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SELF-CONCEPT AND VIOLENT DELINQUENT OFFENDERS: AN
EXPLORATORY STUDY OF URBAN AFRICAN-AMERICAN
ADOLESCENT MALES
by
Evita G. Bynum
submitted to the
Faculty o f the College o f Arts and Sciences
o f American University
in Partial Fulfillment o f
the Requirements for the Degree
o f Doctor o f Philosophy
in
Sociology
Chair:
Rona
Esther Chow
— oSs oi<Sg-£r
Bette Dicker:
Robert Johnson
Dean o f the College o f Arts and Sciences
Date
2000
American University
Washington, D.C. 20016
iliTicia s ^ 51?
UMI Number 9965828
_ ___ __ ®
UMI
UMI Microform9965828
Copyright 2000 by Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company.
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© COPYRIGHT
by
EVITA G. BYNUM
2000
ALL RIGHTS RESERVED
SELF-CONCEPT AND VIOLENT DELINQUENT OFFENDERS: AN
EXPLORATORY STUDY OF URBAN AFRICAN-AMERICAN
ADOLESCENT MALES
BY
Evita G. Bynum
ABSTRACT
African- American adolescent males experience a disproportionate rate o f both
victimization due to and arrest for violent crime. While legitimate structural correlates o f violent
behavior have been previously identified, one area that has not been significantly explored
involves the mental health status o f African-American adolescent males. The research
investigates the relationship between positive self-concept —one dimension o f mental wellness —
and violent delinquency within the group o f urban African-American adolescent males. This
study addresses two major research questions: (1) How do the major socialization agents (family,
peer group, school) influence the formation o f either a positive or a negative self-concept o f
urban African-American male youths? (2) Is there a relationship between the formation o f either
a positive or a negative self-concept and the commission o f violent delinquency by urban
African-American male youths? Walter Reckless’ (1967) containment theory, which suggests
that a positive self-concept will insulate a juvenile from delinquency and crime, serves as the
primary theoretical frame o f reference to examine the relationship between self-concept and
violence in urban African-American adolescent males. A multistage cluster sampling technique
was used to select a sample in Washington, D.C., from the public school system, from the
ii
juvenile correctional facility, and from a community organization working with “at-risk” youth.
The subjects included 155 African-American males aged thirteen to nineteen who completed the
Adolescent Life Survey (ALS), developed by the investigator, and the Tennessee Self-Concept
Scale (TSCS:2). Quantitative measurements o f self-concept, delinquency, and various structural
factors have been obtained. In general, the findings fail to support containment theory.
However, the study does present new data regarding recidivism as well as serious violent
delinquency. Policy implications are discussed.
iii
ACKNOWLEDGMENTS
First and foremost, I give extreme thanks to my family and friends for their continual
support and patience in this long, enlightening joumey. Thanks goes to my committee members
for their constant guidance, particularly my chair, Dr. Ronald Weiner. Much gratitude goes to
Dr. Dorothy D. Chambers of Youth Services Administration for her unending support and
encouragement, especially during the low spots. Appreciation is extended to Mr. Warren Brown
and Mr. Nana Kwesi for their assistance in compiling the offender data for this study. Special
shout-outs are given to The Dude, who really clarified the reality o f the plight o f urban youth,
and Martha, for all her psychedelic interpretations. Finally, thank you to all the participants o f
this study who, through their openness, have afforded me the opportunity to gain a better
understanding o f youth violence in urban African-American males.
iv
TABLE OF CONTENTS
A B S T R A C T ......................................................................................................................................... ii
ACKN OW LED GM EN TS................................................................................................................. iv
LIST OF T A B L E S ................................................................................................................................ vi
CHAPTER
I. THE STUDY PR O B L E M ............................................................................................................. 1
II. REVIEW OF THE LITERA TU RE............................................................................................... 18
III. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY.......................................................................46
IV. F IN D IN G S .....................................................................................................................................62
V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IM PLICATIONS........................................................ 103
APPENDICES ................................................................................................................................. 119
REFERENCES ................................................................................................................................... 128
LIST OF TABLES
Table Page
1. Sample D istributions....................................................................................................... 63
2. Charge Summary for O ffenders..................................................................................... 64
3. Types o f Active O ffenses............................................................................................... 64
4. Range o f TSCS:2 S co res.................................................................................................. 66
5. Sample Mean Self-Concept Scores as Compared with Age and Race Standards . . . 67
6. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Level o f D iscipline...................................................... 70
7. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Consults

Family About His Problem s....................................................................................... 71
8. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Defies

Parents at Least M onthly............................................................................................. 72
9. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Gets

a Curfew from His F a m ily ........................................................................................... 73
10. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Family Structure T ypes................................................ 74
11. Summary o f Significant Findings for Family and Self-Concept................................. 75
12. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Perceives

He Is Close to His F rien d s........................................................................................... 77
13. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Thinks

His Friends are D ependable......................................................................................... 78
14. Summary o f Significant Findings for Peer Group and Self-Concept..............................80
15. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Perceives His School

as Having More Crime Than Average When Compared with Other S ch o o ls 82
vi
16. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Reports
He Makes at Least B’s and C’s ................................................................................... 84
17. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Intends

to at Least Graduate from C ollege.............................................................................. 85
18. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Participation in School C lu b s.................................86
19. Summary o f Significant Findings for School and Self-Concept.................................... 88
20. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Group Identification —

Non-Offender vs. Offender (A ll)................................................................................ 90
21. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Group Identification -

Non-Offender vs. Non-Violent O ffe n d e r..................................................................... 91
22. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Group Identification -

Non-Offender vs. Non-Assaultive O ffender................................................................. 93
23. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Group Identification —

Non-Offender vs. Assaultively Violent O ffender.........................................................95
24. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Frequency o f Current O ffen ses............................... 96
25. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Level o f Offense - Non-Violent vs. V iolent.......... 98
26. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Level o f Offense -

Non-Violent vs. Assaultively V iolent............................................................................ 99
27. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Level o f Offense -

Non-Assaultive vs. Assaultively V io len t..................................................................... 101
28. Summary o f Significant Findings for Self-Concept and Violent Behavior................. 102
vii
CHAPTER I
THE STUDY PROBLEM
Introduction
African-Americans, particularly young males, experience a disproportionate rate o f
both victimization due to and arrest for violent crime. Homicide, the most extreme o f violent
crimes, has reached such inordinate proportions in the African-American community as to be
considered a major health risk (Rosenberg and Finley 1991). In 1986, African-Americans
accounted for 44% o f all murder victims (Bell and Jenkins 1990). By 1993, that number reached
51% (U.S. Dept, o f Justice 1995). Homicide is currently a leading cause o f death for both
African-American males aged 15 to 44 and females aged 15 to 34 (Bell 1990; Howell et al. 1995;
Humphrey and Palmer 1987; Poussaint 1983a). African-American males have the highest rate o f
victimization (U.S. Dept o f Justice 1995)1. Although African-American males aged 16-24
comprise 1% o f the 12 and over population, they sustain 5% o f all violent victimizations (Bastian
and Taylor 1994). The killing o f African-American youth, particularly males, has become
commonplace in many major urban areas. Fifty-one percent o f murder and non-negligent
manslaughter victims aged 14 to 17 are African American: males are 6.3 times more likely to be
victims than females (U.S. Dept, o f Justice 1995). The rate o f becoming a victim o f homicide for
African-American males aged 14 to 17 is more than eight times that for a white male in the same
age group (U. S. Dept, o f Justice 1994). Because homicide is markedly intraraciai (Bell 1990;
1The rate was 71.7 per 100,000 persons for 1993.
2
Humphrey and Palmer 1987), this disproportionality is also indicative o f the state o f African-
American offenders.
W hile African-Americans represent only 12% o f the U.S. population, they comprise
50% o f all arrests for violent crimes (Bartol 1991; Petersilia and Turner 1985; U.S. Dept, o f
Justice 1995). More specifically, 64.1% o f murder and non-negligent manslaughter arrests in
urban areas are African-American males, with the rate increasing to 65.2% when looking at those
less than 18 years o f age (U.S. Dept, o f Justice 1995). Notwithstanding disparities resulting from
judicial and prosecutorial discretion (Free 1996; Petersilia 1984), the data cited above are
alarming. However, it would be simplistic to conclude (and no empirical evidence to date has
shown) that race is a determinant o f violent behavior (Ciba Foundation 1996; Free 1996;
Hawkins 1986; Holinger et al. 1994; Lemelle Jr. 1995; Lombroso-Ferroro 1972; Reiss Jr. and
Roth 1993). Given these unsettling data, it is appropriate to examine patterns o f violence o f
urban African-American adolescent males not only to expand on the knowledge base regarding
the causes and correlates o f their violence but also to inform public policy in the development o f
preventive strategies for these youth.
Statement o f Purpose
The aim o f this research is to examine the relationship between self-concept and violent
delinquency among urban African-American adolescent males. Specifically, this study
investigates whether positive self-concept will insulate an African-American adolescent male
from engaging in violent delinquency. Reckless’ (1967) containment theory, which suggests that
a positive self-concept will insulate a juvenile from delinquency and crime, serves as the primary
theoretical frame of reference. It is hypothesized that the primary socializing agents, as external
control mechanisms, will influence the formation o f a positive self-concept. Moreover, it is
3
hypothesized that a poor self-concept is associated with violent offending by urban African-
American adolescent males.
Background o f the Research Problem
The underlying theoretical perspective guiding the research is control theory. Social
control theories attempt to explain why certain individuals do not engage in criminal behaviors
(this differs from most other criminological perspectives which seek to explain why individuals
do com m it crimes). Introduced by Emile Durkheim, this formulation provides a more
comprehensive sociological theory o f deviance in that it takes deviance for granted, focusing
instead on the reasons why persons opt to conform. The central tenet o f control theory is that
weakened social controls are more likely to lead to higher rates of delinquency and crime. By
binding individuals to the moral order, they are more likely to conform. Both external (e.g.,
family, church, school) and internal (e.g., learned inhibitions against committing crimes via
socialization) controls are involved in regulating an individual. It is the weakening or deficiency
o f these controls that makes crime and delinquency more probable.
Several social control theories have attempted to explain delinquent behavior on this
premise, typically focusing on the external control factors. According to Reiss (1951), a child
becomes delinquent when primary groups (family, neighborhood, and school) fail to provide
non-delinquent roles or exercise control over the child so that these roles may be accepted. For
Nye (1958), the family is the single most important agent o f social control, generating all forms
o f control (direct, indirect, internalized, alternative means o f need satisfaction). Sykes and Matza
(1957) noted that delinquents were basically conventional people who only temporarily
“neutralized” the established norms without completely rejecting them, then “drifted” into norm
violation once triggering factors loosened controls. Hirschi (1969) posited that social bonds —
4
attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief - were the key control mechanisms, with the
family and school being the two conventional systems through which the adolescent could be
expected to form key bonds with society.
One particular social control theory indicates that internal control is the more important
factor in conformity. According to Walter Reckless’ (1967) containment theory, a positive self-
concept will insulate, or protect, a juvenile from delinquency and adult criminality. Reckless
defines self-concept as the favorable internalization o f positive life experiences, including the
admiration a child receives from loved ones. This self-concept acts selectively on experience,
tending to hold the line against adversities (social pressures), inner-discontent and frustration
(pushes), and wrongdoing from associates (pulls). A poor self-concept results from less
favorable experiences. There is a failure to internalize the positive regard conveyed by others,
which reduces the person's willingness to handle these pressures, pushes, and pulls. Basically,
the poor self-concept represents a lack o f inner containment against adversities. However, self-
concept cannot be dissociated from an individual's external environment. Outer containment is
achieved via effective family life, as well as a supportive structure in the neighborhood and
society at large. According to containment theory, if there is adequate outer containment, an
individual is better able to handle the pressures, pushes, and pulls in his or her environment.
When lacking, containment theory suggests that it takes much less for an adolescent to give in to
the pressures encouraging him or her toward delinquent behavior.
Containment theory has lost some prominence over the last few decades, primarily due
to methodological issues (Ross 1994; Wells 1978), but also because o f the synthesis o f social
structural and socialization accounts o f deviance (Wells 1978). Moreover, social control theory
alone may not suffice when examining adolescent violent delinquency in poorer urban African-
5
American communities. Empey (1982, 299) has remarked that “it is not merely that underclass
children are sometimes in conflict with their parents, or that their academic achievement is low,
but that they are caught in an economic and political system in which they are superfluous.”
Modifications o f the containment theory (Jensen 1972, 1973; Schwartz and Stryker 1970) take
into consideration this fusion o f accounts such that the economic and political (structural)
realities within the urban setting may be considered within the theoretical framework o f this
research.
Reckless’ containment theory is relevant when examining violence in urban African-
American adolescent males because it establishes a relationship between self-concept and
delinquent tendencies. Reckless considered many sociological theories o f crime and delinquency
overly deterministic: if problems were caused by slums, criminal traditions, or lack o f economic
opportunity, why was it that many, if not most, o f those suffering from such pressures did not
engage in crime? In other words, why are there so many “good” African-American adolescent
males in such “bad” environments? Containment theory is meant to explain why in spite o f the
various criminogenic pushes and pulls, conformity remains the general state o f affairs. Reckless
believed that in order to commit a delinquent act, an individual would need to break through a
combination o f outer containment and inner containment that together tend to insulate that
person from both the pushes and pulls; every weakening o f containment, then, can be seen as
tending to increase the odds for nonconformity by opening a breach in the armor provided by
external social control and internal self-control. This self-control was due primarily to a healthy
self-concept.
Self-concept refers to one’s perceptions o f one’s self. This term has been
conceptualized in a number o f ways. Traditional (mainstream) sociological approaches to self-
6
concept emphasize the uniqueness o f an individual. Cooley (1902) noted that we see ourselves
not as an isolated entity but as a reflection o f how we believe others see us. His “looking glass
s e lf’ mirrors the three components o f the self-concept: “the imagination o f our appearance to the
other, the imagination o f his judgem ent o f that appearance; and some sort o f self feeling, such as
pride or mortification” (1902, 184). Mead (1934) expands on this idea by visualizing the self as
the cumulative idea o f who we are that is constructed from the actions o f others toward us. Mead
believed communication to be the fundamental social process. The self-concept arises through
this communication, which involves taking the role o f other and perceiving (including one’s self)
from the other’s perspective. Rosenberg (1981), a noted theorist o f the adolescent self, views
self-concept as both a social product and a social force. He defines it as “the totality o f the
individual’s thoughts and feeling with reference to [the] self as an object” (Rosenberg 1979, 7).
Other, non-traditional, approaches have also been developed to define the self. Black
psychology2 views self-concept as a measure o f the degree to which one is conscious o f shared
oppression (Akbar 1991). In African psychology, conceptualizations o f the self extend the idea
o f individuality by introducing a collective consciousness component: “I am because we are; and
because we are therefore I am” (Mbiti 1989, 106). These two viewpoints are necessarily taken
into account when addressing the subject matter o f this study: not only do they contribute to the
comprehensive representation o f the African-American self-concept, but the ideals they embody
are pertinent when examining the overall mental health o f African-Americans.
“Mental health” is a term signifying not only the absence o f pathology (Jahoda 1958),
but also the presence o f a sense o f psychological well-being (Comer and Hill 1985). One aspect
2BIack psychology assumes the psychological development o f African-Americans to be

