A Local To Global Perspective On Oil and Wind Exploitation Resource Governance and Conflict in Northern Kenya

Conflict, Security & Development
ISSN: 1467-8802 (Print) 1478-1174 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccsd20
A local to global perspective on oil and wind

exploitation, resource governance and conflict in
Northern Kenya
Janpeter Schilling, Raphael Locham & Jürgen Scheffran
To cite this article: Janpeter Schilling, Raphael Locham & Jürgen Scheffran (2018) A local to
global perspective on oil and wind exploitation, resource governance and conflict in Northern
Kenya, Conflict, Security & Development, 18:6, 571-600, DOI: 10.1080/14678802.2018.1532642
To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2018.1532642
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CONFLICT, SECURITY & DEVELOPMENT
2018, VOL. 18, NO. 6, 571–600
https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2018.1532642
A local to global perspective on oil and wind exploitation,

resource governance and conflict in Northern Kenya
Janpeter Schillinga,b,d, Raphael Lochamc and Jürgen Scheffrand
a
Research Group Landuse Conflicts, Institute for Environmental Sciences, University of Koblenz-Landau,
Landau, Germany; bPeace Academy Rhineland-Palatinate, Landau, Germany; cDanish Group Kenya, Lodwar,
Kenya; dResearch Group Climate Change and Security (CLISEC), Center for Earth System Research and
Sustainability (CEN), Institute of Geography, University of Hamburg, Hamburg, Germany
ABSTRACT KEYWORDS
In north-western Kenya, significant oil reserves have been discovered Oil; wind power; conflict;
and the first oil trucks have left Turkana County in June 2018. On the energy; resources;
east side of Lake Turkana, the largest wind power project on the governance; Kenya
African continent was completed in mid-2017. This article applies a
local to global perspective to explore the benefits and externalities
for the local communities living in close proximity to the oil and wind
exploitation sites. A particular focus is placed on governance of
energy resources, water and employment opportunities and its
impacts on new and existing conflict dynamics. The article is based
on extensive field research conducted between 2016 and 2018.
Results suggest that similarities between oil and wind exploitation
can be identified in terms of unmet promises of compensation for
land and community expectations for employment which cause
tensions and conflicts between the operating companies and the
local communities. Differences exist with respect to externalities such
as environmental pollution that are expected to be higher for the
production of oil than for wind energy.
Introduction
Kenya’s energy landscape is changing quickly. The most recent estimates suggest that
fossil fuels and hydropower contribute about 40 per cent each to the country’s total
installed capacity of electricity.1 Kenya imports about 11,270 barrels of oil per day while
it does not export any.2 This is about to change. In 2012, significant oil reserves have
been discovered in Turkana, located in the north-western part of the country. The main
basin alone is estimated to contain more than 750 million barrels of oil.3 Despite the
historically low global oil price, new oil wells are set up and the first barrels of oil have
left Turkana as part of the Early Oil Pilot Scheme.4 Once the production increases,
Kenya is likely to become a net exporter of oil.
Also in northern Kenya but on the east side of Lake Turkana, the largest wind power
project on the African continent has been completed in June 2017.5 The wind park,
consisting of 365 wind turbines, has a total capacity of 310 MW.6 The Lake Turkana
Wind Power (LTWP) project is the ‘single largest private investment in Kenya’s
CONTACT Janpeter Schilling schilling@uni-landau.de

© 2018 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives License
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medium, provided the original work is properly cited, and is not altered, transformed, or built upon in any way.
572 J. SCHILLING ET AL.
history’.7 Once the wind park is connected to the national electricity grid (expected for
August 2018 at the earliest), wind power will become the second major source of
renewable energy after hydropower.8
The exploitation of oil and wind resources in northern Kenya will not only change
the energy mix on a national scale, the exploitation will above all have effects on the
local communities living in close proximity to the oil and wind sites.
The communities in the southern part of Turkana County, where oil has been found,
and in the western part of Marsabit County, where the wind project is located, depend
on pastoralism as their primary livelihood. Both counties have a semi-arid to arid
climate and rank among the lowest in Kenya in terms of human development, educa-
tion, formal employment opportunities, infrastructure and public and health services.9
Differences between the two counties exist with respect to the security situation which
was worse in southern Turkana, at least during the second phase of research (February
to March 2017). Towards the end of the second research phase, the violent conflict
between the Turkana and the Pokot had escalated again with frequent livestock raids
and attacks on villages from both sides and killings of chiefs.10 In addition, road
banditry had increased insecurity. In western Marsabit, raids between different groups,
particularly the Turkana and Samburu, occur occasionally.11 However, overall the
security situation has been more stable.
While the effects of oil on developing countries have been explored intensively as part of
the resource-curse literature, the body of academic literature on how oil exploration and
exploitation affect local communities in Kenya is still fairly limited.12 Anderson and
Browne13 as well as Vasquez14 discuss the implications of oil for Kenya in general terms.
Johannes et al. study the potential of oil to become a ‘resource curse’ for Kenya.15 Enns and
Bersaglio have focused on the role of the youth in communities exposed to oil exploration.16
The authors have argued that the local communities and oil companies have entered a
‘citizen-state-like relationship’.17 In several contributions, Agade analyses the conflict
potential of oil and its (security) governance in north-western Kenya.18 Schilling et al. also
study oil and conflict with a particular focus on the implications for climate vulnerability of
pastoral communities.19 In a later study, Schilling et al. then address the linkages between oil
exploration, planned development infrastructure such as the oil pipeline and conflict in
Kenya.20 In addition to the academic literature, several development institutions, among
them the World Bank and Cordaid, have published reports and comment pieces emphasis-
ing similar issues and human rights in particular.21
In almost all publications, concerns are raised about the (potential) negative effects for
the country in general and local communities in particular. However, despite the growing
body of literature, it is hardly understood what oil actually means for local communities
in Kenya. This is even less understood with respect to wind energy. There are almost no
studies on local effects of wind energy projects in developing countries. Brannstrom et al.
discuss the implications of a wind farm for resource access of local communities in
Brazil.22 On the African continent, only a few studies exist on wind energy exploitation in
South Africa but these do not have a focus on local communities.23
To the knowledge of the authors of this article, there are no academic studies
available on the LTWP project in Kenya. The only publication focusing on the conflict
potential of the LTWP project is a non-academic report by a group of journalists who
mostly investigate the issue of land and compensation.24
CONFLICT, SECURITY & DEVELOPMENT 573
The present article addresses this research gap by exploring the effects of oil and
wind exploration and exploitation on local communities living close to wind and oil
sites in southern Turkana and western Marsabit. Specifically, the local to global
perspective, developed in the introductory article of this special issue, is applied to
identify and compare the benefits, externalities and resource governance of oil and wind
exploitation, and to analyse their impacts on existing and new conflict dynamics.
The article is based on qualitative field research carried out in southern Turkana
County, northern West Pokot County and western Marsabit County in September
2016, February and March 2017 and March 2018. More details on the methods are
described in the following section before the results are presented and discussed. In the
final section of this article conclusions are drawn and recommendations are given on
how to minimise externalities and conflict risks while managing expectations of local
communities. The findings of this study advance the literature on resources and conflict
as this is one of the first articles to compare the local effects of renewable and non-
renewable resource exploitation and their connections to supra-local levels.25
Methods
Local to global perspective
The article applies a local to global perspective based on two steps. The first step focuses
on the local level. Here the key local actors involved in resource governance and
conflict, including their motivation and capabilities, are identified. Further, the relations
and interactions between the local actors are summarised and the benefits, externalities
and conflict implications of the extractive processes (in this case the exploration and
exploitation of oil and wind resources) are analysed.26 In the second step, the local level
is connected to the supra-local ones. Specifically, it is explored how national and
international actors and global processes affect local dynamics of governance and
conflict. The results and discussion section is structured along those two steps. A
more detailed description of the local to global perspective can be found in the
introductory article of this special issue.
Research area
The research area is located in northern Kenya and covers the southern part of Turkana
County, the northern part of the neighbouring West Pokot County and the western part
of Marsabit County. The exploitation of oil takes place in Turkana County. The wind
project is located in Marsabit County (Figure 1). Nomadic pastoralism is the main
livelihood in Turkana and Marsabit while subsistence farming supplements pastoralism
in West Pokot.27 Water, pasture, land and livestock (mainly cattle, goats, sheep and
camels) are the key resources for the populations in the three counties.28
While Turkana and Marsabit receive significant financial means as part of the
ongoing devolution process in Kenya, the two counties are still poorly developed in
terms of formal education, health provision, road infrastructure and formal employ-
ment opportunities. Turkana County has a poverty rate of 87.5 per cent, followed by
Figure 1. Research area with locations of oil and wind exploitation in northern Kenya.
Source: Zulfiqar Ali Shah for the authors. Based on Tullow, ‘About Tullow in Kenya’.
Marsabit County (75.8 per cent) and West Pokot County (66.3 per cent).29 The level
of formal education is very low, particularly in Turkana and Marsabit.30
The climate in Turkana and Marsabit is arid to semi-arid. The northern part of West
Pokot has a higher altitude and the region receives more rain. All three counties have a
bi-modal rainfall pattern with ‘long rains’ between March and May and ‘short rains’
between October and December.31 The frequency and severity of droughts in northern
Kenya have increased and this trend is likely to continue in the future.32 During the
second research phase in February and March 2017, all three counties experienced
drought. In general, water is a scarce resource, especially in Turkana and Marsabit.
Apart from several smaller ephemeral rivers (called laghas), the semi-permanent rivers
Turkwel and Kerio are the only rivers in Turkana. For the interviewed communities in
Marsabit, Lake Turkana is the only permanent source of water, although with a high
salt concentration.33
Most of the research was conducted in Turkana County and more specifically in the
sub-counties Turkana South and Turkana East (Figure 1). The sub-counties cover an area
of about 18,670 km2. In 2009 the sub-counties had a population of 226,379 people which
was projected to increase to 377,862 by 2017.34 Research was conducted in the following
towns and villages: Lokichar, Lokori, Kainuk, Nakukulas, Loperot, Nakaalei, Loyapat,
Lokwii, Lokwamosing, Loya, Kakongu and Karoge. The locations were chosen to be able
to compare different levels of engagement with the oil exploration and different levels of
conflict intensity. While the whole southern Turkana and northern West Pokot region was
fairly peaceful and safe in September 2016, the security situation was highly fragile and
dynamic in February and March 2017. This was mainly due to the renewed outbreak of the
violent conflicts and livestock raids between the Turkana and the Pokot and the high
frequency of attacks on vehicles driving on the main roads.35
The violent conflicts between various pastoral groups and especially the Turkana and
Pokot have a long history.36 The causes of the conflict are diverse and complex and they
have changed over time. Several authors have identified environmental factors such as
drought and increased rainfall variability as contributing conflict factors37 while others
have stressed political and elite influence and demarcation of boundaries as key conflict
drivers.38 More recently, some authors have argued that the ‘traditional’ raiding, referring
to the violent theft of livestock, has been commercialised. This implies that livestock is
not primarily stolen for the purpose of restocking own herds but to sell it on a market for
profit.39 Regardless where the emphasis is placed in terms of conflict drivers, livestock,
water, pasture and land resources are at the core of the inter-group pastoral conflicts.
The village of Lokwamosing, which even had a security unit, was raided a few days
after the research team had left the village on 21 February 2017. The research team
consisted of the three authors of this article and three research assistants who translated
and took notes during the interviews. At the time of the research, members of the
community in Lokwamosing had only heard about oil exploration but they had no
contact with any oil company. In contrast, community members in Nakukulas had
intense interaction with the company Tullow since it started its operation in the nearby
oil site Ngamia in 2012. According to Tullow, Ngamia is the company’s most developed
site. Out of the 32 wells in Turkana County, 26 are active.40 The town of Lokichar is the
main hub of the oil activities in the region.
In northern West Pokot the research sites included the town Alale and the villages
Sarmach, Kambi Karaya and Lous. These were chosen to explore how the oil exploration
affects the conflicts between the Turkana and the Pokot. Due to the fragile security
situation these sites were only visited during the first research phase in September 2016.
In Marsabit, the research was carried out in the town Loiyangalani, the fishing village
Komote at Lake Turkana, Serelminong and particularly the village of Sarima which had
been relocated in 2015 by about 2 km because of the wind power project (see Figure 1).
There is no official number for the population of Sarima. One participant of a small
group discussion in Sarima suggested a population of 2,000 but based on observations

