Thesis Natalino Amaral Entire Thesis Revised

A Foucaultian Analysis on Gusmão’s Political Discourses During the Indonesian Occupation
ACKNOWLEDGEMENT
First and foremost, my thanksgivings go to the Almighty God who graciously
gave me life and all the wonderful things in His creation. Truly, my words cannot fully
express the gratitude that I owe to the Lord in heaven. Praise and Glory to Him who is in
most high.
My special gratitude to all my Salvatorian Confreres of East Asian Mission
Vicariate, who are in one way or another to support me both spiritual and material in the
realization of this effort. Especially, Fr. Adam Janus, SDS, Vicar Superior,
Fr. Hermann, SDS and Fr. Joseph, SDS, and all the priests and brothers in Fr. Jordan
Formation House, Talon, Amadeo, who have been kind and always there to support me
through their fervent prayer and wishes.
My deepest gratitude to my dear family, especially my parents, siblings, relatives,
and friends in East Timor and other countries. For their inspiration through prayers and
wishes for me to grow and be strong in my vocation journey. For their advice and
material supports, I am sincerely thanking them and wishing them a great moment.
My special thanks to my thesis Instructor, Mr. Maxwell B. Felicilda, Ph.D., my
thesis adviser, Mr. Mark Joseph Calano, Ph.D., and my thesis editor, Ms. Althea
Alexis M. Castrence for working so diligently and supportive during my thesis writing.
I also wish to acknowledge all the La Salette Faculties Staffs and Professors who
patiently and kindly in guiding and instructing me within the four years of the academic
learning process. I would like to thank my classmates who have accompanied me as
learner inspirations. May the Lord bless with wisdom, health, perseverance in all duties
of life. Obrigado Barak, Maraming Salamat, Thanks to One and All. God Bless Us.
i
DEDICATION
This paperwork is devoted to my adored nation, East Timor, and my beloved
family, instructors, companions, and specially to the Society of the Divine Savior.
ii
ABSTRACT
The paper purposely analyzes the political discourses of Gusmão by using Foucault's
methodological approaches on discourse analysis. It is systematized in three analytical
axes: (a) an analytical understanding on Michel Foucault’s methodology on discourse
analysis; (b) the historical narrative and demonstration of Gusmão’s Political Discourse;
(c) and analytical understanding toward Gusmão’s texts and political discourses in
which Foucault’s discourse analysis choses to engage. Gusmão’s political speech is
justified significantly in the succession of the Timorese struggle. His political discourse
was meant to be an act to liberate Timorese people not by bloodshed but political
strategies through the way of prevailing the truth of justice and right toward peace and
freedom. The political discourse of Gusmão is considered as a political framework that
Foucault’s methodology on discourse analysis opens as hermeneutical tool to examine
the issue referred. The paper will finally give an account as a contribution by the
Foucaultian discourse analysis through the applicability and interpretation. Foucaultian
discourse analysis becomes outdoor for understanding linguistically values in the sense
of political discourse and social practices.
Keywords: Political Discourse; Discourse Analysis; Power/Knowledge; Methodology;
Strategies; Liberation.
iii
TABLE OF CONTENTS
I. INTRODUCTION
A. Background of Study: 1
B. Statement of the Problem 7
C. Rhetorical Strategy 8
1. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter I 9
2. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter II 9
3. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter III 10
4. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter IV 11
5. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter V 11
D. Scope of Limitation 12
E. Significance of Study 13
F. Review of Related Literature 15

1. On Foucault’s Discourse Analysis 15
2. On Gusmão’s Political Work and Discourse 28
G. Definition of the Terms 38
H. Intellectual Biography Sketch 40
II. MICHEL FOUCAULT’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS AND THE METHODOLOGY
A. On Archeology 47
1. Understanding on Discursive Statement 50
2. On History and the Discoursal Truth 56
iv
3. Archeological Examination 59
B. On Genealogy 60
1. The Character of Discourse in the Politics 62
2. The Discourse as an Impact of Power/Knowledge 65
3. The Genealogical Understanding 68
C. On Discourse Analysis 69
1. The Object of Discourse 71
2. The Author of the Discourse as Parrhesiastes 73
3. The Epistemology of the Discourse 76
4. The Counts of Discoursal Truth as an Ideology 78
D. The Synthesis 79
III. GUSMÃO’S POLITICAL INVOLVIMENT AND DISCOURSES DURING

INDONESIAN OCCUPATION
A. Gusmão’s Personal, Historical/Political Background 82

1. Gusmão’s Political Involvement 83
B. The Political Discourses of Gusmão 87

1. Empowering Guerillas’ Mentality Through Speeches 90
2. Discourses on Peace Talks and Case-Fire in 1983 92
3. Responses against the Indonesian during the Captivity (1992) 93
4. The Call for International Attention for Timorese’s Suffering 96
5. Discourse on Freedom to East Timor 98
6. Speech of Hope for Country Building in 2002 99
C. The Synthesis 101
v
IV. ANALYSING GUSMÃO POLITICAL DISCOURSE USING FOUCAULT’S

METHOD ON DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
A. Gusmão’s Patriotic and Nationalistic Expression 104

1. As an Influential Expression of Hope, Freedom and Peace 105
2. As a Representation of Knowledge Toward Self-Determination 112
B. Gusmão’s Historicity of Discoursal Truth 114

1. As an Act Toward Freedom for the Timorese People 116
2. As a Parrhesia for Timorese’ Suffering 119
C. Analytical Conceptualizing on Foucault’s Discourse Analysis Relative to

Gusmão’s Political Speeches 122
1. As an Attentional Assertion 123
2. As a Manifestation of Communal Power 126
D. Charting an Analytical Application on Gusmão’s Political Discourse deployed by

Foucaultian Discourse Analysis 128
E. The Synthesis 132
V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, & RECOMMENDATION
A. The Summary 134
B. The Conclusion 141
C. The Recommendations 143
BIBLIOGRAPHY 146
vi
Chapter I
INTRODUCTION
A. Background of Study:
In 2002, Timor-Leste (East Timor) developed out of centuries of Portuguese
colonial rules, two decades of brutal occupation by Indonesia, and about three a long
time of UN administration to end up as one of the most up to date nation-states. From
that Timor-Leste is the most up to date nation in Southeast Asia. Generally, Timorese
individuals were beneath the oppressive rules of the Portuguese colonization and
Indonesia occupation through a physical hostility that brought about numerous
individuals endured and passed on. After the carnation insurgency in Lisbon (Portugal)
on April 25, 1974, East Timor was conceivable to have an opportunity to select as an
autonomous nation.
Seven East Timorese understudies returned from Portugal in September 1974.
Their strident anti-colonial talk was combined with provocative mottos such as Passing
to the Fascists. They became the Timorese political figures that contribute to Timorese
Independence. Together with the main politician in East Timor, they create a motto for
the resistance, which is very well-known in Timorese’s history, that is Mate Ka Moris
Ukun Rasik-An.
This situation illustrates that Timorese were energetic to stand against the colony
of Portuguese indeed by the verbal exhibit that points for Timorese Independency. The
establishment of the Timorese warriors was subordinate to the political ideology. It
caused different political organizations to be shaped in arrange to control the vision
through argumentative complimenting to the world, especially, the Joined together
1
Country for recognizing Timorese’s objective from its political idea amid the crevice
between the farewell of Portuguese and intrusion of Indonesia.
