861459

research-article20192019
SGOXXX10.1177/2158244019861459SAGE OpenYe

Reviving Cultural Icons - Original Research

SAGE Open

Canton Kung Fu: The Culture of

July-September 2019: 1­–11
© The Author(s) 2019
DOI: 10.1177/2158244019861459
https://doi.org/10.1177/2158244019861459

Guangdong Martial Arts journals.sagepub.com/home/sgo

Guo Ye1

Abstract
During the 20th century, a version of Kung Fu from the Guangdong region in Southern China became more widely known
abroad as a result of Chinese migration to the West, as well as its exposure through popular culture, including the films of
Bruce Lee. This article analyses the culture of Guangdong martial arts in the context of this growing exposure. A variety of
martial arts sects and associated cultural expressions in other fields give a picture of the traditional martial arts culture in
Guangdong. Underpinning these physical manifestations, Guangdong martial arts have derived their ideologies from traditional
Chinese philosophy. The dynamic social system supporting Guangdong martial arts provided a platform ensuring that these
cultural symbols and values could be created and maintained and exported over several centuries.

Keywords
Chinese martial arts, Guangdong, culture, Kung Fu

Introduction Chinese. Indeed, the Chinese character for “Wu” means

Guangdong Province is located in Southern China, below the
Nan Ling mountain range, facing the South China Sea with a
coastline extending to 4,114 km. As early as the first century
BC, Guangdong was known as the origin of the Ancient
Maritime Silk Road of China. In the early Tang Dynasty
(714), the first administration was established to manage
maritime trade in the harbor of Guangdong (C. Wang, 2000),
and the Guangdong Customs were instituted by Emperor
Kangxi of the Qing Dynasty (1685). To strengthen the man-
agement of ocean commerce, Emperor Qianlong, the grand-
son of emperor Kangxi, authorized Guangdong port to be the
only legal access for foreign trade (Q. C. Huang, 1985). As a
result, increasing numbers of foreigners came to be based in
the Guangdong region. Canton was used as the name of the
capital city of the Guangdong and Guangxi regions by these
newly settled foreigners. Perhaps, because of the similarity
of pronunciation for westerners, Canton gradually came to
replace the use of Guangdong when referring to the region.
Kung Fu is an English term derived from the Chinese
word “Gong Fu,” and its Cantonese pronunciation which
means any study, learning, or practice that requires patience,
energy, and time to complete, and can be translated as
“human achievement.” The term Kung Fu first appeared in
the West in the 18th century when it was used by the French
Jesuit missionary Jean Joseph Marie Amiot who was sta-
tioned in Beijing during the reign of the Qianlong Emperor
of the Qing dynasty. It is normally used in English to refer to
Chinese martial arts that are referred to as “Wu Shu” in
going out to battle with a weapon on the shoulder, and “Shu”
means a wide range of exquisite skills. Wu Shu is an umbrella
term for a myriad of Chinese martial arts involving a variety
of unarmed routines and the skilled use of weapons. As an
ancient element of traditional culture, the system of Wu Shu
is deeply embedded in Chinese cultural heritage (Cheng,
2003). As local culture has always been influenced by the
natural and social environment of the surrounding area,
Guangdong martial arts in their various forms also strongly
express local cultural characteristics.
A Concise History of Guangdong Martial Arts
As a natural barrier, the Nan Ling mountain range histori-
cally limited travel and communications between
Guangdong and the Central Plains region. Because of the
huge economic and cultural disparities between the two
regions, ancient Guangdong was known as the “barbarians”
region by those from the more developed plains. As a result
of this relative isolation, a more indigenous culture was pre-
served, providing the basis for the incorporation of novel
cultural elements in the future. According to historical
1
Guangzhou University, China
Corresponding Author:
Guo Ye, Guangzhou University, 230 Wai Huan Xi Road, Guangzhou
Higher Education Mega Center, Guangzhou 510006, China.
Email: Helene@gzhu.edu.cn

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2 SAGE Open
records, there have been three large-scale immigration flows
from Northern to Southern China. The first generation of
northern immigrants were thousands of soldiers of the Qin
dynasty (221-206 BCE). They were sent to the Guangdong
region by Emperor of Qin after he unified China. The sec-
ond wave of immigration occurred in the Jin dynasty (265-
420). Long-running wars in this era forced a large number of
northern refugees to flee to Guangdong, many of whom
were prestigious and sophisticated northern families. The
collapse of the Southern Song dynasty (1127-1279) led to a
third wave of immigration from the north (Xu, 2016). Such
conflict and integration of various cultures accelerated the
development and maturity of Guangdong and its local cul-
ture. More sophisticated cultures emanating from the north,
such as the Central Plain culture, Jing Chu culture, Ba Shu
culture, and Wu Yue culture, were eventually incorporated
into the Guangdong region. In parallel, the culture of martial
arts in the Guangdong region prospered under the influence
of immigration. Shaolin Kung Fu, which originated in the
North Wei Dynasty (386-557) and flourished in the Tang
dynasty (618-907), is regarded as the genesis of Guangdong
martial arts, even though the Shaolin temple—the spiritual
center of Shaolin martial arts—is located several thousands
of kilometers away from Guangdong. It is difficult to imag-
ine how the Shaolin martial arts could have been widely
spread to the remote and isolated south without widespread
immigration (M. D. Ma, 2004).
Guangdong martial arts first appeared as an independent
martial arts genre in the historical documents of the Ming
dynasty (1368-1644), according to Zeng (1989). Practicing
and studying martial arts had become a tradition, and many
local martial arts schools prospered. With such sustained
development, Guangdong martial arts became nationally
renowned. In the late Qing dynasty (1636-1912), Guangdong
became a region where large numbers of accomplished mar-
tial artists gathered, and indeed provided many candidates
for selection to the Qing dynasty Royal Guard up until 1896,
when the dynasty ended. According to the official archives of
the Qing dynasty, about one sixth of the royal guards were
Guangdong natives in 1896, a greater proportion than from
any other region at that time (S. Z. Wang, 2002).