of the research team this seems to be a rather high estimate. Around 1,000 people
should be more realistic. This estimate is broadly in line with the figure of 1,180 given
in the Resettlement Action Plan.41
In October 2014, construction activities for the wind farm started which covers an
area of 162 km2. The 365 wind turbines are expected to reach a total capacity of
310 MW.42 According to the founder of the project, Carlo Van Wageningen, a 428-
km-long power line will connect the wind park with the substation in Suswa where the
generated electricity will be fed into the national grid.43
The project costs sum up to about KSH 70 billion (US$ 0.7 billion).44 The wind park is
owned and developed by Lake Turkana Wind Power Limited which in turn is owned by a
consortium composed of several entities, among them are the Dutch company KP&P BV
Africa, Aldwych International Limited and Vestas. The 12.8 per cent share of Vestas is
planned to be sold to Google after completion of the project.45 Other investors in the project
include the African Development Bank, German Investment Corporation, European
Investment Bank, Dutch Development Bank, French Development Finance Institution,
Overseas Private Investment Corporation, Eksportkreditfonden and Triodos Groenfonds.46
Data collection
The data for this study was collected during three research phases in September 2016, from
February to March 2017 and in March 2018. The research method applied was a qualitative
approach based on individual interviews, small group interviews and observations. In total,
463 persons participated in the study which consists of 68 small group interviews, 38
individual interviews and 47 expert interviews. Most of the interviewees were community
members including women, pastoralists, elders, youth and village chiefs. In each village, all
efforts were made to conduct at least one small group interview with women, one with men,
one with youth and one with a mixed group, in addition to individual and expert inter-
views. These were conducted with village chiefs or assistant chiefs, other government
representatives such as members of parliament, members of peace committees, teachers
and representatives of the oil and wind projects, as well as non-governmental organisations
working in the research area. Each individual or small group interview was conducted by at
least two researchers assisted by one or two interpreters and two people taking notes. The
two independent sets of notes were then reconciled to increase objectivity.
The individual and small group interviews were based on an interview guideline
structured along the themes of ‘general changes’, ‘worries’ and ‘expectations/hopes’. To
avoid biasing responses, terms such as ‘oil’, ‘wind’, ‘conflict’, ‘climate’ and ‘drought’
were only used by the researchers after respondents used them first. Further, participat-
ing and non-participating observations were conducted. These were for example useful
to assess how communities used services such as water tanks, provided by the operating
oil and wind companies.
The interviews were fully transcribed, coded and analysed using Microsoft Excel and
MAXQDA. Further, an in-depth review of the academic literature on pastoralism, conflict,
oil and wind was conducted and Kenyan and international newspaper articles and press
releases by Tullow and LTWP were studied between 2012 and 2018. The research team
also drew on the experience gained during previous studies carried out in the region.47
As any other study carried out in a marginalised and conflict affected area, the
present study faced a few challenges. Particularly during the second research phase, the
situation in almost all visited communities was very difficult to desperate, as they had
been exposed to conflict, drought, livestock loss and hunger. It therefore took some
time in each research location to explain that the community members would not be
given any money or goods in return for participating in the study. A helpful argument
here was that their participation in the study would enable more people to learn about
the communities’ situation, both in terms of negative and positive aspects. In February
and March 2017 it was highly challenging to carry out research in the Turkana-Pokot
border region because of the fragile security situation. For instance, the research in the
village of Kakongu had to be aborted early as security providers informed the research
team about an upcoming attack on the village.48
Results and discussion