founded on the collective experience o f oppression.
7
o f mental health involves the development o f a positive self-concept. Formation o f the self-
concept begins during adolescence, a transitional period o f development. Erikson (1963)
describes the adolescent years as the period in which one begins to develop his or her unique
sense o f self. According to Bandura (1992), it is during this period that adolescents begin to
evolve self-regulatory capabilities, including self-reflection and self-efficacy. A positive or
negative self-concept may influence an adolescent’s propensity to engage in or not engage in
delinquent behavior. Indeed, it has been proposed that youth who think poorly o f themselves
compensate for their social weaknesses through antisocial behavior (Fryrear, Nuell, and White
1977). May, for example, suggests that violence is a uniting o f the self in action. He writes:
It is an organizing o f one’s powers to prove one’s powers, to establish the worth o f the
self. It is risking all, a committing all, an asserting all. But it unites the different elements
in the self omitting rationality. This is why I have said above that the uniting o f the self is
done on a level that bypasses reason. Whatever its motive or its consequences may be
within the violent person, its result is generally destructive to the others in the situation.
(May 1972, 188)
In light of May’s perspective, it can be hypothesized that the poorer the self-concept,
the more likely it is the adolescent will engage in antisocial behavior generally and antisocial
violent behavior specifically. This is especially relevant for African-American adolescent males,
potentially primed for violence via displaced frustration (Poussaint 1983b) and poorly developed
coping mechanisms (Gibbs 1994). In particular, the level o f self-concept o f an African-American
adolescent male may impact on his willingness to engage in antisocial violent behavior, including
homicide. Given these theoretical perspectives, it would be reasonable to assume that the more
positive the self-concept, the less likely the African-American adolescent male is inclined to
commit delinquent acts generally and violent delinquent acts specifically.
Gibbs’ (1984; 1988; 1989; 1990; 1994; 1995) extensive research on mental health
issues o f African-American adolescents indicates that the mental health o f these adolescent
8
males is extremely poor. The prevalence o f psychological disorders is attributable to such risk
factors as poverty and stressful life events, including racial oppression (Myers 1989; Myers and
King 1983; Rickel and Allen 1987). Gibbs (1989) found that high rates o f psychological and
behavioral disorder were experienced by African-American youth, with suicide rates on the rise.
Moreover, high rates o f undiagnosed psychological disorders may be found within the population
of African-American delinquents (Dembo 1988). Positive self-concept, one dimension o f mental
wellness, has not been found to be lacking in the population o f African-American adolescents as
a whole (Powell 1983). However, a poor self-concept has been thought to have some negative
effect on African-American youth, including a proneness toward delinquency (Barnes 1972).
Given the theoretical and empirical work cited regarding the mental health o f African-American
adolescents, this research uses Reckless’ containment theory as the primary theoretical
framework for examining the relationship between self-concept and violent criminality in urban
African-American adolescent males.
Significance of the Study
The theoretical contribution o f this study is manifold: African-American youth are an
often overlooked subject o f criminological and sociological studies. Even so, the bulk o f past
research on African-Americans has been based on a deficit model, which characterizes variations
as departures from an accepted dominant middle-class norm. In this study, a within-group
investigation is conducted to determine the meaningfulness o f the inferences drawn to the
population o f African-American adolescent males. Because so little prior research has been done
on the topic o f African-American adolescent violence as it relates to the self-concept, this
research is significant in that it will contribute to a neglected body o f knowledge. This research
9
wilt attempt to integrate theories currently offered to provide a more robust explanation for
adolescent violence among African-American males.
This project is timely and has important implications for prevention. The study
coincides with programming efforts o f the Department o f Education regarding positive self-
concept development as a method for enhancing educational performance (UPI 1998).
Moreover, this research is synchronous with both the current long-range goals o f the National
Institute o f Justice and the action plan o f the Office o f Juvenile Justice and Delinquency
Prevention, concerned primarily with reduction o f violent crim e and improving the effectiveness
o f crime prevention and intervention programs. The disproportionality o f African-American
male youth as victims o f homicide is a trend that threatens to continue: the rate o f homicide
victimization has risen since 1980; African-American victims are more likely to be killed by
firearms than their white counterparts; African-American students are more likely to know o f
weapons in their school (Snyder, Sickmund, and Poe-Yamagata 1996). Equally overwhelming is
the rate o f offense among African-American youth, the bulk o f whom are male: African-
American youth have outnumbered white youth in homicide offenses since 1987 (Snyder,
Sickmund, and Poe-Yamagata 1996). The vast majority o f murder and non-negligent
manslaughter arrests in urban areas are African-American m ales, especially when looking at
those less than 18 years o f age (U.S. Dept, o f Justice 1995).
The development o f new juvenile justice policies will certainly be impacted by the
ever-increasing criminalization o f juvenile delinquency: During the 1960s, sociologists emerged
to espouse new theories o f delinquency and to design new social interventions. In the 1970s,
sociological perspectives exerted tremendous national influence in launching federal programs
supporting diversion programs and deinstitutionalization. The prestige and political clout of
10
these theories sharply diminished in the 1980s, much o f this due to a shift in the political climate.
While the Court has extended rights to the juvenile offender, it has also provided fodder for
legislators to further criminalize juvenile delinquency. This is evident in the judicial waiver and
legislative offense exclusion statutes. In its current state, the status o f juveniles is highly
dependent upon social policy research being effectively integrated both before delinquent
behavior occurs and once the youth goes before the courts. Placement and treatment o f youth in
the juvenile justice system must be looked at holistically in order to serve the best interest o f the
child. This is especially important when evaluating intervention and treatment programs or
determining appropriate individualized sentencing for African-American male youths who are
disproportionately represented in the juvenile justice system.
The psychosocial perspective advanced in this research project recognizes the
importance o f structural correlates while at the same time appreciating the critical nature o f
psychological factors on which the adolescent must rely. This particular type o f analysis may
inform collaborative programming efforts in that critical data will be captured regarding family
and school environments, both integral socializing institutions in the lives o f adolescents. By
comparing African-American juvenile male offenders with non-offending African-American
juvenile males o f similar background, the researcher hopes to discover crucial aspects o f those
resilient youth and their family settings that will prove useful in crime prevention programs.
This research may be relevant to policymakers as well as those attempting to work with
juveniles in treatment and educational settings as it may offer important data regarding the
adolescent-to-adult transition, a crucial period in the lives o f young African-American males. It
is hoped that this research will contribute knowledge regarding the nature o f stressors, coping
styles, and adaptations (positive and negative) in the lives o f African-American adolescent males.
11
This data may then be useful in better understanding various strategies that could be used to
address the problem o f violence, particularly homicide, in the urban setting.
Statement of the Research Questions
This study addresses two major research questions: (1) How do the major socialization
agents influence the formation o f either a positive or a negative self-concept o f urban African-
American male youths? (2) Is there a relationship between the formation o f either a positive or a
negative self-concept and the commission o f violent acts by urban African-American male
youths? Auxiliary questions follow below:
1. How do the major socialization agents (family, peer group, school) influence the
formation o f either a positive or a negative self-concept o f urban Afncan-American adolescent
males?
l a l . What type o f family support impacts on the formation o f either a positive or a
negative self-concept o f urban African-American adolescent males?
la l a. Does level o f discipline impact on the formation o f either a positive or a negative
self-concept o f urban African-American adolescent males?
la lb . Does consulting the family about problems impact on the formation o f either a
positive or a negative self-concept o f urban African-American adolescent males?
la ic . Does defiance o f parents impact on the formation o f either a positive or a
la id . Does imposing o f a curfew by the family impact on the formation o f either a
positive or a negative self-concept o f urban African-American adolescent males?
Ia2. What type of family structure influences the formation o f either a positive or a
12
lb. What effect does the quality o f friendships among urban African-American
adolescent males have on the formation o f either a positive or a negative self-concept?
lb l. Does closeness in friendships impact on the formation o f either a positive or a
Ib2. Does dependability on friends impact on the formation o f either a positive o r a
l c l . Does school climate impact on the formation o f either a positive or a negative self-
concept of urban African-American adolescent males?
Ic2. Does academic achievement impact on the formation o f either a positive or a
Ic3. Does educational aspiration impact on the formation o f either a positive or a
Ic4. Does extracurricular involvement impact on the formation o f either a positive or a
2. Is there a relationship between the formation o f either a positive or a negative self-
concept and the commission o f violent acts by urban African-American male youths?
2a 1. Is there a relationship between the formation o f either a positive or a negative
self-concept and delinquent offending in general among urban African-American adolescent
males?
2a2. Is there a relationship between the formation o f either a positive or a negative
self-concept and non-violent delinquent offending among urban African-American adolescent
males?
13
2a3. Is there a relationship between the formation o f either a positive o r a negative
self-concept and non-assaultive delinquent offending among urban African-American adolescent
males?
2a4. Is there a relationship between the formation o f either a positive o r a negative
self-concept and assaultively violent delinquent offending among urban African-American
adolescent males?
2b. Is there a relationship between the formation o f either a positive or a negative self-
concept and frequency o f offending among urban African-American adolescent male offenders?
2c 1. Is there a relationship between the formation o f either a positive or a negative self-
concept and violent offending among urban African-American adolescent male offenders?
2c2. Is there a relationship between the formation o f either a positive o r a negative self-
concept and serious violent offending among urban African-American adolescent male
offenders?
Hypotheses
la la. The more moderate the level o f discipline provided by the family, the higher the
total self-concept o f urban African-American adolescent males.
la lb . The more frequently the family is consulted about problems, the higher the total
self-concept o f urban African-American adolescent males.
la ic . The less often the parental defiance, the higher the total self-concept o f urban
la id . Urban African-American adolescent males who receive a curfew from their
family will have higher total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent males who do
not receive a curfew from their family.
14
la2. Family structure is not related to the total self-concept o f urban African-American
adolescent males.
1b 1. The closer the bond o f friendship, the higher the total self-concept o f urban
Afncan-American adolescent males.
Ib2. The greater the perception o f dependability in friends, the higher the total self-
concept o f urban African-American adolescent males.
l c l . The more favorable the school climate, the higher the total self-concept o f urban
Ic2. The greater the reported level o f academic achievement, the higher the total self-
concept o f urban Afncan-American adolescent males.
Ic3. The greater the level o f educational aspiration, the higher the total self-concept o f
urban Afncan-American adolescent males.
Ic4. Urban African-American adolescent males participating in positive extracurricular
activities (i.e., activities outside o f the classroom) will have higher total self-concept than urban
African-American adolescent males not participating in positive extracurricular activities.
2a 1. Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders will have higher total
self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male offenders in general.
2a2. Urban Afncan-American adolescent male non-offenders will have higher total
self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male non-violent offenders.
2a3. Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders will have higher total
self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male non-assaultive offenders.
2a4. Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders will have higher total
self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male assaultively violent offenders.
15
2b. Infrequent urban African-American adolescent male offenders (i.e., those who
commit less than four offenses) will have higher total self-concept than frequent urban African-
American adolescent male offenders (i.e., those who commit four or more offenses).
2c I . Urban African-American adolescent male offenders committing violent acts will
have lower total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male offenders
committing non-violent acts.
2c2a. Urban African-American adolescent male violent offenders committing serious
violent acts will have lower total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male
offenders committing non-violent acts.
2c2b. Urban African-American adolescent male violent offenders committing serious
violent acts will have lower total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male
offenders committing non-serious violent acts.
Definition o f Terms
Adolescence — Developmental period o f transition between childhood and adulthood
that involves biological, cognitive, and socioemotional changes; in the United States, this period
begins between ages 10 and 13 and ends between ages 18 and 22
African-American — Persons o f African descent, bom and reared in the United States
Family — An association of persons related to one another by blood, marriage, formal
and informal adoption, or by appropriation, the members o f which are committed to each other
on an intimate, interpersonal level (Billingsley 1992)
Friendship — Relationship associated with affectionate attachment to other members
of one’s peer group
16
Juvenile — Youth at or below the upper age o f original juvenile court jurisdiction; in
the District o f Columbia, the upper age o f jurisdiction is 17
Juvenile Delinquent Act — Actions committed by a juvenile which, if com m itted by an
adult, are illegal; includes crimes against persons (e.g., criminal homicide, assault, weapons
offenses), crimes against property (e.g., burglary, motor vehicle theft, vandalism), public order
offenses (e.g., disorderly conduct), and drug law violations (e.g., distribution o f a controlled
substance, possession o f drug paraphernalia); excludes status offenses
Offender — Youth who has been charged with committing any juvenile delinquent act
• Frequent Offender — Offender who is currently charged with committing four or
more juvenile delinquent acts
• Violent Offender — Offender whose juvenile delinquent acts include one or more
crimes against persons
• Serious Violent Offender — Offender whose juvenile delinquent acts include one or
more physically assaultive crimes against persons
Peer Group — Children or adolescents who are o f about the same age o r maturity level
and provide each other with a source o f information about the world outside the family
Self-Concept — Assumed ideas and attitudes that an individual constructs about him-
or herself, emerging from the social interaction process; serves to provide a framework within
which the individual’s experiences can be organized and interpreted
Socialization — Process o f acquiring and internalizing the norms, values, and
expectations o f adult society; process o f developing a self
Violence — Exertion o f physical force so as to injure or abuse
17
Delimitations
The sample size in this study is relatively small; therefore, results are o f a preliminary
and exploratory nature. The scope o f this study focuses solely on African-American adolescent
males in the District o f Columbia and findings cannot, therefore, be generalized beyond that.
CHAPTER II
REVIEW OF THE LITERATURE
Juvenile Delinquency
Juvenile delinquency is defined as those actions which, if committed by an adult,
would be illegal. This definition does not encompass “status” offenders, juveniles who
participate in actions deemed illegal for juvenile participation but which are not considered
illegal for adult participation. Laws legislating the behavior o f youth were recorded as early as
the 1600s. However, the establishment o f the first juvenile court (in 1899) corresponded with the
rise of positivism, which asserts the environment is an important cause o f behavior: basically,
juveniles commit crimes as the product o f internal or external influences, rather than as the result
o f free will. These internal and external influences have been advanced in a wide spectrum of
theories of juvenile delinquency, to be discussed below.
Theories o f Juvenile Delinquency
Explanations o f juvenile delinquency are multi-disciplinary. Biological perspectives
(focusing on physical and biochemical factors) were the earliest o f these theories and have been
basically discounted. Psychological perspectives propose that some underlying psychological
problem is the causative agent in a delinquent act. Sociological perspectives, the dominant view
in criminology, identify those social forces that impact on a youth’s propensity toward
delinquency.
18
19
This apparent shift in the focus from individual considerations to social factors resulted
in part from the shift in the United States from an agricultural to an industrial economy. As such,
cities began growing at rapid rates, and with their growth came an increase in not only social
opportunities, but in social problems. Early research in sociological criminology had its
beginnings in the Chicago School (notably Robert Park, Ernest Burgess, and Louis Wirth), those
sociologists whose primary interests centered on the social ecology o f urban life. The Chicago
School focused on the notion o f social disorganization via the anonymity o f life in the urban
setting and the supposed decline in moral integration in basic primary groups (e.g., the family).
These scholars’ studies o f the urban area identified patterns o f criminal behavior that were
impacted by the social forces of the individual’s social setting. In short, they felt that crime and
delinquency were the social products o f urban life. Sociological criminology offers paradigms o f
delinquent behavior that may be grouped generally as social structure and social process theories.
Social Structure Theories
Social structure theories refer to those perspectives that suggest that environmental
forces, specifically from lower-class areas, lead to delinquent behavior. This particular set o f
theories is most closely associated with the earliest work o f the Chicago School and argues that
such variables as poverty and slum neighborhoods are directly linked to delinquent behavior.
Within the social structure paradigm are three perspectives: social disorganization, strain, and
cultural deviance.
Social disorganization theories focus on those particular conditions within the urban
setting that affect crime rates. For example, in the case o f concentric zone theory, Shaw and
McKay ([1932] 1969) suggest that in decaying, transitional neighborhoods, social
20
disorganization and conflicting moral values prevail, and delinquency is an accepted, and
expected, aspect o f life.
Strain theories assert that delinquency results when adolescents are deprived o f socially
acceptable means o f achieving their goals. This perspective, most notably addressed by Merton
(1949), is founded on the work o f Durkheim. Anomie, as defined by Durkheim, represented
normlessness, or the breakdown o f the rules regulating a society, most often the result o f social
disruptions such as economic distress (depression) or war. Merton adapted this concept o f
anomie to the societal conditions present in the United States. According to Merton, deviance is
the result o f the disjunction between culturally defined goals and the socially structured means
for attaining those goals. Delinquency occurs when juveniles with unequal access to acceptable
means deviate from the norm to achieve their goals.
Finally, cultural deviance theories contain aspects o f both social disorganization and
strain theories. Individuals living in decaying neighborhoods respond to their demoralizing
environment by developing their own subculture. These theories suggest that delinquent
behavior ensues from the adherence to these lower class norms and values that are contrary to
those o f the society at large. Cohen ([1955] 1971) developed the blocked opportunity theory in
which he suggests that “status-frustration” occurs when lower-class juveniles are unable to attain
middle-class goals. These juveniles adopt a delinquent subculture value system to replace the
middle-class values and norms that they cannot achieve and gain status by engaging in the
negative behavior that is acceptable in their subculture. For Cloward and Ohlin (1960), lower-
class delinquents still strive for middle-class goals, but when legitimate opportunity is blocked
for them, they become part of a criminal subculture and use illegitimate means to obtain accepted
societal goals.
21
Social Structure Theories and Delinquency in African-American Youth
Social structure theorists have proposed a number o f key factors to explain delinquency
in African-American youth. Rose (1990) and Farley (1980) both echo the suggestion o f Shaw
and McKay (1942) that the neighborhood setting contributes to delinquency. Inner-city
residences, particularly ghettos, in which many African-Americans live are rife with
overcrowding, poverty, and drug addiction. Family structure, or lack thereof, in the African-
American community is thought to be another determinant o f delinquency (M oynihan 1965;
Sampson 1987). A predominant explanation o f violent delinquency in the African-American
community is advanced by Wolfgang and Ferracuti (1967) with the subculture o f violence
theory: the high rate o f violence among African-Americans is due to the distinctive subculture
they have adopted which condones such violence. Nevertheless, a major criticism o f social
structure theories in general is that this perspective focuses on deviance as a function o f social
class status, tending to suggest that those more disenfranchised are more likely to engage in
delinquent behaviors, and, therefore, cannot be used to explain delinquency within the group o f
similarly disenfranchised individuals.
Social Process Theories
In contrast to the social structure paradigm, social process theories implicate the
socialization process when examining determinants o f delinquency. These perspectives suggest
that an individual’s interactions with societal organizations, institutions, and processes are key to
understanding whether or not that person will engage in delinquent behavior. The social process
paradigm argues that social class position alone cannot explain delinquency —neighborhood
decay and disorganization are not the sole determinants o f individual behavior. Three distinct
22
divisions within the social process paradigm exist: social learning, labeling, and social control
theories.
The basic premise o f social learning, or cultural transmission, theories is that some
learned behavior within an individual’s social milieu contributes to the delinquency o f that
individual. Delinquency is the result o f adherence to the accepted norms of the subculture to
which the individual belongs, in contrast to those o f the society at large. Sutherland’s (1939)
differential association theory posits that delinquency is a learned behavior which occurs when
definitions favorable to norm violation exceed those unfavorable to norm violation. Akers
(1977) and Miller (1958) have theorized that delinquency is learned through social interaction
with a juvenile’s primary source o f reinforcement, namely delinquent peer groups.
According to labeling theorists, societal reaction toward an offender is the starting
point when studying delinquent behavior. Labeling and treating a lawbreaker as a delinquent is
what determines if delinquency exists. That is, an act is not inherently delinquent but becomes
so when labeled by the state. Popularized by Becker (1963), this perspective presents that the
labelers tend to be those who control social power; those with the least power to reject the label —
lower class juveniles - are those so stigmatized. Once labeled, an offender becomes “one who is
different from the rest of us, who cannot or will not act as a moral human being and therefore
might break other important rules” (Becker 1963, 34). The labeled youth, upon accepting the
status associated with the label, internalizes the label and acts in accordance with the behavior
dictated by the label. Chambliss’ (1984) work illustrates this. His comparison o f two groups o f
high school boys - middle-class “Saints” and working-class “Roughnecks” - revealed that while
the two groups had similar rates o f delinquency, societal reaction to the groups led the police to
define the Saints’ behaviors as prankish while anticipating the worst from the Roughnecks.
23
Social Control Theories
Social control theories represent a dominant view o f delinquent and crim inal behavior.
The term “social control” was first used extensively by Ross (1901), who conceptualized it as
simply “things” that contribute to social order. Social control theories attempt to explain why
certain individuals do not engage in delinquent or criminal behaviors. This differs markedly
from most o f the above-mentioned perspectives which take conformity for granted when seeking
to explain why individuals do commit crimes. The central tenet o f control theory is that the lack
o f social control or restraint breeds deviant behavior. Society binds individuals to the moral
order to control them. Both external (e.g., family, church, school) and internal (e.g., learned
inhibitions against committing crimes via socialization) controls are involved in regulating an
individual. Nonconformity (i.e., delinquency) is to be expected when there is a weakening or
deficiency o f these controls.
As with the strain theories, social control theories are heavily influenced by the work o f
Durkheim and the Chicago School. According to Durkheim ([1897] 1951), humans are
composed o f both a social self - a product o f the socialization o f his or her community —and an
egoistic self - a primal being disconnected from society. Social solidarity, or the moral order, is
contingent upon two social functions: integration, the sum o f “attracting” social forces, and
regulation, those forces of constraint that bind members o f a society to its norms. W hen this
social solidarity is not adequately developed and maintained, either through a weakening o f the
collective force o f the society or a belief that the regulative norms are unreasonable, then societal
disintegration (increased individualism) ensues, and norm violations, such as delinquency, may
be expected.
24
Like Durkheim, the Chicago School delineated humans as social self and primal self,
but focused principally on how the social self forms, namely via socialization. Ineffective
socialization is a precursor to individual disorganization, or a self lacking integration either
internally, societally, or both.
According to Reiss (1951), a child becomes delinquent when key primary groups
(family, neighborhood, and school) fail to provide non-delinquent roles o r exercise control over
the child so that these roles may be accepted. Personal control was defined as “the ability o f the
individual to refrain from meeting needs in ways which conflict with the norms and rules o f the
community” (p. 196). Social control was defined as “the ability of social groups or institutions
to make norms or rules effective” (p. 196). Reiss’ concern was not so much the causes o f
delinquency but, rather, those underlying processes which, when missing, would lead to
delinquent behavior. He maintained that social control resulted from “the acceptance o f or
submission to the authority o f the institution and the reenforcement o f existing personal controls
by institutional controls” (p. 201).
For Nye (1958), the family is the single most important agent o f social control,
generating all forms of control (direct, indirect, internalized, alternative means o f need
satisfaction). Direct control refers to that which is imposed on the juvenile through external
sources (e.g., parents, teachers) via direct restraint with an accompanying punishment. Indirect
control refers to the extent to which the juvenile feels integrated with authority figures,
particularly his or her parents, such integration serving to keep the juvenile in line when other
controls were minimal. The juvenile’s regulation o f his or her own behavior via an internal
mechanism is internalized control. Finally, the society may wield social control by offering
alternate, legitimate, means o f goal attainment.
25
Sykes and M atza (1957) noted that delinquents were basically conventional people who
only temporarily “neutralized” the established norms without completely rejecting them. They
dismissed the notion o f a deviant subculture, suggesting instead that delinquency is a temporary,
irregular occurrence in the lives o f juveniles that, in fact, is a mechanism by which the juvenile
learns societal norms. Sykes and Matza identified five different techniques juveniles employed
to temporarily neutralize norms and engage in delinquent behavior: (1) denial o f responsibility;
(2) denial o f injury; (3) denial o f the victim; (4) condemnation o f the condemners; and (5) appeal
to higher loyalties.
Matza (1964) further developed the notion o f neutralization in his drift theory.
Although neutralization was believed to simply make delinquency possible. Matza theorized that
delinquents “drifted” into norm violation once triggering factors, consisting o f both preparation
(that the individual believed he or she had the capacity to pull off a given infraction and manage
the incurring fear or apprehension) and desperation (a need to violate the social norms to regain a
sense o f self), loosened controls.
The most predominant view o f social control has been developed by Hirschi (1969):
social bonds - attachment, commitment, involvement, and belief - were the key control
mechanisms, with the family and school being the two conventional systems through which the
adolescent could be expected to form key bonds with society. Giving little weight to the
internalization discussed by other control theorists, Hirschi emphasized the Durkheimian idea of
social regulation, while downplaying Durkheim’s stress on integration. He believed that the
mere loss o f controls was what freed a juvenile to consider deviant behavior and any costs
involved thereof.
26
Attachment refers not to internal, emotional bonds, but to actual, measurable
connection to members o f the society; those concerned about their status with others are more
likely to conform. Commitment refers to the investments o f time and energy that an individual
makes toward achieving a particular (conventional) goal; persons vested in the society have a
stake in conformity. Individuals involved in conventional activities have less tim e for delinquent
behaviors. Finally, by beliefs, Hirschi is referring to adherence to the common value system. A
weakening o f the individual’s beliefs leads to delinquency.
Empirical data in support o f Hirschi’s theory are primarily from studies o f self-reported
delinquency (Matsueda 1982; Rankin 1977; Wiatrowski, Griswald, and Roberts 1981). Joseph
(1995) surveyed 333 African-American youth to test the predictive utility o f prominent
perspectives on juvenile delinquency. Control theory measurements included Hirschi’s
‘‘attachment to parents” and “commitment to school.” Her findings indicate that lack o f
attachment to parents was unrelated to delinquent behavior, although commitment to school was.
In general, lack o f social bonding was determined to be a significant predictor o f delinquency in
African-Americans.
More recent control theories o f crime, notably Gottfredson and Hirschi’s (1990) self-
control theory, show considerable similarity to Reckless’ views on inner containment (discussed
in the next section) and suggest a renewed interest in psychosocial interpretations o f the
containment theory. Departing significantly from earlier work on control theory, this theory
advances that the failure o f family socialization contributes to the lack o f self-control in
individuals, said self-control being the necessary internal control prohibiting a person from
committing crime.
27
Notwithstanding the cited studies, a major criticism o f the previously mentioned social
process theories in general and the above mentioned social control theories is that they do not
address delinquency within the community o f urban African-American adolescent males. While
violent delinquency is accounted for in some o f the perspectives, rarely do they adequately
address violent behavior within the group o f African- American adolescent males, the subjects o f
this investigation. Moreover, the majority o f them do not explain non-delinquency within
adolescents. That is, they do little to account for the positive socialization experienced by the
vast majority o f African-American adolescent males in the urban environment who are non
delinquent. Accordingly, they are inadequate when applied to the population o f this study.
Containment Theory
Like Reiss, Reckless (1967) believed that personal control factors should be considered
when theorizing about delinquency. He indicated that internal control is the more important
factor in conformity. According to Reckless’ containment theory, a positive self-concept will
insulate juveniles in high delinquency areas from criminality. Reckless defines self-concept as
the favorable internalization o f positive life experiences, including the admiration a child
receives from loved ones. This self-concept acts selectively on experience, tending to hold the
line against adversities (social pressures), inner-discontent and frustration (pushes), and
wrongdoing from associates (pulls). A poor self-concept results from less favorable experiences.
There is a failure to internalize the positive regard conveyed by others, which reduces the
person’s willingness to handle these pressures, pushes, and pulls. Basically, the poor self-
concept signifies a lack o f inner containment against adversities.
Reckless (1961) identifies containment theory as a “middle range theory.” That is, he
excludes those delinquent behaviors resulting from mental instabilities (e.g., compulsions,
28
hallucinations), organic impairments (e.g., brain damage, epilepsy), or neuroses (e.g., compulsive
shop lifters). Moreover, the theory excludes delinquent activity which is part o f “normal” or
“expected” roles and activities within families or communities (e.g., begging families, organized
crime). Instead, containment theory is posited as the theory o f best fit for the middle range o f
delinquents, able to explain crimes against property and person for the vast majority o f wayward
youth.
Inner containment represents an individual’s personal ability to follow the expected
norms o f the society. As the society modernizes, becoming more diverse and alienated, inner
containment (or the self) takes on a greater role in controlling the individual. Reckless identifies
three other “inner” components that impact on a youth’s behavior. Goal orientation is the
individual’s focus on approved long-range societal goals (e.g., education), which help the
individual conform to norms and expectations. An individual’s ability to withstand adversity,
pressure from others, or failure is identified as fhistration tolerance. Those persons with a high
level o f frustration tolerance are more contained, hence less likely to be diverted. Finally,
Reckless defines norm retention as the individual’s capacity to accept and adhere to the norms,
values, and customs o f the society, the opposite resulting in alienation (Reckless 1967, 476).
However, self-concept cannot be dissociated from an individual's external environment.
Reckless defines outer containment as the hold that society has on the individual to bind him or
her to the accepted norms and expectations. These include a sense o f belonging, effective
supervision, and opportunities for achievement, to name a few. Outer containment is achieved
via effective family life, as well as a supportive structure in the neighborhood and society at large
(Reckless 1967, 470).
29
According to containment theory, if there is adequate outer containment, an individual
is better able to handle the pressures, pushes, and pulls in his or her environment. When lacking,
containment theory suggests that it takes much less for an adolescent to give in to the pressures
encouraging him or her toward delinquent behavior.
Reckless considered many sociological theories o f delinquency overly deterministic: if
problems were caused by slums, criminal traditions, or lack o f economic opportunity, why was it
that many, if not most, of those suffering from such pressures did not engage in crime? Why are
there so many “good” boys in such “bad” environments? Containment theory problematizes not
only delinquent behavior, but non-delinquent behavior as well. It is meant to explain why in
spite o f the various criminogenic pushes and pulls, conformity remains the general state of
affairs. In order to commit a delinquent act, an individual would need to break through a
combination o f outer containment and inner containment that together tend to insulate that
person from both the pushes and pulls; every weakening o f containment, then, can be seen as
tending to increase the odds for nonconformity by opening a breach in the armor provided by
external social control and internal self-control. This self-control was due primarily to a healthy
self-concept. Just as Mead maintained that the self arises through our interactions with others
and the internalization of accepted social norms, Reckless suggested that a favorable self-concept
develops through the socialization process - and it is this favorable, or positive, self-concept that
serves to control a juvenile’s propensity for delinquency.
The family is central in the socialization process o f African-American children
(Angenent and de Man 1996; Taylor 1991; Wallace and Wong 1975), with mothers playing a
pivotal role (Allen 1985). The family is responsible for conveying mainstream imperatives
(Boykin and Ellison 1995), with a supportive family system implicated in enhancing the self
30
concept (Walker et al. 1995). The extended kin system within African-American families is
suggested as an integral source o f social support (Hatchett and Jackson 1993). Young African-
American males living in father-absent households have been shown to display lower levels o f
self-esteem than those in father-present settings (Barclay and Moran 1988; Espinoza and Ehrlich
1989; Matseuda and Heimer 1987; Leung and Drasgow 1986). However, several studies have
suggested that family structure is not relevant when examining self-concept and self-esteem;
rather factors associated with the single-parent (usually mother) structure (e.g., negative stigm a
attached to the status, income level o f the household) are more appropriate determinants (Brown
e tal. 1989; Cherlin 1981).
Peer group affiliation is believed to be pivotal in adolescents’ self-esteem maintenance
(Coleman 1980; Erikson 1968). Peer relations for urban African-American adolescents is
significant to their development in that a great deal o f their survival/“street” skills are acquired
during the interaction (Perkins 1975). Cummings (1977) suggests that father-absence in urban
AfHcan-American families contributes to the dependence on peer groups for solace and
direction. Positive peer relationships are correlated with enhanced self-esteem (Walker et al.
1995).
The school setting functions to transmit the hegemony o f the mainstream cultural
ideology (Apple 1990; Connell 1989; Giroux and McLaren 1986). It is during the school years
that African-American youth come to realize their status, that their group is deemed inferior to
the dominant culture (Boykin and Ellison 1995). Academic achievement has been shown to
correlate positively with high self-esteem (Hoge, Smit, and Crist 1995; Rosenberg, Schooler and
Schoenbach 1989). African-American students rated as below average have been shown to have
31
lower self-esteem than those students who are high achievers (Haynes, Hamilton-Lee, and Comer
1988; Martinez and Dukes 1987).
Reckless’ containment theory is relevant when examining violence in African-
American adolescent males because it establishes a relationship between mental health status and
delinquent tendencies (as proposed by Gibbs 1988). In testing this theory, Reckless et al. (19S6;
1957) studied white male sixth graders in high delinquency areas o f Columbus, OH. Teachers
were asked to nominate those boys they believed would never come in contact with police or the
juvenile court and give reasons for the nomination. This group, identified as “good” boys, was
evaluated for delinquency proneness, social responsibility, and “conception o f self,. . . family,
and other interpersonal relations” (Reckless et al. 1956, 744) and was found to score favorably
for all the measurements. The boys’ mothers were also interviewed to determine developmental
histories o f the subjects; they concurred with the favorable appraisals submitted by the teachers.
The researchers then asked the teachers to nominate boys who they believed would come in
contact with police or the juvenile court. These boys scored significantly less favorably on the
three measurements. Moreover, police records indicated that twenty-three percent o f them had
already had contact with the legal system (this was as opposed to the eight point three percent o f
the “good” boy group who had had previous contact, but were eliminated from the study). The
results o f the study indicated the “good” boys had developed and internalized law-abiding norms
and self-concepts which insulated them from delinquency. Follow-up o f this work confirmed the
predictions o f the earlier study regarding which boys would or would not become delinquent.
The “good” boys (with favorable self-concepts) continued to avoid law-violating behavior, while
a substantial number (39%) o f the “bad” boys (who scored less favorably) had had contact with
the legal system (Reckless and Dinitz 1967).
32
Containment theory has been criticized as being more a classification scheme than a
theory (Jensen 1970). Schwartz and Tangri (1965) and Orcutt (1970) discuss the theoretical
vagueness o f Reckless’ “self factor.” Wells and Rankin (1983) suggest that self-concept is
merely a mediating factor in delinquency and does not predict delinquent behavior when family
relations and school performance are considered. Orcutt (1970) identifies several
methodological flaws in the study, including ambiguity in the operationalization o f “high
delinquency areas” and bias in the teacher nomination process (i.e., teachers in high delinquency
areas have a higher probability o f nominating “bad” boys than “good” boys since they are more
likely to encounter larger proportions o f the former, the converse being true for teachers in areas
with relatively low rates of delinquency). A limited number o f empirical studies have been
conducted to test the validity o f Reckless’ theory.
In an effort to operationalize the components o f containment theory, Thompson and
Dodder (1986) administered a questionnaire developed by Long (1976) o f the seven containers o f
containment theory. A modified Nye-Short Self-Report Delinquency Scale was used to measure
delinquency. Included in their sample were four high schools and three juvenile correctional
institutions, all from a metropolitan area in the southwest United States. Their findings buttress
the argument that containment theory can be used to explain delinquency, the strongest support
evidenced in the sample of white males (the sub-sample o f black females in the study was the
only group which did not support the containment theory as an explanation for delinquency).
Levy (1997) suggests that Reckless’ ideas are more psychological in nature,
emphasizing psychological development over socialization or interactions. However, self-
concept development is contingent upon both (via external control). Using the Tennessee Self-
Concept Scale (TSCS) (Fitts 1964), Levy evaluated 230 adolescents, comparing the self-concepts
33
o f delinquents and non-delinquents. His findings support Reckless’ argument; moreover, he
indicates that the “inner containments” correspond well with TSCS taxonomy.
Self-Conceot
General Considerations
Self-concept is an individual’s perception o f him- or herself, formed through
experience with and interpretation o f that individual’s environment (Shavelson, Hubner, and
Stanton 1976). It is the totality o f perceptions and feelings attached to one’s regard for oneself.
William James (1910) provided an early theoretical framework for sociological interpretations o f
the self. James distinguished between m e - the self as known, the empirical self, or “the sum
total o f all that he CAN call his” (1910, 177)- a n d I —the self as knower, or “that which at any
given moment js conscious” (p. 195). Although distinct, these two entities are inseparable.
The “me” component is further divided into the material me, the spiritual me, and the
social me. It is this empirical self, and specifically the social self, “the recognition which [man]
gets from his mates” (James 1890, 293) that is the focus o f symbolic interactionists.
Cooley noted that we see ourselves not as an isolated entity but as a reflection o f how
we believe others see us. He defines the social self as “any idea, or system o f ideas, drawn from
the communicative life, that the mind cherishes as its own” (Cooley 1902, 155). His “looking
glass s e lf’ mirrors the three components o f the self-concept: “the imagination o f our appearance
to the other; the imagination o f [our] judgement o f that appearance; and some sort o f self feeling,
such as pride or mortification” (Cooley 1902, 184).
Mead (1934) expands on this idea. He visualized the self as the cumulative idea o f
who we are that is constructed from the actions o f others toward us. Mead believed
communication to be the fundamental social process. The self-concept arises through this
34
communication, which involves taking the role o f other and perceiving (including one’s self)
from the other’s perspective.
Mead's theory o f self and self-other interactions is processual in that Mead attempts to
analyze the development o f the self as opposed to his merely describing what the self is. Like
James, Mead visualized the complete self as being both an “I” and a “me.” The “ I” is the
principle o f action and o f impulse, through its action changing social structure. The “me” is the
internalization o f the norms and rules o f the society (or the organized set o f attitudes o f others
which one assumes). Through the social act an individual engages in coordinated interactions
with others, which are integrated by reference to each person’s relation to others and to relevant
social objects.
Mead maintained that through its interactions with other selves and with the composite
o f accepted social norms, rules, and roles (generalized other), the self gains meaning and content.
In other words, humans are not bom with assigned behavioral or personality traits: these traits
develop through the process o f social interaction.
Blumer’s (1969) extension o f these ideas led to his development o f an interpretive
approach to human conduct. The self was identified as having two basic aspects —self as process
and self as object. Self as process refers to self-conversations in which an individual engages
that enable the individual to construct interpretations o f situations by definition (i.e., assuming
the attitude o f others in the situation and assigning a meaning to the gestures those others make
toward him or her) and by judgement (i.e., deciding the appropriate course o f action to take
based on the ascribed definition by assuming an attitude o f the generalized other and indicating
to him- or herself how he or she ought to behave (Blumer 1969, SS, 73, 96). Self as object refers
35
to the individual’s self-image, developed by looking at him- or herself and judging what is seen
by assuming the attitudes of his or her generalized other (Blumer 1969, 12-13).
According to Gordon:
The self is not a thing; it is a complex process o f continuing interpretive activity -