From the late 19th century, China was subjected to nearly
a decade of continuous warfare. Because of its convenient
geographical location and relatively stable social situation,
Hong Kong, the outer harbor of the Guangdong region,
became a refuge for Guangdong natives. A large number of
martial artists moved to Hong Kong and lived mainly by
teaching their specialties, leading to widespread dissemina-
tion of Guangdong martial arts in the area. Indeed, Hong
Kong became a center for Guangdong martial arts, despite its
relative isolation from the Chinese mainland as a British
colony. In addition to Hong Kong, overseas regions also
became targets of Guangdong immigration during this time,
including South Asia, North America, and Europe. These
Guangdong immigrants settled in their adopted countries,
along with their traditional culture, providing a basis for the
early migration of Guangdong martial arts across the globe
(Ma, Mao, & Feng, 2016).
Cultural Interpretation
Exploring “culture” implies an historical exploration of a
given civilization. In Western countries, the study of culture
emerged after the mid-19th century, following the develop-
ment of humanities and social sciences. Edward Tylor (2012)
gave his classic definition of culture as:
taken in its wide ethnographic sense . . . that complex whole
which includes knowledge, belief, art, morals, law, custom, and
any other capabilities and habits acquired by man as a member
of society. (p. 1)
In Chinese, “Culture (Wen Hua)” as a word first appeared in
the West Han Dynasty (206 BCE-9 CE). Its scope at that time
included education and the cultivating of crops, far removed
from the modern meaning of culture. Modern Chinese scholars
have also expressed their understanding of “culture.” Liang
Shu Ming, a pioneer of New Confucianism, explained culture
as “a way a nation lives” (Liang, 1989, p. 377). Hu Shi, one of
the leaders of China’s New Culture Movement, defined it as
follows: “civilization is the total achievements of a nation to
deal with its environment, and culture is a way of life that is
formed by civilization” (Hu, 1926, p. 17). It is generally agreed
that culture is a highly complex and multilayered construct.
Bronislaw Malinowski used “artefacts, organized groups, and
symbolism” (Malinowski, 1960, p. 158) as three dimensions to
explain a cultural process. Leslie White analyzed the structure
of culture in three subsystems, namely, “technological, socio-
logical and ideological” systems (White, 1949, p. 389). These
subsystems were interpreted respectively as, the system com-
posed of material, mechanical, physical and chemical instru-
ments (technological); the sociological system made up of
interpersonal relationships (sociological); and the ideological
system composed of ideas, beliefs, and knowledge. With refer-
ence to the classic theories of culture and the characteristics of
Guangdong martial arts, the culture of Guangdong martial arts
will now be analyzed in three sections. According to Cynarski’s
“Humanistic Theory of Martial Arts” and “Anthropology of
Martial Arts,” Martial arts and martial ways are a part of sym-
bolic culture and related to the path of spiritual development
(Cynarski, 2017; Cynarski & Obodynski, 2011; Cynarski, Yu,
Warchol, & Bartik, 2015). Therefore, this article sets out to dis-
cuss first sects and institutions of Guangdong martial arts and
associated cultural expressions; the second discussion relates to
sociocultural systems, such as organizations, customs, and ide-
ologies of Guangdong martial arts; and finally, its transmission
and popularization to the West will be discussed.
Cultural Symbols
Culture manifests itself in many forms, including the mate-
rial objects, technologies, texts, images, and representative
Ye
figures. Through these symbols, people may acquire a direct
understanding of a given culture. In terms of Guangdong
martial arts, the various fighting styles are the most visual
manifestation of cultural symbolism. The martial arts institu-
tions serve as vessels for exhibiting different approaches to
training and the diversity of styles. Furthermore, Guangdong
Kung Fu has also left its mark in a wide range of associated
areas, such as art and Chinese traditional medicine. These
cultural extensions have enriched the cultural connotation of
Guangdong martial arts.
Guangdong Martial Arts Styles
Guangdong martial arts have developed rich and colorful
fighting styles gradually over centuries of evolution. It
should be noted that the beginnings of a martial art are highly
significant in China, and its subsequent status is largely
bound up in its origins. As one of the most prestigious mar-
tial arts, Shaolin Kung Fu is claimed to be the origin of
almost all of Guangdong martial arts styles. However, there
are nearly 20 types of local martial arts schools and sects
throughout the Guangdong region, and it is necessary to
focus on some more specific classifications. In relation to
differences of technical styles and historical origins,
Cantonese styles and Hakka styles are regarded as the two
main categories of Guangdong martial arts.
The Cantonese style was formed during the Ming Dynasty
(1368-1644) and was practiced mainly among the Cantonese
ethnic group (Zeng, 1989). “Hung” fist is the biggest martial
art School of the Cantonese style, which has been described
as, “Visible, but occult, open, but very difficult to master,
traditional, but revolutionary” (Marchetti, 2006, p. 5). “Lau,”
“Choy,” “Li,” and “Mok” are the other four primary martial
art Schools of the Cantonese style. In addition to these five
major schools, some later schools such as Choy Lee Fut and
Wing Chun assumed greater popularity after the Qing
Dynasty (1644-1912) (Zeng, 1989). “Choy Lee Fut” martial
art style was identified as a national intangible cultural heri-
tage by the Chinese government in 2008. In general terms, J.
H. Huang (1982) has described the Cantonese style as fol-
lows, in terms of the lower limb movements, the fighting
techniques of the Cantonese styles emphasize a stable and
low center of gravity, with many twisting movements.
