces should resort to firing only if absolutely
necessary, that it should not be aimed at "taking the life of the assailants" but only to
apprehend the latter after causing the minimum injury and for avoiding immediate danger"
and that special care should be taken in inhabited areas to protect the life and property of
innocent civilians.
The Commission also recommended prosecution of the CRPF personnel under

sections 307 (Attempt to murder), 302 (Punishment for murder) and 326 (Voluntarily
causing grievous hurt by dangerous weapons or means) of the Indian Penal Code, and
increased the amount of compensation awarded by the government, which it considered
insufficient. Criminal cases were subsequently registered against eleven members of the
CRPF but to Amnesty International’s knowledge, no arrests have yet been made.
The killing of Netaji (15)
On the morning 28 February 1996, two units of the Rapid Action Police Force (RAPF)11
entered the village of Kakwa Nameirakpam Keikai, Singjamei district, in two jeeps.
During the events that followed, two suspected members of an armed opposition group
called PREPAK (People's Revolutionary Army of Kangleipak) were shot dead by
members of the RAPF and a 15-year-old student, Netaji, was also killed as a result of the
firing.
While passing through the busy streets of the village where people were walking or
driving to work, RAPF personnel spotted two youths on a moped and suspecting them to
be members of an armed opposition group signalled to the youths to stop. When the driver
of the moped accelerated away, the RAPF jeeps began chasing the moped.
Members of the RAPF subsequently testified that the pillion rider of the moped
turned and fired one round with his left hand from a small arm towards the RAPF vehicle,
shattering the windscreen of the vehicle and forcing it to stop. The second vehicle carried
on chasing the moped while the pillion rider again fired shots at the vehicle, leading to the
11
Under the Manipur police there is a special unit called the Rapid Action Police Force (RAPF).
Established in mid-1995 to deal with insurgency.

11
shattering of the windscreen of the second vehicle. After crashing into a wall, the two
youths fell from the moped and attempted to run away. RAPF personnel left their vehicles
and fired on the two youths, killing both of them.
It was at this point that the dead body of Netaji was discovered. He had been
standing on the verandah of a wooden carpentry workshop waiting for a bus to take him to
school. He received a bullet injury on the right side of his fore-head and died instantly.
Following a public outcry at the killing of the young boy, the Government of
Manipur instituted a Commission of Inquiry on 16 March 1996.
Justice Ibotombi Singh, a retired judge of the Guwahati High Court who was
appointed as Commissioner, found much of the RAPF evidence unreliable and stated:
The evidence of the six witnesses indicates the causes and circumstances
leading to the firing incident. As he suspected the two youths to be
members of the unlawful organization, ASI Krishnatombi and his driver
gave signals to them to stop driving so as to enable them to make a body
search. But, the pillion rider, instead of stopping their two-wheeler, had
fired one round towards their vehicle thereby breaking the entire
windscreen glass. When the vehicle of X-Ray 16 had stopped, ASI Rajen
and his party overtook it and chased the two youths and while chasing
them ASI Rajen and Constable Jiten Singh resorted to firing all along from
the weapons held by them. When the two youths fell down on the ground
after their two wheels had dashed against the wall of the culvert, ASI
Rajen Singh and other members of X-Ray 17 fired upon them resulting in
their death. And there was no exchange of firing between the militants on
the one hand and the police personnel on the other side.
The Commission of Inquiry was not mandated to investigate the circumstances

surrounding the killing of the two suspected members of an armed opposition group by
RAPF personnel. It was restricted to looking at the firing on innocent civilians. However,
in his report, Justice Singh noted that despite testimony by RAPF personnel claiming that
they had recovered a revolver near the body of the driver of the moped and that a constable
had picked it up with a plastic sheet so as to keep the fingerprints intact, this testimony was
contradicted by compelling evidence from a ballistics expert and the fact that no attempt
had subsequently been made to match fingerprints on the revolver with those of the dead
men. Therefore, it appears that the two men may have been deliberately and arbitrarily
killed by the security forces.
Although the findings of the Commission were not conclusive, it was held to be
“unfortunate” that a stray bullet had killed the 14-year-old. Justice Singh pointed to the