simultaneously the person’s located subjective stream o f consciousness (both reflexive and
nonreflexive, including perceiving, thinking, planning, evaluating, choosing, etc.) and the
resultant accruing structure o f self-conceptions (the special system o f self-referential
meanings available to this active consciousness). (1968, 116)
For Goffman (1959), the function o f theory is to define man as “self.” Goffman's
theory o f dramaturgy identifies man as two persons —the front stage actor, performing out
idealized roles for himself and others in the context o f interaction, and the back stage actor, fieer
to express the true self.
Many modem theorists conceptualize the self-concept as a multidimensional and
hierarchical construct (Marsh, Byrne, and Shavelson 1992; Rosenberg 1979; Shavelson and
Bolus 1982; Shavelson, Hubner, and Stanton 1976). In discussing the multidimensional,
hierarchical nature o f the self, Marsh, Byrne, and Shavelson identify seven critical features in
defining the self-concept:
1. It is organized or structured, in that people categorize the vast amount o f information

they have about themselves and relate these categories to one another.
2. It is multifaceted, and the particular facets reflects Isicl a self-referent category system
adopted by a particular individual and/or shared by a group.
3. It is hierarchical, with perceptions o f personal behavior at the base moving to inferences

about self in subareas - for example, English and mathematics components contribute to
academic self-concept, whereas physical, social, and emotional components contribute to
nonacademic self-concept —then to inferences about self in general.
4. The hierarchical general self-concept - the apex o f the model —is stable, but as one
descends the hierarchy, self-concept becomes increasingly situation specific and, as a
consequence, less stable.
36
5. Self-concept becomes increasingly multifaceted as the individual moves from infancy to

adulthood.
6. Self-concept has both a descriptive and an evaluative aspect such that individuals may
describe themselves (“I am happy”) and evaluate themselves (“I do well in mathematics”).
7. Self-concept can be differentiated from other constructs such as academic achievement.

(Marsh, Byrne, and Shavelson 1992, SO)
Self-Concept vs. Self-Esteem
Although frequently used interchangeably, distinction should be made between self-
concept and self-esteem. For the purposes o f this study, self-concept, a description an individual
attaches to him- or herself o f the totality o f perceived self, is inclusive o f self-esteem. Self
esteem, a component o f self-concept, is defined as the evaluation an individual attaches to his or
her self-concept; that is, self-esteem represents the confidence and satisfaction an individual has
for him- or herself (Beane and Lipka 1984; Hattie 1992).
Rosenberg (1981), a noted theorist o f the adolescent self, viewed self-concept as both a
social product and a social force. He defined it as “the totality o f the individual’s thoughts and
feeling with reference to [the] self as an object” (Rosenberg 1979, 7). Rosenberg outlined the
major principles o f self-esteem formation: reflected appraisal, social comparison, and self
attribution. The reflected appraisals principle suggests that the level o f esteem is determined by
how a person believes others perceive him or her. The principle o f social comparisons states that
a person compares him- or herself with others, then makes positive or negative evaluations. The
principle o f self-attribution asserts that a person's esteem is determined by self-observation o f
overt behavior and characteristics, particularly successes and failures. Finally, Rosenberg
identifies psychological centrality as being the self-concept as an organization o f components
37
that are hierarchically organized and interrelated, similar to the features enumerated in the
previous section.
Self-Concept and Adolescence
Adolescence is the developmental period o f transition between childhood and
adulthood that involves major biological, cognitive, and socioemotional changes; in the United
States, this period begins between ages 10 and 13 and ends between ages 18 and 22 (Santrock
1996). Havighurst (1987) identified eight developmental tasks that adolescents must accomplish:
(1) accepting one’s physique and using the body effectively; (2) achieving emotional
independence from parents and other adults; (3) achieving a masculine or a feminine social role;
(4) achieving new and more mature relations with peers o f both sexes; (S) desiring and achieving
socially responsible behavior, (6) acquiring a set o f values and an ethical system as a guide to
behavior; (7) preparing for an economic career; and (8) preparing for marriage and family life. A
major developmental task o f adolescents is the formation o f the self-concept. Erikson (1963)
delineated eight stages through which individuals progress, with stage five - Identity vs. Role
Confusion —occurring during adolescence. He and other developmental theorists view this
identity formation as a qualitative reorganization process rather than an emergence o f fixed
personality traits (Kroger 1989, 5). Erikson states:
the process o f identity formation depends on the interplay o f what young persons at the
end o f childhood have come to mean to themselves and what they now appear to mean to
those who become significant to them. (1977, 106)
The African-American Adolescent Self
Spencer and Dombusch (1990) remark that the “looking-glass s e lf’ o f African-
American adolescents is potentially impacted by the stigma o f racial stereotypes, and even if they
38
do exhibit a positive personal identity, there may be ambivalent or negative attitudes toward their
group. Poussaint and Atkinson have described the generalized other as it pertains to African-
American youth in white American society:
(T)he generalized other whose attitudes he assumes and the looking-glass into which he
gazes both reflect the same judgment: He is inferior because he is black. His self-image,
developed in the lowest stratum o f a color caste system, is shaped, defined, and evaluated
by a generalized other which is racist or warped by racists. His self-concept naturally
becomes a negatively esteemed one, nurtured through contact with such institutionalized
symbols o f caste inferiority as segregated schools, neighborhoods, and jobs and more
indirect negative indicators such as the reactions o f his own family who have been
socialized to believe that they are substandard human beings. (1972, 114)
The generalized other, an important source o f socialized self-definition, both expresses
and reflects the distribution o f power in society as it is seen in the dominant social institutions
(Ferguson 1980, 16-17). Sherif (1967) argued that “marginal persons” (e.g., persons from
minority ethnic groups) are not anchored securely in the reference group. Accordingly, the task
o f impression management, as suggested by Goffinan, is that much more stressful. A significant
aspect o f self-concept development for the Afncan-American adolescent male, particularly urban
males, is the cool pose (Majors and Billson 1992).
“Cool pose” refers to the collectivity o f personality dynamics distinctive to the urban
Afncan-American male. It is “a ritualized form o f masculinity that entails behaviors, scripts,
physical posturing, impression management, and carefully crafted performances that deliver a
single, critical message: pride, strength, and control” (Majors and Billson 1992,4). The cool
pose represents a unique coping strategy for the African-American male. However, it also
contributes to stress in that there is a constant need by the African-American male to role-play,
wary o f letting down his guard at an inappropriate moment.
Adolescence for the Afncan-American male is marked with impediments to task
completion that negatively impact on academic, professional, and social success (Lee 1994).
39
Adolescent stresses arise during the natural maturation processes (biological and psychological)
wherein the youth must develop a unique identity, as well as grapple with the boundaries o f his
or her sexual role. Halleck (1967, 119) describes discomfort with sexual identity on the part o f
the male that may lead him to equate “conformity with femininity.” Hence, in communities
where there is a perceived need to prove manhood, this is an added pressure for young men.
Another stressor discussed by Halleck occurs when the male child is sometimes required to fill
the role o f the father in disrupted (non-nuclear) families. As many African-American families in
the urban setting are female-headed (Spencer and Dombusch 1990; Taylor 1991), this notion
takes on added meaning for this group. African-American adolescent males whose fathers are
absent from their lives have been shown to have impaired positive identity formation (Hunt and
Hunt 1977).
Research on the self-concept of African-American adolescents has been well-
documented (Whaley 1993). The self-concept o f African-Americans has generally been viewed
using a deficit model, with the majority o f studies o f African-American self-concept and/or self
esteem examining them in comparison with the dominant group. Still, findings vary.
Early studies o f African-American self-concept focused on racial identity and
awareness. Theoretical formulations relied heavily on Cooley and Mead and the social
interaction process. Doll studies (Clark and Clark 19S0; Goodman 1952), measuring the self-
concept as a single dimension —race-color awareness, supported the notion that black children
assign negative roles to black dolls. These findings most likely resulted from the lack o f
distinction in these early studies between reference group orientation (racial image for a group)
and personal identity (the individual’s self-esteem), with the former being what was actually
measured in the doll studies (Harter 1990). In contradiction to this, however, it has been
40
demonstrated that black Americans have self-concepts and self-esteems comparable to or
exceeding that o f their white counterparts (McCarthy and Yancey 1971; Rosenberg and Simmons
1971; Simmons e tal. 1978).
Traditional (mainstream) sociological approaches to self-concept emphasize the
uniqueness o f an individual. However, African conceptualizations o f the self extend the idea o f
individuality by introducing a collective consciousness component: “I am because we are; and
because we are therefore I am” (Mbiti 1989:106). Nobles introduced the notion o f the extended
self:
. . . in terms o f self-conception, the relationship o f interdependence (and oneness o f being)