Dynamic and fast changing upper limb movements are
emphasized, with the lower limbs remaining stationary;
punches are mostly thrown from close to the vertical axis of
the body to guarantee both attack and defense. “Fa Sheng
(Shout)” is another typical action that emphasizes simultane-
ous shouting and exhaling to help maximize force.
The other important genre of Guangdong martial art is the
Hakka style. Hakka, one of the major ethnic groups in
Guangdong region, was formed during the Song dynasty
(960-1279) (C. G. Xie, 2004). After more than 100 years of
cultural integration with local minorities, the conflict
between “preservation” and “innovation” in Hakka cultural
3
characteristics became a key to the development of Hakka
martial arts. The most influential Hakka martial arts schools
are Zhu, Zhong, Li, Yue, Diao, Traveler, Liu, Fengshan,
Kunlun, and Niu. Almost all of these martial arts schools ini-
tially learned their skills and techniques from non-Hakka
sources. After innovative adaptation and evolution by their
Hakka pioneers, Hakka martial arts developed their unique
style, which became handed down from generation to gen-
eration. As with the Cantonese style, flexible and fast attack-
ing is the basis of the Hakka style. The body posture is
hunched to project strength, whereas the lower limbs mainly
assume the “half Horse Stance.” Rolling actions are fre-
quently used during fighting, and relatively short weapons
and common farm tools, such as short Gun (staff), double
Dao (sword), Gou (hook), and Lian (sickle), are the main
weapons used.
Notable Institutions
In the context of a vernacular martial arts, where martial arts
teaching “takes the form of an experienced fighter passing
along techniques to a favoured novice” (often through obser-
vation) (Green, 2012), institutions play a vital role in central-
izing the knowledge and traditions. Before the early 20th
century, traditional martial arts schools were the most com-
mon form of teaching Guangdong Kung Fu. However, due to
the growing influence from Western culture in China,
Guangdong region became one of the main incubators of
martial arts where traditional, modern, and official institu-
tions flourished.
“Hung” is the head of Guangdong martial arts schools,
and Wong Fei Hung (1847-1924) was considered the repre-
sentative figure of the “Hung” school. Wong Fei Hung was
well known for his skillful traditional Chinese treatments of
fractures and traumatic injuries and taught “Hung” fist in his
clinic “Po Chi Lam” in Guangzhou. His martial arts institu-
tion was one of most famous traditional institutions in
Guangdong. He had many prominent disciples such as Lin
Shirong, Mo Guilan, and Deng Yi, and now his disciples are
found all over the world. After his death, his wife and several
of his disciples opened the “Wong Fei Hung” Martial Arts
school in Hong Kong and dedicated themselves to perpetuate
the teachings of Hung fist and Lion dance. In addition, the
institution of Wong was also a pioneer in promoting wom-
en’s lion dance because both his wife Mo Guilan and his
female student Deng Xiuqiong were highly skilled in lion
dance and well known around Guangzhou and Hong Kong.
Another important traditional institution was “Hung Sing
Association,” which is opened in 1851 in Foshan by Jeong
Yim (1824-1899). Jeong Yim was a disciple of Chan Heung
(1806-1875), who was the founder of “Choy Lee Fut” mar-
tial arts. By 1920 (at the peak of its popularity), the Hung
Sing Association had 13 branches and roughly 3,000 mem-
bers in Foshan alone (Zeng, 1989). In addition to hand-to-
hand combat training, Hung Sing also provided a means for
4 SAGE Open
workers to network, organize, and look for employment
(Judkins & Nielson, 2015). Its location is known today as the
“Hung Sing Ancestral Hall” and still used for teaching “Choy
Lee Fut” martial arts.
The first national modern sports association in China was
the “Jingwu sports association,” which was founded in
Shanghai in 1910 with the goal of preserving and developing
Chinese martial arts. The founders of Jingwu were Kung Fu
master Huo Yuan Jia and a group of members of the United
League (Tong Meng hui). Under the guidance of the associa-
tion, the Guangdong Jing Wu Association was established in
1919 to carry out public education in the martial arts in
Guangdong. Teaching content consisted mainly of the north-
ern martial arts, including 10 kinds of unarmed and weapon
skills in 98 routines. It is worth noting that the Guangdong
Jing Wu branch was the only branch to receive permission to
appoint martial instructors (three) who specialized in south-
ern martial arts (Judkins & Nielson, 2015). The activities of
the Guangdong Jing Wu lasted almost two decades, and by
1929, they had 42 branches with over 400,000 members
spread through China and South East Asia (Jarvie & Hwang,
2001). Jingwu guaranteed that the systems of martial arts
practice would survive the transition from traditional to mod-
ern China under the slogan: “Scientize martial arts and spread
them to the millions” (Morris, 2004, p. 192). It was also a
pioneer in gender equality of teaching (Guo & Ma, 2006).
Following in the footsteps of Jingwu, the national govern-
ment decided to launch its own version under the name of
Guoshu (national martial arts). The National Martial Arts
Academy opened in Nanjing in 1928 with the goal of bring-
ing together martial arts from different schools to establish a
standardized system on a national scale and to preserve tradi-
tional martial arts regardless of their style under the phrase
“blend, understand, and combine their qualities” (Henning,
2006, p. 11). Guangdong and Guangxi National Martial Arts
Academy opened in Guangzhou in March 1929. Because of
its quasi-official identity, many prestigious northern martial
arts masters were recruited to teach their techniques in the
Guangdong region. These masters brought with them authen-
tic northern martial arts forms such as Shaolin Quan, Wu
Dang Quan, Tai Chi, Xing Yi Quan, and Ba Gua Zhang.