12
need for a "thorough investigation by a competent police officer after registration of a case
for the death of Netaji". To Amnesty International’s knowledge, no such case has been
registered or investigation initiated.
Shooting at the Regional Medical College (RMC) Hospital, Imphal, Manipur12
On the morning of 7 January 1995, several CRPF personnel were fired at by suspected
members of an armed opposition group in a toilet complex attached to the RMC Hospital,
Imphal. Together with other CRPF personnel who arrived on the scene, twelve CRPF
officials returned fire. A total of nine civilians were killed. They were:
Name Profession
Momi Riba (m) A medical student at the RMC

Laimayum Pradeep Sharma (m) An employee of toilet complex
Wangkhem Upendra Singh (m) Unknown
Saikhom Premchand Singh (m) An auto-rickshaw driver
Hijam Khogen (m) An auto-rickshaw driver
R.K. Khogen Singh (m) An auto-rickshaw driver
Angom Debendra Singh (m) An auto-rickshaw driver
Koijam Rajendra Singh (m) An auto-rickshaw driver
Mohammad Jakir (m) A rickshaw puller
The CRPF claimed that the civilians had been killed during an exchange of fire
with members of an armed opposition group. However this version was disputed by local
people who claimed that the nine men died as a result of indiscriminate and deliberate
firing by CRPF Personnel.
A Commission of Inquiry was constituted by the Government of Manipur on 13

January 1995 to inquire into the causes and circumstances leading to the firing incident;
who fired upon the innocent civilians; whether there was a possibility of avoiding or
restraining from firing upon the innocent civilians and who were the persons responsible
for the incident. It was also asked to recommend corrective measures and remedies to
prevent recurrence of such an incident in future.
According to evidence presented before the Commission of Inquiry, there were

three periods of shooting in which civilians were killed.
12 Now the Regional Institute of Medical Sciences (RIMS)

13
The first followed an incident in the toilet complex in which members of an armed
opposition group shot at CRPF officers and then fled the scene. One of the officers was hit
and CRPF personnel subsequently ran from the toilet complex shouting "hamara admi
mara hai, sab Manipuriko maro" (our man has been killed - kill all Manipuris). As they
came out of the toilet complex three men were making their way towards the gate of the
hospital. Two of the men -- Momi Riba and Pradeep Sharma -- were Manipuris. The other
was non-Manipuri. They were all unarmed. According to several witnesses examined by
the Commission, the CRPF personnel allowed the non-Manipuri to pass. Although the
other two men shouted that they were civilians and raised their hands, the CRPF personnel
opened fire and shot and killed the two men.
The second shooting took place as CRPF personnel walked out of the gate of the
hospital to where several rickshaw pullers were standing. According to a witness who
testified before the Commission:
"... the said 5 CRPF personnel came out from the gate and went towards
the main road shouting to the rickshaw pullers. One of the rickshaw
pullers was non-Manipuri and other one was a Manipuri Muslim. The
CRPF personnel then talked with the non-Manipuri rickshaw puller in
Hindi language, but the Manipuri Muslim did not speak anything. At that
time, the two rickshaw pullers had raised their hands. I saw the shawl of
the non-Manipuri falling down on the ground, while raising his hands.
However, the CRPF personnel picked the shawl and handed it over to him.
Thereafter, one of the CRPF personnel pushed the non-Manipuri behind
him. Soon after, one of the CRPF personnel shot at the chest of the Muslim
rickshaw puller. On getting the bullet injury the Muslim rickshaw puller
shouted "Allah Hu Allah" (calling on the name of God) and he fell down
on the ground. At that time, one of the CRPF personnel again approached
him shouting "Kya Allah" and shot him again".
Further shooting ensued. After they heard shots being fired, CRPF personnel on duty inside
the hospital ran out through the Casualty Department with rifles in their hands. A witness
saw a CRPF officer calling to several auto-rickshaw drivers to come with him. The officer
reportedly took six of them -- Saikhom Premchand Singh, Angom Debendra Singh, R.K.
Khogen Singh, Hijam Khogen Singh, Toijam Rajendro Singh and Wangkhem Upen Singh
-- towards a nearby cycle shed and shot them at close range.
Attempts by the CRPF to claim that they were firing in self-defence after being
fired at from outside the hospital compound were refuted by the Commission of Inquiry
which found that it would have been impossible for members of an armed opposition
group to have fired from outside the compound. It found that:

14
"... there can be no other explanation for the death of nine civilians and
injury to another, except that they were fired upon by the CRPF after the
militants had already retreated and when there was no further need for
resorting to any firing by the CRPF."
In recommending that the incident be further investigated by the Central Bureau of

Investigation (CBI - a non-state investigative body), the Commission referred to the
requirement of sanction for the prosecution of officials under various legal provisions
(referred to above). It dismissed possible contentions that these provisions be invoked in
this case and commented that "Needless, excessive or indiscriminate firing can never be
deemed to be acts done in course of official duty or under the authority of law".
The CBI reportedly investigated the incident and in November 1996 registered
cases against members of the CRPF. It’s findings were submitted to the Chief Judicial
Magistrate, Imphal, on 22 November 1996 but no action is known to have been taken
against members of the CRPF since that date.
In addition, to recommending the prosecution of CRPF personnel, the Commission

of Inquiry recommended corrective measures to be taken by the CRPF to avoid such
incidents occurring in the future. They included the instruction of CRPF personnel in the
use of minimum force and a warning to personnel that "the retaliatory or retributive use of
force or firing is illegal" and could amount to an offence of murder or culpable homicide.
As with subsequent Commissions of Inquiry, it recommended that CRPF personnel should
be placed under the command of the civil police. Despite the fact that the government
formally accepted these corrective recommendations, Amnesty International is concerned
that subsequent incidents of unlawful killings by security personnel as described above,
demonstrate that these recommendations have not been implemented in Manipur.
International standards relating to law enforcement
Section 4(a) of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act confers a power on the security
forces to "shoot to kill", providing official sanction for violation of the right to life, as
protected by Article 21 of the Constitution of India and Article 6 of the International
Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR). In response to the concern expressed by
many within India, the National Human Rights Commission has announced that it is
studying provisions of the Act and will make recommendations to the Government.
When hearing India’s second report on its adherence to the ICCPR, the United
Nations Human Rights Committee held that the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act (and
other special legislation in force in India) effectively derogated from the right to life and
other rights in the covenant. A member of the committee said:

15
"These laws greatly concern me because when we give a person powers

and for very subjective reasons powers to be able to deny the lives of
citizens that is far too much power. I think it is excessive, particularly
when that person is immune and can act with impunity because he or she
will not be punished. I am convinced that these laws are contrary to
Article 6 of the Covenant"13.
Despite the existence of remedies in the Constitution of India and the general criminal law,
the requirement of obtaining sanction from the central government, under section 7 of the
Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act has provided virtual impunity from prosecution of the
armed forces deployed as a result of its application. This impunity has been reinforced by
the effect of the need for sanction from the state or central authorities for prosecution of
any official or member of the armed forces, under section 197 of the CrPC. These
provisions have the effect of denying the right of an effective remedy to victims of
violations as set out in Article 2(3)(a) of the ICCPR.
In seeking to ensure that human rights are protected at all times, in 1978, the
United Nations General Assembly adopted the Code of Conduct for Law Enforcement
Officials. Article 3 of the Code specifies that force should be used only when necessary,
that the use of force should be exceptional and that force should be used only as is
reasonably necessary under the circumstances. The Code of Conduct specifies that force
should be used for only two purposes: the prevention of crime and effecting or assisting in
the lawful arrest of offenders or suspected offenders.
The United Nations Basic Principles on the Use of Force and Firearms by Law
Enforcement Officials, adopted in 1990, restrict the situations in which firearms should be
used, and specify the intentional lethal use of firearms only when strictly unavoidable in
order to protect life.
In 1989 the United Nations also adopted Principles on the Effective Prevention and
Investigation of Extra-Legal, Arbitrary and Summary executions which establish the
prohibition of such killings and specify detailed measures for their prevention.
AMNESTY INTERNATIONAL’S RECOMMENDATIONS:
To the Government
13
Jose Aguilar Urbina, member of the 41st Session of the Human Rights Committee, New York
26/27 March 1991 quoted in "India: Examination of the second period report by the human rights
committee", March 1993, AI Index: ASA 20/05/93.