At this point, political organizations in East Timor were able to come out with
distinctive political ideology for shaping parties after the insurgency was opened. On
May 11, 1994, União Democratica de Timorense (UDT) or Timorese Democratic Union
was the primary political party to be shaped. It was taken after on May 20, by the
Associação Social Democratica Timorense (ASDT) or Timorese Social Democratic
Association. The third political organization came out with a distinctive political vision
aside from the others which is to be coordinates into Indonesia. This political
organization was the Associação para Integração de Timor na Indonesia (APODETI).
For the reason of the division of the Timorese political ideology, one of the three
parties renamed itself as the Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor or
Frente Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independete (FRETILIN) on September 11, 1974.
Through all the political involvement of Timorese pioneers, there was a political control
by neighboring Indonesia toward Timorese individuals in terms of setting up operation
against East Timor with the objective of extension. In Eminent 1975, Indonesia
instigated a gracious war between UDT and FRETILIN, and bouncing for a UDT
triumph. Instep, FRETILIN developed triumphant after a small over two weeks.
Indonesia at that point conducted undercover military operations against East Timor
from September onwards. Since military control endeavored, East Timor announced its
freedom singularly on November 28, 1975, by FRETILIN.
On November 28, 1975, FRETILIN alongside the Prime Serve Xavier do Amaral,
singularly declared the Autonomy of Timor-Leste. Nicolao Lobato, who afterward got to
2
be the primary pioneer of the Equipped Resistance, was designated as the Prime Serve
of the modern autonomous nation. The statement of autonomy driven to a gracious war.
The operation developed escalated until it propelled a full-scale military attack of East
Timor on December 7, 1975.
Amid that catastrophe, a gigantic intrusion by the Indonesian military slaughtered
thousands of Timorese individuals who were unarmed and blameless. The war in East
Timor, for more than two decades, was a mystery war. The closure of the range for the
remote writers was a monster bar of data activity, a catastrophe for the guideline of
opportunity and for the mass media until 1989. In that sense, East Timor got to be an
"onlooker without an eye" to war and catastrophe. As a result, casualties kept on fall
and East Timor proceeded to be a lasting portion of the UN motivation driven by an East
Timorese ambassador at the time, José Ramos Horta. East Timor's issues came into
the highlight after more than 271 Timorese individuals were killed by Indonesian military
bullets and 250 others were misplaced within the ridiculous catastrophe, Santa Cruz,
November 12, 1991. All these calamities made the lives of Timorese exceptionally
recognizable with enduring and never felt autonomous in all angles.
Along the way, the individuals of East Timor needed to battle to gotten to be free.
The battle itself was not simple. The political circumstance was shocking. Beneath this
awful political weight, there was a charismatic politician who battled enthusiastically
beneath the establishment of the political ideology. He stood together with other political
figures to battle for the destiny of the East Timor state and all its individuals. He is José
Alexandre Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão. Gusmão assumed the name Kay Rala was a
nearly obscure title when East Timor was driven by the New Arrange government in
3
1975. After the death of the primary president of RDTL in 1997, Nicolao Lobato, the
political techniques slowly got to be slight in all viewpoints. In any case, within the
1980s, the title "Xanana Gusmão" got to be incredible for the individuals of East Timor,
as well as for the world open since his arrangement to nation-building was radically
affecting the whole individuals of East Timor and his guerrillas to be in resistance for
Timorese people.
For the individuals of East Timor, Xanana Gusmão was the guerrilla commander
of FALINTIL, an armed force of FRETILIN, who afterward got to be chairman of the
National Council of Maubere Resistance (CNRM). CNRM had ended up an image of the
battle for freedom for the nation. Overviewing on his underpins and compassions toward
his people and nation, from the road time to negotiators and pioneers, the title "Xanana
or Gusmão" was continuously displayed without any condition. He was proliferated by
the activists in different shows in Europe (Portugal, Finland, and Austria) and another
corner of the world. He has additionally been controversial at times. Within the 1990s,
among the other Timorese pioneers, Xanana repopulated previous rivals who had been
partners, such as João Carascalão of the UDT party who utilized to confront FRETILIN
in 1997 and other more to be joined at all causes. From that exceptionally minute of
Gusmão’s care to others, Timorese individuals inevitably recognized that Xanana
Gusmão was a brilliant politician and thinker.
With his new guideline, he was able to grasp and bring Timorese individuals out
from the weight and persecution of the intruders. By all the implies, the individuals of
East Timor adored and acknowledged Xanana Gusmão as a charismatic warrior.
4
Gusmão's control was apparent within the 2002 race, in which Xanana was nominated
and chosen the primary president of the modern state of East Timor until at that point.
Going back to the verifiable circumstance recently, East Timor finished with the
outright arrangement of choosing an autonomy aside from the integration amid the
transitional year, Timorese individuals had been endured and died from the past of 23 a
long time. Be that as it may, with the hardship amassing of numerous Timorese
individuals, Gusmão took another way to fathom the struggle by a political methodology
of understanding that brought Timorese individuals for a self-determination.
On Friday morning, the general secretary on United Nations, Kofi Annan, made
his statement to the United Nations Security Council on the result of the East Timor
Popular Consultation on September 3, 1999 in New York:
On 5 May 1999, Portugal, Indonesia, and the United Nations concluded an

historic set of agreements intended to resolve the long-standing issue of East
Timor. These 5 May Agreements requested me to determine, through a popular
consultation based upon a universal, direct, and secret ballot, whether the East
Timorese people would accept or reject a proposed special autonomy for East
Timor within the unitary Republic of Indonesia. To enable me to fulfil this request,
the United Nations Security Council established on 11 June 1999 the United
Nations Mission in East Timor (UNAMET) which proceeded to organize and
conduct the popular consultation. It registered 451,792 voters in East Timor and
around the world, in a registration process which the Electoral Commission, a
body composed of 3 independent commissioners, deemed to be a sound basis
for the conduct of the consultation. Thus, on 30 August 1999, in a show of
courage and determination, the people of East Timor turned out in massive
numbers to vote in the popular consultation, expressing their will as to the future
of the Territory. The votes cast have now been counted, and the Electoral
Commission has assessed all outstanding complaints and certified the results of
the popular consultation process. Therefore, in fulfillment of the task entrusted to
me by the 5 May Agreements, I hereby announce that the result of the vote is
94,388, or 21.5 per cent, in favor and 344,580, or 78.5 per cent against the
proposed special autonomy.1
1
Ian Martin, Self-Determination in East Timor: The United Nations, The Ballot, and
International Intervention (London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001), 11.
5
The extreme opportunity of East Timor was accomplished by the long travel of
battling in numerous viewpoints of political tactics such as ridiculous shed and non-
violence or discourses that tended to in numerous diverse nations with the expression
of “Maubere,” “Uma-Lulik” and “Mate ka Moris, Ukun Rasik-An.” By all these battle
forms, Gusmão was welcomed from numerous other diverse nations to redeliver a
political talk with the intention of patriotism of the nation which stands as a paramount
state.
For that reason, this paper will provide a better analysis in terms of:
• A Foucaultian investigation gets to be the bridge for Timorese’s political idea to
be caught on as the outwards of question around an understanding of the
purposes of political discourses that reply to the strife. It stands as a bolster for
any brainteaser on chronicled truth and political concern toward a certain issue
within the society. This analytical strategy makes a difference for individuals to
recognize each value of resistance in both activities and words in a historical
moment.