Local actors
The key local actors in the extractive process of oil include the Turkana communities
living in close proximity to the oil sites, local Tullow representatives, chiefs as repre-
sentatives of the local government and the distant Pokot community. In the wind
project, the key local actors are the members of the Sarima community (who are mostly
Turkana), representatives of LTWP and the distant Samburu community. Because of
their similarities, Table 1 groups these actors along their roles, motivation and cap-
ability, rather than by case.
In southern Turkana the key conflict actors and users of water and pasture resources
are the Turkana and the Pokot. As mentioned before, the relationship changed from co-
operative and peaceful in September 2016 to violent conflict in February–March 2017.
The community in Sarima, near the wind project, is mostly composed of Turkana who
consider the Samburu and to a lesser degree the Rendille to be their main enemy. The
level of conflict between the Sarima community and the Samburu and Rendille was very
low in February–March 2017 compared to southern Turkana. The following sections
analyse the local benefits, externalities and conflict implications.
Local benefits
Employment
In both cases, wind and oil, employment was the key issue for community mem-
bers. The extent of employment varies greatly with the project phase. According to
the website of the Lake Turkana consortium, 2,500 people were employed in the
project between October 2014 and March 2017. Seventy-five per cent of the workers
came from Laisamis Constituency to which Loiyangalani belongs. After installation
of all turbines in March 2017, the number of people employed declined to 911
people ‘of whom 81 per cent were local’ while it is not further specified what ‘local’
refers to exactly.49 During the operation phase, 250 people are expected to be
employed with a local percentage of 75.50 These official numbers are hard to verify
on the ground but the sharp decline in employment was reflected in the interviews.
578
Table 1. Motivation and capability of key local actors.

Pokot communities in conflict with
J. SCHILLING ET AL.
Turkana communities/
Turkana communities close to oil sites/ Samburu and other communities in
Sarima community close to the wind park Local LTWP/Tullow office Local government conflict with Sarima community
Type of ● Mostly conflict actor and user of water ● Mostly user of water, land and wind/oil ● Mostly governance actor of land and ● Mostly conflict actor and user of
actor and land resources resources and resource governance actor water resources water and land resources
● Partly resource governance actor ● Partly conflict actor ● Partly conflict actor ● Partly governance actor of water
and land resources
Motivation ● Jobs in the oil/wind sector ● Smooth operations to exploit oil/wind ● Financial benefits and infrastructure ● Financial compensations for land
● Financial compensations for land resources improvements from oil/wind claimed by Pokot/Samburu
● Improved water infrastructure ● Avoiding disruption and additional costs exploitation ● Jobs in the oil/wind sector
● Improved schools and education ● Decrease in violent conflicts ● Growth of local economy ● Decrease in violent conflicts
● Avoiding externalities of oil/wind ● Decrease in violent conflicts
exploitation
● Growth of local economy
● Decrease in violent conflicts
Capability ● Local knowledge of communities and ● Legal and financial means ● Contact to local communities and ● Local knowledge of commu-
area ● Relations to and support by national county government nities and area
● Legal means government ● Legal and financial means ● Weapons/ammunition
● Weapons/ammunition ● Manpower
● Manpower ● Experience in attacks
● Experience in attacks
Source: The authors.
According to the Deputy County Commissioner of Loiyangalani around 1,000