16
Amnesty International urges the Government of India to ensure that it fulfils its
obligations under international law to respect and uphold the human rights of all
people, at all times. In this connection it is calling for the implementation of the
following recommendations:
Safeguards
Amnesty International urges the Government of India and the Government of Manipur:
to publicly demonstrate its opposition to extra-judicial executions and deliberate and
arbitrary killings by giving a clear message to members of the security forces that
such violations will not be tolerated;
to ensure that the security forces only use force when necessary and only to the minimum
extent required under the circumstances; to ensure that lethal force is not used
except when strictly unavoidable in order to protect life;
to ensure that senior officers of the forces of law enforcement maintain strict control
to ensure that officers under their command do not commit extrajudicial
executions, or other human rights violations;
to ensure that the training of members of the security forces fully reflects their
obligations to protect human rights;
to remove the requirement of sanction for the prosecution of police or armed forces
personnel under section 197 of the Code of Criminal Procedure; to remove
other provisions requiring sanction for prosecution of officials, for example
under section 45 of the CrPC.
Amnesty International urges the Government of India:
to review the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act to ensure there are strict legal
limitations on the use of force and firearms by law enforcement officials;
to remove the requirement of sanction for the prosecution of police or armed forces
personnel under section 7 of the Armed Forces (Special Powers) Act.

17
Redress
The victims of extrajudicial executions or their families should be entitled to obtain

prompt, fair and adequate redress from the state. In this connection, Amnesty
International is calling on the Government of India and the Government of Manipur:
to ensure the independent and impartial investigation of all allegations of human rights
violations in Manipur; to make public in full the methods and findings of such
investigations; to suspend officials suspected of such violations from active
duty during investigation; to protect complainants, witnesses, lawyers and
others involved in the investigations from intimidation and reprisals; to ensure
that the security forces cooperate fully with investigations and judicial
proceedings;
to take action to bring to justice anyone against whom there is reasonable evidence of
involvement in human rights violations including extrajudicial executions;
to provide full compensation to the families of the victims.
To Armed Opposition Groups:

Amnesty International urges all armed opposition groups to abide by the minimum
humane standards of international humanitarian law. In this connection it is calling
on all armed opposition groups to refrain from the deliberate and arbitrary killing of
civilians, torture, ill-treatment and hostage taking.

ANNEXURE 14
HOME / INDIA
The Package | 8 Stories
Violence in Manipur: An insight into

the State’s complex sociopolitical
history
Published : May 05, 2023 18:29 IST - 1 MIN READ
TEAM FRONTLINE
COMMENTS FOLLOW US SHARE READ LATER
Vehicles are seen burning after being set alight by protesters in Imphal on December 18, 2016. The
violence began when protesters angry with an ongoing economic blockade imposed by several Naga tribal
groups in the state took to demonstrating over the issue and attacking vehicles coming from the Naga-
dominated hill districts. | Photo Credit: -
Communal violence has erupted in the northeastern state of Manipur, displacing