• Gusmão’s discourse was a control to alter and cause the courageousness feeling
of Timorese people toward Freedom. It remolded the Timorese’s attitude of fear
and loss of hope for survival and resistance. Gusmão’s political talks were
demonstrated as a political truth that have been considered as a philosophical
point of view that implies of emotions and reason in the Timorese’s history.
• Foucault’s discourse analysis is potential to linkage his work and philosophy to
understand the political discourse referred. The meaning and truth of the
6
discourse is possibly clarified by the notion of discourse analysis and filtered as
historical truths.
B. Statement of the Problem
The stuffing and contentions of the paper center on the key issue that might be
decreased from the common concept of Political Discourse as cited as the subject for
discussion, but it provides a consistent method by retaking the historical issue to be
formed as one of the components to resolve the ideas of history in the Timorese
mindset. Gusmão’s political discourse is discussible and even disputable in Timorese
historical experience because of controversial ideas from different interpretations of the
historians and archeologists toward Timorese history. For this reason, the researcher
would like to philosophically analyze his political strategies, exaggerating in his political
speeches, to provide a new concept on how his political discourse to be considered as
historicity of discoursal truth and political framework toward freedom and peace. Using
Foucaultian discourse analysis is purposely to engage Gusmão’s political discourses to
be valued and considered as the solution of the struggle.
Main Problem:
Using Discourse Analysis in the light of Foucault’s Philosophy, how are Xanana
Gusmão’s political discourses functioned as a political framework towards self-
determination during the Indonesian Occupation?
Sub-problems
1. What discourse analysis could be formed using Foucault’s Philosophy?
7
2. What are Gusmão’s political discourses in his leadership during Indonesian
occupation?
3. How could the Foucaultian discourse analysis be employed in Xanana Gusmão’s
political discourses?
C. Rhetorical Strategy
At this point, the researcher will give an understanding of the verifiable issue of
East Timor, especially, on Gusmão’s political discourse based on gathering substance
of the paper from distinctive information, online libraries, books, articles, interviews, and
documentaries recordings. The utilize of this strategy is to connect Foucault’s discourse
theory and the method by explanatory suggestion toward the issue alluded. The paper
contains distinctive chronicled foundations of Foucaultian strategy on discourse analysis
and Gusmão’s political talk.
The paper will be begun with the analysis of Michel Foucault method on
Discourse analysis, historical truth, and Power/Knowledge to be a foundation for
analyzing the article on Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão’s political addresses as persuasive
expressions, and how are they considered as a trust for self-determination. After this
course of action, the paper moreover presents the implies of political talk agreeing to
Foucault’s concept of discourse analysis and to the possibilities of an extra account that
makes a difference in the subject. After this paper, the researcher will be clarifying the
association between two political systems into our understanding of how Gusmão’s
political talks stand as auto-determination’s cause toward freedom from the occupation
of Indonesia militaries based on Michel Foucault’s method on discourse analysis.
8
Foucaultian method on discourse analysis is much useful to examine deeply in
terms of theoretical analysis in the realm of the dialectical assertion that shapes the
entire Timorese people’s mind set. Of course, this paper is overall analyzed by the
conjecture of Foucaultian Method and discourse theory.
1. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter I
At the beginning of the following chapters, the researcher will present the reason
and encouragement on why the topic under discussion is preferred. This research paper
contains five chapters which demonstrate its sequences differently in term of analytical
approaches and its linkage between two different frameworks. It starts with a general
introduction regarding the topic. It entails historical data which is considered as the
bedrock of the paper to be analyzed by Foucault’s methodological approaches. The
main problem and its subs are also mentioned in this chapter along with the significance
of the study. The definition of related words is cited. The related books and journals
review with the main sources are recited as supports for analysis. This chapter also
shows the scope of the limitation of the paper. It finally closed with the biographical
sketch of the Philosopher, Michel Foucault.
2. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter II
In the second chapter of this paper, the researcher will analyze the methodology
of Michel Foucault on discourse analysis by overviewing the archelogy and genealogy
works. These methods contain with different approaches on what Foucault
demonstrates and asserts based on social and political problems in the historical
9
moments. The cogitation in the methodology and discourse theory of Foucault’s are
necessary to be applied in the idea of political discourse because it shows a sequence
of thoughts on how the statement could be formed, how the history must be archived
and how the discourse might be considered as the point of Power/Knowledge in the
sphere of war and conflict.
The researcher will also show how does Foucault see the problems and come up
with his notion on Power relation. The use of Power/Knowledge in the form of discourse
clarifies the aims of Foucault's method on political thoughts and historical truth. The
research will generally provide an additional account regarding the topic by asserting an
adequate framework in Foucault’s methodological and theoretical segments by
understanding the archeological and interpreting the genealogical method.
3. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter III
In this chapter, the researcher will provide historical data on the political
discourse of Gusmão and how his political activities influenced the Timorese people.
However, it firstly narrates an individual background of Xanana Gusmão from his
political involvement during the two decades of Indonesian occupation. It will give a
narrative flow of how Gusmão’s discourses were used as the Power of knowledge that
changed the society for a better end.
The chapter will end with the succession of Gusmão’s dedication in terms of
political strategies and influential discourse in both East Timor and foreign countries. It
will show the ultimate understanding of the reason why the Discourse of Gusmão were
important to Timorese people for striving for peace and freedom.
10
4. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter IV
The fourth chapter will be filled with the answers to the question of the first and
second sub-problems. At this very crucial point, the researcher signifies it by analyzing
and drawing out the applicable relevance of Foucault’s methodology and discourse
analysis which serves as an analytical guideline toward Gusmão’s political discourse. At
the same time, the researcher believes that it will be analyzed through the possibilities
between the two historical connections on discourse regarding a certain social problem.
The political discourse of Gusmão will become one of the premises in the
Foucaultian method on discourse analysis through the profundities of its influences in
the methodological and theoretical concept that is analyzed in the realm of political
discourse and historical truth.
5. The Rhetorical Strategy on Chapter V
In this final chapter, the researcher will near the discussion with the summary
and conclusion of few values which might be gotten from the political discourse as the
system of meaning and truth in any support of political advance within the society. It
comprises with a few political examinations by the part of dialect as the Power of a
change that is based on chronicled wonders of Gusmão’s in arrange to suggest the
conceivable outcomes titles to the up-and-coming proposition of proposal composing. In
this strategy, the researcher presents the relationship between two ideas from Gusmão
and Foucault to ponder the recently social and political issue in East Timor by giving the
possibilities for interpretation and analysis.
11
D. Scope of Limitation
This discussion paper will present the analysis on political discourse of one of the
political figures in East Timor, Jose Alexandre Kay Rala Xanana Gusmão who bravely
fought for Timorese’s freedom until the victory declared. The accumulation of the entire
paper’s session is not purely the outcome of the researcher’s ideas but it grounds on
the methodology of Michel Foucault to analyze the historical data of Gusmão’s works
relatives to illegality of Indonesian occupation.
The researcher uses a Foucaultian discourse analysis along with some political
ideas because these are the best possible connections that the researcher prefers to
overview by deeply examining and analyzing Gusmão’s political discourses during the
occupation. Gusmão’s action by discoursing the truth were considered as the Power to
change the catastrophe toward freedom. This reason, a Foucaultian method on
discourse analysis is suited to find out the meaning and truth in Gusmão’s political
discourses by investigating and qualifying it as the true discourse in the form of
practices with Powe/Knowledge that enormously contributed country building.