people have been employed in the project, ‘mostly people from around here’.51
He further explained that ‘right now [March 2017] there is less employment but
initially there were a lot of people employed’. The assistant chief of Loiyangalani
adds that particularly the youth was employed during the construction phase.52 A
woman in a small group interview in the relocated village of Sarima gave the
following statement:
When the project started, it employed many people but now [March 2017] the number
reduced and we were told the remaining jobs were for the skilled. We can’t blame them [the
ones in charge of the project] for that because none of our children are trained or skilled.
During the time of our second research phase the construction of the turbines was almost
completed and only one man out of the 19 people interviewed in Sarima was still working
for the wind project. Similarly, during our third research phase in March 2018, only very
few people interviewed in Sarima knew of any Sarima community members working for
LTWP. The job of security guard was most often named. Other jobs community
members of Sarima and the surrounding area of the wind park had during the construc-
tion phase of the project included cook and cleaner in the LTWP camp, digging holes and
mixing cement for the fundaments of the towers, clearing the way for roads, and rarely
technicians. According to several members of the Sarima community a casual labourer
received 520 KES (US$ 4.9) per day.53 Based on a small group interview with women, the
income was mostly spent on school fees and to buy food for the family.54
Similar to the wind project, local communities in southern Turkana want to work for
the oil company. ‘We want to put on Tullow clothes’, states a woman in Lokori.55 In the
oil sector the need for unskilled labour is highest in the development phase and lower in
the exploration, appraisal and production phases.56 According to the chief of Nakukulas,
a village located nearby an oil site which is close to production, the peak of the employ-
ment was reached in 2014.57 Since then oil activities and employment have reduced. In
addition to the manual jobs like road marshals, which can also be found in the wind
project, Tullow employs community liaison officers (CLOs) and village socialising officers
(VSOs). CLOs inform the communities about current and planned activities and listen to
the communities’ needs, concerns and complaints and feed them back to Tullow. VSOs
are community members whose primary task is to improve the image of Tullow in the
community and to intervene when community members disrupt operations (see conflict
section). Some community members therefore see VSOs as ‘puppets of Tullow’ as a
young man in a small group interview in Nakukulas stated.58
According to a VSO interviewed in Lokichar, abuse by the community is one of
the key challenges of the job for which one receives between 20,000 and 28,000 KES
(US$ 189–264) per month.59 Regardless of the salary and type of job, almost all
community members complained about the short period of their contract and that
not enough people from the local communities were employed. In addition to direct
employment, Tullow announces tenders for example for cars to be hired. A group of
young men interviewed in Nakukulas however stated that it is very hard for locals to
lease cars to Tullow because the company has very high requirements for the cars
and contractors.60
Water
After employment, water was the second key issue for communities in Marsabit and
Turkana. The community demands for water have been addressed differently by the
leaders of the wind project and the oil exploration. For Sarima a borehole was drilled
which allowed the community to access groundwater. ‘The white man [referring to
Nick Taylor, a LTWP manager] from the project came and gave us water’, states a
woman from Sarima.61 The appreciation by the community members in Sarima of the
borehole was obvious, particularly because of the severe drought that affected the area
at the time of the research. Observations by the research team confirmed that the
borehole was functioning and being used by the community in Sarima in March 2017.
However, one year later the research team found the desalination unit to be broken
implying that the water from the borehole was not safe for human consumption.
Despite this, community members of Sarima continued to use this water source.
Tullow has chosen a different approach. Instead of drilling boreholes, the company
mostly set up water tanks along the main road and nearby communities like Nakukulas.62
These water tanks are filled on a regular basis by water trucks but because Tullow can
decide to stop filling the water tanks, the source is less reliable than a borehole. As a
woman in a small group interview in Lokori points out: ‘Tullow has given a tank to the
community. They [Tullow] come and bring water. It would be better to drill a borehole
for us’.63 While the chosen approaches by the wind project and the oil exploration are
different, both have improved the local communities’ access to water, at least in the short
to medium term. However, as water is needed for the extraction of oil, Tullow needs the
same water resources as the communities. This is further explained in the conflict section.
Roads
In Marsabit and southern Turkana the road infrastructure has been improved because of
the wind and oil project respectively. According to the Deputy Subcounty Administrator
of Loiyangalani, Paul Machan, the new roads promote the mobility of people in
Loiyangalani. However, he also stressed that it was unfortunate that LTWP paved the
road connecting Sarima with Laisamis rather than improving the road between the
county capital Marsabit and Sarima, a route LTWP initially used. But even the road to
Laisamis improved the accessibility of Loiyangalani leading to a strong influx of people,
particularly when the demand for labourers was high during the construction phase.64
In southern Turkana the road between the county capital Lodwar and the town
Lokichar, the main oil hub, has been improved because of the oil exploration. At the
time of the second research phase, the stretch of the A1 road between Lokichar and
Kainuk was under construction. And while the oil development can be seen as the
major driver of these infrastructure improvements, the entire region is benefiting as
goods and people can be transported more easily. Parts of the A1 road are connected to
the large infrastructure project LAPPSET (Lamu Port Southern Sudan-Ethiopia
Transport).65 Similar to the wind project, several community members in southern
Turkana complained that ‘Tullow only builds the roads they need’ as a community
leader in Lokori points out.66 In addition, the completion of the A1 road has been
delayed as it faced the usual challenges of the region in terms of insecurity for
construction workers due to violent inter-communal conflict and banditry. Other
challenges include heavy rainfall and the poor quality of the tarmac that has been
criticised by community members living along the road.67
Further benefits
The regular employees in the wind and oil sector both stay in camps where accom-
modation and food are provided. However, because of the influx of people seeking to
benefit from oil and wind power, business opportunities such as opening up simple
hotels, restaurants and bars have arisen, particularly in the local hubs. The growth effect
seems stronger in Lokichar than in Loiyangalani. In Lokichar some locals were given
tenders to provide transport services for Tullow.68 However the distribution of tenders
caused some tension between and within Turkana communities as observed by the
research team during a visit to Nakukulas on 24 February 2017. There were also
allegations of corruption concerning tenders and ownership of cars.69
As part of their corporate social responsibility activities, LTWP and Tullow have
invested into schools and education.70 For example, LTWP bought chairs and
improved the roofing of Mount Kulal girls primary school.71 According to Tullow
representatives, the company has adjusted its strategy.72 Instead of giving scholarships
to a few locals to study, for instance, engineering abroad, a community learning
centre has been set up at the Tullow office in Lokichar.73 This centre is equipped
with computers for community members to acquire basic computer skills or to
browse the World Wide Web. Further Tullow has built classrooms for primary
schools in Nakukulas and Karoge.74
In addition to the described common benefits, there are also some benefits that can
only be found in the wind project or in oil exploitation. A key difference is the sharing
of revenues once the production phase has started. According to the Kenyan constitu-
tion the profits generated through the selling of Turkana oil are to be shared between
the national government (receiving 70 per cent), the county government (receiving 20
per cent) and the local communities (receiving 10 per cent).75 The allocation of oil
revenues has caused disagreements between the different levels of government.76 In
May 2018 an agreement between Turkana Governor Josphat Nanok and Petroleum and
Mining Cabinet Secretary John Munyes reduced the share for the local communities to
5 per cent.77
Such a local benefit is not intended in the wind project. Some community members
in Sarima stated that they were promised to be connected to the electricity grid.
However, at the time of the research, no other indication for such plans was found.
The energy generated in Marsabit will be fed into the national grid where it is then sold
to the customers.78 LTWP rejects its responsibility to provide the local communities
with energy. Instead LTWP stresses that this is the responsibility of the Kenya Power &
Lighting Company and the Rural Electrification Authority: ‘LTWP only has a license to
generate power not for distribution’.79 The taxes paid by the wind consortium only go
to the national government.80
Because the community of Sarima was relocated, each household received around
KSH 16,000 (US$ 151) to set up a new hut in the relocation site. A report by Danwatch
states that some community members received a compensation of KSH 13,000 (US$
123) per person.81 In addition to the financial compensation, LTWP built a fence
around the relocated village as protection against attacks by Samburu.82
Local externalities
Loss of income
A key challenge for communities in the region where wind and oil are exploited is the
highly fluctuating need for casual labour resulting in sudden loss of employment and
household income. During the height of the construction phase community members
from Sarima and Loiyangalani got used to the regular income from the wind project.
When casual labourers were laid off, community members and government represen-
tatives described it as a ‘shock’. One woman from Sarima explains: ‘It has really affected
us, [. . .] those who were employed are now sacked, the life is hard for them because this
was like a family income’.83 The loss of income comes at a time when community
members were losing large numbers of livestock due to drought. Similarly, community
members in southern Turkana were shocked and upset when they were laid off. A VSO
and elder in Lokichar village stated that ‘when Tullow jobs stopped and [people were]
laid off, the road blocks started’ (see conflict section).84
Relocation
For community members in Sarima, the second key externality of the wind project was that
they had to be relocated. Only a few interviewed community members complained about
the small amount they received as compensation. In general the land where the wind (and
oil) exploitation takes place is communal land which implies that communities and
individuals cannot hold land titles. The Community Land Act of 2016 is supposed to enable
group registration of community-owned land and therefore to better protect communities
against loss of land without proper compensation.85 In the case of the wind park formal
compensation was not paid according to members of the Sarima community who were
afraid that they had to be relocated again.86 ‘We hear that the wind power [project] could
want to move us again’, states a man from Sarima in a small group interview.87 The research
team followed up on those indications but it could not confirm or falsify them. When asked
about further relocation plans, the Deputy Sub-county Administrator of Loiyangalani only
said that ‘there will be need for new roads to pass’.88 In the oil region, the fear of having to
move was also present but since no relocation of entire villages has taken place so far,
relocation was less of an issue in southern Turkana than it was in Marsabit.
Land and water resources

Loss of access to land and lack of financial compensation for local communities were
among the key concerns in Marsabit and particularly in southern Turkana. Several
community members in Sarima and Loiyangalani complained that LTWP received a
lease for 40,000 acres but ‘they [LTWP] have taken more than 110,000 acres’.89 A
lawsuit by local actors against the size of the project and how the land was acquired
resulted in November 2016 in a ruling by the High Court in Meru which allowed the
project to continue but confined it to 87,500 acres.90 While members of the Sarima
community did not seem to have received any financial compensation for the land
given to the wind project, the turbines are not fenced and the area surrounding them
was still accessible to the community members at the time of the research.
In Turkana, oil has a (potentially) large impact on land. Tullow has a licence for
about 48,300 km2 of land in Kenya. More than half of the licensed area is located in
Turkana County which has a size of 77,000 km2. In contrast to the wind project, all oil
sites for exploration, storage of oil and others are fenced and inaccessible for local
communities. The inaccessibility of land and disruption of pastoral migration routes is
likely to become worse when the construction for the planned oil pipeline starts.91
The oil pipeline and the power line for the wind park are bringing up the already
highly contested issue of land and land rights in Kenya.92 Communities and individuals
claim land rights along the corridors where the energy transport infrastructure is
planned in order to receive compensations. This delays their completion and hence
the utilisation of the oil and wind resources.93
Oil exploration and exploitation needs water which already is a highly scarce
resource in Turkana. As Tullow notes: ‘Water injection testing on the Amosing and
Ngamia fields has been successful and demonstrated the feasibility of water injection for
the development of these fields’.94 According to the media service IRIN, Tullow has
acknowledged that to extract one barrel of oil, three to four times the amount of water
is needed.95 Hence to utilise the 750 million barrels of oil of the main basin, between 2.3
and 3 billion barrels of water would be needed. In 2013, a significant aquifer was
discovered in Turkana. The aquifer’s water is too salty for human consumption but for
the oil extraction it is likely to be of high relevance. So far, the aquifer remains largely
underutilised.96
Tullow is essentially competing with local communities for groundwater resources.
In the case of the wind park, competition for water is unlikely to become an issue as the
amount of water needed to operate and cool the (V52–850) turbines is expected to be
minimal.97
Environmental pollution
While not visible at the time of the research, there is the general risk of groundwater
and soil pollution by oil or chemicals used for the extraction of oil.98 For wind, the
externalities in terms of pollution can be expected to be much lower. Wind energy only
needs a fraction of the amount of water needed for oil exploitation.99 At the time of the
research the rotors were not moving but the rotors changed the appearance of the
landscape. Once the rotors start turning (limited) pollution can be expected in terms of
noise emissions, flicker and light reflections. Further, accidental killings of birds by
rotors are likely.100 The interviewed community members in Sarima knew little about
the environmental effects of the turning turbines but some raised concerns. These
‘turbines we see, could kill our animals’, stated one woman in Sarima.101
In southern Turkana, a few community members mentioned that the black smoke
coming from the oil sites is disturbing their livestock and others mentioned that
because the oil is there the rain stopped coming. For example, a participant of a
small group interview in Karoge stated that ‘Tullow is the cause of this drought because
of drilling our land’.102 But in both regions this was a minor issue compared to
employment, water and land. Some community members in both regions mentioned
livestock being injured or killed by vehicles moving to and from the oil and wind sites.
As the oil needs to be transported in trucks until a pipeline is completed, road traffic
accidents are likely to continue to be an issue in southern Turkana. In Marsabit, the risk
of road traffic accidents is lower as the frequency of maintenance vehicles moving to
and from the wind park can be expected to be quite low.
Further externalities
Another externality of wind and oil exploitation is the potential increase of prostitution
and consequently negative health impacts in terms of rising rates of HIV/AIDS and
other sexually transmitted diseases. However, in both locations, these concerns were
only raised sporadically.103 While skilled workers with a higher income are mostly men
in the oil and wind industry, no official numbers are available. A report by Danwatch
claims a connection between the wind project and prostitution and alcoholism but this
is sustained with little evidence.104 Some studies point to connections between oil
workers, high-risk sexual behaviour and higher HIV rates.105 Table 2 summarises the
described benefits and externalities.
Local conflict implications