translates to an “extended” definition . . . One’s self-definition is dependent upon the
corporate definition o f one’s people. In effect, the people definition TRANSCENDS the
individual definition o f self, and the individual conception o f self EXTENDS to include
one’s self and kind. This transcendent relationship (that between self and kind) is the
“extended-self.” (1973,21)
Thus, racial identity has been determined to be an important component o f self-concept
for African-American adolescents (Phinney 1990), the literature suggesting that the shared values
(e.g., spirituality, collectivity) serve to strengthen the relationship between African-Americans
and their social network and validate the individual self (Hill 1972; Nobles 1974). Several
studies (Banks 1984; Mack 1987; McAdoo 1983) have determined an association between
positive self-esteem development and ethnic awareness in African-American families. However,
Parham (1989) suggests that ownership o f one’s racial identity occurs during late adolescence or
early adulthood, prior manifestations being a reflection o f parental and/or societal ideas o f race.
African-American Adolescence and Violence
Violence, defined as the exertion o f physical force so as to injure or abuse, is an
escalating aspect o f juvenile delinquency (Eron, Gentry, and Schlegel 1994; Snyder, Sickmund,
41
and Poe-Yamagata 1996; Summary Report o f the American Psychological Association’s
Commission on Violence and Youth 1993). High rates o f violent crime are found in the urban
African-American community (Center for Disease Control 1991; Staples 1985); however,
violence is hardly confined to that population (see, for example, Staples 1986 and Staub 1996).
Staub (1996) states that youth violence is a societal process in that rapid social change (both
positive and negative) creates psychological dislocation, frustrating an individual’s basic needs,
thereby impacting on the treatment o f the children in the society. When difficult life conditions
exist (e.g., poverty, discrimination), aggression-generating socialization practices (e.g., harsh
child rearing) intensify. During adolescence, criminal impulses may arise which had previously
occurred, but the young adult is now physically capable o f transforming these wishes into actual
misconduct (Halleck 1967).
The history o f the African-American lends itself to the enigma o f an ethnic group
which, while strongly opposed to criminal activities (Scott 1976), is beset with a
disproportionately high juvenile homicide rate (Howell 1997; Snyder, Sickmund, and Poe-
Yamagata 1996). The Ninth Conference for the Study o f the Negro Problems convened in 1904
and determined that the “. . . cure for Black crime lies in moral uplift and inspiration among
Blacks” (Davis 1976, 7). When enumerating what they believed to be the six major causes o f
crime, the conference attendees cited such factors as stress (due to the transition between slavery
and freedom), degradation, and low self-esteem (Davis 1976, 7).
Theories o f violence among African-American males have been varied, ranging from
biological (Ferrers 1911; Montague 1964) to subcultural (Wolfgang and Ferracuti 1967) to
regional (Pettigrew and Spier 1962). Several theories o f violent delinquency have incorporated
aspects o f general strain theories. Grier and Cobbs (1968) discuss chronic stress and
42
unpredictable environment as impediments to the mental health and social development of
adolescents. Socio-cultural factors are implicated in the etiology o f violent behavior, with
poverty being indicated as a strong predictor o f violence, including homicide (Hill et al. 1994).
Myers’ (1989) urban stress model suggests that urban African-American youth are bombarded
with stressors (e.g., the need to establish a positive identity in a society that generally perceives
them negatively) which contribute to their feelings of powerlessness and alienation. Gibbs
(1988) attributes poverty, limited economic opportunity, and non-nurturing families as precursors
to delinquent behavior. She and Farley (1980) both posit that the nature o f the inner city
produces high levels o f stress leading to violent acting out in juveniles. Nevertheless, few
studies have examined intragroup differences in aggressive behaviors for African-Americans
(Rosenburg and Finley 1991).
Self-Concept and Violence in African-American Adolescent Males
Gibbs’ (1984, 1988, 1989, 1990, 1994, 1995) extensive work on the psychosocial status
of African-American youth bespeaks a diminishing state o f well being. High rates o f
psychological and behavioral disorders are experienced by African-American youth, with suicide
rates currently on the rise (Chance et al. 1998). Exposure to community violence also attributes
to poor mental health status, leading to traumatic stress which impacts on future behavior (Bell
and Jenkins 1991; Davies and Flannety 1998; Durant etal. 1994; Schubiner, Scott, and Tzelepis
1993; Singer et al. 1995).
There is also a self-destructive nature to the homicide which occurs in African-
American communities. Earlier investigations concluded that the incidence o f homicide in the
African-American urban community is the result o f personality disequilibrium, with the African-
American male expressing a self-hatred through his murderous behavior (Wallace and Wong
43
1975). Kardiner and Ovesey (1951) postulated that socioeconomic, environmental, and family
stresses merge with self-hatred, fostering and even triggering violent acts (including homicide).
These acts trigger more rage and violence, and the cycle continues. Pouissant (1983b) asserts
that much o f this self-hatred is directly attributable to institutional racism. Implementing
Wolfgang’s (1958) hypothesis o f victim-precipitated homicide as a form o f suicide, Pouissant
takes the idea o f self-hatred a step further and speculates that some African-American male
victims wishing to be killed instigate the encounter because they perceive overt suicide as non-
masculine.
Anderson (1999, 33) discusses the “code o f the street,” defined as “a set o f informal
rules governing interpersonal public behavior, including violence. The rules prescribe both a
proper comportment and a proper way to respond if challenged.” The code revolves around the
presentation o f self - retaining respect (both from others and from self) by manifesting nerve,
most visibly through aggressive, sometimes violent, behavior. That the African-American male
is especially sensitive to masculinity should come as no surprise. Robert Staples (1971) argues
that it is not emasculation (an often-described consequence o f slavery) but rather a redirection o f
intact masculinity which accounts for the overly aggressive behavior o f some African-American
inner-city males. The commonplace o f machismo in the urban setting contributes to the
intensified levels o f violence (Beale 1995).
Empirical data on self-concept and the broader term aggression are limited and
inconsistent (Schaughency, Frame, and Strauss 1987). Likewise, very few studies exist that
focus on self-concept and violence in African-American adolescent males exclusively.
Schwartz and Tangri (1965) studied “good” and “bad” boys from an all-black school in
a high delinquency area in Detroit. They rated self-esteem using a semantic differential test in
44
which the boys rated themselves on a good-bad continuum along several dimensions. Findings
were consistent with containment theory: “good” boys had higher self-esteem than “bad” boys
(Reckless, Dinitz, and Kay 19S7; Reckless, Dinitz, and Murray 1956; 1957).
Wax (1972) examined self-concept in delinquent boys, comparing black and white pre-
adolescents. Again, a semantic differential technique was employed: eight concepts (e.g., I am,
Boys who get into trouble) were rated on a five-point scale for ten bi-polar adjectives (e.g.,
weak— strong, hard— soft). The one significant difference between the two groups was with the
concept “ Boys who get into trouble.” Wax proposed that blacks’ perception o f limited
opportunity and interpretation o f the “Black Power” movement as endorsing violent behavior
contributed to black pre-adolescent boys positively identifying with delinquency.
Jensen (1972) conducted a secondary analysis o f the Richmond Youth Study data to
study delinquency and self-concept o f both black and white juniors and seniors in California high
schools. He found that delinquents exhibited lower self-esteems than non-delinquents.
A more recent study examined self-concept in juveniles who commit black-on-biack
crimes. Terrell and Taylor (1980) used the Tennessee Self Concept Scale and an originally
developed Black Ideology Scale to measure self-concept differences in lower-class black male
youth, aged 15-18. Their findings indicate that the youths’ black self-concept is o f more
importance when distinguishing the type o f crime committed by black delinquents than their
global self-concept. However, the sample size included in the data analysis was relatively small
(thirty subjects), limiting the generalizability o f the results.
Summary
In summary, Reckless’ (1967) containment theory, presents a sound theoretical frame
o f reference to study violent delinquency within the group o f urban African-American adolescent
45
males. Although Reckless’ data are drawn strictly from white subjects, empirical data attest to
its applicability to the African-American adolescent male (Thompson and Dodder 1986).
Limited research has been done on the topic o f adolescent development as it specifically relates
to this group. Nevertheless, the adolescent self presents itself as a legitimate variable in the
etiology o f African-American violent delinquency as it allows for a more qualitative assessment
o f the interaction between individual perpetrator and victim while considering the structural
characteristics o f the setting.
CHAPTER ID
RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY
The purpose o f this study is to investigate whether a positive self-concept among urban
African-American adolescent males serves to protect them from involvement in delinquent
activities generally and violent delinquency specifically. This is a relational research study
utilizing quantitative data obtained from a survey questionnaire and police and court records.
The research design uses a static-group comparison survey methodology and includes a newly
developed survey instrument and secondary data analysis o f police and court records.
Sampling Design
The sampling frame for this study includes: (1) all African-American male students
aged 13 —19 currently enrolled in grades 9 —12 in the District o f Columbia public school system
and (2) all African-American males aged 13 —19 presently involved with the District o f
Columbia’s juvenile justice system. The total sample selected contains 155 adolescent African-
American males in the District o f Columbia. Adolescents were used because o f the impact o f the
changes and growth to the individual during this time period. Further, this age group begins that
range o f years (1 5 -2 4 ) during which African-American males are alluded to as the “endangered
species” (Gibbs 1988; Reiss Jr. and Roth 1993). This sample population was chosen not only for
46
47
its convenience to the investigator, but because the violent crime rate in Washington, D.C., is
high enough to accommodate obtaining a representative sample.3
Student Sample
The researcher’s intent was to achieve a probability sample o f public and private
schools in the District o f Columbia. However, the majority o f schools approached regarding the
project were not agreeable to participating in the research study. Several o f the public schools
cited time constraints. Others, however, offered no explanation for th eir refusals. No private
schools in the District o f Columbia were willing to participate in the research project. While
most o f these schools’ administrators agreed that the research was a project o f merit - and in
some cases approved the investigator administering the survey to th eir respective students —
parental concerns (e.g., anxieties about their sons being stereotyped a s violent persons by their
classmates if they participated in the study) prevailed, with all private schools declining to take
part.
Therefore, a cluster sampling method was implemented: from each o f the three public
high schools permitting the research project, students in English classes for grades 9 - 1 2 were
solicited to participate in the survey. This yielded a sub-sample o f ninety respondents.
Juvenile Justice System Sample
Committed
The District o f Columbia’s detention center/maximum security juvenile correctional
facility is one source for known juvenile offenders. On any given day, there are between 150 and
3The 1995 violent crime index for persons under 18 years of age in the District o f Columbia
was 639 per 100,000 (U.S. Dept, o f Justice 1996).
48
170 detainees/residents at the facility, the vast majority o f whom are African-American males
between the ages o f 13 and 20. Therefore, excluding those detainees who did not meet the
sampling criteria (i.e., female or non-African-American), the entire population o f the facility was
solicited for inclusion in the sample. This yielded a sub-total o f fifty-two respondents.
Non-Committed
The final group of respondents is drawn from a private, non-profit organization in the
District o f Columbia that has developed a community-based support system for adjudicated and
high-risk youth and their families. Thirteen males, who the organization’s Program Director
identified as being in the District o f Columbia’s juvenile justice group home system, were made
available to the researcher. This gave a final sample size o f 155.
Instrumentation
Data are gathered from two sources: a survey packet completed by all the respondents
and police and court records (juvenile justice system youth only). With the exception o f
evaluations of “official delinquency,” the primary concepts in this study are measured by the
survey items.
Adolescent Life Survey
The survey is a systematic data collection process that uses interviews or self-
administered questionnaires to extract information from a sample population. This study uses a
static-group comparison survey methodology, a non-experimental survey design in which two
groups are chosen for study and each is observed in an attempt to explain events occurring in the
target sample by comparing them with the control sample (Denzin 1989, 139, 143).
49
The Adolescent Life Survey (ALS) was developed in the course o f this research. This
self-report survey instrument contains items in several major sections that the investigator
believes appropriate to measure the stated hypotheses (see appendix A for survey questions). A
survey was developed, as opposed to using previously created instruments, because it allows the
researcher to isolate the specific issues under investigation using a fewer amount o f questions
than would be required if those previous individually-developed scales are employed.
The first section o f the ALS obtains general demographic information about the
respondents (e.g., age, grade). As previously discussed, this research considers the development
o f the self-concept and propensity toward delinquency contingent upon agents of socialization -
which act as a mechanism o f social control. Accordingly, the next sections measure various
aspects o f the socializing agents under investigation, the first being family. This survey assesses
not only the structure o f the family (e.g., traditional “nuclear,” single-parent, extended), but also
the support system within the family setting (e.g., administration o f curfew, disciplinary
measures). The school section o f the ALS solicits information about the respondent’s grades,
educational aspirations, and extracurricular activities. It also includes measurements for school
climate. Peer relations are examined by exploring various aspects o f the respondent’s
relationships with his friends (e.g., activities in which they participate, closeness o f the
relationship). The delinquency questions are intended to gauge level o f crime in the respondents’
schools and identify personal infractions o f delinquent behavior.
In conjunction with the ALS, the second edition o f the Tennessee Self-Concept Scale
(Fitts and Warren 1996) is used to measure overall self-concept o f the respondents. The
Tennessee Self-Concept Scale (TSCS) has been reported as the most widely used self-concept
instrument available (Marsh and Richards 1988). Fitts (1964) originally designed this scale to
50
emphasize the multi-dimensionality o f the self and to specifically measure a priori dimensions o f
self-concept. The second edition o f the TSCS (TSCS:2) is composed o f eighty-two self-
descriptive statements to which the subject responds from one, “always false,” to five, “always
true.” The obtained measurements yield a summary score (total self-concept), sub-scale scores
(physical, moral, personal, family, social, and academic/work), and supplementary scores
(identity, satisfaction, and behavior). Standardized TSCS:2 scores range from 20 - 80, the norm
being 40 —60; scores between 60 and 70 are indicative o f areas o f particular individual strength.
A high TSCS:2 score is reflective o f positive self feelings and behaviors. The adult form can be
completed by those reading at a 3rd grade level.
The primary scale used to test the hypotheses is the total self-concept scale. Total self-
concept is a summary score provided with the TSCS:2. It reflects overall self-concept and
associated level o f self-esteem. The total raw score is calculated by summing all six raw sub
scale scores. Standardized scores between 60 and 70 are indicative o f individuals who are
competent, self-confident, and like themselves; abnormal scores are typically found in those with
serious psychological disturbances (£ 70) or doubt o f their own self-worth (£ 40).
In order to examine differences reflecting the multidimensional aspects o f the self-
concept, other sub-scale measures were obtained comparing the study groups. Six sub-scale
scores are measured with the TSCS:2. Physical self-concept presents the individual’s view o f his
or her body, state o f health, physical appearance, skills, and sexuality. This measurement has a
high association with global self-esteem. Standardized scores between 60 and 70 are indicative
o f individuals with a positive view o f how they look; abnormal scores are typically found in
those with defensive attitudes (^ 70) or who are dissatisfied with their body because o f actual
deficits or an unrealistic idea about body image (£ 40). Moral self-concept describes the self
51
from a moral-ethical perspective. Standardized scores between 60 and 70 are indicative o f
individuals who have a consistent code o f conduct, yet can make allowances for special
circumstances; abnormal scores are typically found in those with a defensive rigidity which
makes it difficult for the individual to learn from his or her behavior (£ 70) or who are overly
impulsive and thus disregard moral considerations 40). Personal self-concept reflects the
individual’s sense o f personal worth, feelings o f adequacy as a person, and self-evaluation o f the
personality apart from the body or relationships to others. High standardized scores ( s 60) are
indicative o f individuals who are well adjusted; abnormal scores are typically found in those who
are reactive and likely to avoid risky situations (£ 40). Family self-concept reflects the
individual’s feelings of adequacy, worth, and value as a family member; standardized scores
between 60 and 70 are indicative o f individuals who are satisfied with their family setting,
drawing a sense o f support from them; abnormal scores are typically found in those with who are
defensive about family conflict and its related potential for loss O 70) or who are disappointed
in or alienated from their families (£ 40). Social self-concept is a measure o f how the self is
perceived in relation to others. This score reflects in a more general way the individual’s sense
o f adequacy and worth in social interaction with other people. Standardized scores between 60
and 70 are indicative of individuals who are extroverted and easy to be with; abnormal scores are
typically found in those with inflated self-views who may avoid intimacy ( s 70) or who are
socially awkward and may feel isolated (<. 40). Academic self-concept measures how people
perceive themselves in the school setting, and o f how they believe they are seen by others in that
setting. Standardized scores between 60 and 70 are indicative o f individuals who are competent
in learning situations and comfortable with new tasks; abnormal scores are typically found in
52
those who experience serious ego threat from academic failure 70) or who have difficulty
performing in the school setting 40).
The final three TSCS:2 measurements presented in this study are supplemental to the
self-concept scores. These scores are typically used to complement clinical interpretations o f the
total score. Identity is a measure o f who a person is or how a person identifies him- or herself.
Standardized scores £ 70 are found in individuals with inflexible self-concepts, while scores 5
40 are indicative o f a negative self-view. Satisfaction measures the level o f self-acceptance in
the individual. Standardized scores £ 60 are found in persons who may be unmotivated to
change any deficiencies in his or her self-concept. Behavior is a measure o f the person’s
perception o f his or her own behavior or the way he or she functions. Standardized scores ^ 40
are indicative o f problems with impulse control.
Record Data
Secondary analysis typically involves obtaining data from a previously conducted study
in order to present “interpretations, conclusions, or knowledge additional to, or different from,
those presented in the first re p o rt. . . ” (Hakim 1982, 1). In this case, however, the secondary
source is the data compiled on detainees/residents as they become involved with the juvenile
correctional facility. This is done to both cross-validate the self-reported delinquent behavior
and to obtain additional demographics o f the “offender” sub-sample.
Measures of official delinquency are based on the records o f the District o f Columbia
police department and the juvenile correctional facility. Information is obtained regarding police
and court contacts o f the juvenile justice system respondents. The following data were collected:
(1) legal status; (2) total number o f charges; (3) total and type o f active charges; and (4) whether
or not a gun offense was committed.
53
Variables
The major variables o f the study are given below. The self-concept variables are
itemized first. These are followed by a listing o f the remaining variables, which have been
divided according to the hypotheses they address.
Self-Concept
• Total Self-Concept (summary score)
• Physical Self-Concept (sub-scale score)
• Moral Self-Concept (sub-scale score)
• Personal Self-Concept (sub-scale score)
• Family Self-Concept (sub-scale score)
• Social Self-Concept (sub-scale score)
• Academic Self-Concept (sub-scale score)
• Identity (supplemental score)
• Satisfaction (supplemental score)
• Behavior (supplemental score)
Family
• Level o f discipline
• Consultation with family members
• Parental defiance
• Curfew status
• Family structure
54
Peer Group
• Closeness in friendships
• Dependability in friendships
School
• Comparative crime level
• Reported academic performance
• Educational aspiration level
• Participation in school activities
Behavior
• Offender status
• Offense frequency
• Offense type
Procedures
Schools
A letter and proposal summary were mailed to the Superintendent o f Education for the
District o f Columbia public school system and to principals o f individual private schools,
explaining the nature and purpose of the investigation (see appendix B for representative letter).
Upon approval from the Office o f Educational Accountability, cluster sampling was performed to
elicit a sample population o f public high schools. Schools were categorized according to the
poverty level o f their respective neighborhood, as determined by the District o f Columbia (D.C.
Office o f Planning 1992). A letter and proposal summary were mailed to randomly chosen
55
schools within each category explaining the nature o f the investigation. Appointments were
scheduled with the principals o f those schools agreeing to participate to arrange logistics.
English classes were chosen to ensure that all African-American male students at the
school could be approached about the study - all students are required to take English for all four
years in the District o f Columbia’s high schools. Letters soliciting the students’ participation
were generated. Parents were sent letters and Informed Consent Forms through the students
explaining the purpose o f the research and requesting the parents’ permission for their sons to
participate in the study (see appendix C for representative letter and consent form). Only those
youth obtaining written parental permission were allowed to participate. However, eighteen year
old respondents were allowed to sign their own consent forms. Study participants were offered
movie passes as incentive to complete the ALS and TSCS:2.
With the aid o f research assistants, survey packets - consisting o f a Voluntary Consent
Form, the Adolescent Life Survey (ALS), and the TSCS:2 - were distributed to assembled
respondents during their respective English class period (see appendix D for representative
consent form). Students were required to sign the informed consent statement prior to survey
completion. Instructions were given, a Statement o f Confidentiality was read, and the students
were allowed up to one hour to complete the survey (see appendix E for statement). To ensure
anonymity, students were assigned identification numbers.
Juvenile Correctional Facility
A letter and proposal summary were submitted to the Superintendent o f the juvenile
correctional facility for approval to include the residents in the study. Upon approval, a sample
population was elicited as indicated previously (i.e., the facility’s entire population excluding
female and/or non-African-American youth was solicited).
56
Parents o f non-committed (detained) youth were sent letters and Voluntary Consent
Forms explaining the purpose o f the research and requesting the parents’ permission for their
sons to participate in the study. Only those youth obtaining written parental permission were
allowed to participate. However, eighteen-year-old respondents were allowed to sign their own
consent forms. Designated administrators at the juvenile correctional facility served as surrogate
parents for the committed residents. Written permission was obtained from these administrators
for the inclusion o f the youth. All respondents were required to sign an informed consent
statement prior to survey administration.
Survey packets were distributed to the juvenile correctional facility youth with the aid
o f staff. Since reports indicate that many detained youth have difficulty reading (Hodges,
Giuliotti, and Porpotage II 1994; Schuster and Guggenheim 1982), some surveys were given to
the residents in interview form by the staff. Moreover, the residents were allowed unlimited time
to complete the survey. Instructions were given, a Statement o f Confidentiality was read, and
those agreeing to participate were informed that the disposition o f their particular case would in
no way be affected by their participation in the study. To ensure anonymity, residents were
assigned identification numbers.
For the purposes o f comparison, residents are categorized by the type o f offense for
which they had been detained4: non-violent and violent (which includes youth that may have also
committed a non-violent act).
4The acting administrator o f the juvenile correctional facility had expressed reservations
about this classification system since “detained” youth have not yet been found involved (guilty),
in contrast to committed youth. However, because no parents o f the detained youth returned
Volunteer Consent Forms, detained (non-committed) youth were excluded from the study, and
only the committed youth participated.
57
Non-Profit Organization
A letter and proposal summary were submitted to the Program Director of the non
profit organization for approval to include their youth program participants in the study. Upon
approval, a sample population was elicited as indicated previously (i.e., those program youth
identified as being in the District o f Columbia’s juvenile justice group home system was
solicited).
Letters soliciting the youth’s participation were generated. Parents were sent letters
explaining the purpose o f the research and requesting the parents’ permission for their teens to
participate in the study. Only those youth obtaining written parental permission were allowed to
participate. However, eighteen-year-old respondents were allowed to sign their own consent
forms.
With the aid o f staff members, the survey packets were distributed to assembled
respondents during their regularly scheduled meeting time. Respondents were required to sign
the informed consent statement prior to survey completion. Instructions were given, a Statement
o f Confidentiality was read, and the youth were allowed approximately two hours to complete
the survey. Some surveys were given in interview form. To ensure anonymity, the youth were
assigned identification numbers.
Pilot Study
The researcher conducted a pilot study to evaluate and improve the survey. A
preliminary survey was administered to a convenience sample o f male African-American
students from high schools outside of the District o f Columbia to determine whether changes
should be made in the survey instrument or in the administration procedure. Non-District o f
Columbia students were used so as to avoid inadvertently including them in the actual sample
58
population. Following completion o f the survey, respondents were given the opportunity to
express their reactions to the questions, as well as the format and proposed administration, and to
provide any suggestions to improve the items included on the survey. Appropriate changes were
incorporated into the final version of the survey, and modifications were made to survey
administration.
Ethical Considerations
Confidentiality is an important aspect o f this study. It was crucial that respondents be
protected from self-incrimination as well as from concern about disclosures to family and peers.
Clearance to conduct this study, which involves human subjects, was obtained from the
Institutional Review Board o f American University. Respondents were briefed on the
confidential nature o f the study. The confidentiality safeguards in the following section were
taken.
Survey
1. The initial letter soliciting participation explicitly detailed the confidentiality o f the
responses.
2. An informed consent form, signed by both the parent(s)/guardian(s) and the youth,
was required from all respondents prior to survey administration. A juvenile correctional facility
administrator was asked to sign the informed consent form for those youth for whom the facility
is responsible.
3. Respondents were advised about the anonymous nature of the survey: all
respondents were assigned a unique identification number (juvenile correctional facility residents
were initially assigned identifier “code numbers” by an administrator o f the facility by which the
59
researcher identified him); only the investigator had access to the master list o f the respondents’
identifiers; all lists were destroyed following data analysis.
4. The respondents were instructed on the method in which results were to be tabulated
and analyzed.
5. Respondents were informed o f the random nature o f the selection process.
6. A statement o f confidentiality was read prior to administration o f the survey.
7. The researcher was responsible for the secure storage and eventual destruction o f
completed surveys.
Police/Court Records
Data from the respondents’ police and court records were extracted with the assistance
o f the juvenile correctional facility’s Social Services Administrator or the non-profit
organization’s Program Director. Only the investigator had access to the master list linking this
information with the respondent’s identification number. All information was destroyed
following data analysis.
Data Analysis
The survey questionnaires were computerized for analysis and tabulation. The
Statistical Package for the Social Sciences (SPSS*)™ was used to generate a computer program
for data analysis. Frequency distributions were used to organize and describe the data. The t-test
was used to assess the overall effects o f the independent variables on the self-concept. In
addition, an analysis o f variance (ANOVA) was run for the family structure variable. For any
relationship to be considered significant, it had to meet a minimum level o f significance, which
was set at .05.
60
Limitations
1. The design for this research study has been carefully reviewed by the Institutional
Review Board (IRB) o f American University. Guidelines specified by the IRB limited the
investigator from obtaining a larger sample o f known delinquent youth.
2. The sample size in this study is relatively small; therefore, results are o f a
preliminary and exploratory nature. The scope o f this study focuses on African-American
adolescent males in the District o f Columbia and findings cannot, therefore, be generalized
beyond that.
3. A third limitation relates to respondent categorization. The offender status to which
a respondent is assigned is based on the assumption that no delinquent offenses have been
committed other than what is indicated through self-report on the survey or obtained from the
juvenile correctional facility records.
4. Although the literature frequently indicates a relationship between poverty and
many o f the variables under investigation, comparisons could not be made between social class
levels because the respondents did not adequately reply to the parental education and the
occupation items on the survey.
Summary
To summarize, this study investigates if there are self-concept differences in urban
African-American adolescent males in the District o f Columbia based on various social factor
distinctions and delinquent offender status as theorized by Reckless (1967). A cluster sampling
method yielded ninety public school-based respondents while sixty-five respondents were
solicited through the juvenile justice system producing a final sample size o f 1SS. Data analysis
61
relies on t-tests and ANOVA to compare the variables under study, obtained via quantitative
survey responses and court records.
CHAPTER IV
FINDINGS
This chapter is divided into three main parts: the first part presents sample
characteristics for the study; in part 2, data regarding the self-concept measurements are
discussed; and, lastly, in part 3, analyses o f the hypotheses tested are presented.
Part 1. The Study Sample - Demographic Data
The sample includes 1SS African-American male respondents. Table I lists selected
distributions o f the sample. Fifty-eight point one percent (58.1% ) o f the sample is drawn from
public schools in the District o f Columbia, 33.5% is taken from the juvenile correctional facility,
and the remaining 8.4% is from the non-profit organization. This study is comprised o f seventy-
three non-offender and seventy-four offender respondents, 12.2% o f whom are from the school
sample but identified as delinquent through self-report. The offender pool is further divided by
offense level. Non-violent and violent offenders are equally represented, with 52.8% o f the
offenders in the former category and 47.2% in the latter. O f the total sample, a little less than
half (44.3%) are under sixteen years o f age, while the remainder are sixteen or older. Fifty-six
point three percent (56.3%) o f the sample are in grade 10 or above.
Table 2 summarizes the extent o f delinquent behavior for the offender sub-sample. The
offenders average four total charges and three active charges —charges for which they are
currently under the supervision o f the juvenile justice system. This is a sample o f chronic
juvenile offenders (with approximately 61% o f the offenders having three or more charges), the
62
63
data obtained in this study being consistent with the District o f Columbia’s social services
categorization o f habitual delinquency (70%) for these youth.
TABLE 1
SAMPLE DISTRIBUTIONS
Freauencv Percent
Sub-Sample School 90 58.1
Distribution Juvenile Correctional Facility 52 33.5
Non-Profit Organization 13 8.4
Total 155 100.0
Offender Non-Offender 73 49.7
Distribution Offender 74 50.3
TotalA 147 100.0
Offender Sub- School 9 12.2
Sample Juvenile Correctional Facility 52 70.2
Distribution Non-Profit Organization 13 17.6
Total 74 100.0
Offender Level Non-Violent 38 52.8
Violent
Non-Assaultive 16 22.2
Assaultive 18 25.0
Total* 72 100.0
Age Distribution 14 and under 18 13.5
15 41 30.8
16 27 20.3
17 22 16.5
18 and over 25 18.8
TotalA 133 100.0
Grade Levels Junior high school 3 2.2
qth 56 41.5
10th 25 18.5
11* 28 20.7
12* 13 9.6
Other (graduated, GED) 10 7.4
TotalA 135 100.0
ATotals not equaling 1SS are due to invalid responses
*2 cases did not provide valid responses
64
TABLE 2
CHARGE SUMMARY FOR OFFENDERS____________

