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Visaria NationalFamilyHealth 1999
Visaria NationalFamilyHealth 1999
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What is the rationalefor conducting surveys like the National Family Health Survey when there are alr
available reliable data sets from the census and the sample registration system which provide
acknowledged data-base for planning and policy making? In this paper a brief examination of the
from the other surveys and their particular limitations precedes an overview of the NFHS, specif
designed to provide the information that social scientists need, and the nature and quality of the data
has generated.
THE successful completion of the Na- The reasons for conducting a NFHS or The 1971 Census had initially aimed to
tional Family Health Survey (NFHS) in its various rounds are not adequately continue the approach of the 1961 Census,
India during the early 1990s was a land- understood. It is sometimes suggested thatwith some elaboration of the questions on
mark in the history of collection of demo- the Indian censuses and the sample reg- migration and the questions on children
graphic data through surveys. Encouraged istration system provide an adequate data ever born and surviving as well as births
by the success of the effort and the use- base for planning and policy-making.during the year preceding enumeration
fulness of findings, a second round of (that had been tried out by William Brass
Unfortunately, this view is not correct. To
NFHS has also been launched during the in Africa). On the suggestion of scholars
gain a proper perspective, a brief overview
latter half of 1998. Originally, the second of the post-independence developments like the senior author of this piece, the
round was to be initiated five years after in the statistical data base will probablyBrass questions were pre-tested during the
the first survey, which was conducted be of some help. preparations for the 1971 Census and no
broadly during 1992-93. (Some minor de- difficulty was encountered in collecting
CENSUS DATA
viations from this period are not really of the data. The Brass questions had the
much consequence and can be ignored.) Since 1947, India has conducted five potential, under certain assumptions, to
Unfortunately, quite apart from the usual provide reasonably valid approximate
decennial censuses and the plans for the
bureaucratic wrangles, the sanctions im- next census to be conducted in 2001 are estimates of the level of fertility as well
posed after the Pokhran tests delayed the now being made. The 1951 Census wasas child mortality at the district and pos-
start of the second round. The ministry of planned during the dawn of planning insibly the sub-district level. However, in
health and family welfare was convinced, the country and attempted an elaborate1969, a meeting of 'experts' in the Plan-
however, of the usefulness of the survey tabulation on the economic activities of
ning Commission suggested some changes
and was willing to fund it from the Indian the population. Unfortunately, the con-in the questions on economic activity, to
resources. As the concerned secretary put ceptual framework was constrained by the separate out persons whose primary
it, in a budget of nearly Rs 2,300 crore ap- earlier notions of distinguishing betweenactivity was work from others for whom
proved for the family welfare programme 'self-supporting persons' and others; the work was a secondary activity or who
for 1999-2000, it would not be difficult latter worked and earned an income but
worked in addition to some other pri-
were 'dependent' on another presumablymary activity. Also, a reputed British
to find a sum of Rs 6 to 10 crore required
for the NFHS II. In other words, while self-supporting person in the household. scholar, close to an influential senior bu-
external funding is welcome, the NFHS II The feasibility of collecting such data in reaucrat in the Planning Commission,
is not conditional on the availability a predominantly agricultural economy,persuaded the latter that the Brass ques-
of external resources. The same was with a high proportion of self-employedtions need not be included in the census.
true for the first round of the NFHS, and was debatable under the best of He argued that the Sample Registration
persons,
foreign funds were not a prerequisite circumstances.
for After careful deliberations, Scheme (started on a pilot basis in 1964 but
the survey. this archaic conceptual framework wasextended to rural India in 1967 and urban
The 10 papers included in this special replaced in the 1961 Census by an effortareas in 1969), had the potential to provide
issue illustrate the rich potential of the to make an inventory of the economic all the information that the Brass questions
excellent data set of NFHS I for a wide activities of all individual workers. Simul-
would provide. These views prevailed.
variety of research studies. This introduc-taneously, a welcome effort was begun to Subsequent caveats by Indian scholars
tory paper also outlines the rationale of collect data on rural-urban migration, land against the modification of the economic
surveys like the NFHS to minimise the tenures, housing and the key characteris-questions and the dropping of Brass ques-
misunderstanding and unwarranted fears tics of all enterprises engaged in manu-tions proved ineffective. The former change
about the presumed limitations of the facturing activities. Despite manual tabu- in the questions on economic activity prov-
NFHS. The community of scholars en- lations, the 1961 Census produced moreed most costly and led to gross underesti-
gaged in the study of Indian population than 1400 volumes, some of which weremates of the number and proportion of
as well as social change in India needs to published only after the next census wasfemale workers in the country. Those who
look at such efforts in proper perspective.conducted in 1971. designed the 1981 and 1991 censuses only