Community–company conflict
In February–March 2017, the level of conflict between the community and the operat-
ing company was lower in Marsabit than in Turkana. In Sarima a few community
members and the Assistant Chief of Loiyangalani reported that a couple of times access
roads to the wind farm have been blocked by community members, for instance, nearby
Sarima and South Horr.106 The Deputy County of Loiyangalani mentioned that road-
blocks were frequent around May 2016. Several women from Sarima reported that ‘the
road [leading to the windpark] was closed even yesterday and today’.107 It is the male
youth who sets up those road blocks. The key driver of these community road blocks
was unmet community demands for employment in the wind project. To a lesser
degree, unmet demands for water play a role and the Deputy County Commissioner
of Loiyangalani added community frustration over ‘payment of little amounts of
money’ by the wind project as another reason.108 According to one woman in
Sarima, a roadblock in February 2017 led to the employment of three Turkanas and
four Samburus in the wind project.109
Similarly, in southern Turkana unmet demands for employment were the key driver
for community roadblocks interrupting Tullow’s operations. Insufficient provision of
water by Tullow for the community was also mentioned. As a third reason a group of
young local car contractors interviewed in Nakukulas stated that ‘we have to use force
to make Tullow take our cars’.110 When asked about the kind of force that is used, the
answer was roadblocks. The number of roadblocks tends to increase when community
members lose their employment. A Tullow community co-ordinator in Lokori recalls
the situation in 2015: ‘road marshals have been laid off, CLOs and VLOs have been laid
off. There were lots of challenges’.111 The roadblocks are mostly set up close to
Lokichar. When community members block a road, VLOs, chiefs and security forces
(Kenya Police Reservists [KPRs], police and alike) come to the site. According to the
majority of respondents, roadblocks are mostly resolved peacefully but some commu-
nity members reported that there were also incidences when security providers used
force against people blocking the roads. In June 2018, local community members
prevented a convoy of armoured police vehicles and trucks carrying oil to leave
Turkana. According to a newspaper article, the community members wanted to protest
against the rising insecurity in the area and to stress their demands for being employed
as road marshals.112
Table 2. Benefits and externalities of oil extraction and the wind project for local communities.
Oil Wind
Extent Description Extent Description
Benefits to local communities
Employment opportunities Low Almost exclusively before production Limited Almost exclusively during the construction phase
phase
Improvements of water Low to medium Water tanks filled by oil company High Borehole drilled by LTWC
provision
Road improvements Low to medium To oil sites only Low To wind park only
Schools/education Low New class rooms and school books Low Providing chairs and roofing for a girls primary school
improvements
Security improvements Very low Only around oil sites Very low Fence for Sarima
Stimulation of local economy/ Medium to high Expected to be highest in production Limited Almost exclusively during construction phase
business opportunities phase
Revenues Low 10 per cent of total oil revenues (not None
yet)
Externalities to local communities
Frustration over unmet Very high Especially over employment and water Very high Especially over employment, partly over compensations
expectations provision
Loss of access to land Medium All operation and storage sites are Low Only staff camp is fenced
fenced
Disruption of migration routes Low to potentially Overground pipeline could cause Very low Passing between turbines is possible
high disruption
Pollution Low to potentially Groundwater, soil and air by oil and Low to Noise emissions, flicker and light reflections generated by the turbines
high chemicals medium (to be expected)
Reduction of water availability High Particularly during production phase Very low Almost no external water is needed during production phase
Aggravation of inter-communal Low to potentially Turkana vs. Pokot Very low Turkana vs. Samburu and Rendille
conflict high
CONFLICT, SECURITY & DEVELOPMENT
585
It has also happened that pastoralists have driven their livestock into fenced-off areas
of Tullow in order to access the grass within the premises.113 In 2013, an oil site was
stormed and damaged by community members.114 As a result of unresolved issues with
community members, Tullow had to suspend operations for several weeks.115 More
recently, Tullow has expressed security concerns as employees of companies contracted
by Tullow to build a road were harassed and attacked by locals.116 In January 2018, two
hundred Tullow employees were held hostage for several hours by local community
members. The incident occurred in an oil camp near Lokichar and was resolved without
violence.117
In the exploitation of wind and oil resources, unmet community expectations,
particularly regarding employment, can be identified as the key conflict driver. The
described externalities did not seem to play a key role because at the time of the
research the production of wind energy and oil had not started. Once this is the case,
the externalities can be expected to further aggravate the dissatisfaction of the commu-
nities with the wind and oil operators. They are facing enormous community demands
which the operators cannot meet. Tullow has built some school class rooms, set up
community resource centres, improved the water situation for several communities and
provided some employment opportunities. This, however, is not enough to satisfy the
communities given their high demands for employment and the limited need for
unskilled labour, particularly in the upcoming oil production phase. In the wind
project, the demand for unskilled labour will be even less and very much limited to a
few security guards. So far, compensation of lost land has mainly played a role in the
wind park project while for the oil project the issue of land can be expected to become
more pressing when the pipeline is being planned and constructed. Table 3 summarises
the key aspects of the conflict section.
Communal conflict
Particularly two issues have the potential to aggravate existing conflicts or create new
ones between and within communities. These are disputes over territory and competi-
tion for employment opportunities. The borders between Turkana and West Pokot
have been a source of conflict for a long time.118 The Turkana claim parts of West
Pokot and the Pokot claim parts of Turkana.119 Now that oil has been found on the
Turkana side, concerns are increasing that the resource may aggravate the conflict
between the Turkana and the Pokot. For instance, a teacher interviewed in Turkana
South states that ‘Pokots are here [in Turkana South], being pushed by their leaders
with the intention of land and oil’.120
Table 3. Key characteristics of community–company conflicts in the wind and oil extractive
processes.
Oil Wind
Intensity Medium to high Low
Key driver Unmet community expectations Unmet community expectations
Conflict object Employment, water, land Employment, compensation for land
Manifestation Roadblocks, attacks on oil sites, staff and vehicles Roadblocks, law suite
Disputed borders can also be a source of non-violent conflict within Turkana. A