Total Active
Frequency Percent Frequency Percent
Less Than 3 Charges 13 25.5 20 39.2
3 - 4 Charges 21 41.2 25 49.0
More Than 4 Charges 17 33.3 6 11.8
Total 51 100.0 51 100.0
Table 3 describes the types o f active offenses committed by the delinquent group.
About one third o f the group (28.8%) are charged with unauthorized use o f a vehicle, either as a
passenger or as a driver. More than half (57.6%) o f the offenders have active drug charges, with
22% having marijuana possession (or possession with intent to distribute) and 40.7% having
cocaine possession (or possession with intent to distribute) charges. Approximately 40% have
some type o f weapons charge, including gun offenses. Gun offenses, which also includes
possession o f unregistered ammunition, are committed by 25.7% o f the offenders. A third o f the
offenders (30.5%) have committed assaults. Not only is the delinquent group chronic in their
behavior, but they engage in violent offending as well.
TABLE 3
TYPES OF ACTIVE OFFENSES

Freauencv Percent
Categorized as Habitually Delinquent 35 70.0
Unauthorized Use o f a Vehicle 17 28.8
Any Drug Charge 34 57.6
Marijuana Possession (or PWID) 13 22.0
Cocaine Possession (or PWID) 24 40.7
Any Weapons Charge 23 39.0
Gun Offense 18 25.7
Assault/Physical Harm 18 30.5
65
Part 2. Self-Concept o f the Study Sample
As indicated in Chapter III, a critical component o f this investigation is to examine the
self-concept o f the sample groups as a mechanism o f comparing the non-delinquent and
delinquent sub-samples. The TSCS:2 scores presented are normalized T-scores, meaning that the
raw scores have been transformed so that the mean score o f a particular scale is SO T and the
standard deviation for every scale is lOT, thus enabling the distribution o f every scale to
approximate a normal distribution (Fitts and Warren 1996). Table 4 indicates the range o f
TSCS:2 scores for the respondents.
Mean self-concept scores for the entire sample were compared with TSCS:2 standards
to determine if the sample measurements are reflective o f those o f the general population. These
are indicated in table 5. A few significant differences are noted, particularly with the race
standard. The sample scores do not differ significantly from the general (adult form) standard,
while they do differ significantly from all the race standard scores except family, academic,
satisfaction, and behavior. However, neither o f these standards is age-matched. The sample
scores differ significantly from the age standard scores for behavior. In all instances, the sample
scores are lower than the standards. Based on the findings, the sample scores are adequately
reflective of the group o f urban African-American males for whom the study is concerned.
Considering the breadth o f information afforded by using the TSCS:2, this research
reports findings from not only the total self-concept score, but the sub-scale scores and the
supplemental scores. Because o f the multidimensional, hierarchical structure o f the self-concept
suggested in the literature (see, for example, Marsh, Byme, and Shavelson 1992), it can be
expected that external factors impact on the various dimensions o f the self-concept (sub-scores)
differently. That the variables under investigation in this study do or do not associate with each
66
sub-scale and supplemental scale may indicate that some aspects o f the adolescent’s development
are critical to certain components o f the self-concept while not as crucial to others. For example,
the level o f discipline a youth receives may be pertinent to the development o f his family self-
concept while insignificant to the development o f his social self-concept.
TABLE 4
RANGE OF TSCS:2 SCORES

Measurement Range
Summary
Total 3 0 -8 0
Sub-Scores
Physical 2 8 -8 0
Moral 2 5 -7 1
Personal 2 7 -7 7
Family 2 0 -8 0
Social 3 0 -7 8
Academic 2 1 -7 4
Supplemental Scores
Identity 2 0 -7 6
Satisfaction 2 9 -7 3
Behavior 3 0 -7 8
Analyses o f the Hypotheses Tested
The data are divided according to the hypotheses being tested and will be presented as
follows: (1) family and self-concept; (2) peer group and self-concept; (3) school and self-
concept; (4) self-concept and delinquency; and (S) self-concept and violent delinquency. T-test
results are presented for the mean self-concept scores when comparing the test groups under
investigation.
TABLE 5
SAMPLE MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES AS COMPARED WITH AGE AND RACE STANDARDS
Sample_____________ Adult Form_______________ Age Standard_______________ Race Standard
Mean SD Mean* SD Sig. Meanb SD Sig. Mean' SD Sig.
Total 48.75 10.63 49.20 10.00 0.649 47.70 9.70 0.296 51.00 9.40 0.025
Physical 50.37 10.09 49.90 9.80 0.621 50.80 9.90 0.649 52.60 9.60 0.020
Moral 47.18 9.68 48.90 9.70 0.061 47.70 8.60 0.571 49.70 9.40 0.006
Personal 48.92 11.17 49.50 10.10 0.581 48.60 10.30 0.759 51.30 9.60 0.025
Family 48.46 9.66 49.40 10.10 0.304 47.10 9.40 0.134 49.50 9.30 0.255
Social 47.89 10.01 49.50 10.00 0.089 47.70 9.40 0.836 50.00 9.20 0.027
Academic 50.54 10.38 49.30 10.10 0.203 49.10 10.20 0.140 51.70 9.30 0.237
Identity 47.44 13.58 49.60 10.10 0.092 48.60 10.10 0.363 51.70 9.90 0.001
Satisfaction 49.14 8.40 49.20 10.00 0.940 47.80 9.80 0.091 50.10 9.30 0.225
Behavior 49.22 9.42 49.30 10.00 0.927 47.20 9.60 0.024 50.00 9.60 0.378
•N=l,396 bN= 1,039 CN=367
68
The first three sections examine the primary socializing agents in their capacity as
external control mechanisms to influence the formation o f a positive self-concept. According to
containment theory, the self-concept acts as an inner container to control normative behavior.
Outer containment is comprised o f the structural buffers holding an individual within the
normative bounds. Reckless (1957) has suggested that the development o f a favorable (positive)
self-concept through the socialization process serves to control a juvenile’s propensity for
deviance. The fourth section examines whether this favorable self-concept is associated with
non-delinquency, as postulated by containment theory. In addition, containment theory would
also seem to suggest that the greater the deficits in self-concept, the more likely one is to find a
greater level o f serious violent delinquency. These data are presented in section five.
Family and Self-Concent
This section will present data on the influence o f family on the self-concept o f urban
African-American adolescent males. Containment theory proposes that the family and other
supportive groups act as an outer container to regulate normative behavior by presenting a
consistent moral front to youth, reinforcing societal norms, goals, and expectations, and
providing an opportunity for acceptance. A youth’s positive relationship with his family should
help him to develop a positive self-concept. This research examines whether family support or
family structure are associated with the self-concept level o f these youth.
Family Support
The following family support variables are examined: (1) level o f discipline respondent
receives; (2) whether respondent consults his family about problems; (3) whether respondent
defies parents; and (4) whether respondent gets curfews from his family. Tables 6 - 9 list t-test
69
results for the mean self-concept scores by the family support variables. A summary o f the
significant findings can be found in table 11.
H la la . The more moderate the level o f discipline provided bv the family, the higher the total
self-conceot o f urban African-American adolescent males
As seen in table 6, respondents receiving low to moderate levels o f discipline score
higher on all self-concept measures. However, no statistically significant differences are
observed for the total self-concept scores. Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected.
Statistically significant differences are found for the personal, family, and academic
sub-scale scores, suggesting that those youth in households with less severe disciplinary
measures tend to be more well-adjusted, have greater feelings o f worth and adequacy as a family
member, and have a greater sense o f competency in academic settings. Personal self-concept
reflects the individual’s sense o f personal worth, feelings of adequacy as a person, and self-
evaluation o f the personality apart from the body or relationships to others; higher scores are
indicative o f individuals who are well adjusted. The family self-concept score reflects the
individual’s feelings o f adequacy, worth, and value as a family member; higher scores are
indicative o f individuals who are satisfied with their family setting, drawing a sense o f support
from them. Youth who report greater satisfaction with their family setting also report less severe
discipline. The academic self-concept scale measures how people perceive themselves in the
school setting, and o f how they believe they are seen by others in that setting; higher scores are
indicative o f individuals who are competent in learning situations and comfortable with new
tasks. Positive attachment to the family and school settings is associated with less severe levels
o f discipline, which acts as an outer container to control the individual. This is consistent with
containment theory.
70
TABLE 6
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY LEVEL OF DISCIPLINE

Low— Moderate Severe t Significance Level
(79) (15)
Total 50.34 44.60 -1.907 0.060
Physical 51.35 48.93 -0.829 0.409
Moral 48.18 46.47 -0.618 0.538
Personal 50.37 44.33 -1.954 0.054
Family 49.86 43.07 -2.448 0.016
Social 49.20 45.67 -1.252 0.214
Academic 51.73 46.13 -2.016 0.047
Identity 49.23 43.13 -1.580 0.118
Satisfaction 50.46 46.60 -1.661 0.100
Behavior 50.28 46.20 -1.487 0.140
Note: Ns in parentheses
HI alb. The more frequently the family is consulted about problems, the higher the total self-
concept o f urban African-American adolescent males
Table 7 indicates that respondents who consult their family regarding problems score
higher on all self-concept measures. However, no statistically significant differences are
observed for the total self-concept scores. Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected.
Statistically significant differences are found for the physical self-concept scores.
Higher physical self-concept scores are found in the respondent consulting his family regarding
problems. As indicated by the physical self-concept scale, physical self-concept presents the
individual’s view o f his or her body, state o f health, physical appearance, skills, and sexuality
and has a high association with global self-esteem. Higher scores are indicative o f individuals
with a positive view o f how they look. That a higher physical self-concept score is found in the
respondent consulting his family about his problems is consistent with what one would expect to
find with containment theory - the greater the outer containment (via acceptance and a sense o f
belonging), the more positive the self-concept.
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TABLE 7
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY WHETHER RESPONDENT

CONSULTS FAMILY ABOUT HIS PROBLEMS
Consults Family Does Not Consult Family t Significance Level
(68) (24)
Total 50.57 47.38 -1.257 0.212
Physical 52.40 47.46 -2.104 0.038
Moral 48.29 47.71 -0.251 0.803
Personal 50.25 47.63 -0.987 0.326
Family 48.90 48.63 -0.112 0.911
Social 50.00 46.75 -1.367 0.175
Academic 52.25 48.38 -1.699 0.093
Identity 48.99 45.63 -1.040 0.301
Satisfaction 50.62 47.96 -1.287 0.202
Behavior 50.93 48.38 -1.150 0.253
HI ale. The less often the parental defiance, the higher the total self-concept o f urban African-
American adolescent males
Respondents who report defying their parents at least monthly score lower on all self-
concept measures with the exception o f the academic sub-scale, as indicated in table 8.
However, no statistically significant differences are observed for the total self-concept scores.
Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected.
Statistically significant differences are found on the family score. Those youth who are
more obedient and conforming have higher self-concept scores than disobedient youth. The
family self-concept score reflects the individual’s feelings o f adequacy, worth, and value as a
family member; higher scores are indicative o f individuals who are satisfied with their family
setting, drawing a sense o f support from them. Youth who report greater satisfaction with their
family setting report non-defiance o f parents, consistent with social control theory.
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TABLE 8

__________ DEFIES PARENTS AT LEAST MONTHLY_____________________
Defies Parents Does Not Defy Parents t Significance Level
Total 46.20
m________
50.67
m_____________
1.232 0.222
Physical 51.30 51.42 0.033 0.973
Moral 43.20 49.17 1.823 0.072
Personal 46.40 50.47 1.089 0.279
Family 43.40 50.26 2.012 0.048
Social 45.30 50.13 1.423 0.159
Academic 52.50 50.76 -0.528 0.599
Identity 44.30 49.50 1.128 0.263
Satisfaction 46.30 50.76 1.518 0.133
Behavior 46.50 51.26 1.473 0.145
HI a id . Urban African-American adolescent males who receive a curfew from their family will
have higher total self-concent than urban African-American adolescent males who do not receive
a curfew from their family
As indicated in table 9, respondents who get curfews score higher on all scores with the
exception of the moral and academic sub-scales and the satisfaction supplemental scale.
However, no statistically significant differences are observed for the total self-concept scores.
Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected.
None o f the other sub-scale and supplemental scale differences are statistically
significant as well. Having a family-administered curfew appears to have no substantial impact
on self-concept development.
Hypothesis la l is rejected for all four variables examined. This is inconsistent with
containment theory in terms of examining total self-concept, which Reckless identifies as the key
variable in insulating an individual from delinquent behavior.
73
TABLE9

GETS A CURFEW FROM HIS FAMILY
Gets a Curfew Does Not Get a Curfew t Significance Level
(75) (26)
Total 49.17 47.96 -0.491 0.624
Physical 51.37 48.35 -1.302 0.196
Moral 47.52 47.81 0.128 0.898
Personal 49.20 47.15 -0.822 0.413
Family 48.68 47.69 -0.443 0.659
Social 48.63 46.69 -1.062 0.292
Academic 50.16 51.04 0.381 0.704
Identity 48.76 43.38 -1.745 0.084
Satisfaction 49.27 49.88 0.322 0.748
Behavior 49.41 49.04 -0.171 0.865
Family Structure
H la2. Family structure is not related to the total self-concept o f urban African-American
adolescent males
Family structure types (2-parent “nuclear,” single parent, and extended family
households) are compared for hypothesis la2. As expected, no significant differences are found
in the total self-concept scores between the family structure types, as indicated in table 10.
Therefore, the hypothesis is supported. This finding is consistent with containment theory.
Containment theory suggests that family dissolution and maladjustment (including single-parent,
generally female-headed, families) adversely affect socialization. Nevertheless, these adverse
conditions (environmental pressures) can be buffered with inner regulation via a positive self-
concept (Reckless and Dinitz 1972). The apparent insignificance o f the family structure variable
concurs with findings from previous data which indicates that family structure was not as
74
important as the quality o f the relationship in the home for self-concept development (Lawler and
Lennings 1992; Raschke and Raschke 1979; Watson and Protinsky 1988).
TABLE 10
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY FAMILY STRUCTURE TYPES

“Nuclear” Single Parent Extended Kin F Significance Level
(30) (36) (41)
Total 49.70 47.44 49.10 0.389 0.679
Physical 50.93 49.67 50.95 0.184 0.832
Moral 48.50 46.22 47.07 0.434 0.649
Personal 49.50 48.75 48.20 0.114 0.893
Family 49.63 47.11 48.22 0.530 0.590
Social 49.40 46.08 49.22 1.231 0.296
Academic 50.13 48.56 52.15 1.138 0.324
Identity 47.77 46.19 47.71 0.148 0.863
Satisfaction 50.33 48.19 49.41 0.510 0.602
Behavior 50.27 47.97 49.71 0.520 0.596
Summary o f Family and Self-Concept Findings
Hypotheses la la , lalb , la ic , and la id are rejected. There are no statistically
significant differences in total self-concept found for any o f the four measures o f family support.
Statistically significant differences are found on several o f the sub-scales. Those youth who
receive moderate levels of discipline are found to have higher personal, family, and academic
self-concept scores. Those youth who frequently consult their family about problems are found
to have higher physical self-concept scores. Those youth who report lower frequencies o f
defiance o f parents have higher family self-concept scores. Hypothesis la2 is supported. No
statistically significant differences in total self-concept are found for type o f family structure.
75
There are also no statistically significant differences for any o f the sub-scales. Table 11
summarizes the significant findings.
These findings show that family support does impact on solidifying the family
relationship and how the adolescent views himself. The family bonds an adolescent to the
accepted norms and expectations o f the society through its supportive setting, thereby enhancing
the self-concept o f the youth. The relationship between moderate disciplinary measures, family
consultation, and minimal defiance with the sub-scale self-concept measurements (personal,
family, academic, physical) were significant and in agreement with current literature which
highlights the importance o f a supportive family setting in self-concept development (O ’Koon
1997).
TABLE 11
SUMMARY OF SIGNIFICANT FINDINGS FOR FAMILY AND SELF-CONCEPT

Family O No significant relationship between level o f discipline and total self-concept
Support □ Less severe levels o f discipline are associated with higher personal
self-concept scores
□ Less severe levels o f discipline are associated with higher family self-
concept scores
□ Less severe levels o f discipline are associated with higher academic
self-concept scores
O No significant relationship between consulting the family about problems
and total self-concept
□ Consulting the family about problems is associated with higher
physical self-concept scores
O No significant relationship between non-defiance o f parents and total self-
concept
□ Non-defiance o f parents is associated with higher family self-concept
scores
O No significant relationship between having a family-administered curfew
and total self-concept (or any self-concept sub-scale scores)
Family O No significant relationship between family structure and total self-concept
Structure (or any self-concept sub-scale or supplemental scores)
76
Peer Group and Self-Concept
In this section, the influence o f peer relationships on the total self-concept o f urban
African-American adolescent males is examined. According to containment theory, delinquent
peers represent environmental pulls to the adolescent which can be contained via strong outer
containment or inner control. However, the peer group itself can also be viewed as a supportive
body that contains the individual by providing an opportunity o f acceptance and a sense o f
belonging. While delinquent peer groups have been implicated in delinquent behavior and
diminished self-concept, this study looks solely at the quality o f friendships reported as an outer
element o f containment (an insulator o f delinquency).
The following friendship variables are examined: (1) perceived closeness o f friends
and (2) dependability o f friends. Tables 12—13 list t-test results for the mean self-concept
scores by the peer group variables. Significant findings are summarized in table 14.
H lb l. The closer the bond o f friendship, the higher the total self-concept o f urban African-
Table 12 shows that all the self-concept scores are higher for respondents reporting
closeness to friends. However, no statistically significant differences are observed for the total
self-concept scores. Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected.
Statistically significant differences are found on the social self-concept sub-scale score
and the behavior supplemental scale score. The social self-concept scale measures how the self
is perceived in relation to others. This score reflects in a more general way the individual’s sense
o f adequacy and worth in social interaction with other people. The behavior score is a
measurement o f the person’s perception o f his or her own behavior or functioning. That
significantly higher social self-concept and behavior scores are reported in those with close
77
friendships indicates that youth with secure bonds to their peer group have a greater sense o f
adequacy and worth in social interactions with others than those whose bonds are not as secure,
consistent with what one would expect to find with containment theory.
TABLE 12

_________ PERCEIVES HE IS CLOSE TO HIS FRIENDS_________
Close to Friends Not Close to Friends t Significance Level
__________ [72}_________________ [18]________________________________
Total 50.08 45.67 -1.535 0.128
Physical 51.31 49.33 -0.722 0.472
Moral 48.15 45.00 -1.186 0.239
Personal 49.88 46.56 -1.120 0.266
Family 49.50 46.50 -1.112 0.269
Social 49.68 44.28 -2.009 0.048
Academic 50.81 48.72 -0.795 0.429
Identity 49.17 43.50 -1.562 0.122
Satisfaction 49.96 48.17 -0.779 0.438
Behavior 50.72 45.61 -1.971 0.052
H lb2. The greater the perception o f dependability in friends, the higher the total self-concept o f
urban African-American adolescent males
As indicated in table 13, respondents who do not believe their friends are dependable
score higher self-concept measures than those respondents who do believe their friends are
dependable. This was the exact opposite o f w hat was anticipated. Nevertheless, no statistically
significant differences are observed for the total self-concept scores. Therefore, the hypothesis is
rejected.
Statistically significant differences are found on the personal self-concept sub-scale and
satisfaction supplemental scale scores, again, in the opposite direction from what is expected.
78
Personal self-concept reflects the individual’s sense o f personal worth, feelings o f adequacy as a
person, and self-evaluation o f the personality apart from the body or relationships to others.
High scores are indicative o f individuals who are well adjusted. As the satisfaction supplemental
scale indicates, the satisfaction score measures the level o f self-acceptance in the individual.
Higher levels o f self-worth and self-acceptance appear to be associated with self-sufficiency on
the part of the respondent. This is consistent with the inner regulation component o f containment
theory. Those individuals with higher scores appear more inner-directed, indicating a greater
likelihood o f inner regulation. These youth do not appear to rely on their friends for sense of
self-acceptance or to define who they are. Instead, they have developed a strong inner
containment to regulate their conduct.
TABLE 13