Despite its early success Guangdong and Guangxi National
Martial Arts Academy was short lived and had to close after
only 2 months of existence due to political exigencies. In its
place, the Guangzhou Guoshu institute opened in June 1929,
only closing its door in 1938 due to Sino-Japanese War. By
then, however, Guoshu institutions had established a large
number of martial arts practitioners in Guangdong and
enriched Guangdong martial arts with authentic northern
martial arts (Kennedy & Guo, 2005).
Relevant Chinese Traditional Medicine
In traditional Chinese culture, martial arts and medicine
are inextricably linked, with the theories of Guangdong
martial arts originally being derived from Chinese tradi-
tional medicine. Anthony Schmieg asserts that “the martial
arts are a subset of medicine” (Schmieg, 2005, p. 30).
Herbology and basic injury management skills were inher-
ent to the practice of martial arts with, each style having
their own medicinal formulae, and higher level Kung Fu
masters employing toad venom and strychnine for both
healing and killing (Joiner, 1999). Guangdong martial arts
also contributed valuable techniques and experiences in
the field of medicine, especially in the areas of Die Da
(trauma treatment) and Yang Sheng (nourishing life)
(Cheng, 2010).
Die Da includes external damage, such as sprains,
bruises, fractures, and dislocations, as well as internal trau-
mas to organs. Based on the techniques of controlled force
and an intimate knowledge of body structure, Guangdong
martial arts practitioners developed their medical expertise
for such traumas, and numerous Kung Fu masters were also
skilful doctors employing Tui Na (manipulation), Zhen Jiu
(acupuncture), and herbal therapy as their main treatments.
In the Guangdong region, Foshan city is believed to have
played an important role, as some of the most important
figures in Foshan’s martial arts history combined both med-
ical practice and martial arts instruction, with the latter
being a way to advertise their expertise (Judkins & Nielson,
2015). Among these masters, Leung Jan and Wong Fei
Hung are notable for their medical practice. Up to the pres-
ent day, the successors of Guangdong martial arts are still
generally regarded as experts in the field of trauma (Li,
2012).
Apart from Die Da, the other important connection
between Chinese martial arts and traditional medicine is the
concept of Yang Sheng that draws from Daoist beliefs on
the transformation of the essences of the body. The key
point for practicing Chinese martial arts is to keep body’s
Jing (essence), Qi (breath), and Shen (spirit) in good condi-
tion (Fu, 2006), these “three treasures” being the substances
that nurture organ systems and keep the mind, body, and
spirit in balance. These objectives form the basis of the
Yang Sheng rule of traditional Chinese martial arts. At a
higher level, it creates a mind–body connection to combine
medical and spiritual beliefs (Despeux, 1989) or a “high
culture, mainly spiritual in nature” where “mastery of one’s
own spirit is integral to the evolution of the main objective”
(Cynarski, 2015). In the Guangdong region, “Tai Xu Quan”
is one of the most famous nourishing martial arts and was
identified as an intangible cultural inheritance by the
Guangdong government in 2015. Soft actions and a peace-
ful mind are emphasized during its practice, and a regular
repetition is said to relax the muscles and massage the inter-
nal organs (Zou, 2012). Today in the Guangdong region,
practicing martial arts generally represents a quest for
health among practitioners, and most of the martial arts
styles have been simplified to apply more to the health
requirements of the masses.
Ye
The Artistic Extension
After many centuries of development, numerous cultural ele-
ments of Guangdong martial arts extended into various local
artistic forms, including Lion and Dragon Dance, Cantonese
opera, Kung Fu novels and films, architectural heritage, and
so on.
“Dance” and “martial arts” have the same pronunciation
in Chinese and also have some cultural elements in common.
In the Guangdong region, Southern Lion Dance is one of the
most popular traditional performances, and its postures and
movements mostly originate from martial arts, and the Lion
Dance team is a vital part of every Guangdong martial arts
school. Lion Dance is a mix of dance and martial arts tech-
niques, accompanied by the rhythm of the drum. During tra-
ditional festivals and special occasions, Lion Dance is an
indispensable element of the celebrating parade. Merchants
and wealthy people often hang lettuce and other rewards
high on the lintel of their houses for those performing under
the lion costume to collect, symbolizing the making of a for-
tune. The higher the lettuce is hung, the greater the reward
and the honor of the “lion,” and thus, the Lion Dance is
regarded as an assessment of martial arts skill.
Chinese martial arts have a long history of being associ-
ated with popular entertainment, with sources going back to
the tenth century of the Song dynasty with the practice of
martial arts in “show fights,” theater and opera groups incor-
porating elements of martial arts into their performances
(Filipiak, 2010, p. 34). Cantonese opera is another typical
instance of the combination of art performance and martial
arts, and it remains well preserved to this day as an indige-
nous tradition. Cantonese opera appropriated most of its
actions in fighting scenes from Guangdong martial arts, and
martial arts skills have traditionally formed the foundation of
skills for the performers. One of the most famous of
Cantonese opera companies was the Red Boat Opera, which
received and transmitted the teachings of Kung Fu survivors
of the Southern Shaolin temple. From late 19th century to the
beginning of 20th century, Red Boat was a means of trans-
port for Cantonese opera singers. Some Cantonese opera
troupes often toured the coast of Guangdong, and to facilitate
their trip, they would live in the Red Boat and give their per-
formance wherever the ship stopped. Cantonese opera sing-
ers living in the Red Boat would also install a wooden
dummy to practice their martial arts skills. Red Boat troupes
had been an important platform for Wing Chun to build on in
Guangdong, and some of the most famous Red Boat
Performers such as Leung Lan Kui, leung Yee Tei, and Wong
Wah Bo were all grand masters of Guangdong Wing Chun
(Feng, 2014).