The paper does not purely tackle the main philosophy of Foucault from different
angle of his ideas but rather than his methodology of approaching the discourse
analysis that leads the researcher to conceptualize and analyze Gusmão’s political
discourse as a political framework. The paper is bounded by some source’s assessment
regarding the original text of Gusmão’s political discourse because of language use, but
the researcher finds a translation of the terminologies in literal meanings to provide a
better understanding.
12
E. Significance of Study
The accomplishment goals of this paper are the understanding of a Foucaultian
method on discourse analysis by connecting it with the historical phenomena of East
Timor, particularly, on Gusmão’s political discourse during the Indonesian occupation.
The researcher prefers the topic to be discussed because of wondering on how the
Timorese people were influenced by Gusmão’s verbal motivations that could possibly
led them to freedom. Additionally, how this small population of Timor-Leste could gain
the independence from the invasion of a giant country, Indonesia.
The historical tragedy which has been really inspired the researcher to come up
this topic is the political strategies which was used by Gusmão in the sense of
discoursing the truth that motivates the entire Timorese people and the international
community who are standing for freedom based on human rights and justice.
The paper might be very significance to following sectors:
For the society, basically, the reconsideration for the historical values is also
partaking in the process of literature development in philosophical point of view on
specific scenario such as Timorese’s account on War, Suffering, Struggling and
Freedom. To legitimate the philosophical understanding in Timorese’s thought, the
paper provides an analytical speculation that proves the dedication of the political
leaders of East Timor. The advantage of this paper to society is sufficiently clarifying the
philosophical view on Discourse analysis as a framework to understand the political
movements of East Timor during the Indonesian occupation.
For the Church, the strategy which Gusmão had been used as one of the political
notions is to avoid the violation on natural law, because it was one way to end the
13
conflict not by blood shed but, by verbal forms that is considered as the Power to
change the problem of the people. It gives a remarkable evident that every conflict not
always end with the victory of defeating the other by killings, but how to come into
agreement without a bloody wash through solving the problem with foundational reason
in terms of human rights and justices. The researcher hopes this paper will contribute
the fulfilment of Church’s right of defending the civil liberties over suffering and political
oppression that bring an ultimate prosper life toward justices in any time of conflict. It
helps the people to understand the historical background of the person who stands for
human rights and justice in accordance with the Church’s teaching on how to live a life
as children of God.
The congregation, The Society of the Division Savior (SDS) has been founded to
help providing an education to the unaffordable individuals not just to overcome
ignorance but also to develop them as persons, as citizens, political participants and of
course as Christians. The congregation might be benefited some data and information
from this paper by understanding the historical background of Timor-Leste since SDS
has written at the calendar plan for the establishment of formation house in East-Timor.
It helps the Salvatorian young generation to have a qualitative research paper related to
Timorese’s history and some philosophical thought regarding any historical issue during
the occupation of Indonesia. It supports the mission of the congregation in East Timor in
term of social approaching in education academy and literature formation.
The researcher trusts this project as one of the contributions for the historical
agency in East Timor. The archeology group such as the Timor-Leste’s Commission for
Reception, Truth and Reconciliation, or, in Portuguese verse Comissão de Acolhimento,
14
Verdade e Reconciliacão (CAVR) to be part of a qualitative research in academic,
informal, and non-formal process learning.
Writing a research paper on social and politic philosophy in the form of
hermeneutical understanding is certainly a great contribution for the school in levelling
up the state of academic excellence and curriculum development in the aspect of
philosophy department in East Timor. The assurance of this paper is to help the country
in achieving its vision to develop philosophical association in the future through the idea
of historical basis and literature grounds. It is through history that individuals could be
formed into becoming productive members in the society as a political participant.
F. Review of Related Literature
1. On Foucault’s Discourse Analysis
The book entitled “Fearless Speech” comprises six lectures in series that
Foucault conveyed in English at the University of California at Berkeley in 1983, during
his work on History of Sexuality. The important theme of Foucault’s investigation is the
historical progress and successive problematization in pragmatically framework of
Parrhesia (truth-telling) from 5th century BCE Greece to Imperial Rome. Although, the
lectures focus on the classic world, but it still related to the topic. Joseph Pearson edited
the lectures based on tape recording during his attendance on the lecture delivery. But
the researcher tries to include in this paper to support the idea of Power come to a
concept political discourse.
The notion of Parrhesia is more likely on the social, ethical, and political
dimension of truth-telling. Foucault’s declaration intents to a historical inquiry into the
15
different modes which the Western subject has instituted to know itself. His analysis
encompasses the period of Socrates to the late of Roman and the early of Christian era.
The book starts with the original meaning of the word Parrhesia which appears in Greek
literature, Euripedes (484-407 BC). Parrhesia ordinarily translated into English by Free
Speech (in French “Franc-Parler, and in German Freimϋthigkeit) Parrhesiazomai or
parrhesiazesthai is not used parrhesia, and the parrhesiastes is the one who uses
parrhesia, e.g., the one who speaks the truth.”2 So, it defines in general as truth-telling
or truth-teller. It refers at the same time to the moral quality which are essential and
indispensable for the transmission of the true discourse with someone who needs it for
the self-constitution or gratification as the subject of both sovereignty and the
verification of itself.
In parrhesia, the speaker uses his freedom by choosing the “frankness instead of
persuasion, truth instead of falsehood or silence, the risk of death instead of live or
security, criticism instead of flattery, and moral duty instead of self-interest and moral
apathy.”3 The book is purely demonstrating that frankness, truth, danger, criticism, and
duty as general characteristic of the word parrhesia. Pearson mentioned that Foucault
also drew out the opposition of the word by meaning with the word rhetoric, this word is
just an evolution of sense and reference, but the meaning remains as it is. Because the
true definition of the original word parrhesia must be understood within the
problematization that guides his approaches to Socrates and Plato’s notion.
2
Joseph Pearson, ed., Michel Foucault: Fearless Speech (Los Angles: Semiotext (e),
2001), 11.
3
Michel A. Peters, “Truth and Truth-telling in the Age of Trump,” Journal of Education
Philosophy and Theory, Vol. 50, Issue 11 (2018), 20.
https://doi.org/10.1080/00131857.2017.1376510. Accessed Date: Nov. 3, 2020.
16
The second role of word which could play by the means of parrhesia is politic.
The word parrhesia seems to be the bedrock in political concept in term of systematical
use such as in the democracy system. As Michel Foucault said in his lecture that people
can generally say that “parrhesia is a guideline for democracy as well as ethical and
personal attitude characteristic of a good citizen.”4 So the important aspect of engaging
this word to oneself is to be true in self-movement through any participation as a free
man in the society or a member of political group that try to uncover the truth behind the
object matter. The word parrhesia takes its role in the crisis of democratic institution
concerned with the following inference questions: who is the right the duty and the
courage to speak the truth? Should parrhesia should be expressed by only lower
classes against any social calamities? The new form of parrhesia is the Socratic and
Platonic formula. The form concerns about the self-knowledge and self-formation for
one to practice Parrhesia correctly, wisely, and rightly.
Andrew Wiercinski analyzed the individuality of the person or the oneself who
makes a story that can be told. Histories are narrations because of memories and
traces of experience. To understand the meaning of human beings is to know the
identity of an individual. The journal entitled “Hermeneutic Notion of a Human Being as
an Acting and Suffering Person: Thinking with Paul Ricoeur” will overlook to provide an
understanding the meaning of being human in the mind of Paul Ricoeur. The journal
permits us to thinking together with Ricoeur by humanistic worldview toward ones’
experience to discover the identity of the person.