THINKS HIS FRIENDS ARE DEPENDABLE
Thinks Friends Does Not Think Friends t Significance Level
are Dependable are Dependable
(77) (12)
Total 48.73 54.25 1.643 0.104
Physical 50.44 55.42 1.580 0.118
Moral 46.92 51.58 1.462 0.147
Personal 48.47 55.33 1.998 0.049
Family 48.49 53.50 1.595 0.114
Social 48.16 52.67 1.417 0.160
Academic 50.39 52.50 0.687 0.494
Identity 47.66 53.50 1.378 0.172
Satisfaction 48.51 56.42 3.017 0.003
Behavior 49.62 51.50 0.606 0.546
79
Summary o f Peer Group and Self-Concept Findings
The findings related to the impact o f the peer group on total self-concept do not support
containment theory. Both peer group hypotheses ( lb 1 and lb2) are rejected. Statistically
significant differences are found on several o f the sub-scales. Those youth with close friendships
are found to have higher social self-concept and behavior supplemental scores. Those youth who
lack dependability in their friendships are found to have higher personal self-concept and
satisfaction supplemental scores. Table 14 summarizes the significant findings.
While the data are inconsistent with containment theory in terms o f total self-concept,
these sub-scale findings are important. Peer relationships are integral in identify formation in
adolescents (Erikson 1968); interaction with peers helps in formulating the self-concept o f the
individual (O’Donnell 1979). In this study, those respondents who report closer friendships have
higher self-concept scores. Closeness in friendships is highly relevant in social self-concept
development. These data are in agreement with Cotterel’s (1992) suggestion that peer
attachment is important to the self-image o f educational outcome for adolescents. The findings
also indicate that high personal self-concept and satisfaction scores are found in those youth who
are more inner-directed as far as conduct regulation, which is consistent with containment theory.
One explanation for this may be that less dependable friendships may require that the youth look
more internally to contain any pressures, pushes, and pulls that he may confront.
The pulls o f containment theory include such factors as temptations and delinquent
friends. Inner containment (via a positive self-concept) tends to buffer the impact o f these (and
other) pulls. These findings indicate that youth who have closer friendships are more inclined to
have higher self-concepts, in agreement with literature which suggests that positive peer
relationships are correlated with enhanced self-esteem (Walker et al. 1995).
80
TABLE 14
SUMMARY OF SIGNIFICANT FINDINGS FOR PEER GROUP AND SELF-CONCEPT

Friendships O No significant relationship between closeness in friendships and
total self-concept
□ Closeness in friendships is associated with higher social self-
concept scores
□ Closeness in friendships is associated with higher behavior
scores
O No significant relationship between perceived dependability in
friendships and total self-concept
□ Lack o f dependability in friendships is associated with higher
personal self-concept scores
□ Lack o f dependability in friendships is associated with higher
satisfaction scores
School and Self-Concept
This section presents data on the influences o f the school on the total self-concept o f
urban African-American adolescent males. Containment theory proposes that the school setting
represents one o f the outer containments that regulates normative behavior through
reinforcement o f the norms, goals, and expectations o f the society. An individual who perceives
the school experience positively is more likely to have a positive self-concept. This study
explores whether school climate, academic achievement, educational aspiration, and involvement
in positive extracurricular activities impact on the total self-concept o f these youth, consistent
with the tenets o f containment theory.
School Climate
HI c l. The more favorable the school climate, the higher the total self-concept o f urban African-
The following school climate variable is examined: perceived level o f crime at the
respondent’s school, as compared with other schools. Table IS lists t-test results for the mean
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self-concept scores by the school climate variable. A summary o f the significant findings can be
found in table 19.
Respondents who rate their schools as having more crime than average score lower
self-concept measures than those respondents who rate their schools as having average or less
crime than average. However, no statistically significant differences are observed for the total
self-concept scores. Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected.
Statistically significant differences are found on the personal self-concept sub-scale and
satisfaction supplement scale scores. Personal self-concept reflects the individual’s sense o f
personal worth and feelings o f adequacy as a person, with high scores indicative o f individuals
who are well adjusted. The satisfaction score measures the level o f self-acceptance in the
individual. Those youth who perceive the school climate as negative have less positive self
views than those youth who report an average or less than average level o f crime at their schools.
This is consistent with containment theory in that individuals who report less self-acceptance
also report being in unfavorable settings to which they are unlikely to strongly attach. The
school, as a regulator o f normative behavior through reinforcement o f societal norms, goals, and
expectations, is a vitally important institution in the development o f inner containment as related
to personal self-concept and satisfaction. Those youth involved in a school climate with
heightened anti-social behavior have a lessened sense o f self-worth, adequacy, and self
acceptance. These findings concur with the peer group results in the previous section - namely,
that high personal self-concept and satisfaction scores are found in those youth who are more
self-accepting and self-reliant.
32
TABLE 15
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY WHETHER RESPONDENT PERCEIVES

HIS SCHOOL AS HAVING MORE CRIME THAN AVERAGE
WHEN COMPARED WITH OTHER SCHOOLS
More Crime Less Crime to t Significance Level
than Average Average Crime
(16) (79)
Total 45.06 49.66 -1.544 0.126
Physical 46.88 51.49 -1.669 0.099
Moral 44.38 47.84 -1.249 -0.215
Personal 43.94 49.95 -2.001 0.048
Family 45.75 49.33 -1.305 0.195
Social 46.31 48.65 -0.824 0.412
Academic 49.44 50.20 -0.276 0.783
Identity 45.00 48.15 -0.837 0.404
Satisfaction 44.75 50.29 -2.375 0.020
Behavior 47.44 49.95 -0.931 0.354
Academic Achievement
H 1c2. The greater the reported level o f academic achievement the higher the total self-concept
o f urban African-American adolescent males
The following academic achievement variable is examined: reported academic
performance. Table 16 lists t-test results for the mean self-concept scores by the academic
achievement variable. A summary o f the significant findings can be found in table 19.
As indicated in table 16, respondents who report they are making at least B’s and C’s
score higher self-concept measures than those respondents who do not report they are making at
least B’s and C ’s. Statistically significant differences are found on the total self-concept score
and all other scores with the exception o f the physical sub-scale and the behavior supplemental
scale scores. Therefore, the hypothesis is supported.
83
Containment theory suggests that effective inner (via internalization o f social norms)
and outer (via reinforcement o f social norms) containment increases the likelihood o f non
deviance. The significantly higher self-concept scores obtained for those who report making at
least B’s and C ’s are indicative o f youth who have internalized the social norm o f academic
success and have a greater sense o f adequacy, worth, and self-esteem, consistent with what one
would expect to find with containment theory. Those youth who do well in school have a better
sense o f who they are.
The findings concur with containment theory. Those with high total self-concept
appear to have higher levels o f reported academic achievement, consistent with hypothesis lc2.
Because o f the increasing importance o f schools in modem society, it is logical that an
adolescent who successfully navigates this setting (via academic achievement) is likely to have a
more positive self-concept overall, as reflected in these findings and suggested by containment
theory.
Educational Aspiration
H lc3. The greater the level o f educational aspiration, the higher the total self-concept o f urban
African-American adolescent males
The following educational aspiration variable is examined: educational aspiration level.
Table 17 lists t-test results for the mean self-concept scores by the educational aspiration
variable. A summary o f the significant findings can be found in table 19.
As indicated in table 17, respondents who intend to at least graduate from college have
higher self-concept scores - with the exception o f the satisfaction supplemental scale score -
than those respondents who do not intend to at least graduate from college. However, no
84
statistically significant differences are found on the total self-concept scores. Therefore, the
hypothesis is rejected.
Statistically significant differences are found on the academic score. The academic
self-concept sub-scale measures how people perceive themselves in the school setting and how
they believe they are seen by others in that setting. Higher scores are indicative o f individuals
who are competent in learning situations and comfortable with new tasks. Those youth with
greater levels o f educational aspirations have a better sense o f their academic competence. Once
again, this is consistent with containment theory. Significantly higher academic self-concept
scores are found for youth who have internalized the social norm o f academic achievement.
TABLE 16

REPORTS HE MAKES AT LEAST B’S AND C ’S
Makes B’s and C ’s Does N ot Make B’s and C ’s t Significance
(56) (39) Level
Total 51.71 45.03 -3.043 0.003
Physical 52.07 48.64 -1.622 0.108
Moral 49.55 44.38 -2.548 0.012
Personal 51.73 44.90 -2.992 0.004
Family 50.61 46.46 -2.011 0.047
Social 50.64 44.72 -2.866 0.005
Academic 52.84 46.38 -3.252 0.002
Identity 50.25 43.85 -2.218 0.029
Satisfaction 51.57 46.64 -2.804 0.006
Behavior 51.05 47.41 -1.825 0.071
85
TABLE 17

INTENDS TO AT LEAST GRADUATE FROM COLLEGE
Intends to at Least Does Not Intend to at Least t Significance
Graduate from College Graduate from College Level
(47) (43)
Total 50.43 48.12 -1.001 0.319
Physical 51.91 49.86 -0.940 0.350
Moral 48.23 47.12 -0.526 0.600
Personal 50.19 48.40 -0.753 0.453
Family 49.28 49.09 -0.086 0.932
Social 49.26 47.77 -0.677 0.500
Academic 52.43 48.09 -2.118 0.037
Identity 49.57 46.42 -1.069 0.288
Satisfaction 49.72 49.95 0.124 0.901
Behavior 50.98 48.72 -1.100 0.274
Extracurricular Involvement
H lc4. Urban African-American adolescent males participating in positive extracurricular

activities will have higher total self-conceot than urban African-American adolescent males not
participating in positive extracurricular activities
The following extracurricular involvement variable is examined: participation in school
clubs. Table 18 lists t-test results for the mean self-concept scores by the extracurricular
involvement variable. A summary o f the significant findings is reported in table 19.
Those participating in school clubs have higher self-concept scores than those who do
not. Statistically significant differences are found on the total self-concept scores, as well as the
academic sub-scale and the identity supplemental scale scores. Therefore, the hypothesis is
supported.
The total self-concept score is reflective o f overall self-concept and the associated level
o f self-esteem, with high scores indicative o f individuals who are competent, self-confident, and
86
like themselves. Academic self-concept measures how people perceive themselves in the school
setting and how they believe they are seen by others in that setting. Higher scores are indicative
o f individuals who are competent in learning situations and comfortable with new tasks. The
identity supplemental score is a measure o f who the youth is or how the youth identifies himself.
Youth more involved in their school through participation in school clubs have a clearer idea o f
who they are. This is consistent with containment theory which suggests that the school serves
as an outer containment by providing activities and opportunities for belonging to hold the youth
within the normative bounds. Those youth more fully integrated in the social setting o f the
school via extracurricular activities possess a more favorable total self-concept, consistent with
containment theory.
TABLE 18
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY PARTICIPATION IN SCHOOL CLUBS

Participates in Does Not Participate t Significance Level
School Clubs in School Clubs
(34) (50)
Total 52.29 47.48 -1.973 0.052
Physical 53.26 49.36 -1.758 0.083
Moral 48.85 47.42 -0.635 0.527
Personal 52.03 48.24 -1.560 0.123
Family 51.53 47.32 -1.844 0.069
Social 51.12 47.08 -1.812 0.074
Academic 53.06 47.94 -2.286 0.025
Identity 52.50 45.72 -2.252 0.027
Satisfaction 51.00 48.74 -1.126 0.263
Behavior 52.21 48.74 -1.624 0.108
87
Summary o f School and Self-Concept Findings
The findings related to the impact o f the school on total self-concept are in partial
support o f containment theory. The academic achievement and extracurricular involvement
hypotheses are accepted (lc2 and lc4, respectively) while the other two hypotheses are rejected
(school climate, lc l, and educational aspiration, lc3). Statistically significant differences are
found on several o f the sub-scales. Those youth who have a favorable perception o f school
climate are found to have higher personal self-concept and satisfaction supplemental scores.
Those youth reporting high academic achievement are found to have higher moral, personal,
family, social, and academic self-concept scores and identity and satisfaction supplemental
scores. Those youth who report having a high level o f educational aspiration are found to have
higher academic self-concept scores. Those youth who report participation in positive
extracurricular activities are found to have higher academic self-concept and identity
supplemental scores. Table 19 summarizes the significant findings.
The findings support the conclusion that a school climate lacking criminality provide
youth with a sense that they can perform academically. Moreover, youth who report doing well
in school o r having high academic aspirations have a positive self-concept. The academic
achievement variable and the extracurricular activities variable support the hypotheses and
demonstrate another level o f protective barrier o f inner containment, providing the youth with the
ability to resist temptation to deviate and to maintain normative conformity. Favorable school
experiences, which include a positive overall impression o f school, academic achievement, and
involvement in extracurricular activities, serve to insulate youth and enhance their self-concept.
88
TABLE 19
SUMMARY OF SIGNIFICANT FINDINGS FOR SCHOOL AND SELF-CONCEPT

School Climate O No significant relationship between perceived crime level and total
self-concept
□ Less crime than average in school is associated with higher
personal self-concept sub-scale score
□ Less crime than average in school is associated with higher
satisfaction supplemental score
Academic O Having passing grades is associated with higher total self-concept
Achievement □ Having passing grades is associated with higher moral self-
concept sub-scale scores
□ Having passing grades is associated with higher personal self-
□ Having passing grades is associated with higher family self-
□ Having passing grades is associated with higher social self-
□ Having passing grades is associated with higher academic self-
□ Having passing grades is associated with higher identity
supplemental scale scores
□ Having passing grades is associated with higher satisfaction
Educational O No significant relationship between intending to at least graduate from
Aspiration college and total self-concept
□ Intending to at least graduate from college is associated with
higher academic self-concept sub-scale scores
Extracurricular O Participation in school clubs is associated with higher total self-
Involvement concept
□ Participation in school clubs is associated with higher academic
self-concept sub-scale scores
□ Participation in school clubs is associated with higher identity
89
Self-Concept and General Delinquency
In this fourth section, data regarding self-concept and delinquency are presented.
Containment theory states that a more favorable (or positive) self-concept will be found in non
delinquent youth.
Self-Concept and Delinquency
H 2al. Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders will have higher total self-
concept than urban African-American adolescent male offenders in general
For this hypothesis, non-offenders are compared with offenders in general. Table 20
presents the t-test results for mean self-concept scores by group identification. A summary o f
significant findings is presented in table 28.
Table 20 shows the means for non-offenders compared with all offenders. Overall,
non-offenders have higher self-concept scores than offenders. However, no statistically
rejected.
Statistically significant differences are found on the moral and personal self-concept
sub-scale scores. Statistically significant differences are also found on the satisfaction
supplemental scale scores. Higher moral self-concept scores are reflective o f individuals who
have a consistent code o f conduct. Personal self-concept reflects the individual’s sense o f
personal worth and feelings o f adequacy as a person, with high scores indicative o f individuals
who are well adjusted. The satisfaction score measures the level o f self-acceptance in the
individual. According to containment theory, a positive (favorable) self-concept serves to
insulate a juvenile’s propensity for engaging in delinquency —non-delinquent youth will have
more favorable self-concepts than delinquent youth. Although the hypothesis, which is
90
concerned with total self-concept, is rejected, the data related to other facets o f self-concept
provide evidence supporting Reckless’ containment theory.
TABLE 20
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY GROUP IDENTIFICATION -

___________ NON-OFFENDER VS. OFFENDER (ALL)____________
Non-Offender Offender t Significance Level
(61) (43)
Total 50.59 47.58 1.417 0.159
Physical 51.57 50.07 0.765 0.446
Moral 49.33 45.09 2.200 0.030
Personal 50.87 46.49 1.983 0.050
Family 49.08 48.37 0.361 0.719
Social 49.89 46.60 1.661 0.100
Academic 51.18 51.16 0.008 0.993
Identity 49.05 46.88 0.800 0.426
Satisfaction 50.90 47.49 2.013 0.047
Behavior 50.72 47.98 1.458 0.148
H2a2. Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders will have higher total self-
concept than urban African-American adolescent male non-violent offenders
For this hypothesis, non-offenders are compared with non-violent offenders. Table 21
presents the t-test results for mean self-concept scores by group identification. A summary o f
Table 21 shows the means for non-offenders compared with non-violent offenders.
Non-offenders have higher scores than the non-violent offenders. However, no statistically
rejected.
91
One statistically significant difference is found on the personal self-concept sub-scale
score. As previously mentioned, personal self-concept reflects the individual’s sense o f personal
worth and feelings o f adequacy as a person, with high scores indicative o f individuals who are
well adjusted. Non-offenders have more favorable self-concepts than offenders. This is
consistent with containment theory as well.
TABLE 21

NON-OFFENDER VS. NON-VIOLENT OFFENDER
Non-Offender Non-Violent Offender t Significance Level
(61) (23)
Total 50.59 46.65 1.490 0.140
Physical 51.57 49.30 0.926 0.357
Moral 49.33 45.65 1.664 0.100
Personal 50.87 45.22 2.068 0.042
Family 49.08 47.74 0.564 0.574
Social 49.89 45.52 1.722 0.089
Academic 51.18 50.48 0.263 0.793
Identity 49.05 44.65 1.340 0.184
Satisfaction 50.90 48.26 1.269 0.208
Behavior 50.72 47.04 1.572 0.120
concept than urban African-American adolescent male non-assaultive offenders
For this hypothesis, non-offenders are compared with non-assaultive offenders. Table
22 presents the t-test results for mean self-concept scores by group identification. A summary o f
Table 22 shows the means for non-offenders compared with non-assaultive offenders —
non-violent offenders and offenders with weapons charges (in addition to any non-violent
92
charges). Non-offenders have higher self-concept scores than non-assaultive offenders.
Statistically significant differences are found on the total self-concept score. In addition, similar
to the findings comparing non-offenders and offenders in general, the moral and personal self-
concept sub-scale score differences as well as the satisfaction supplemental scale score
differences are also found to be statistically significant. Moreover, the social self-concept sub
scale differences are statistically significant These data comparing non-offenders with non-
assaultive offenders provide the strongest support for containment theory.
The total self-concept reflects overall self-concept and associated level o f self-esteem;
high scores are indicative of individuals who are competent, self-confident, and like themselves.
As with the earlier findings for the non-offenders, higher moral self-concept scores are reflective
o f individuals who have a consistent code o f conduct. Personal self-concept reflects the
individual’s sense o f personal worth and feelings o f adequacy as a person, with high scores
indicative o f individuals who are well adjusted. The social self-concept scale measures how the
self is perceived in relation to others, this score reflecting in a more general way the individual’s
sense o f adequacy and worth in social interaction with other people. The satisfaction score
measures the level o f self-acceptance in the individual. The non-offender group differs from the
non-assaultive offender group on these five self-concept measures, revealing higher levels o f
total self-concept as well as other sub-measures o f positive self-concept. In contrast, the non-
assaultive offender group has lower levels o f self-concept, indicating a greater vulnerability to
the pushes and pulls toward delinquency. These findings are consistent with containment theory
and, as stated above, the strongest support comparing delinquents and non-delinquents.
93
TABLE 22

NON-OFFENDER VS. NON-ASSAULTIVE OFFENDER
Non-Offender Non-Assaultive Offender t Significance Level
(61) (33)
Total 50.59 45.88 2.056 0.043
Physical 51.57 48.61 1.370 0.174
Moral 49.33 44.06 2.651 0.009
Personal 50.87 44.70 2.559 0.012
Family 49.08 47.39 0.801 0.425
Social 49.89 45.61 1.971 0.052
Academic 51.18 50.06 0.481 0.632
Identity 49.05 44.15 1.687 0.095
Satisfaction 50.90 46.97 2.143 0.035
Behavior 50.72 46.82 1.903 0.060
concept than urban African-American adolescent male assaultivelv violent offenders
For this hypothesis, non-offenders are compared with assaultively violent offenders.5
Table 23 presents the t-test results for mean self-concept scores by group identification. A
summary o f significant findings is presented in table 28.
Table 23 presents the means for non-offenders compared with the more serious,
assaultive, violent offenders. Although the sub-sample o f assaultive offenders is quite small
(N=10), no statistically significant differences are found between the two groups. This result is
not in keeping with the earlier results demonstrating significant differences between the self-
concept scores o f the non-offender group and the non-assaultive offender group. It appears that
the more seriously violent offenders show strikingly similar self-concept measures to those o f the
^Non-offenders were also compared with the total group o f violent offenders (non-assaultive
and assaultive). Non-offenders scored higher for all measures except family, academic, and
identity. However, no significant differences were found.
94
non-offender group, unlike their non-assaultive offender counterparts. In fact, the data reveal
evidence that the more violent youth have higher total self-concept scores as a group than the
non-offender youth group. In addition, the assaultively violent offender group has higher sub
scale scores on several measures. In particular, these violent youth have higher physical,
personal, family, and academic self-concept sub-scale scores as well as higher identity and
behavior supplemental scale scores. Although these data are not statistically significant, they
reveal some rather striking findings which are totally inconsistent with what one would expect
related to containment theory.
With the exception o f the data presented in table 23, the above findings are consistent
with the primary theoretical approach —containment theory - o f this study. Non-delinquents
exhibited significantly higher self-concept scores for several o f the scales (total, moral, personal,
and satisfaction), consistent with containment theory. The personal self-concept score, a good
measure o f global self-esteem, was higher in the non-offender group than in any o f the offender
groups (with the exception o f the serious, assaultive, violent group). These findings support the
literature which suggest that juvenile delinquents exhibit poorer self-esteem than non-delinquents
(Henggeler 1989; Jensen 1973; Reckless and Dinitz 1972). Though some investigators have
linked enhanced self-esteem with delinquent behavior (Akers et al. 1979; Cohen 19SS; Elliott
and Voss 1974; Kaplan 1980; M atsueda 1982), there were no statistically significant higher
scores for offenders than non-offenders.
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TABLE 23

NON-OFFENDER VS. ASSAULTTVELY VIOLENT OFFENDER
Non-Offender Assaultively Violent Offender t Significance Level
(61) (10)
Total 50.59 53.20 -0.713 0.479
Physical 51.57 54.90 -1.034 0.305
Moral 49.33 48.50 0.246 0.806
Personal 50.87 52.40 -0.409 0.684
Family 49.08 51.60 -0.707 0.482
Social 49.89 49.90 -0.004 0.997
Academic 51.18 54.80 -1.075 0.286
Identity 49.05 55.90 -1.553 0.125
Satisfaction 50.90 49.20 0.570 0.571
Behavior 50.72 51.80 -0.314 0.754
Self-Concept and Frequency o f Delinquency
H2b. Infrequent urban African-American adolescent male offenders will have higher total self-
concept than frequent urban African-American adolescent male offenders
The offenders were compared based on frequency o f offense. Table 24 presents the t-
test results for the mean self-concept scores by frequency o f active charges. A summary o f the
significant findings can be found in table 28.
Overall, infrequent offenders have higher scores than frequent offenders, irrespective
o f type o f offense. No statistically significant differences are observed for the total self-concept
scores. Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected.
Only one statistically significant difference is found comparing frequent vs. infrequent
offenders - the family self-concept sub-scale score. It may be recalled that the family self-
concept score reflects the individual’s feelings o f adequacy, worth, and value as a family
member; higher scores are found in those who are satisfied with their family setting, drawing a
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sense of support from them. The greater the support o f the family, the less the likelihood o f
delinquency. Those delinquents who derive a sense o f support from their families are occasional
offenders in contrast to the chronic delinquent group who appear not to derive a sense o f support
from their family. Again, this is consistent with containment theory —the family serves as an
outer containment to buffer the youth against adversity, including chronicity o f offending.
TABLE 24
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY FREQUENCY OF CURRENT OFFENSES