resident from Nakaalei, a village in Turkana South, states that ‘there was conflict with
Turkana East over land and the border [. . .] Turkana East wants to claim the well
[located in Turkana South]’.121 The Chief of Nakaalei has a similar perception, stressing
that the borders between Turkana South, East and Central are disputed: ‘Leaders fight
over oil, boundaries, people and votes [. . .] when an [oil] well has been found, they [the
leaders] claim that it is found in their area’.122
Similar developments can be observed in Marsabit. The Deputy County
Commissioner of Loiyangalani explains: ‘People from Samburu say the land is theirs,
the Samburu, the Rendille all of them say the land is theirs’.123 A member of the Sarima
community made this observation: ‘They [the Samburu] saw this project has come, they
saw the Turkana will benefit from it, let us chase them and go to their land’.124
Employment opportunities were named as a source of inter- and intra-communal
disputes in Marsabit and Turkana. ‘These people [from LTWP] don’t employ us, they
only employ the Samburu’, states a community member in Sarima.125 Many intervie-
wees in Sarima were particularly angry when jobs as security officers were given to
Samburus. The ‘heads of G4S [a security company] are all Samburus’, complains one
member of a small group interview in Sarima.126
In Turkana, the distribution of job opportunities is a source of non-violent conflict
as well. A woman in Loperot states that ‘they [Tullow] employ only 10 Turkanas while
the rest are brought by planes’. The Senior Chief of Lokori confirmed that employment
is a source of tension between Turkana East and Turkana South.127 Overall, the
research findings suggest that the oil and wind extractive processes have an aggravating
effect on existing violent conflicts between communities (e.g. between Turkana and
Pokot) and a potential to create new, so far non-violent conflicts, within communities
of the same ethnicity (e.g. between Turkana South and Turkana East).
The oil and wind extraction affects the overall security situation in each region as it
changes its security architecture. The oil company and LTWP concentrate security
forces to protect the extraction sites. This tends to improve the security around the
oil sites and wind park. However, both Tullow and LTWP use KPRs. ‘We also employ
KPR[s]’, states the LTWP managing director. KPRs are not formally trained police
officers but rather people with a gun, in charge of protecting their community. This
means that Tullow and LTWP are using security personnel that is meant to protect
communities rather than a commercial project. In Marsabit LTWP sees itself as a
security actor. ‘We have our own security to handle conflict’, states the managing
director of the wind project to further explain that ‘the police even comes to us for
information because we know more than the police’.128
From local to global

The previously described local dynamics are affected by several actors and processes at
supra-local levels, including the subnational, national, international and global level
(Figure 2). The global demand for oil and renewable energy is the reason why oil and
wind resources are exploited in Kenya. International actors like Tullow and the LTWP
consortium invest into extractive processes to generate profits. This target is then
passed on to the national and local offices of Tullow and LTWP. In order to generate
Figure 2. Local to global actor constellation.

profits, smooth and uninterrupted operations are needed which in turn implies main-
taining positive relations with the local communities. As the previous sections have
shown, this is a highly challenging task for the local offices, but particularly so when the
global demand for oil and hence the global oil price drops. When the exploration of oil
resources began in Turkana in 2012, the average global oil price was about US$ 112 per
barrel. By 2015, the average price had more than halved to US$ 52.129 Consequently,
Tullow cut its global exploration budget from US$ 300 to 200 million.130 On the local
level, this has resulted in ‘no operation, no jobs’ and the described conflict
implications.131 Looking forward, the development of the global oil price will influence
the speed at which oil will be moved out of Turkana. A pipeline is planned to run from
Lokichar to Lamu, a small town located in the northern part of Kenya’s coast. Until its
envisaged completion in 2020–2021, it is planned to transport up to 2,000 barrels of
crude oil per day by road from Lokichar to Eldoret (from where it will be further
transported by railway to Mombasa).132 The moving oil trucks increase the opportu-
nities for road blocks by communities who might feel that ‘their’ resource is leaving
their area without benefitting them sufficiently.133
Government support for oil exploration and exploitation decreases from the national to
the local government level. The national government in Nairobi strongly supports Tullow
because the company leases land for oil operations from the national government which
also receives the major share of the oil profits (see section on local benefits). The county
government is planned to receive at least 20 per cent of the oil profits. Most of the
interviewed chiefs, representing the local government, have a more ambivalent view on
oil. On the one hand, they see their communities benefitting in terms of road, education
and health infrastructure, water provision and income opportunities. On the other hand,
they understand and partly share their communities’ frustration with Tullow. As one chief
(who is not identified for source protection purposes) states: ‘Tullow does not want to co-
operate. I am happy when there is a roadblock’.
The local effects of the wind project are less connected to supra-local levels. Indeed, the
global demand for renewable energy, which is connected to global efforts to mitigate climate
change, influences the willingness of investors like the European Investment Bank to invest
into wind energy projects.134 However, as long as there is no transnational power grid, the
production of wind energy is not influenced by global energy prices as the energy produced
by the wind farm will be consumed in Kenya. Unlike in the case of oil, the abrupt cuts of
employment opportunities in the wind project have little to do with global energy prices but
with the strongly varying demand for unskilled labour across project phases. Figure 2
summarises the key actors of both extractive processes and their relations.
Conclusions
The aim of this article was to explore and compare the local benefits, externalities and
conflict implications of the oil and wind extractive processes in northern Kenya. The
findings contribute to the body of literature on the resource curse, environmental
security and land grabbing.135
In the short to medium run, the local communities in both cases benefit from an
improved water situation. Such positive effects are hardly discussed in the literature on
environmental security and the resource curse. In the long run however, increased compe-
tition for and pollution of groundwater are expected to become challenges for communities
living in close proximity to oil sites. Studies from the environmental security literature have
shown that environmental degradation and competition for essential resources such as
water can become a source of conflict between communities and oil companies.136 In
northern Kenya, full production of oil has not yet started. Hence, environmental degrada-
tion caused by the oil operations was not (yet) a major concern for the local communities. It
is also too early to say whether the oil exploitation leads to separatist movements or even a
civil war in Kenya as some studies from the resource-curse literature might suggest.137
Currently, employment opportunities is the key issue in the oil and wind cases. On
the one hand, oil and wind exploitation offer employment in regions where such
opportunities are very rare. On the other hand, the extent of employment opportunities
varies strongly across the project phases. Unmet expectations for (long-term) employ-
ment and the perception of an unfair distribution of jobs are key drivers of conflicts
between local communities and representatives of the oil and wind extractive process.
In both cases, violent interactions between community members and oil and wind
representatives can be found, while the level of community frustration and violence is
higher in the oil exploitation. Here, the present study contributes to the growing body
of literature which identifies employment as a key benefit for the communities and a
source of conflict.138 In addition to employment, locally perceived lack of proper
compensation for land used by the wind and oil companies is a key issue. This shows
that not only large plantations, as discussed in the land grabbing literature, but also oil
and renewable energy projects impact the often already highly contested issues of land
use, land rights and access to land.139
The applied local to global framework was instrumental to identify how the different
levels of actors and resource governance affect local conflict dynamics. For instance, the
global oil price influences the speed of extractive processes which in turn impacts local
employment opportunities and hence conflict dynamics. Global climate change and
international efforts to mitigate it are key reasons for the wind park to be built.
Looking forward, the next phases of the resource exploitation are the wind power line,
expected to be finished at the end of August 2018, and the oil pipeline, planned to be
completed around 2021.140 For the construction of this infrastructure low-skilled labour is
needed which is likely to increase both local income opportunities and the conflict
potential. In the case of oil, the degree to which the pipeline will run underground will
determine how strongly pastoral migration routes will be affected. Land used for the power
line and pipeline is already a highly contested issue and it is likely to continue to be one.
Against this background, some actor-specific recommendations can be given. For
Tullow and LTWP it is important to maximise the local employment effect while at the
same time carefully manage community expectations for employment. A key objective
for Tullow will be to ensure safe operations and to minimise externalities, particularly
pollution of land and groundwater resources. Otherwise, an oil spill has the potential to
significantly aggravate existing conflicts and tensions with local communities.
In the case of the wind park, it is hard to foresee how the community of Sarima will
respond to potential noise emissions, flicker and light reflections, once the wind
turbines start rotating. LTWP, Kenya Power & Lighting Company and the Rural
Electrification Authority need to ensure that once the wind park is connected to the
national grid, the community of Sarima has access to wind energy as well. According to
an interview with a wind engineer it would be possible and not too costly to connect
Sarima to one of the 365 turbines.141 This would very likely increase the level of
acceptance of the Sarima community of the wind park.
The national government of Kenya is well advised to use the revenue generated
through the oil and wind exploitation to address the large local development needs for
education, infrastructure, health services and essentially security, particularly in south-
ern Turkana. This implies close and constructive co-operation between national, county
and local bodies of government. Finally, the local communities need to develop non-
violent ways to express their frustration caused by the extractive processes. This could
be done through the chiefs or elected committees who directly communicate with
representatives of Tullow and LTWP. Overall, a regular platform or forum is needed
where actors from all levels can discuss their views and grievances in an open,
transparent and constructive manner.
Notes
1. CIA, ‘CIA World Factbook – Kenya’.
2. Ibid.
3. Business Daily, ‘Tullow to Resume Exploration’.
4. Star, ‘Kenya’s Oil Export Plans’.