The first notion of the journal, the author shows the thought of Ricoeur on how
the personhood could be analyzed as historical facts of the memories through time and
4
Joseph Pearson, ed., Michel Foucault: Fearless Speech, 22.
17
space. According to the author, the human being is considered as a narrative identity.
What does it mean? It is simply the discovery of our identity in the trace of our story. A
human time and the narrative of meaning in the experience of persons introduce oneself
to reality. “In his long and passionate journey through historical and fictional narrative,
Ricoeur discovers that narrative identity fuses and integrates those two narratives. We
do not have direct access to our self-understanding but are not left alone in searching
for meaning of our lives.”5 The journal makes a clear understanding on narrative of a
person throughout histories that one had made in time. At this point, histories somehow
become the representations of human beings to signify individuals’ identity.
The very nature of human person intrinsically contains with Power and
knowledge that might possibly make a change in the history of the society. The person
belongs to a society because it determines the person into an actor of transformation in
either social or politics. The journal entitled “Human Persons as Social Entities” clarifies
the belonginess of human person in social ontology. Lynne R. Baker argues that there
are two stages of persons’ perspectives, such as rudimentary and robust, essentially.
“The robust stage of the first-person perspective is social, in that it requires a language,
and languages require linguistic communities as well as the second stage.”6
The author also clarifies the significance of person to clarify what is the person in
social and political sphere. According to Baker, “every concrete entity is of some
primary kind or other. Person is a primary kind; physician is not. Any entity of primary
5
Andrew Wiercinski, “Hermeneutic Notion of a Human Being as an Acting and Suffering
Person: Thinking with Paul Ricoeur,” Ethics In Progress Vol. 4, No. 2 (2013), 18.
https://doi.org/10.14746/eip.2013.2.2. Accessed Date: Nov. 4, 2020.
6
David Strohmaier, “What I Am Reading: Lynne Rudder Baker – Human Persons as
Social Entities,” A Philosophy Blog (2016). Retrieved from (wordpress.com). Accessed Date:
Nov. 4, 2020.
18
kind person is a person at every moment that she exists. An entity of nonprimary kind
physician is not always a physician: she acquires the property of being a physician after
arduous training, and thus has the property contingently. For greater detail on primary
kinds generally.”7
There, we can see that human person becomes the bedrock of an external
change in terms of social and political sphere. It is a political change because a person
itself is primordially a political entity in the sense of societal forming by reason and
traditional praxis.
Regarding to the idea of parrhesia, Maria Tamboukou also clarifies in her Journal
about the different modern philosophers’ idea on truth-telling. The researcher finds the
main point of the journal entitled “Truth telling in Foucault and Arendt: parrhesia, the
pariah and academics in dark times,” on how the truth-telling becomes more
understandable by the different explanation. This journal is a debated document over
the issue. It also reveals the essays which contains of the ideas. The essay is in four
parts. In the first section, she explores philosophical links and influences between
Foucault and Arendt. Then in the second section, she discusses Foucault’s elaboration
of the notion of parrhesia. The third section she examines the figure of the pariah in
Arendt’s work, while in the final section I consider the role of the academic in ‘dark
times’, in the context of practices of truth telling.
In looking into a classical text of ancient Greek tragedy, Euripides’ Ion, the
journal presents the discussion of Foucault on the notion of the parrhesia and its
significance in the political technologies of the individual. There are many characters in
7
Lynne R. Baker, “Human Persons as Social Entities,” Journal of Social Ontology,” Vol.
1, Issue 1 (2015), 83. DOI 10.1515/jso-2014-0037. Accessed Date: Nov. 4, 2020. 78
19
this tragedy, but only two parrhesiastic roles according to Foucault: Kreusa the Athenian
princess, who visits the oracle of Delphi to confront Apollo, and Ion her illegal son with
the Delphic god. As a central character of the play, Ion is a young man, who serves the
Delphic temple completely unaware of his origins.8 What therefore lies at the heart of
this play is the recurrence of parrhesiastic moments and practices, risky situations
wherein truth is being sought, negotiated, granted, or denied. The point is to
demonstrate the right and duty of one who deserve the parrhesia.
Tamboukou analyses the meaning of parrhesia by looking at the methodology of
Foucault that uses as the historical analysis from the meaning of word itself until its
modification to a certain political realm. For the reason is that the modality of truth is
undeniable in the sense of Power to be performed in any circumstantial issues.
In this analytical context, there are four essential themes constitutive of the
parrhesiastic act: first is speaking the truth; second, having the courage to speak the
truth in situations where there is a risk or danger for the truth teller; third, parrhesia is a
form of criticism, either towards another or towards oneself and it should always come
from below, from the Powerless or rather the less Powerful, if we want to keep with the
Foucaultian notion of Power and finally parrhesia, the telling of truth, is regarded as a
duty and is further related to freedom.9
This journal classifies the works of Foucault into understandable perspective as
the way to approach the notion of truth. Because this truth telling is necessary to be in
the condition of freedom and it is also considered as the risk for truth teller to accept.
8
Maria Tamboukou, “Truth Telling in Foucault and Arendt: Parrhesia, the Pariah and
Academics in Dark Times,” Journal of Education Policy, Vol. 27, No. 6 (2012), 853.
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/02680939.2012.694482. Accessed Date: Nov. 4, 2020.
9
Ibid.
20
In this notion, it is also mentioned in the book about how the philosopher look at
reality and come up with a certain philosophy in accordance with situation by the period
of times. According to MacGushin on Foucault, “philosophy in the ancient world was the
practice of a certain way of living and speaking, a certain way of being with oneself and
with others; this way of living was defined by the care of the self.”10 Foucault’s
philosophical practice, then, appears to be both sort of retrieval from a philosophical
past and problematization of the present philosophy. It could be analyzed as well from
the historical understanding about the relevant issue which had given an impact to the
present situation.
The contention of McGushin did not develop the new knowledge in philosophy of
history, but he was shaped by the very activity of thinking. In MacGushin’s book entitled
“Foucault’s Askesis: An Introduction to the Philosophical Life” reveals the meaning of
Askesis in two period of philosophical traditions, ancient’s philosophical concept and
modern. The Foucaultian way of thinking, philosophy activity is not an accumulation of
knowledge but and exercise of Askesis. It might be overviewed in the context of original
Greek’s understanding that the word Askesis means exercise, train, practice, or
development.
In the opening pages of The Use of Pleasure, Foucault described what he was
doing in the following terms:
As for what motivated me, it is quite simple; I would hope that in the eyes of
some people it might be sufficient in itself. It was curiosity the only kind of
curiosity, in any case, that is worth acting upon with a degree of obstinacy: not
the curiosity that seeks to assimilate what it is proper for one to know, but that
which enables one to get free of oneself. After all, what would be the value of the
10
Edward F. McGushin, Foucault’s Askesis: An Introduction to the Philosophical Life
(Illinois: Northwestern University Press Evanston, 2007), 14.
21
passion for knowledge if it resulted only in a certain amount of

knowledgeableness and not, in one way or another and to the extent possible, in
the knower’s straying afield of himself? What is philosophy today philosophical
activity, I mean, if it is not the critical work that thought brings to bear on itself?