< 4 Offenses ^4 Offenses t Significance Level
(25) (6)
Total 50.12 44.17 1.278 0.211
Physical 52.84 46.67 1.376 0.179
Moral 46.52 43.17 0.710 0.483
Personal 48.44 44.17 0.868 0.393
Family 51.68 42.00 2.500 0.018
Social 48.32 43.67 1.256 0.219
Academic 52.00 52.00 0.000 1.000
Identity 51.48 41.83 1.705 0.099
Satisfaction 48.36 45.83 0.721 0.477
Behavior 50.04 42.67 1.980 0.057
The data analyzed for this section are based on a small N (31) which excludes not only
non-offenders but the offenders for whom no offense frequency could be reasonably calculated
(school sample self-reports and the non-profit organization respondents whose records could not
be reviewed in detail). However, the data fail to support hypothesis 2b. Few studies have been
conducted to assess the difference between chronic and infrequent juvenile offenders, although it
has been suggested that such information adds understanding to psychological causation o f
recidivism (Byrd et al. 1993). As indicated previously, family is prominent in the lives o f
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adolescents. A number o f investigators have found that poor family relations contribute to poor
self-concepts (Angenent and de Man 1996) as well as delinquent behavior (Andry 1970; Canter
1982; Empey and Lubeck 1971; Glueck and Glueck 1950; Gold 1963; Gove and Crutchfield
1982; Hindelang 1973; Hirschi 1969; Nye 1958; Slocum and Stone 1963). The data presented
here are in accord with this literature and other previous studies regarding the importance o f the
family in predicting delinquent behavior (Salts et al. 1995; Wolfgang, Figlio, and Sellin 1972).
Poor family ties represent an important factor leading to delinquency. Data from this study
distinguishing between levels of chronicity reveal that chronic delinquency is associated with
poor self-concept, particularly family self-concept. This data, showing a relationship between
level o f perceived family support and chronicity o f delinquency, is an important new research
finding. Reckless and other control theorists have not adequately addressed the issue o f
chronicity in their research.
Self-Concept and Violent Delinquency
In this final section, data regarding self-concept and violent delinquency are presented.
As mentioned previously, containment theory suggests that a more favorable (or positive) self-
concept will be found in those youth who are not delinquent. These hypotheses concern violent
delinquency specifically. As with the previous hypothesis, these final three hypotheses compare
groups o f offenders - in this case based on level o f offense. A summary o f the significant
findings can be found in table 28.
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H 2cl. Urban African-American adolescent male offenders committing violent acts will have
lower total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male offenders committing
non-violent acts
Table 25 shows the t-test results for the mean self-concept scores when comparing non
violent offenders with violent offenders. Non-violent offenders have higher scores than violent
offenders for the moral self-concept and satisfaction supplemental scales only. For all other self-
concept sub-scale and supplemental scale scores, violent offenders score higher. However, no
statistically significant differences are observed for the total self-concept scores. Therefore, the
hypothesis is rejected.
TABLE 25
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY LEVEL OF OFFENSE -

________NON-VIOLENT VS. VIOLENT
Non-Violent Violent t Significance Level
(23) (20)
Total 46.65 48.65 -0.628 0.533
Physical 49.30 50.95 -0.532 0.598
Moral 45.65 44.45 0.378 0.707
Personal 45.22 47.95 -0.826 0.414
Family 47.74 49.10 -0.479 0.634
Social 45.52 47.85 -0.920 0.363
Academic 50.48 51.95 -0.434 0.667
Identity 44.65 49.45 -1.104 0.276
Satisfaction 48.26 46.60 0.657 0.515
Behavior 47.04 49.05 -0.803 0.427
2c2a. Urban African-American adolescent male violent offenders committing serious ('assaultive!
violent acts will have lower total self-concent than urban African-American adolescent male
Table 26 shows the t-test results for the mean self-concept scores when comparing
seriously violent offenders with non-violent offenders. Non-violent offenders have lower self
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concept scores than assaultively violent offenders. However, no statistically significant
differences are observed for the total self-concept scores. Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected.
Statistically significant differences are found on the identity score. The identity score
measures how the youth characterizes himself and is a good global measure o f self-esteem
(similar to the physical self-concept sub-scale score). This finding suggests that assaultively
violent offenders not only have higher levels o f self-concept than their non-violent counterparts,
but also have higher levels of self-esteem.
TABLE 26
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY LEVEL OF OFFENSE -

NON-VIOLENT VS. ASSAULTIVELY VIOLENT__________________
Non-Violent Assaultively Violent t Significance Level
___________ 123)________________ QO)______________________________
Total 46.65 53.20 -1.680 0.103
Physical 49.30 54.90 -1.523 0.138
Moral 45.65 48.50 -0.739 0.465
Personal 45.22 52.40 -1.869 0.071
Family 47.74 51.60 -1.149 0.259
Social 45.52 49.90 -1.361 0.183
Academic 50.48 54.80 -1.240 0.225
Identity 44.65 55.90 -2.207 0.035
Satisfaction 48.26 49.20 -0.302 0.765
Behavior 47.04 51.80 -1.650 0.109
2c2b. Urban African-American adolescent male violent offenders committing serious violent acts
will have lower total self-concent than urban African-American adolescent male offenders
committing non-serious violent acts.
Finally, table 27 shows the t-test results for the mean self-concept scores when
comparing seriously violent juvenile offenders with non-assaultively violent juvenile offenders.
Non-assaultively violent juvenile offenders have lower self-concept scores than assaultively
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violent juvenile offenders. Statistically significant differences are found on the total self-concept
scores between the groups. In addition, there were statistically significant differences with the
identity supplemental scale scores. However, the total self-concept scores (and the identity
scores) are the inverse o f the stated hypothesis. Therefore, the hypothesis is rejected.
The total self-concept score obtained with the TSCS:2 is a measurement o f overall self-
concept and the associated level o f self-esteem. As mentioned previously, the identity score, a
measure o f how the youth characterizes himself, is a good global measure o f self-esteem. As
before, these findings suggest that serious violent juvenile offenders have statistically higher
levels o f self-concept and self-esteem than their non-assaultively violent counterparts.
As in the previous section (Self-Concept and Frequency o f Offense), the N is very
small for the data analyzed. Nevertheless, the findings for the total self-concept scale and
identity supplemental scale scores appear to be in opposition to what is expected with
containment theory - that is, higher self-concept scores are found in the seriously violent
delinquent youth. The data appear to be picking up on a rather firm violent delinquent self-
concept - these youth are aware o f who and what they are and they are comfortable with their
identity as assaultively violent individuals. And, as may be recalled from table 23 for hypothesis
2a4, the mean self-concept scores o f the assaultively violent offenders are not significantly
different from those of the non-offender group.
The findings from this data indicate the formation o f an ego-syntonic state by these
assaultively violent offenders, consistent with control theory. Ego-syntonic refers to those
aspects o f a person’s behavior, thoughts, and attitudes that he or she views as acceptable and
consistent with his or her total personality. The proposed ego-syntonic state o f these violent
offenders concurs with Anderson’s (1999) suggested “code o f the street.” The code revolves
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around the presentation o f self - retaining respect (both from others and from self) by
manifesting nerve, most visibly through aggressive, sometimes violent, behavior. Conforming to
the edicts o f the code not only has practical value (a show o f nerve and physical prowess may be
needed during an altercation), but it may encourage a mind-set that adopts these behaviors as
necessarily appropriate since the end-result o f the behaviors is beneficial for the victor (i.e.,
gaining respect and enhancing self-esteem).
TABLE 27
MEAN SELF-CONCEPT SCORES BY LEVEL OF OFFENSE - NON-ASSAULTIVELY

VIOLENT VS. ASSAULTIVELY VIOLENT_________
Non-Assaultively Assaultively t Significance Level
Violent Offender Violent Offender
(10) (10)
Total 44.10 53.20 -2.176 0.043
Physical 47.00 54.90 -2.012 0.059
Moral 40.40 48.50 -1.534 0.143
Personal 43.50 52.40 -1.960 0.066
Family 46.60 51.60 -1.043 0.311
Social 45.80 49.90 -1.176 0.255
Academic 49.10 54.80 -1.455 0.163
Identity 43.00 55.90 -2.219 0.040
Satisfaction 44.00 49.20 -1.368 0.188
Behavior 46.30 51.80 -1.380 0.185
Summary o f Self-Concept and Delinquency Findings
The data presented are in partial support o f the stated hypotheses (2a3 is supported).
These data concur with containment theoiy. However, the hypotheses concerning some o f the
offender groups (2al, 2a2, and 2a4), chronic delinquents (2b), and violent delinquents (2 cl,
2c2a, and 2c2b) are refuted. A summary o f the significant findings is presented in table 28.
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TABLE 28
SUMMARY OF SIGNIFICANT FINDINGS FOR

SELF-CONCEPT AND VIOLENT BEHAVIOR
Offender O No significant relationship between general offender status and total self-
Status concept
□ General offender status is associated with lower moral self-concept
sub-scale scores
□ General offender status is associated with lower personal self-
□ General offender status is associated with lower satisfaction
O No significant relationship between non-violent offender status and total
self-concept
□ Non-violent offender status is associated with lower personal self-
O Non-assaultive offender status associated with lower total self-concept
scores
□ Non-assaultive offender status is associated with lower moral self-
□ Non-assaultive offender status is associated with lower personal self-
□ Non-assaultive offender status is associated with lower social self-
□ Non-assaultive offender status is associated with lower satisfaction
O No significant relationship between assaultive offender status and total
self-concept (or any other sub-scale scores)
Frequency O No significant relationship between frequency o f offense and total self-
of Offense concept
□ Infrequent offense status is associated with higher family self-
Level o f O No significant relationship between violent offender status and total self-
Offense concept, when comparing offenders (or any sub-scale scores)
O No significant relationship between assaultively violent offender status
and total self-concept, when comparing offenders
□ Assaultively violent offense status is associated with higher identity
O Assaultively violent offender status associated with higher total self-
concept scores, when comparing offenders
□ Assaultively violent offender status is associated with higher identity
CHAPTER V
SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IMPLICATIONS
The purpose of this study was to examine the relationship between self-concept and
violent behavior among urban African-American adolescent males. Its specific aim was to
determine whether positive self-concept will insulate an urban African-American adolescent
male from engaging in violent delinquency. The research addressed two major questions: (1)
How do the major socialization agents influence the formation o f either a positive or a negative
self-concept o f urban African-American male youths? (2) Is there a relationship between the
formation o f either a positive or a negative self-concept and the commission o f violent acts by
urban African-American male youths? An overview o f the significant findings is presented
below (see appendix F for a chart o f the complete listing o f findings).
Overview of the Significant Findings
Self-Concept and Agents o f Socialization
Family
The more moderate the level o f discipline provided by the family, the higher the total
self-concept o f urban African-American adolescent males (la la ): The hypothesis was rejected.
However, statistically significant differences were found for three self-concept sub-scales: the
less severe the level o f discipline provided by the family, the higher the personal, family, and
academic self-concept scores.
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104
The more frequently the family is consulted about problems, the higher the total self-
concept o f urban African-American adolescent males ( la lb ): The hypothesis was rejected.
However, statistically significant differences were found for one self-concept sub-scale: the more
frequently the family is consulted about problems, the higher the physical self-concept score.
The less often the parental defiance, the higher the total self-concept o f urban African-
American adolescent males (la ic ): The hypothesis was rejected. However, statistically
significant differences were found for one self-concept sub-scale: the less often the parental
defiance, the higher the family self-concept score.
Urban African-American adolescent males who receive a curfew from their family will
have higher total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent m ales who do not receive
a curfew from their family (la id ): The hypothesis was rejected.
Family structure is not related to the total self-concept o f urban African-American
adolescent males (la2): The hypothesis was accepted; no statistically significant differences
were found between the self-concept measures and any o f the three family structure types.
Peer Group
The closer the bond o f friendship, the higher the total self-concept o f urban African-
American adolescent males (lb l): The hypothesis was rejected. However, statistically
significant differences were found for one self-concept sub-scale and one self-concept
supplemental scale: the closer the bond o f friendship, the higher the social self-concept and
behavior scores.
The greater the perception o f dependability in friends, the higher the total self-concept
of urban African-American adolescent males (lb2): The hypothesis was rejected. However,
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statistically significant differences were found for one self-concept sub-scale and one self-
concept supplemental scale: the more dependable the friendships, the lower the personal self-
concept and satisfaction scores.
School
The more favorable the school climate, the higher the total self-concept o f urban
African-American adolescent males ( lc l) : The hypothesis was rejected. However, statistically
significant differences were found for one self-concept sub-scale and one self-concept
supplemental scale: individuals reporting less crime than average in their schools had higher
personal self-concept and satisfaction scores.
The greater the reported level o f academic achievement, the higher the total self-
concept o f urban African-American adolescent males (lc2): The hypothesis was accepted.
Higher total self-concept (as well as higher moral, personal, family, social, and academic self-
concept and identity and satisfaction supplemental scores) were found in those who reported
doing well in school.
The greater the level o f educational aspiration, the higher the total self-concept o f
urban African-American adolescent males (lc3): The hypothesis was rejected. However,
statistically significant differences were found for one self-concept sub-scale: the greater the
level o f educational aspiration, the higher the academic self-concept score.
Urban African-American adolescent males participating in positive extracurricular
activities will have higher total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent males not
participating in positive extracurricular activities (lc 4 ): The hypothesis was accepted. Higher
total self-concept (as well as academic self-concept and identity supplemental scores) were found
in those who reported participating in school clubs.
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Self-Concept and General Delinquency
Status
Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders will have higher total self-
concept than urban African-American adolescent male offenders in general (2a 1): The
hypothesis was rejected. However, statistically significant differences were found for two self-
concept sub-scales and one self-concept supplemental scale: higher moral and personal self-
concept and higher satisfaction scores were found in the non-offenders.
concept than urban African-American adolescent male non-violent offenders (2a2): The
hypothesis was rejected. However, statistically significant differences were found for one self-
concept sub-scale: higher personal self-concept scores were found in the non-offenders.
concept than urban African-American adolescent male non-assaultive offenders (2a3): The
hypothesis was accepted. Higher total, moral, personal and social self-concept and higher
satisfaction supplemental scores were found in the non-offenders.
concept than urban African-American adolescent male assaultively violent offenders (2a4): The
hypothesis was rejected. Assaultive, violent offenders presented higher (although insignificant)
self-concept measures than non-offenders.
Frequency
Infrequent urban African-American adolescent male offenders will have higher total
self-concept than frequent urban African-American adolescent male offenders (2b): The
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hypothesis was rejected. However, statistically significant differences were found for one self-
concept sub-scale: higher family self-concept scores were reported in infrequent offenders. In
addition, the findings for the behavior supplemental scale approached significance (0.057), with
higher behavior scores reported in infrequent offenders.
Self-Concept and Violent Delinquency
Urban African-American adolescent male offenders committing violent acts will have
lower total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent m ale offenders committing
non-violent acts (2c 1): The hypothesis was rejected. No statistically significant differences were
found between non-violent and violent offenders.
Urban African-American adolescent male offenders committing serious violent acts
will have lower total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male offenders
committing non-violent acts (2c2a): The hypothesis was rejected. However, statistically
significant differences were found for one self-concept supplemental scale: higher identity scores
were found in those committing more serious (assaultive) violent offenses.
Urban African-American adolescent male offenders committing serious violent acts
will have lower total self-concept than urban African-American adolescent male offenders
committing non-serious violent acts (2c2b): The hypothesis was rejected. However, statistically
significant higher total self-concept and identity supplemental scores were found in those
committing more serious (assaultive) violent offenses. In addition, the findings for the moral
self-concept sub-scale score approached significance (0.059), with higher scores in those
committing more serious (assaultive) violent offenses.
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Implications o f the Study for Current Theory and Policy Development
In general, the data do not support the hypotheses o f this study. Reckless’ containment
theory was examined because o f its focus on the significance o f the individual’s overall self-
concept as an insulator o f delinquency. These findings show little concurrence with that theory.
It must be reiterated, however, that the sample size was very small (N=155). The scope o f the
research was exploratory in nature.
Overall, it is important to note that many o f the self-concept sub-scale score differences
were found to be statistically significant between the groups while the total self-concept score
differences were not. Due to the multidimensional, hierarchical nature o f the self-concept, it is
expected that external factors impact on the various dimensions o f the self-concept (sub-scales)
differently. That the variables under investigation in this study do or do not associate with each
sub-scale and supplemental scale is an indication that some aspects o f the adolescent’s
development are critical to certain components o f the self-concept while not as crucial to others.
Future research should continue to examine these dimensions o f the self as containment against
delinquency. Investigations might also delve into more qualitative nuances o f self-concept
development via open-ended responses as suggested by early sociologists (see, for example,
Bugental and Zelen 1950; Gordon 1968; Kuhn and McPartland 1954). This would give more
voice to the participants o f a study and more vividly reflect subtle variations in self-concept
development.
Self-Concept and Agents o f Socialization
Examination o f the family support variables (level o f discipline, consultation o f family,
parental defiance, curfew) showed no statistically significant differences between the total self-
concept scores. A major premise o f containment theory is that family support insulates an
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adolescent from delinquent activity via enhancement o f that adolescent’s self-concept. No
support was found for this premise regarding total self-concept. However, while the research
hypotheses were rejected, some evidence was found for the impact that family support has on
self-concept development.
The role o f the level o f discipline as a family support measure produced three
statistically significant findings: the less severe the level o f discipline, the higher the personal,
family, and academic self-concept scores. These findings are important in terms o f
demonstrating the need for a reasonable setting o f limits in helping the adolescent both feel a part
o f a family and understand the necessity for good academic performance. Further testing o f the
importance in families applying reasonable levels o f discipline in producing positive self-concept
as a member o f a family and as a good academic performer is needed on a larger sample and
replicated in other sites.
The role o f consultation o f family members as a family support measure produced one
statistically significant finding: the more frequently the family is consulted about problems, the
higher the physical self-concept score. As may be recalled, higher physical self-concept scores
are indicative o f individuals with a positive view o f how they look and is closely associated with
a high global self-esteem. Openness in dialogue apparently allows the youth to feel better about
how he or she looks. Further testing o f the role that family consultation has on enhancing
physical self-concept (and self-esteem) should be conducted on a larger sample and replicated in
other sites.
The role o f the level o f parental defiance as a family support measure produced one
statistically significant finding: the less often the parental defiance, the higher the family self-
concept score. Because such a small number o f individuals were recorded as frequently defying
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their parents (N=10), further testing at other sites is required to determine if this finding has any
theoretical import as pertains to containment theory.
Based on the data o f this study, the role o f curfew as a family support measure was
found statistically insignificant in self-concept development; that is, no relationship was
observed between the respondent receiving a curfew from his family and his level o f self-
concept. A preliminary analysis also failed to show a relationship between receiving a curfew
from one’s family and offense status. While this study was exploratory in nature, the data do
conform with a recent study by the Department o f Justice which found that juvenile curfews have
less potential for violent delinquency reduction than other efforts (e.g., afterschool programs)
(Snyder and Sickmund 1999). Future research endeavors should continue to investigate more
effective mechanisms to reduce delinquency.
The family structure hypothesis was supported by the data. Examination o f the family
structure variable (“nuclear,” single-parent, extended) showed no statistically significant
differences between the total self-concept scores, as would be expected with containment theory.
Reckless and Dinitz (1972), while acknowledging that family dissolution has led to the
transference o f many family functions (including some aspects o f socialization) to other
agencies, indicated that it is the quality of the parent-child relationship within the family setting
that is integral in self-concept development. Structure, per se, does not appear to be a significant
variable in self-concept development. Future research efforts should involve a more qualitative
dimension; further testing o f the role o f the quality o f the family setting, regardless o f structure,
should be conducted on a larger sample and replicated in other sites.
Peer associations do not appear to impact positive total self-concept development in
terms o f closeness o f the friendship bond and perception o f dependability o f one’s friends.
Ill
Containment theory posits that friends, as a supportive group, serve as outer containers to enable
an individual to better handle the pressures, pushes, and pulls in his or her environment.
Although both of the peer group hypotheses were rejected, the findings do present evidence for
examining peer relations as a positive influence on self-concept enhancement. Statistically
significant differences were found for one self-concept sub-scale and one supplemental scale
with the closeness variable: the closer the bond o f friendship, the higher the social self-concept
and behavior scores. Statistically significant differences were found for one self-concept sub
scale and one supplemental scale with the dependability variable: the less dependable the
friendships, the higher the personal self-concept and satisfaction scores. Peer relations for urban
African-American adolescents is significant to their development in that a great deal o f their
survival/“street” skills are acquired during the interaction (Anderson 1999). Further testing o f
the impact o f peer relations on self-concept development is needed on a larger sample and should
be replicated in other sites.
Examination o f two o f the school variables (school climate and educational aspiration
level) showed no statistically significant differences between the total self-concept scores.
Containment theory proposes that the school setting represents an outer containment that
regulates normative behavior through reinforcement o f the norms, goals, and expectations o f
society. An individual who perceives the school experience positively is more likely to have a
positive self-concept. No support was found for this premise regarding total self-concept with
these two variables. However, while the research hypotheses were rejected, some support was
found for the impact o f the school setting in self-concept development as demonstrated by the
sub-scale measures.
112
The school climate measure produced two statistically significant findings:
individuals reporting less crime than average in their schools had higher personal self-concept
and satisfaction. The risk o f serious violence in schools is greater for those in urban areas;
however, there has been an overall decline in school crime (Snyder and Sickmund 1999).
Although no relationship was found between actually witnessing violence at one’s school and the
level o f self-concept, this study did determine that perception o f less crim e than average relates
positively with level o f self-concept. When youth feel safe in their school environment, they feel
better about themselves. Future investigations on a larger sample and in other sites should
continue to monitor the crime rate within school systems and identify safeguards to prevent such
behavior.
The educational aspiration measure produced one statistically significant finding: the
greater the level o f educational aspiration, the higher the academic self-concept. Reckless
identified goal orientation - focus on approved long-range societal goals (e.g., education) - as
another “inner” component that impacts on a youth’s behavior, helping the individual to conform
to norms and expectations. Further testing o f the role o f educational aspiration level on positive
self-concept and goal orientation is needed on a larger sample and should be replicated in other
sites.
Examination o f the academic achievement variable did show statistically significant
differences between the total self-concept scores. Moreover, the role o f high levels o f academic
achievement produced statistically significant findings for the sub-scales and supplemental
scales: higher moral, personal, family, social, and academic self-concept and higher identity and
satisfaction were found in those who reported doing well in school. Containment theory suggests
that effective inner (via internalization o f social norms) and outer (via reinforcement o f social
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norms) containment increases the likelihood o f non-deviance. The significantly higher self-
concept scores obtained for those who report making at least B’s and C ’s are indicative o f youth
who have internalized the social norm o f academic success and have a greater sense o f adequacy,
worth, and self-esteem. When doing well in school, the youth’s overall sense o f self is high.
While no statistically significant differences were found in the academic self-concept scores
between offenders and non-offenders, previous studies have indicated that academic performance
has been shown to correlate negatively with delinquency (Centers for Disease Control 1991).
Future policy efforts should examine strategies to improve educational outcomes o f urban
African-American youth at risk for delinquent behaviors.
Similarly, participation in positive extracurricular activities showed statistically
significant differences between the total self-concept scores. Additionally, the role o f
involvement in positive extracurricular activities produced statistically significant findings for
the sub-scales and supplemental scales: the more frequent the participation in school clubs, the
higher the academic self-concept and identity. According to containment theory, with adequate
outer containment, which includes a sense o f belonging, an individual is better able to handle the
pressures, pushes, and pulls in his or her environment that might otherwise encourage a youth
toward delinquent behavior. Youth more involved in their schools as far as club participation
possess more favorable self-concepts. Further testing of the role o f participation in positive
extracurricular activities on positive self-concept is needed on a larger sample and should be
replicated in other sites.
The findings from this study concur with previous data regarding the role o f
socialization agents (family, peer group, school) in the development o f the self-concept (Coleman
1980; Erikson 1968; Hoge, Smit, and Crist 199S; Rosenberg, Schooler, and Schoenbach 1989;
114
Walker et al. 1995). As proposed by containment theory, these agents (particularly the family)
act as outer containers to regulate normative behavior by presenting a consistent moral front to
youth, reinforcing societal norms, goals, and expectations, and providing an opportunity for
acceptance and belonging. Inner containment - which includes a positive (favorable) self-
concept —represents the individual’s personal ability to follow the expected norms. Thus, the
combination o f outer containment (social control) and inner containment (self-control) tend to
insulate the individual from the criminogenic pushes and pulls o f society that foster
nonconformity, including delinquency. This study shows that those youth with a greater degree
of outer containment also have higher levels o f self-concept. Given the current emphasis on
testing the efficacy of multisystemic treatment sponsored by the National Institute o f Justice, the
findings o f this research correspond with the emphasis on building family relationships as a way
of reducing delinquency. Further, the findings are consistent with programming efforts o f the
Department o f Education regarding positive self-concept development as a method for enhancing
educational performance.
Self-Concept and Delinquency
When reviewing the results from the self-concept and delinquency measures, it is
evident that the comparisons between non-offenders and the total group o f offenders produced
findings that differed from the comparisons between non-offenders and offender sub-groups.
This is due to the nature o f the t-test, which takes into account not only mean differences but
variances in the distributions. Therefore, it is plausible that differences may be significant for a
sub-group while insignificant for the total group and vice-versa.
One o f the four comparisons between the non-offender and offender groups did show
statistically significant differences between the total self-concept scores. According to
115
containment theory, a positive self-concept will insulate, or protect, a juvenile from delinquency.
Non-offenders displayed significantly higher total self-concept scores than non-assaultive
offenders. Moreover, the moral, personal, and social self-concept and satisfaction scores o f the
non-offenders were also significantly higher. Positive self-concept appears to control a youth’s
propensity for delinquency, as indicated by the higher self-concept scores o f non-offenders
compared with the non-assaultive offenders in this study.
Three o f the four comparisons between the non-offender and offender groups showed
no statistically significant differences between the total self-concept scores. No support was
found for containment theory regarding total self-concept when comparing total offenders, non
violent offenders, and assaultively violent offenders with the non-offender group. However,
while the corresponding research hypotheses concerning these groups were rejected, some
support was found for the impact o f positive self-concept on insulation from delinquency as
demonstrated by the sub-scale measures.
Non-offense status produced several statistically significant findings when compared
with total offenders and non-violent offenders: higher moral and personal self-concept and higher
satisfaction scores were found in non-offenders. Further testing o f the role o f the self-concept as
an insulator from delinquency is needed on a larger sample and should be replicated in other
sites.
In contrast to the data supporting the hypotheses or in the proposed direction o f the
hypotheses, this research seems to be showing a fairly pervasive formation o f a violent
delinquent self-concept that is inconsistent with the basic principles o f containment theory. The
assaultively violent offender group in this study reported higher self-concept scores than the non
offender group as well as the non-violent and the non-assaultive offender groups. Statistically
116
significant differences were found when comparing the assaultively violent group with the non
violent group (identity) and with the non-assaultively violent group (total and identity). Fagan
and Wilkinson (1998) suggest that frequent violent interactions (as the offenders in this study
seemingly have) spur the youth to more readily internalize the street code as a strategic measure.
With every successful violent incident, the youth gets reinforcement o f his behavior through the
respect he elicits from his peers and family. The self-concept o f the individual becomes
increasingly favorable to him- or herself as he or she begins to internalize the seeming approval
o f his or her significant others o f the violent behavior. Violence for this group becomes a fixed
strategy, completely consistent and entrenched within the youth’s total personality.
The data from this study concerning self-concept and serious (assaultive) violent
delinquency may be relevant to Anderson’s discussion o f the “code o f the street.” He defines
this as a “set o f informal rules governing interpersonal public behavior, including violence. The
rules prescribe both a proper comportment and a proper way to respond if challenged” (1999,
33). The code revolves around the presentation o f self —retaining respect (both from others and
from self) by manifesting nerve, most visibly through aggressive, sometimes violent, behavior.
Anderson suggests that physical assertiveness is an unambiguous method o f establishing an
identity, self-respect, and honor (1999, 68, 76). Physical assertion could be viewed as a
compensatory mechanism for youth who are unsure o f who they are or are at odds with who they
perceive themselves to be. That is, the aggressive acting-out enables the youth to establish self-
worth (May 1972).
Anderson’s “presentation o f se lf’ parallels Goffman’s “presentation o f self’ in that
who the violent urban African-American male youth is is based on the interaction between
him self and his audience —those also participating in the interaction. He is presenting a persona
117
that will best ensure survival, based on the “code o f the street,” and the other players are doing
likewise. The data from this study - regarding the violent cadre - suggest a persona that is more
than a front-stage appearance - it appears to be total reality for these youth.
As previously mentioned, the assaultively violent offender group in this study reported
higher self-concept scores than the non-offender, non-violent offender, and non-assaultively
violent offender groups. These assaultively violent youth appear to have accepted their
delinquent behaviors as appropriate - even expected - and are comfortable with their identity.
These findings are suggestive o f the formation o f an ego-syntonic state by this cadre o f seriously
violent offenders. Ego-syntonic refers to those aspects o f a person’s behavior, thoughts, and
attitudes that he or she views as acceptable and consistent with his or her total personality. The
proposed ego-syntonic state o f these violent offenders concurs with Anderson’s (1999) “code o f
the street” in that conforming to the edicts o f the code encourages a mind-set that adopts these
behaviors as necessarily appropriate since the end-result o f the behaviors is beneficial for the
victor (i.e., gaining respect and enhancing self-esteem). That is, successful self-presentation via
aggression boosts the individual’s self-concept and allows him or her to endure the pressures,
pushes, and pulls within his or her environment. This is inconsistent with containment theory.
Because o f the very small sample size (N=10) in this study, further testing of
assaultively violent delinquents is needed on a much larger scale to determine if this finding has
any theoretical import as pertains to containment theory. As mentioned previously, qualitative
data regarding self-concept development is also needed. Moreover, it would be useful to look at
the self-concept in terms o f the leadership characteristics that these assaultively violent youth
have that makes them not view their behavior as inappropriate.
118
Comparisons o f the frequency o f delinquent behavior showed no statistically
significant differences between the total self-concept scores. However, significantly higher
family self-concept scores were reported in infrequent offenders. While much o f the research on
the family-delinquency connection has been primarily on white subjects (Loeber and
Stouthamer-Loeber 1986), those that focus on the African-American family show that families
with high levels o f disjointedness and low levels o f affection correlate with delinquency (Gove
and Grutchfield 1982; Henggeler 1989). Because the findings o f this study have indicated a
relationship between positive family self-concept and infrequent offending, future research might
more closely examine family characteristics that contribute to the development o f the self-
concept.
Few studies have been conducted to assess the difference between chronic and
infrequent juvenile offenders. Further testing o f the role o f the self-concept on recidivism is
needed on a larger sample and replicated in other sites. Moreover, future research might expand
on the comparisons made in this study by examining chronic non-violent offenders compared
with chronic violent offenders, which was not possible in this study due to its small sample size
(N=4 non-violent chronic and N=8 violent chronic, for active charges). It is anticipated that the
chronic violent group might exhibit a similar pattern o f ego-syntonic self-concept development as
discussed previously, providing further support for the pioneering research by Anderson on the
“code o f the street.”
APPENDIX A
SELECTED ADOLESCENT LIFE SURVEY (ALS) QUESTIONS
1. How old are you?