In the 20th century, Chinese martial arts extended their
sphere of influence by embracing modern media and popular
cultural forms. Since the advent of advanced firearms tech-
nology, Chinese martial arts had adapted to become more of
an artistic form in Kung Fu novels and films rather than the
5
practical combat skills originally intended. However, in the
1950s, as a result of political pressures, the artistic form of
Kung Fu disappeared on the Chinese mainland, but began to
flourish in Hong Kong. Many acclaimed Kung Fu novelists,
such as Jin Yong, Liang Yu Sheng, and Gu Long, emerged in
Hong Kong, and their works achieved enduring popularity.
Guangdong martial arts also became the dominant theme in
the cinemas of Hong Kong. For example, there have been
more than 100 films portraying the Guangdong martial arts
master Wong Fei Hung since the 1950s, and the “Wong Fei
Hung” series have become the most successful films in the
history of Hong Kong film making; by the 1970s, Hong
Kong actor Li Xiao Long (Bruce Lee) became a world
famous movie star through his portrayal of Guangdong mar-
tial arts.
In the history of Guangdong martial arts, martial arts
clubs have been the vital platform for each Kung Fu sect to
transmit their techniques to a wider audience. In the
Guangdong region, most of the buildings used as the martial
arts clubs were built after the mid-19th century. Under the
protection of their disciples, some of these buildings sur-
vived and became important tangible cultural edifices. For
example, “Tai Shang Temple,” where “Hung Sing Hall” is
located, was built in 1665 in Foshan and is the oldest build-
ing for martial arts in the city, retaining many of its original
architectural features. The structure of the house is typical of
the late Qing Dynasty (1889-1912), being made of brick and
wood. Its roof and doors are carved with patterns of land-
scapes and flowers, and the stone pillars are inscribed with
inspirational Chinese poetry (Nie, Huang, Chen, & Li, 2004).
Even though the building is not used for teaching martial arts
any more, weapons and a wooden dummy (special equip-
ment for practicing Guangdong martial arts) are still placed
in the original position in the hall reminding visitors of its
vibrant past.
Sociocultural System
The culture of Guangdong martial arts is the product of the
local population’s long-term martial arts involvement. The
sociocultural system is a platform which ensures that cultural
symbols and values are developed and spread. Reflecting the
changing environment over time, the sociocultural system of
Guangdong martial arts is dynamic. In this section, we will
discuss the different types of organization as the starting
points for an understanding of this system’s structure and
how ideologies derived from Chinese traditional philoso-
phies contributed to its foundation.
Clan and Geographical Identity
Communities based on the clan culture and geographical
proximity are the most basic forms in the social system of
Guangdong martial arts. Toward the end of the Ming dynasty
(1368-1644), the culture of Guangdong had almost been
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Han-nationalized. The family ethic of Confucius was instilled
in local society by Shi Da Fu (Scholar-officials) from the
north (Ye, 2000). In this family ethic, the family is the base
and is extended into the clan. This family ethic developed a
stable cultural and legal identity with the geographical entity
of the Guangdong region.
Organizations of Guangdong martial arts were initially
based on this identity and thereafter developed their various
styles. For example, the Cantonese style practitioners were
mainly active in the center of Guangdong, the Hakka style
practitioners in the east and north of Guangdong, and the
Teoswa style practitioners on the east coast of Guangdong.
Ancestral temples used to worship ancient clans were also
employed as the main centers for activities of local martial
arts. Historically, civilians found that their activities in both
martial arts and community organization were suppressed by
ancient Chinese imperial rulers. To counter this, the legal
clan and geographical relationship provided a protective
umbrella for the social system of Guangdong martial arts.
With population movements, this relationship gradually
expanded to the whole Guangdong region and became a
common cultural identity among Guangdong people. These
“lineage associations” were extremely powerful, acting
almost as “corporations, buying and holding huge amounts
of land” (Judkins & Nielson, 2015) and by extension manag-
ing both legal and sometimes physical conflicts relating to
their estates. Their strength was such that visitors to the south
often commented on it and they would subsequently become
the “single-most important institution of mass social organi-
zation in Guangdong” (Wakeman, cited in Judkins & Nielson,
2015, p. 51).
In addition to the dialects and customs, martial arts
became an important part of the Guangdong cultural identity.
Although the Chinese mainland suffered from wars in the
first five decades of the 19th century, this strong cultural
identity ensured that Guangdong martial arts were able to
survive and further develop in Hong Kong. Today,
Guangdong martial arts have been spread all over the world
by immigration from Guangdong. In overseas martial arts
clubs, people using Guangdong dialects still practice the tra-
ditional forms the way their ancestors did. There is no doubt
that geographical cultural identity forms the stable basis in
the social system of Guangdong martial arts.
Fictive Kinship
Fictive kinship is another important element of the sociocul-
tural system in Guangdong martial arts. In traditional Chinese
agricultural society, geographical community based on the
clan relationships was the most stable social form; however,
society outside of the familiar community lacked rule and
order. When people left their hometown and entered into this
unstable and unfamiliar society, their longing for dependence
and sense of belonging became the foundation of fictive kin-
ship organizations (Y. L. Xie, 2007). Sects and associated
schools of Guangdong martial arts became the classic repre-
sentation of such fictive kinship relationships. Their socio-
logical structure mimics that of the clan, and their different
martial arts theories, techniques, and skills form part of their
“clan” legacy; in this kind of fictive kinship, experienced
elder masters are highly authoritative patriarchs, and the sta-
tus of the members are ranked mainly according to the
chronological order in which they joined. Thus, every mar-
tial arts school reveres the founder as their ancestor. If one
wanted to develop within the field of martial arts, the respect
toward the lineage of teacher was a critical element because
it was a conduit for relations. This person should also be able
to trace back the lineage from the founder down to his own
teacher (Takacs, 2003). Contrary to other martial arts like
Judo, the ranking system within Kung Fu follows the tradi-
tional family system (Partiková & Jennings, 2018), where
the teacher is the father and should be referred to as “Si Fu”
(the pronunciation of “teacher” in Cantonese). The social
system of Guangdong martial arts also implements fictive
kinship down to the smallest details. For example, a new
apprentice needs to undertake a solemn ritual that leads to
the acceptance by the “family” and also the obligations as a
family member; in the ritual, new students worship the fam-
ily ancestors, kowtows and serve tea to the master, and bows
to the elder brothers. After this ritual, masters should also
take care of the students like their own children and do their
utmost when teaching. The etiquette relating to members’
respect toward their master is the most important rule (Zhou,
2004). Another example from the Lion Dance (an important
symbolic competition among Guangdong martial arts
schools) involves the various lion costumes, which represent
different levels of members’ identities in the martial arts
schools. The most respected lion costume includes a white
beard, white eyebrows, and an embroidered gold coin on the
back, and only masters of martial arts schools may wear it.