The essay which should be understood as the assay or test by which, in the
game of truth, one undergoes changes, is the living substance of philosophy, at
least if we assume that philosophy is still what it was in times past, i.e., an
“ascesis,” aske ¯sis, an exercise of oneself in the activity of thought. 11
In the Greek context, it always had a positive and productive meaning. Exercise
was meant to be perfecting oneself, developing one’s capacity, becoming who truly one
is. It also refers to a physical training in athletes as well as in a spiritual training which is
the Philosophy itself. The self seems the foundation that one could acquaint through
the Power which is embedded an individual. It tries to raise Foucault’s ideas in many
ways to prove the existence of Power of a liberal person. This project of Foucault
focuses on the liberal notion that Power is essentially repressive and that individual
must be liberated from it to exist fully and truly. By this means what Foucault tries to say
in the theory of sovereignty? But before all, he also clarifies in his lecture about the main
point of schemas of Power which demonstrated as the repression and the war, but most
importantly, these schemas are impact less, if they stand without the subjugated
knowledge.
The researcher tries to show his ideas from one of the books on contemporary
social theory which is edited by Nicholas B, Dirks, Geoff Eley and Sherry B. Ortner. The
book entitled “Culture, Power, History” contains with twenty chapters from different
angles of various issues and philosophies regarding to social problem. The chapter five
of the book reveals the meaning of Subjugated knowledge.
11
Ibid., 7.
22
The book present two of Foucaultian analysis, “on the one hand, I am referring to
the historical contents that have been buried and disguise in a functionalist coherence
of formal systematization…On the other hand, I believe that by subjugated knowledge
one should understand something else, something which is in a sense is altogether
different, namely, a whole set of knowledge that had been disqualified as inadequate to
their task or insufficiently elaborated: naïve knowledge, located low down on the
hierarchy, beneath the required level of cognition or scientificity.”12
To continue with the idea on knowledge, the researcher will look at how is it
providing a certain solution in the analysis of history to be considered as true in the
phenomenological worldview? Because history is written is somehow an outcome of
interpretation but the Power and knowledge to be validated in that situation is
dependent to the impact through actions.
Robert Nola tries to show how the knowledge could be analyzed in the historical
worldview in term of social relation to the Power in action, she will provide us an
understanding on the notion of Power, discourse, and knowledge by the mind of
Foucault. “A critical analysis of what is signified needs to move beyond bland
characterizations such as knowledge occurs in a social context. Finding a significant
relation remained a problem even for Foucault up to the year before his death.”13 The
Article entitled “Knowledge, discourse, Power and genealogy in Foucault” clarifies the
relation between Power and knowledge in the social issue by analyzing the historical
data.
12
Nicholas B. Dirks, Geoff Eley, Sherry B. Ortner, Culture, Power, History (New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1994), 202-203.
13
Roberta Nola, “Knowledge, Discourse, Power and Genealogy in Foucault,” Journal of
Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, Vol. 1, Issue 2 (1998), 209. 1:2,
109-154, DOI: 10.1080/13698239808403240. Accessed Date: Sept. 29, 2020.
23
In this case, the article explains further about the origin which is claimed as
strong entity to possibly hold the relation of Power and knowledge in the actions. Most
of the next section in this article, Roberta tries analyzing more on Knowledge, Discourse
and objects which is devoted to this theory and the relation of discourse to knowledge
through the notions of what Foucault called on naissance and savoir.
Lastly, some comments will be made about Foucault's genealogical, as opposed
to traditional, epistemological explanations of our beliefs. Connected to the knowledge
and Power, there is another notion which is ratified by Francis Bacon as he described
the quality of human knowledge and Power comprises into one thing as action.
Bacon’s motion of Power in metaphysical understanding toward which entity this
Power relies on, it is described as the way of two possibilities, both Power and
knowledge to be actualized in the certain reality, otherwise, it has no significances of
being call ed as knowledge or Power. In the book entitled “Francis Bacon on Motion and
Power” clarifies how the Power come to be in the sense of social and political claim.
This Power is much suitable to the idea of relational Power in term of conflict and
discourse because it cannot be meaningful deliberation if it stands with only a single
substance. Therefore, Bacon supports this motion by the composition of it. Guido
Giglioni wrote in the third chapter of the book about the motions of Power and how it is
possible.
In his book, the Power is naturally embedded in one’s life. Bacon thought that
“knowledge of the primordial motions of matter, the naturae simplices, was the key to
unlock the most recondite secrets behind the production of nature’s works.”14 These
14
Guido Giglioni, et al. ed., Francis Bacon on Motion and Power (Switzerland: Springer
International Publishing, 2016), 61.
24
motions were like the things which is not in physics, but it has energy to make an impact
to a reality. Such as, the alphabetic letters which have no meaning, unless it is used and
combined with each other and make a form that could enter the composition and
structure of any discourse. From this point of view, it would be more correct to say that
Bacon’s philosophy contained a metaphysics of motions rather than of substances.
The researcher believes that the related articles and books will provide a better
guideline for the following chapters in the paper discussion. To relate more accurately
form the notion of Power to a political discourse, the researcher will provide the
accounts further than sticking the idea of knowledge. The idea of Power is broad as the
researcher analyzes through the methodology of Foucault over the historical issue upon
the representation of political phenomenon. The researcher tries to connect with many
ideas from different authors.
Torbjörn Wandel wrote an article on Foucault’s philosophy to clarify the notion of
Power on discourse in many ways. The journal entitled “The Power of Discourse: Michel
Foucault and Critical Theory” demonstrates the debate that contrast the idea of Marx
and the work of Foucault on political and ethical assurance. This point, the researcher
will overlook on how the Power of discourse could be possible in political realm. To
Foucault, “the ultimate ethical and political function of eventalization was of course to
challenge the institutions of Power that depend upon these traditional ideas for their
legitimacy and acceptance.”15 By this notion, the ethical and political foundations are
much more reliable to the idea of Power in the sense of Foucault’s analysis that Power
15
Torbjörn Wandel, “The Power of Discourse: Michel Foucault and critical theory,”
Journal of Cultural Values, Vol. 5, Issue 3 (2001), 368-382. DOI: 10.1080/14797580109367237,
Accessed Date: Sept. 29, 2020.
25
is relation to any historical aspect or phenomenological issue regarding to a social and
political problems.
The article shows the greatest contribution of Foucault to “the critical theory
project is his conception of Power as positive: that Power produces, makes, and shapes
rather than masks, represses, and blocks what he would come to call the repressive
hypothesis with which he implicated Marxism. I will argue that what historians have
come to call the linguistic turn, the move away from the dichotomy of language and the
real is a precondition for this positive notion of Power.”16 Regarding to the ideas of
discourse, Arturo Sobar tries to show the methodology of Foucault on how Michel
arrived at the notion of discourse. It is confirmed by the certain representation of issue.
The article provides the cause of discourse by looking at the historical tragedy of the
third world war.
“Michel Foucault’s fundamental insights into the nature and dynamics of
discourse, Power and knowledge in Western societies enable us to conduct similar
inquiries regarding the present situation of the Third World in at least two important
respects: the extension to the Third World of Western disciplinary and normalizing
mechanisms in a variety of fields; and the production of discourse by Western countries
about the Third World as a means of effecting domination over it.”17
According to the journal article “Discourse and Power in Development: Michel
Foucault and the Relevance of his Work to the Third World,” modernization and
development took charge of the care of the life of the new nations, in exchange of the
16
Ibid.
17
Arturo Escobar, “Discourse and Power in Development: Michel Foucault and the
Relevance of His Work to the Third World,” Journal of Global, Local, Political, Vol. 10, Issue 3
(1984), 377. DOI: 10.1177/030437548401000304. Accessed Date: Sept. 30, 2020.