5. ADB, ‘Lake Turkana Wind Power’.
6. LTWP, ‘Lake Turkana Wind Power’.
7. Kenyan Wall Street, ‘Top 10 Largest Infrastructure Projects’.
8. CIA, ‘CIA World Factbook – Kenya’; Star, ‘Rotich Gives Sh12.6bn’; Star, ‘Tullow Picks UK
Firm’. In an interview P. Leferink, Managing Director of LTWP, expected the power line
to take much longer than until August 2018.
9. UNDP, ‘Kenya Human Development’; GoK, Basic Education Statistical Booklet; GoK,
Kenya Demographic and Health.
10. See Rift News, ‘Chief and Three Kenya’ for recent events; and for a general overview of the
conflicts, see Schilling et al., ‘Raiding Pastoral Livelihoods’.
11. Pike et al., ‘Documenting the Health Consequences’.
12. A review of the resource and conflict literature is not provided here as this can be found in
the (freely available) introductory article of the special issue.
13. Anderson and Browne, ‘The Politics of Oil’.
14. Vasquez, ‘Kenya at a Crossroads’.
15. Johannes et al., ‘Oil Discovery in Turkana’.
16. Enns and Bersaglio, ‘Pastoralism in the Time’.
17. Enns and Bersaglio, ‘Enclave Oil Development’, 78.
18. Agade, ‘Oil and Emerging Conflict’; Agade, ‘Security Governance in East’; Agade and
Lokwang, ‘New Challenges for African’; Agade, ‘Changes and Challenges’; Agade and
Wandera, Conflict, Security and the Extractive; Agade, ‘“Ungoverned Space”’. See also
Guardian, ‘Britain is at Centre’.
19. Schilling et al., ‘The Nexus of Oil’.
20. Schilling et al., ‘For Better or Worse’.
21. Benson and Lind, Building Peace; Lind, Governing Black Gold; Cordaid, Oil Exploration in
Kenya; OSIEA, Looking Forward; World Bank, ‘Kenya Sets Framework’.
22. Brannstrom et al., ‘Is Brazilian Wind Power’.
23. Baker and Sovacool, ‘The Political Economy’; Hammami et al., ‘Identifying the Determinants’;
McEwan, ‘Spatial Processes and Politics’; Shen and Power, ‘Africa and the Export’.
24. See Danwatch, A People in the Way.
25. For an example of an energy conflict from Germany, see Link et al., ‘Energy Landscapes’;
Link and Scheffran, ‘Impacts of the German’.
26. The term extractive process is further explained in the introductory article of this special
issue.
27. See Greiner, ‘Pastoralism and Land-Tenure Change’.
28. Njanja et al., ‘Pastoralists’ Perception of Livestock’; Opiyo et al., ‘Drought Adaptation and
Coping’. A detailed description of the ecology of pastoral communities in Turkana and
especially around Lokichar can be found in Little and Leslie, The South Turkana Ecosystem.
29. KNBS and SID, Exploring Kenya’s Inequality.
30. GoK, Basic Education Statistical Booklet.
31. McSweeney et al., ‘UNDP Climate Change Country’.
32. Mude et al., Index Based Livestock Insurance; Opiyo et al., ‘Drought Adaptation and
Coping’; Schilling et al., ‘On Raids and Relations’.
33. See Rift Valley Water Service Board, Water Point Mapping Report.
34. GoK, Turkana County – Second Annual.
35. See, for example, Wepundi et al., Availability of Small Arms.
36. Agade, Guns and Governance; McCabe, Cattle Bring Us to Our Enemies; McCabe, ‘Turkana
Pastoralism’; Little, ‘Lessons Learned’; Little and Leslie, The South Turkana Ecosystem.
37. Adano et al., ‘Climate Change, Violent Conflict’; Adem et al., ‘Dangerous Geography’; Detges,
‘Close-up on Renewable Resources’; Ember et al., ‘Livestock Raiding and Rainfall’; Meier et al.,
‘Environmental Influences on Pastoral’; Schilling et al., ‘On Raids and Relations’; Schilling
et al., ‘Raiding Pastoral Livelihoods’; Witsenburg and Adano, ‘Of Rain and Raids’.
38. See, for example, Greiner, ‘Guns, Land, and Votes’; Okumu et al., ‘The Role of Elite’.
39. Eaton, ‘The Business of Peace’; Eaton, ‘The Rise of the “Traider”’.
40. Interview with C.J. Ewaton, Tullow Community Co-ordinator, Lokori, 14 September 2016.
41. Cited in Danwatch, A People in the Way.
42. LTWP, ‘Providing Reliable, Low Cost’.
43. Reuters, ‘Kenya’s Lake Turkana Wind’.
44. LTWP, ‘Providing Reliable, Low Cost’.
45. Telegraph, ‘Google Buys Stake’.
46. For more details see Danwatch, A People in the Way.
47. See Schilling et al., ‘On Raids and Relations’; Schilling et al., ‘“Just Women” Is Not
Enough’; Schilling et al., ‘The Nexus of Oil’; Schilling et al., ‘Raiding Pastoral
Livelihoods’; Schilling et al., ‘For Better or Worse’.
48. This episode is similar to what Little experienced in the South Turkana Ecosystem Project.
See Little, ‘Lessons Learned’.
49. LTWP, ‘How Many People’.
50. Ibid.
51. Interview with J. Kihora, Deputy County Commissioner Loiyangalani, Loiyangalani, 28
February 2017.
52. Interview with P. Lesas, Assistant Chief Loiyangalani, Loiyangalani, 28 February 2017.
53. Interview with Group of Women, Pastoralists, Sarima, 28 February 2017.
54. Ibid.
55. Interview with Group of Women, Pastoralists and farmers, Lokori, 12 September 2016.
56. For details, see Schilling et al., ‘The Nexus of Oil’.
57. Interview with A. Eregae, Chief of Nakukulas, Nakukulas, 14 September 2016.
58. Interview with Group of Male Youth, Vehicle Brokers, Nakukulas, 14 September 2016.
59. Interview with P.E. Nakoel, Village Socialising Officer, Lokichar, 16 September 2016.
63. Interview with Group of Women, Pastoralists and Farmers, Lokori, 12 September 2016.
64. Kochore, ‘The Road to Kenya?’.
65. See Schilling et al., ‘For Better or Worse’.
66. Interview with J.E. Eregae, Community Leader and Councillor, Lokori, 13 September 2016.
67. Kenya National Highways Authority, Environmental and Social Impact; Noonan and
Kevlihan, ‘Managing Conflict in North-west’; Standard, ‘Residents Allege Being
Shortchanged’.
69. Agade and Wandera, Conflict, Security and the Extractive.
70. Interview with F. Rottmann, Corporate Social Responsibility Officer LTWP, LTWP Main
Station, near Sarima, 7 March 2018.
71. See also LTWP, ‘LTWP/WoC Hand over Dormitory’.
72. Interview with L. Lokuruka and C.J. Ewaton, Tullow Representatives, Lokichar, 22
February 2017.
73. Interview with L. Lokuruka and C.J. Ewaton, Tullow Representatives, Lokichar, 22
February 2017.
74. Interview with Group of Elders and Youth, Diverse Backgrounds, Karoge, 25 February
2017.
75. Republic of Kenya, ‘The Constitution of Kenya’.
76. See Star, ‘Turkana Wants 25% Share’; Daily Nation, ‘State Agrees’.
77. Daily Nation, ‘Turkana Agrees’.
78. Star, ‘Power Line from Turkana’.
79. LTWP, ‘FAQ – Are the Local’.
80. LTWP, ‘FAQ – How Does LTWP’.
81. Danwatch, A People in the Way.
82. This was mentioned by several members of the Sarima community and during an
Interview with P. Leferink, Managing Director LTWP, LTWP Main Station, near
Sarima, 7 March 2018.
84. Interview with P.E. Nakoel, Village Socialising Officer, Lokichar, 16 September 2016. See
also conflict section.
85. GoK, Community Land Act 2016.
86. In contrast, P. Leferink, Managing Director of LTWP stated in an interview on 7 March
2018 ‘We paid a lot for the relocation [of Sarima]’.
87. Interview with Group of Elders and Youth, Pastoralists, Sarima, 28 February 2017.