Fictive kinship breaks the limitation of kinship and geo-
graphical relationship, and it ensured that Guangdong mar-
tial arts were disseminated more widely than would otherwise
be the case.
Societal Functions
The appearance of functional communities represents the
maturing of the social system of Guangdong martial arts.
Following changing societal circumstance after the Qing
dynasty (1889-1912), Guangdong martial arts organizations
became not only a place where people could teach and learn
martial arts but also where important societal functions could
occur. One of these important social functions involved the
combination of martial arts organizations and industrial
unions. From the middle of 18th century to the end of 19th
century, the population of Guangdong experienced an explo-
sive growth. Meanwhile, the basis of tax collection changed
from one based solely on the number of people to one based
on the quality of owners’ land (the tax policy was called “Tan
Ye
Ding Ru Mu” issued by Emperor Yong Zheng). This resulted
in an enormous influx of workers looking for employment
into cities such as Guangzhou and Foshan (G. Z. Li, 2011),
such that by 1894, there were 10,300 industrial workers in
Guangzhou city alone, out of a total of 70,060 in China as a
whole (Guangzhou Culture and History Research Committee,
1984). Although, there is no accurate figure for the numbers
of industrial workers in Foshan city, the number of industrial
unions was 175 in 1907 (Peng, 2012), and these industrial
unions were similar to mutual-aid organizations. With the
close relationship between industrial laborers and their
unions, martial arts organizations took up a wider societal
function. On one hand, the majority of members in martial
arts clubs were industrial workers, who wanted to learn mar-
tial arts for self-defense and to form new personal relation-
ships in the clubs. On the other hand, the industrial unions
usually cooperated with the martial arts organizations, and
hired masters to teach martial arts and also mediate disputes.
Compared with the relatively innocuous mutual-aid func-
tion, the political function of the Guangdong martial arts
organizations was more radical. After the 19th century, the
majority of Guangdong martial arts schools became associ-
ated with the secret societies opposed to the reign of the Qing
empire (Liu, 2001). For example, one of the primary skills of
“Hong-men” (Society of the Heaven and the Earth, one of
the key secret societies in the late Qing dynasty) was “Hung
fist” (a style of Guangdong martial arts), and “Hung fist”
also became an important sign to identify the “Hong-men”
members (Luo, 1983). Combined with martial arts commu-
nities, such secret societies were able to attract more follow-
ers and thus prepare for any future uprisings. The secret
societies, in turn, endowed Guangdong martial arts organiza-
tions with a political facet. From Hong-men’s uprisings
against the Qing emperor to the bourgeois revolutions of
Xing Zhong Hui (Revive China Society, led by Sun Yat Sen),
Guangdong martial arts organizations acted as important
drivers of these historical events, achieving a maturity of
their social function (Liu, 2002), as regulators of society
(Schmieg, 2005, p. 38).
Ideologies
The ideologies of the Guangdong martial arts’ sociocultural
system were based on Confucianism, Daoism, and Chan
Buddhism concepts. Although Confucianism established the
value orientation and spiritual tone of Guangdong martial
arts, Taoism provided its scientific wisdom and humanism,
and Chan Buddhism its popularization and long-term
development.
Under the influence of Confucianism, Chinese martial
arts developed a stable moral system as its fundamental prin-
ciple. As with other schools of Chinese martial arts, the basis
of Guangdong martial arts morality is “Ren (Kindheartedness)
Yi (Justice),” which is the moral underpinning of
Confucianism (Wang, 2012). “Ren” is a requirement for
7
those studying or practicing martial arts. They should be
kind-hearted, courteous, and modest. “Yi” is the moral guid-
ance for the action of Kung Fu fighters. One telling example
is the “Wing Chun Jo Fen,” a set of nine rules of the Wing
Chun school set by Ip Man where “Ren” and “Yi” are the
founding ideologies. These rules demonstrate his concerns
regarding the status of martial artists and how they should
interact with society. It is interesting to note that the “Wing
Chun Jo Fen” describes what is expected of students not only
in the school but also how they should behave in society.
Daoism is the inspiration for the theory of technique and
strategy of Guangdong martial arts. The “unity of nature and
humanity” is at the core of Daoism. According to this philo-
sophical perspective, human beings should positively take
the lead over natural change, but wisely adjust to the natural
discipline once change has occurred. The application of the
“unity of nature and humanity” can be seen everywhere in
Guangdong martial arts. The internal strengthening exercises
that are widely applied, for instance, are based on natural
changes to human organs over the four seasons, and practi-
tioners face to south during practice to keep the biological
magnetic field aligned with the earth’s magnetic field. In
addition, Taoism for “great virtue is like water” emphasizes
the defeat of “hardness” by “softness,” and it enlightened
Chinese martial arts’ fighting strategy to transform disadvan-
tages wisely. Under the influence of these philosophical
thoughts, the Guangdong natives were more likely to take
advantage of their physical strengths and avoid their weak-
nesses. For example, the Guangdong natives are considered
shorter but more agile compared with their northern counter-
parts, so the distinctive attack style of Guangdong martial
arts focuses, by necessity, on speed and interchanging
punches.