26
old style into visible forms of colonial domination and at the same time it leads us to a
different disposition of the aspects of life.
Moreover, Power constituted through accepted forms of knowledge, scientific
understanding, and ‘truth’. In fact, Power produces, and it produces reality; it produces
domains of object and rituals of truth. In today’s way of learning, the society relies too
much on the blocks of progressing but lacks on the process of knowledge.
The article shows the question that if Power according to Foucault is the scientific
understanding of the truth, the cosmological type of observation might take place. How
can one observe or produce a quality outcome to produce Power in the political sense?
Furthermore, Foucaultian viewpoint on the Third World would start on the basis
system wherein conceptualization of development and methods built for the disposition
of Power in the centre. Besides, for him giving an account of the problem like economic
progress, one must examine the investment of the Third World through Western forms
of rationality, and one must reconstruct a strategic connect ion of these discourse and
practices throughout history to manage it.
The article of Hubert Dreyfus compares the two philosophical views of Foucault
and Heidegger on how the Power could be understood in the social and political
problems. They both arise different ideas from the ancient’s thought about the Power,
as for classical mind set, the Power is hierarchical order, but for Foucault and
Heidegger, the Power is in every social life and being. As Hubert Dreyfus compare the
similarities in the article entitled “Being and Power: Heidegger and Foucault,” to clarifies
27
the argument as he said, “I argue that these parallels arise because Foucault's notion of
Power denotes the social aspect of what Heidegger calls the clearing.”18
The author concludes that there is some difference between them about the
existential of Power and being. The article mentioned that the basic way for Heidegger
is the background practices that works by the gathering of its event that is bringing
things into their own. For Foucault, the background practices reveal a constantly shifting
struggle through many things. Thus, there is no way to be receptive to them. Rather,
Foucault finds in antiquity a practice in terms of which to question the direction of
present practices, and to propose an active mode of resistance to them, instead for
Heidegger is the receptivity.
2. On Gusmão’s Political Work and Discourse
Toby Alice Volkman tries to reveal the entire notion of the book entitled
“Indonesia's Forgotten War: The Hidden History of East Timor” to tells that the
Timorese’s war in terms of recognition and its influences amid international community’s
care. The war was not really known by the world in term of its justification of
communicated outbreak to other countries to clarify that the country was in suffering
and struggle for its independence. By all the tragedies, many people of East Timor were
died and suffered under the tyrannical Power.
John Taylor's book is an attempt to answer both questions, “while telling the
hidden history of East Timor: beginning with several centuries of Portuguese colonial
failure to the formation of local political parties after the fall of the fascist regime in
18
Hubert L. Dreyfus, “Being and Power: Heidegger and Foucault,” International Journal
of Philosophical Studies, Vol. 4, Issue 1 (1996), 1. DOI: 10.1080/09672559608570822.
Accessed Date: Sept. 30, 2020.
28
Portugal in 1974; to Indonesia's public stance defending independence as the right of
every nation while it simultaneously planned Operasi Komodo, its scheme for East
Timorese integration.”19
All this is told with clarity and detail, building in subsequent chapters into an
increasingly dramatic and increasingly disturbing account of the Indonesian invasion
and annexation. “Indonesian military strategies designed to destroy FRETILIN (the
Revolutionary Front for an Independent East Timor) included bombs and napalm,
encirclement and annihilation, and fence of legs operations which comb the countryside
to flush out rebels and their supporters. Policies of social and cultural transformation
and control, such as large-scale population resettlements, shifts to plantation
agriculture, and education in Indonesian language, history, and ideology, we reset in
motion in tandem with military means.”20 This account is unfolding the reality of
Timorese’s suffering during Indonesian invasion. It classifies the concept of invasion
and unknowable attack of Indonesia toward Timorese.
When Portugal stepped off on the land of East Timor, many Timorese political
figures exercised their political process in term of building a country unilaterally which it
proclaimed its independence on November 28 in 1975 with the national flag that
symbolize the eagerness of Timorese freedom.
The national flag of Timor-Leste was deliberately constructed to represent the
ideas of a nation and its history. Every color tells the meaning of every situation that all
Timorese people encounter with the colonizer and the invader. The national flag is a
19
Toby A. Volkman. Review of Indonesia's Forgotten War: The Hidden History of East
Timor, by John G. Taylor. The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 52, No. 4 (1993), 1093. Retrieved
From: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2059438. Accessed Date: Nov. 24, 2020.
20
Ibid.
29
symbol of people, of country and of identity. National flag is an art and national emblem.
The general understanding of national flag is symbolically tied to the suffering of the
liberation struggle.21 Looking to its history all the colors of the flag have its own meaning
accordingly. It is also representing the nation building which is all the Timorese people
really fight to raise this flag to the international world view.
Catherin Arthur also introduces in her journal entitled “From Fretilin to freedom:
The evolution of the symbolism of Timor-Leste's national flag” about the meanings of
flag’s colors which dignified the struggle and suffer of East Timor during the colony. All
the colors represent the life of struggling, and its serving as the heritage from generation
to generation. Timorese flag not only served as heritage from time to time but show to
the world that Timorese stand as liberated people from the battle by shedding the blood
and political strategies to continue retell the history to all the young Timorese and to the
world that this flag is buying with the blood, bones and dying. Although East Timor was
proclaimed as an independence country but the tragedy which caused by Indonesia still
conflicted because of political problem.
The Journal entitled “Illegally and Beautifully: The United States, the Indonesian
Invasion of East Timor and the International Community, 1974–76” shows the reason of
Indonesia occupation and the international community’s intention of supporting the
Indonesia invasion. The world recognizes the right of Timorese people toward freedom
by a long struggle during the cold war. The international community were opened by the
severe struggle of Timorese’s fight in word and actions throughout of many trials and
21
Catherine Arthur, “From Fretilin to Freedom: The Evolution of the Symbolism of Timor-
Leste's National Flag,” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 42, No. 2 (2018), 7.
doi:10.1017/S0022463418000206. Accessed Date: Nov. 23, 2020.
30
suffering. Finally, the voice of Timorese People really touches the heart of the world to
reconsider the right of freedom.
For that catastrophe, on 20 May 2002, previous President William J. Clinton
stood before the recently opened US government office in East Timor and saluted the
world’s most current nation on its freedom after 24 a long time of Indonesian occupation
and three a long time of Joined together Countries Organization to announce the correct
and the determination for Timorese’s enduring toward freedom. “I am much honored to
be here because we were so involved in the struggle of the people of East Timor, and
so supportive of this day,” Clinton offered without a trace of irony. 22
Former President Clinton’s statement passed almost without comment in the We
stern press, which generally praised Australia, the United States, and their allies for
supporting East Timor’s independence in 2002, while ignoring their role in enabling
Indonesia’s invasion and occupation of the former Portuguese territory 27 years
earlier.23 The intervention of international community was much more important to
Timorese political process of freedom. At the end of the resistance period, East Timor
was recognized by the international law in term of human rights and justice. The journal
of Sonia Rodriges on Civil War could clarify the process of resistance and how it ended
by the support of intercontinental community, particularly, the United Nation which finally
concluded a better solution to Timorese choices by popular consultation.
The 5th May 1999 Agreements reached between the Indonesian and Portuguese
governments at the United Nations headquarters were clear: the UN would prepare the
22
Simpson Brad, “‘Illegally and Beautifully’: The United States, the Indonesian Invasion
of East Timor and the International Community, 1974–76,” Journal of Cold War History, Vol. 5,
No. 3 (2005), 281. DOI: 10.1080/14682740500222028. Accessed Date: Nov. 20, 2020.