2. What grade are you in?
3. Who are the people with whom you currently live?
4. If your mother (or female head o f household) lives with you, what is her highest grade
completed? What kind o f work does she do in her major occupation?
5. If your father (or male head o f household) lives with you, what is his highest grade
completed? What kind o f work does he do in his major occupation?
6. When you have assigned chores to complete in your home, are they done without your
being told a second time to do them?
7. When your parent(s)/guardian(s) have given you a curfew, do you get home on time?
8. In which way are you most often disciplined by your parent(s)/guardian(s)?
9. From which one person would you ask advice if you were having problems?
10. What kinds o f grades do you usually make?
11. How far do you plan to go in school?
12. How often do you participate in school-sponsored clubs?
13. How do you believe the level o f crime at your school compares with other schools?
14. How close are you to the friend with whom you spend the most time?
15. How often can you can depend on the friend with whom you spend the most time?
16. During the past 12 months, were you ever charged with any offense?
119
APPENDIX B
SOLICITATION LETTER
Dear Principal:
I am a Doctoral student in the Departments o f Sociology and Justice, Law, and Society
at American University working on a dissertation project focusing on African-American
adolescent males and their perceptions and attitudes regarding violence. I am requesting your
permission to include the students o f your school as subjects in my study. I have received
approval for this study from my dissertation committee, the Review Board o f American
University for Protection of Human Subjects, and the Superintendent’s Office o f the District o f
Columbia.
Enclosed is a copy o f the dissertation proposal summary. I do hope that after reviewing
this material, you will allow me to use your school. I believe this project is meaningful in that
the data obtained should contribute to our understanding o f the topic o f violence in the lives of
African-American adolescent males, who are at a definite crossroads in this society. It is crucial
that we focus on their lives, their families, their issues, to prevent the imminent loss o f a
significant part o f our community.
I have also included a consent form with this packet. Please use the self-addressed
stamped envelope to respond to this request. If you are granting me permission, please specify
the date that is best for your school during the fall semester. I am available to answer any
questions you may have regarding this study.
I thank you, in advance, for your time and consideration in this matter. I look forward
to hearing from you.
120
APPENDIX C
PARENTAL CONSENT LETTER/ INFORMED CONSENT FORM
Dear Parent(s)/Guardian(s) and Students:
I am a Doctoral student in the Departments o f Sociology and Justice, Law, and Society
at American University. As my final requirement, I will conduct a study that examines
perceptions and attitudes within the group o f African-American adolescent males.
I have been approved by the Office o f the Superintendent for District o f Columbia
Public Schools to use this school for one portion o f my study. I will obtain information from
randomly selected students via a survey that I hope will provide useful data concerning the
causes o f and solutions to delinquent behavior within the group o f African-American adolescent
males. In order to conduct this study, I need both your and your son’s permission to obtain this
information. Your son’s participation is, o f course, voluntary, and even after you and your son
have granted permission, your son may withdraw from this study at any time.
The survey will obtain general information about the students, their self-perceptions,
their families, and school experiences, and delinquent behavior. Answers provided by your son
will remain completely confidential and will not be disclosed to anyone. Your son will not have
to sign his name on the survey or give any information that can in any way identify you or him. I
will maintain the data in a secured file and upon completion o f my data analysis, I will destroy
the master key sheet.
This survey will take approximately one hour to complete and will be administered
during your son’s regular instructional period. In order for your son to participate, I am asking
you to fill out, sign, and return the attached Informed Consent Form b y __________ . Your son
will be asked to sign a Voluntary Consent From once he presents your signed form; both signed
forms will need to be presented to participate in the survey. All students who turn in completed
surveys will receive a movie theater pass.
I greatly appreciate your cooperation. I believe that this information will prove useful
in better understanding some o f the problems confronting African-American male youth today.
121
122
APPENDIX C (cont.)
INFORMED CONSENT FORM
In allowing my child to participate in this research, I understand the following:
□ This study will involve completing a survey questionnaire, which will obtain general
information about him, his self-perceptions, his family, friends, and school
experiences, and delinquent behavior.
□ The entire study will take about one hour.
□ There are no known expected discomforts or risks involved in the study.
□ There are no “disguised” or “trick” questions involved in the study.
□ All data from the study will remain anonymous. The data from all subjects will be
compiled, analyzed, and submitted in a final dissertation in aggregated form. No
participant’s data will be identified by name at any stage o f the data analysis or within
the dissertation.
□ All master key information will be completely destroyed following data analysis.
Data from the study will be used solely for the purposes stated. N o person other than
the principal investigator will have access to non-aggregated data.
□ My child’s participation in this study is completely voluntary. He may withdraw from

this study at any time, and he may refuse to answer any o f the questions asked without
giving a reason.
CHILD’S NAM E (please p rin t):_____________________________
Parent’s/Guardian’s signature Date
Check here if you would like a copy o f the consent forms for your records. □
APPENDIX D
VOLUNTARY CONSENT FORM
In agreeing to participate in this research, I understand the following:
□ This study will involve completing a survey questionnaire, which will obtain general
information about me, my self-perceptions, my family, friends, and school
experiences, and delinquent behavior.
□ The entire study will take about one hour.
□ There are no known expected discomforts or risks involved in the study.
□ There are no “disguised” or “trick” questions involved in the study.
□ AH data from the study will remain anonymous. The data from all subjects will be
compiled, analyzed, and submitted in a final dissertation in aggregated form. No
participant’s data will be identified by name at any stage of the data analysis or within
the dissertation.
□ All master key information will be completely destroyed following data analysis.
Data from the study will be used solely for the purposes stated. No person other than
the principal investigator will have access to non-aggregated data.
□ My participation in this study is completely voluntary. I may withdraw from this

study at any time, and I may refuse to answer any o f the questions asked without
giving a reason.
PARTICIPANT’S NAME (please print):_____________________________
Participant’s signature Date
123
APPENDIX E
STATEMENT OF CONFIDENTIALITY
The information obtained in this survey will remain confidential; that is, no one —
parents, school personnel, law enforcement officials - will ever be given your individual
answers. Any information I get from you will be kept in a locked file; only I will have access to
this file. Once I have completed my data analysis, all information will be destroyed.
All data obtained from this study will remain anonymous. Each person participating in
this study will be assigned a number —that is the only way you will ever be classified. At no
time will your name be used. Once I have received the information from, I will tally it with the
other respondents’ answers and present the results in an aggregated (or grouped) form.
I agree to abide by all of the guidelines and standards for conducting research with human
participants as described by the American Sociological Association.
Signature Date
124
APPENDIX F
CHART OF FINDINGS
HYPOTHESIS HYPOTHESIS CONTAINMENT *

SUPPORTED THEORY SUPPORTED
1A. FAMILY
FAMILY SUPPORT
lala The more moderate the level o f discipline, the higher No Yes Pe Fa Ac
the total self-concept of urban African-American
adolescent males.
lalb The more frequently the family is consulted about No Yes Ph

problems, the higher the total self-concept o f urban
laic The less often the parental defiance, the higher the total No Yes Fa
self-concept of urban African-American adolescent
males.
laid Urban African-American adolescent males who receive No No

a curfew from their family will have higher total self-
concept than urban African-American adolescent males
who do not receive a curfew from their family.
FAMILY STRUCTURE
la2 Family structure is not related to the total self-concept Yes Yes Ph Mo Pe Fa
of urban African-American adolescent males. So Ac Id Sa Be
IB. PEER GROUP
lbl The closer the bond of friendship, the higher the total No Yes So Be
self-concept of urban African-American adolescent
males.
lb2 The greater the perception o f dependability in friends, No Yes P eS a

the higher the total self-concept of urban African-
125
126
APPENDIX F (cont.)

1C. SCHOOL
lei The more favorable the school climate, the higher the No Yes Pe Sa
total self-concept o f urban African-American adolescent
males.
lc2 The greater the reported level of academic achievement, Yes Yes Mo Pe Fa So
the higher the total self-concept o f urban African- Ac Id Sa Be
lc3 The greater the level o f educational aspiration, the No Yes Ac

higher the total self-concept of urban African-American
adolescent males.
lc4 Urban African-American adolescent males participating Yes Yes Ac Id
in positive extracurricular activities (i.e., activities
outside of the classroom) will have higher total self-
concept than urban African-American adolescent males
not participating in positive extracurricular activities.
2. DELINQUENT BEHAVIOR
STATUS
2a I Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders No Yes Mo Pe Sa

will have higher total self-concept than urban African-
American adolescent male offenders in general.
2a2 Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders No Yes Pe

American adolescent male non-violent offenders.
2a3 Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders Yes Yes Mo Pe So Sa

American adolescent male non-assaultive offenders.
2a4 Urban African-American adolescent male non-offenders No No

American adolescent male assaultive offenders.
127
APPENDIX F (cont.)

FREQUENCY
2b Infrequent urban African-American adolescent male No Yes Fa

offenders (i.e., those who commit less than four
offenses) will have higher total self-concept than
frequent urban African-American adolescent male
offenders (i.e., those who commit four or more
offenses).
SERIOUSNESS
2c I Urban African-American adolescent male offenders No No

committing violent acts will have lower total self-
concept than urban African-American adolescent male
2c2a Urban African-American adolescent male violent No No

offenders committing serious violent acts will have
lower total self-concept than urban African-American
adolescent male offenders committing non-violent acts.
2c2b Urban African-American adolescent male violent No No

offenders committing serious violent acts will have
lower total self-concept than urban African-American
adolescent male offenders committing non-serious
violent acts.
*
Support for containment theory via sub-scales and supplemental scales.
LEGEND
Ph = Physical Self-Concept Mo = Moral Self-Concept Pe = Personal Self-Concept
Fa = Family Self-Concept So = Social Self-Concept Ac = Academic Self-Concept
Id = Identity Supplemental Scale Sa = Satisfaction Supplemental Scale Be = Behavior Supplemental Scale
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Bell & Howell Information and Learning

EXPLORATORY STUDY OF URBAN AFRICAN-AMERICAN

Faculty o f the College o f Arts and Sciences

the Requirements for the Degree

Dean o f the College o f Arts and Sciences

Washington, D.C. 20016

Bell & Howell Information and Learning Company

ALL RIGHTS RESERVED

EXPLORATORY STUDY OF URBAN AFRICAN-AMERICAN

African- American adolescent males experience a disproportionate rate o f both

a positive or a negative self-concept and the commission o f violent delinquency by urban

violence in urban African-American adolescent males. A multistage cluster sampling technique

Scale (TSCS:2). Quantitative measurements o f self-concept, delinquency, and various structural

delinquency. Policy implications are discussed.

understanding o f youth violence in urban African-American males.

ACKN OW LED GM EN TS................................................................................................................. iv

II. REVIEW OF THE LITERA TU RE............................................................................................... 18

III. RESEARCH DESIGN AND METHODOLOGY.......................................................................46

V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSIONS, AND IM PLICATIONS........................................................ 103

APPENDICES ................................................................................................................................. 119

REFERENCES ................................................................................................................................... 128

2. Charge Summary for O ffenders..................................................................................... 64

3. Types o f Active O ffenses............................................................................................... 64

4. Range o f TSCS:2 S co res.................................................................................................. 66

6. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Level o f D iscipline...................................................... 70

7. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Consults

8. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Defies

9. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Gets

10. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Family Structure T ypes................................................ 74

11. Summary o f Significant Findings for Family and Self-Concept................................. 75

12. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Perceives

13. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Thinks

14. Summary o f Significant Findings for Peer Group and Self-Concept..............................80

15. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Perceives His School

17. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Whether Respondent Intends

18. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Participation in School C lu b s.................................86

19. Summary o f Significant Findings for School and Self-Concept.................................... 88

20. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Group Identification —

21. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Group Identification -

22. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Group Identification -

23. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Group Identification —

24. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Frequency o f Current O ffen ses............................... 96

25. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Level o f Offense - Non-Violent vs. V iolent.......... 98

26. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Level o f Offense -

27. Mean Self-Concept Scores by Level o f Offense -

THE STUDY PROBLEM

African-Americans, particularly young males, experience a disproportionate rate o f

crimes, has reached such inordinate proportions in the African-American community as to be

1The rate was 71.7 per 100,000 persons for 1993.

preventive strategies for these youth.

delinquency among urban African-American adolescent males. Specifically, this study

investigates whether positive self-concept will insulate an African-American adolescent male

control mechanisms, will influence the formation o f a positive self-concept. Moreover, it is

American adolescent males.

Background o f the Research Problem

do com m it crimes). Introduced by Emile Durkheim, this formulation provides a more

socialization) controls are involved in regulating an individual. It is the weakening or deficiency

o f these controls that makes crime and delinquency more probable.

expected to form key bonds with society.

concept cannot be dissociated from an individual's external environment. Outer containment is