According to legend, Buddhism was introduced into
China from India before the Han Dynasty (206 BCE–220
CE). During the spread of Buddhism, Chan Buddhism
became established as the local Chinese version of Buddhism
with Chinese characteristics (Hong, 2002). As a Chinese phi-
losophy, Chan Buddhism also had an important influence on
Chinese martial arts, and the ascetic principles between
Chinese Kung Fu and Chan Buddhism are similar (Obodyński
& Cynarski, 2003). Although the original Indian Buddhism
rejected violence completely, Chan Buddhism took a more
tolerant attitude toward the practice of martial arts. In the
Shaolin Monastery, where both Chan Buddhism and Shaolin
Martial arts originated, Chan Buddhism evolved to combine
both Buddhist practice and martial arts. Considering this
important cultural relationship, Hui-neng, a respected Chan
Buddhist, was one of the key figures linking Guangdong
martial arts and its Shaolin origins. Hui-neng was the sixth
and last patriarch of Chan Buddhism. After succeeding from
the fifth patriarch Hong-ren, Hui-neng went back to his
Guangdong home to spread Chan Buddhism (Fang, 2007).
The Guangdong region, therefore, became the base from
which Chan Buddhism came to flourish. Accordingly,
8 SAGE Open
Guangdong martial arts found both their skills origin in
Shaolin and their cultural roots in Chan Buddhism. Although
China’s ancient feudal dynasties often suppressed the martial
arts practices of civilians in their own interests, Chan
Buddhism provided a protective umbrella over the develop-
ment of Guangdong martial arts. Because of this, numerous
practitioners of Guangdong martial arts asserted their identi-
ties as disciples of Chan Buddhism, using their skills to help
others. From the moral perspective, Guangdong martial arts
always adhered to the disciplines of Chan Buddhism.
Practitioners are required by their masters to be compassion-
ate and to exert vigorous self-control. This restraint was also
reflected by the style of Guangdong martial arts, which is not
externally aggressive, but emphasizes internal strength.
Transmission and Popularization to
the West
“Martial arts are a special kind of particular phenomenon
that, in spite of a foreign cultural origin, are accepted and
cultivated now within nations and societies worldwide”
(Cynarski, 2015, p. 33). Guangdong region has made an irre-
placeable contribution to the transmission and popularization
of martial arts abroad. These contributions will be discussed
in detail below.
On Screen
Hong Kong can be credited for the revival of Kung Fu mov-
ies, for taking “Kung Fu revisioning to a higher level” and
for its globalization (Dumas, 2009). Kung Fu movies focus
on choreographed fight sequences of hand-to-hand combat.
Wong Fei Hung (Guangdong Kong Fu master) movies made
in Hong Kong proved to be a turning point in the way the
fighting scenes were filmed, using real Kung Fu, as described
by the movie crews who witnessed the fighting scenes (Teo,
2009).
As one of the most iconic and recognizable characters in
martial arts, Bruce Lee played a huge part in the popularizing
of Chinese martial arts in the West. He grew up in Hong Kong
and learned his Kung Fu from the Guangdong martial arts
master, Ip Man. Most of his influential movies were produced
by Hong Kong companies. Lee played his first leading role in
“The Big Boss” (1971), which proved to be an enormous box
office success across Asia and projected him to stardom. His
last film, “Enter the Dragon,” was produced jointly by Golden
Harvest and Warner Bros. This film would go on to become
one of the year’s highest grossing films, cementing Lee as a
martial arts legend in United States and Europe. D. Miller
points out that “Lee fundamentally changed movie fight
scenes: those of us born before 1960 grew up in a culture
which considered kicking to be ‘dirty’ fighting; martial arts
are now employed in nearly every fight in almost every action
movie” (cited in Bowman, 2010, p. 15). Apart from Lee, fel-
low Hong Kong actors Jackie Chan and Donnie Yen shared a
Guangdong martial arts background and contributed hugely
to the popularization of Chinese Kung Fu.
The influence of Guangdong martial arts culture goes far
beyond Chinese Kung Fu movies. Hong Kong especially,
“has played a formative role in shaping action cinema as it
circulates globally today” (Morris, 2004). “For a year, I’d
watch one old Shaw Brothers movie (A pioneer Hong Kong
movie company of martial arts movies) a day—if not three,”
director Quentin Tarantino told the Los Angeles Daily News
in 2003. He further proclaimed that his love of Hong Kong
action films had informed his aesthetic and that he was “not
just a fan of Hong Kong cinema, but a student of it. A
scholar.” For many years, the fighting scenes of Hollywood
movies were rather static, for the most part featuring two
protagonists punching and kicking each other. Latterly, par-
ticularly under the influence of Hong Kong martial arts
instructors and directors, the action levels of western movies
have risen, greatly improving the viewing experience of
action scenes. In particular, Yuen Woo Ping (born in
Guangzhou) is recognized as a master figure at home and
abroad. His martial arts guidance is well known for its
authenticity and multidimensionality in fighting scenes.
Under his direction, fighting scenes from the series “The
Matrix” set new standards and established the status of
Chinese fighting choreography in Hollywood.