88. Interview with P. Machan, Deputy Sub-County Administrator, Loiyangalani, 1 March
2017.
89. Interview with Group of Elders, Diverse Backgrounds, Kiwanja, 1 March 2017.
90. Daily Nation, ‘Court Declines’.
91. For details see Schilling et al., ‘For Better or Worse’.
92. See Greiner, ‘Pastoralism and Land-Tenure Change’; Greiner, ‘Guns, Land, and Votes’;
Shanguhyia and Koster, ‘Land and Conflict’.
93. Star, ‘Kenya Strikes Deal’. Interview with P. Leferink, Managing Director LTWP, LTWP
Main Station, near Sarima, 7 March 2018. See also Schilling et al., ‘For Better or Worse’.
94. Tullow, ‘Trading Statement’.
95. IRIN, ‘Oil-Rich yet on Edge’.
96. Schilling et al., ‘For Better or Worse’.
97. Interview with A. Jiménez, Wind Energy Engineer, Landau, 9 May 2017. See also Jiang,
‘Wind Turbine Cooling Technologies’.
98. See, for instance, Khaitan et al., ‘Remediation of Sites’; da Silva et al., ‘Oil Waste
Management’.
99. Saidur et al., ‘Environmental Impact of Wind’.
100. Ibid.
102. Interview with Group of Elders and Youth, Diverse Backgrounds, Karoge, 25 February
2017.
103. For instance, Interview with D. Loburjula, Community Worker, Loiyangalani, 27 February
2017; Interview with Group of Youth, Diverse Backgrounds, Loperot, 14 September 2016.
104. Danwatch, A People in the Way.
105. See, for example, Nwauche and Akani, ‘An Assessment of High’; Udonwa et al., ‘Oil Doom
and AIDS’.
106. Interview with Group of Elders and Youth, Pastoralists, Sarima, 28 February 2017;
Interview with P. Lesas, Assistant Chief Loiyangalani, Loiyangalani, 28 February 2017.
February 2017.
108. Ibid.
111. Interview with C. Jones Ewaton, Tullow Community Co-ordinator, Lokori, 14 September
2016.
112. Daily Nation, ‘Turkana Residents’.
113. Interview with L. Lokuruka and C. Jones Ewaton, Tullow Representatives, Lokichar, 22
February 2017.
114. Daily Nation, ‘Turkana MP Under Probe’.
115. Tullow, ‘Kenya Operations Update’.
116. Standard, ‘Oil Export Plan in Limbo’.
117. Star, ‘Tullow Oil Employees’.
118. Greiner, ‘Guns, Land, and Votes’.
119. See also Okumu et al., ‘The Role of Elite’.
120. Interview with J. Lobenyo, Deputy Head Teacher of Loyapat Primary School, Loyapat, 17
September 2016.
121. Interview with Man, Community Member of Nakaalei, Nakaalei, 14 September 2016.
122. Interview with E. Aule, Chief of Nakaalei, Community Member of Nakaalei, Nakaalei, 15
September 2016. Interviewees in Karoge mentioned similar disputes over land related to
oil between the Turkana Ngibonga and Ngisiger clans.
February 2017.
124. Interview with Group of Elders and Youth, Pastoralists, Sarima, 28 February 2017.
125. Ibid.
127. Interview with M. Ekuwom, Elder, Nakaalei, 14 September 2016.
128. Interview with P. Leferink, Managing Director LTWP, LTWP Main Station, near Sarima, 7
March 2018.
129. US Department of Energy, ‘Europe Brent Spot Price’.
130. Tullow, Annual Report and Accounts.
132. Standard, ‘Tullow Revs up Oil’.
133. See also Daily Nation, ‘Turkana Residents’.
134. See, for example, Wiser et al., ‘Wind Energy’.
135. For an overview of the literature, see introductory article of this special issue.
136. See, for instance, Ibeanu, ‘Oiling the Friction’.
137. This question is addressed in detail by Schilling et al., ‘For Better or Worse’.
138. See, for example, Ogwang et al., ‘Impacts of the oil’; Hufe and Heuermann, ‘The Local
Impacts’.
139. See also Hufe and Heuermann, ‘The Local Impacts’; Vandergeten et al., ‘Agricultural
Outsourcing’.
140. Star, ‘Rotich Gives Sh12.6bn’; Star, ‘Tullow Picks UK Firm’.
141. Interview with A. Jiménez, Wind Energy Engineer, Landau, 9 May 2017.
Acknowledgements
The authors thank all community members and persons who volunteered information for this
study. The authors very much appreciate the members of the local research team, namely,
Gregory Apaya, Treynor Tumwa, Lillah Ali and Hillary Kuchal. Further, the helpful comments
by the external reviewers are very much valued. The field research was made possible by a grant
of the National Geographic Society. The overall 915AQ3 work is supported by the University of
Koblenz-Landau and through the Cluster of Excellence‘Integrated Climate System Analysis and
Prediction – CliSAP’, Universität Hamburg, funded bythe German Science Foundation (DFG).
Disclosure statement
No potential conflict of interest was reported by the authors.
Notes on contributors
Janpeter Schilling holds a Jun.-Professorship for Landuse Conflicts at the University of Koblenz-
Landau. He is Managing Director of the Peace Academy Rhineland-Palatinate, an associated
researcher at the research group Climate Change and Security (CLISEC) at Hamburg University
and the PI of the National Geographic Society project on conflicts and resources in northern
Kenya.
Raphael Locham is Programme Co-ordinator for Turkana County at Danish Demining Group
(DDG) Kenya and the local PI of the National Geographic Society funded project on conflicts
and resources in northern Kenya. Raphael Locham has worked for several international organi-
sations, including Practical Action, on conflict, water and education.
Jürgen Scheffran is a professor of geography and head of the Research Group CLISEC in the
Center for Earth System Research and Sustainability (CEN), and the Cluster of Excellence
‘Integrated Climate System Analysis and Prediction – CliSAP’ at Hamburg University. Jürgen
Scheffran is the Co-PI of the National Geographic Society project.
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A Local To Global Perspective On Oil and Wind Exploitation Resource Governance and Conflict in Northern Kenya

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Conflict, Security & Development

ISSN: 1467-8802 (Print) 1478-1174 (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/ccsd20

A local to global perspective on oil and wind

Janpeter Schilling, Raphael Locham & Jürgen Scheffran

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/14678802.2018.1532642

© 2018 The Author(s). Published by Informa

Published online: 23 Nov 2018.

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A local to global perspective on oil and wind exploitation,

CONTACT Janpeter Schilling schilling@uni-landau.de

group discussion in Sarima suggested a population of 2,000 but based on observations

Results and discussion

Table 1. Motivation and capability of key local actors.

According to the Deputy County Commissioner of Loiyangalani around 1,000

Land and water resources

Local conﬂict implications

Disputed borders can also be a source of non-violent conﬂict within Turkana. A

From local to global

Figure 2. Local to global actor constellation.

4. Star, ‘Kenya’s Oil Export Plans’.

Tullow, 2018. ‘About Tullow in Kenya’. Available at: https://www.tullowoil.com/operations/east-

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