over 9,000 people from their villages. The violence broke out during a “Tribal
Solidarity March” on May 3, which was organized by the All Tribal Students’ Union of
Manipur to protest the inclusion of the Meitei community in the list of the state’s
Scheduled Tribes. This demand had received a boost from an order of the Manipur
High Court last month.
The situation deteriorated rapidly when the Anglo-Kuki War Memorial Gate in
Leisang was destroyed by Meitei mobs, followed by the razing of Vaiphei houses in
Kangvai village in retaliation. The violence then spread to other areas of Manipur,
prompting the Governor to issue a ‘shoot at sight’ order on Thursday, allowing all
magistrates to issue the same when persuasion, warning, and reasonable force “have
been exhausted and the situation could not be controlled”.
To control the situation, the Army and Assam Rifles conducted flag marches in the
affected areas of Khuga, Tampa, Khomaujanbba, Mantripukhri, Lamphel, Koeirangi,
and Sugnu. However, the large-scale communal riots have exposed the collapse of law
and order in the state, and the displacement of thousands of people is a matter of
grave concern.
To understand the underlying issues in Manipur that lead to such violent outbreaks,
it is necessary to delve into the state’s complex sociopolitical history. As the situation
remains tense, it is crucial to address the root causes and work towards a lasting
solution to prevent such incidents from occurring in the future. Here’s a bunch of
stories from Frontline that provide an in-depth analysis of the situation, offering a
holistic view of the causes behind the unfolding violence in Manipur.

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ANNEXURE 1

July 21, 2023 1:50PM EDT | Dispatches

Indian Government Finally Responds to Violence in Manipur

Prime Minister Narendra Modi called the incident a

The government failed to act in this case despite police

Manipur: Fresh violence in Imphal, two houses torched

Manipur: Fresh violence in Imphal, two houses torched

Manipur violence case: Seiminlun Gangte brought to Patiala House

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Your child’s future

Home Bangalore India Explained Opinion Entertainment

Manipur Violence News Live Updates: CBI

New Delhi | Updated: September 27, 2023 20:49 IST

Manipur Latest News Live Updates: As photographs confirming the killing of

'Disheartening to see state's refusal to accept responsibility': Mamata Banerjee

My heartfelt condolences to the grieving families of the two young souls in

— Mamata Banerjee (@MamataOfficial) September 27, 2023

CBI reaches Manipur to probe killing of 2 Meiti teens

AFSPA extended to hill areas of state

Who are Meitei?

HOME / NEWS / INDIA

Manipur violence updates | Four

July 20, 2023 09:28 am | Updated 10:09 pm IST

THE HINDU BUREAU

COMMENTS SHARE READ LATER

Here are the updates:

JULY 20, 2023 22:09

Manipur Police makes more arrests

Manipur police said in a statement that three more accused were

JULY 20, 2023 20:16

Stop the violence immediately: Rahul Gandhi

JULY 20, 2023 20:09

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Women hold a sit-in protest against spiralling violence in Manipur

Where is Manipur and who lives there?

Illegal migration from Myanmar has heightened tensions. There is pressure on

Who is ﬁghting whom?

Who are the Kuki and Meitei?

Why are women being attacked and humiliated?

What is the central government doing?

Who runs Manipur?

The Meitei also control 40 of the regional parliament's 60 seats despite

Mr Singh's government accused Kuki insurgent groups of inciting the

Violence against women Women in India India

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News / Opinion / Columns / The big picture in Manipur

The big picture in Manipur

Updated: June 26, 2023 10:39 IST

00:00 1x 1.5x 1.8x

Also Read | In Manipur, a government people don’t trust

Addressing these fears requires adopting a long-term strategy that reassures

This focus on managing conflict through an indulgent approach against militant

An honest attempt must be made to find answers to identity — social, economic,

Finally, there should be a concerted push to improve the management of the