In Literature and Press
Guangdong martial arts culture is the catalyst for the popu-
larization of modern Wuxia novels from Hong Kong writers
such as Louis Cha, Gu Long, and Liang Yu Sheng. Among
them, Louis Cha, also known as Jin Yong, is one of the most
influential modern Chinese-language wuxia novelists for
Chinese communities around the globe, and is “. . .by most
accounts the single most widely read of all twentieth century
writers in the Chinese language” (Hamm, 2004). His works
have been translated into many languages including English,
French, Korean, Japanese, Vietnamese, Thai, Burmese,
Malay, and Indonesian. His first English translated novel
“Fox Volant of the Snowy Mountains” was translated in
1993 by Olivia Mok. Four others novels have been trans-
lated: “The Deer and the Cauldron” translated by John
Minford in 1997, “Legend of the Condor Heroes” by Anna
Holmwood in 2018, and “The Book and the Sword” by
Graham Earnshaw in 2018. His works have the unusual abil-
ity to transcend geographical and ideological barriers sepa-
rating Chinese communities of the world, achieving a greater
success than any other contemporary writer (Sturrock, 1997).
However, one of the main reasons why only four novels have
been translated is that the description of Kung Fu action in
Wuxia novels are full of metaphors, cultural, and historical
references that are difficult to fully comprehend and enjoy
without knowledge of the local culture. The depth of mean-
ing behind seemingly simple gestures makes it difficult to
balance the need of maintaining the essence and cultural
Ye
specificities of the original novels and providing the Western
readers aesthetic entertainment.
In the specialized literature, the January 1965 issue of
Black Belt marks a new age in the popularization of Chinese
martial arts. Prior to 1965, the magazine had focused mainly
on Japanese styles. Ark Yuey Wong, an established master of
Guangdong’s southern Shaolin methods, was the first
Chinese martial artist to be on the cover of the magazine. In
this issue, he was quoted as saying that his school door would
be opened to any students who wished to study Kung Fu.
Other publications were “Inside Kungfu Magazine,” a
monthly American magazine first published in December
1973, and “Combat Magazine,” a monthly British publica-
tion that was founded in September 1974. Both covered a
wide spectrum of martial arts styles including “Hung,”
“Choy Lee Fut,” and “Wing Chun.” The magazines focused
on Chinese martial arts, self-defenses, and martial arts mov-
ies. Hong Kong Kung Fu Stars and overseas Guangdong
martial arts masters featured on the covers and inside content
on several occasions. These frequent publications had a ben-
eficial impact on promoting a deeper understanding of
Chinese martial arts in the West.
Tourism
Martial arts tourism “is a domain resulting straight from the
new humanistic and anthropologically integral theory of
tourism and a humanistic theory of martial arts” (Cynarski,
2012, p. 11). Due to the widespread integration of Guangdong
Martial arts abroad, Guangdong has inevitably become an
attractive traveling destination for foreign Kung Fu fans,
with local tourism strategically marketing historical links
with martial arts as it has developed. In Foshan, regarded as
“the capital of Guangdong Kung Fu,” the martial arts
museum is built in The Ancestral Temple that was originally
constructed in 1085 and is a major tourist attraction in its
own right. The exhibitions include the history, weapons, and
special training equipment of Guangdong martial arts and an
introduction to the most famous Kung Fu masters in
Guangdong, such as Wong Fei Hung, Bruce Lee, and Yip
Man. In addition to the exhibitions, martial arts and lion
dance are daily routine performances for visitors.
For the foreign Kung Fu practitioners, traveling to
Guangdong is a means of going back to the origins of the
style they have practiced and to experience an overwhelming
awe comparable with a religious pilgrimage (Gammon,
2004). Visitors may also become part of a tradition of the
martial arts “apprenticeship pilgrimage” that involves travel-
ing to the source and becoming an apprentice to a local master
(Griffith, Marion, & Wulff, 2016) A typical trip involves a
visit to the historical sites related to Kung Fu, worshipping
the ancestors, joining celebration events, and learning and
sharing their practical experiences with local experts. In
Guangdong, almost all of the local Guangdong martial arts
associations maintain good connections with their branches
9
abroad. For any important anniversary, local associations
always invite their foreign counterparts to visit and partici-
pate in the celebrations. In 2016, the Hung Sing Association
celebrated the 165th anniversary of its foundation and invited
more than 1,000 Choy Li Fut experts, hailing from 25 coun-
tries to partake.
Conclusion
The culture of Guangdong martial arts reflects the history of
the Guangdong region, and its dynamic culture has been con-
tinuously developed over several centuries. Based on the
particular martial arts theories and techniques, the elements
of Guangdong martial arts extend to wider cultural fields,
such as art and traditional medicine. In the holistic cultural
structure of Guangdong martial arts, the various cultural
manifestations form the surface layer, while the essential
core is formed by Chinese traditional philosophy. The ideol-
ogies of Guangdong martial arts have absorbed the teachings
of Confucianism, Daoism, and Chan Buddhism, to become a
diverse value concept, characterized by passion for justice
and mercy for the weak. Moreover, in this cultural structure,
the social system of Guangdong martial arts is the vital
mechanism that connects the surface layer and the deeper
ideologies and guarantees the continuing development of the
culture of Guangdong martial arts. From the geographical
community to the fictive kinship community to the multiple
social functional community, the evolution of the social sys-
tem embodies the changing times. Today, Guangdong mar-
tial arts have become the pride of both the Guangdong region
and the wider Chinese society, with increasing numbers of
young Chinese and foreign adherents to its cause. Guangdong
martial arts thus remain vibrant, and its cultural values con-
tinue to benefit the modern China and beyond.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect
to the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) disclosed receipt of the following financial support
for the research, authorship, and/or publication of this article: This
work was supported by China National Social Science Fund under
grant 14CTY023.
ORCID iD
Guo Ye https://orcid.org/0000-0003-2089-1122
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Author Biography
Guo Ye is an associate professor at the School of Physical Education
and Sports Science at Guangzhou University. Her research focuses
on sports culture and sociology.