23
Ibid.
31
popular consultation and Indonesia would assure the security of the territory before,
during and after the ballot procedure. After the registration process conducted by the
UNAMET weeks before, 30 August 1999 was the day chosen for the referendum.24
This journal which is entitled “‘If You Leave Us Here, We Will Die’: How
Genocide Was Stopped in East Timor” continues providing the problem that happened
after some days of referendum that cause many Timorese who are in favored to
integration for evacuation to Indonesia and Australia. “One day after the announcement
of the pro-independence results, the territory of East Timor was once again stricken by
the terror of Indonesian pro-integration militias.”25 The intervention was not only from the
international community but also from the universal church, particularly, the catholic
church. Since, the Portuguese arrived at East Timor with the Catholic Teaching to
develop literature means and doctrinal assessment to know many significances of social
and religious life.
The contribution of the catholic church was partly the bedrock for country
independence in the sense of protecting the innocent people from the political
oppression. “The Catholic Church has played a key role in the development of Timor-
Leste since Dominican friars first began trading with the Timorese in the 16th century.
Religious networks and spaces have been essential in delivering development services,
while Catholic theologies have shaped how development is pursued and understood.”26
24
Sonia Rodrigues, “‘If You Leave Us Here, We Will Die’: How Genocide Was Stopped
in East Timor,” Journal of Civil Wars, Vol. 13. No. 3 (2011), 337. DOI:
10.1080/13698249.2011.600017. Accessed Date: Nov. 21, 2020.
25
Ibid.
26
Andrew McGregor, Laura Skeaff and Marianne Bevan, “Overcoming Secularism?
Catholic development geographies in Timor-Leste,” Journal of Third World Quarterly, Vol. 33,
Issue 6 (2012). https://doi.org/10.1080/01436597.2012.681497. Accessed Date: Nov. 21, 2020.
32
Andrew McGregor, Laura Skeaff, Marianne Bevan write in their journal entitled
“Overcoming Secularism? Catholic development geographies in Timor-Leste” to linkage
the contribution of the Catholic Church to Timorese’s suffering toward freedom by
humanitarian support and psychological orientation through the educational process for
the young ages. For this reason, the church is considered as the most significant
society in the political process during the occupation until the independence of a
country.
A significant transformation occurred within the church soon after the Indonesian
invasion. “We present the Timorese Church as a heterogeneous organization that
responds in both progressive and conservative ways to the socio-political contexts in
which it is embedded. Our aim is to highlight the diverse religious development
geographies that exist in Timor-Leste, but which are marginalized within contemporary
development planning and policy.”27 Before arriving at the end of war, many Timorese
were killed and suffered under a colonial rule and Indonesia occupation. For the entire
tragedy of East Timor, the world became blind and deaf.
The article “The Catholic Church and reproductive health and rights in Timor-
Leste: contestation, negotiation and cooperation” shows the evidence that the Church
representatives interviewed showed support for the principle of reproductive choice that
strong emphasis on Church promotion of ‘natural’ methods of contraception, which are
extremely difficult for women to control. Esther Richards mentioned that Some Church
representatives recognized this and showed support for women’s and men’s access to
modern methods of contraception. However, Timorese women and men perceived that
27
Ibid.
33
they should be able to access all forms of contraception notwithstanding their Catholic
beliefs and identities.
“The Catholic Church and reproductive health and rights in Timor-Leste:
contestation, negotiation and cooperation.” The central idea of this text is about how the
“norms and prohibitions arising in most religions that impact on women’s and men’s
negotiations of their reproductive capabilities.”28 So, from here we could know that the
Catholic teaching plays a main role in the people of East Timor, and it could in a cultural
system as well.
A potential threat to the women’s movement lies in the perception that the
Catholic Church provides the most valuable ‘moral’ perspective on women’s roles and
rights in Timor-Leste. As mentioned in the methods section, the limitations of language
made it difficult to explore women’s and men’s perceptions and beliefs concerning
sexuality in greater depth. More research is required to explore aspects of sexual
expression and pleasure in relation to Timorese women’s and men’s religious
beliefs. The role of motherhood remains an important aspect of women’s gendered
identities in Timorese culture and statistics show that birth rates remain high.
However, Timorese women are vulnerable to maternal morbidity and mortality and face
discrimination due to social, cultural, and religious attitudes.
“The War Against East Timor” is highly polemical account to the destabilizing
activities in terms of invasions that continues reveal the military actions undertaken by
the Indonesian army since 1974 in the former Portuguese colony of East Timor. This
28
Esther Richards, “The Catholic Church and reproductive health and rights in Timor-
Leste: contestation, negotiation and cooperation,” Journal: Culture, Health & Sexuality: An
International Journal for Research, Intervention and Care, Vol. 17, Issue 3 (2015), 343. DOI:
10.1080/13691058.2014.966255. Accessed Date: Nov. 23, 2020.
34
journal tries to clarify the starting point of the war by showing an historical data. These
interesting episodes are not, however, embedded in an analysis of their cultural and
political framework.
There is virtually no discussion of the ideas and leadership of the three Timorese
movements competing for Power in 1975 (Fretilin, UDT, and Apodeti), nor of their
relative ethnic or class bases of support. For example, the authors refer obliquely to the
plans of Fretilin to eliminate "tribalism" and "backward feudal ideas." 29 Could these
plans have led to indigenous opposition? The authors are very sure of their sources, the
political allegiance of the Timorese, and the motive so factors on either side. This is a
rhetorical strength but a scholarly weakness of the book. To empower the historical data
regarding the Timorese’s political strategies, the article also tries to provide the
information and knowledge about the personality and works of Xanana Gusmão which
gave a big impact to trigger the resistance to attain the goal.
In the paper entitled “Xanana Gusmão on conflict, development and sovereignty
for Timor-Leste” of Camila Burkot also explains the main vision of Gusmão in term of
peace building after East Timor gaining its independence. It demonstrates the words of
Xanana when He delivered the Annual Lecture on Asia and the Pacific before a large
audience at ANU. It is more on the experience of Timorese’s struggling toward its
nascent of a new country. “The main reason,” he argued, “the Millennium Development
Goals have failed the poorest and most fragile nations in the world, is because the goals
29
Carmel Budiardjo and Liem S. Liong, “The War Against East Timor,” The Journal of
Asian Studies, Vol. 45, No. 2 (1986), 52. Retrieved from: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2055898.
Accessed Date: Nov. 23, 2020.
35
did not acknowledge the link between poverty, fragility and conflict.” 30 For this reason,
he urged that the Sustainable Development Goals must incorporate a target related to
building peace.
In the journal “Tiny, Poor and War-Torn: Development Policy Challenges for
Timor-Leste” does not prove only the possibility of independence for East Timor by
looking at the result of referendum, but also the consequence of the result by the
tragedy. “On 30 August 1999, the people of East Timor voted on Indonesia-initiated
referendum to choose between independence and limited autonomy within Indonesian.
By strong majority with 78%, they chose the former. The outcome triggered a violent
reaction from those who in East Timor and Indonesia oppose to such clear preference
for independence, resulting in massive destruction of infrastructure, of terrible violence,
the force evacuation of tens of thousands of people and considerable loss of life.”31
Hal Hill also analyzes the consistency of conflict after the referendum in terms of
independence of the country by the economic and social factors. “It is perhaps difficult
to look past the dreadful events. But as East Timor begins the huge task of nation-
building, as one of the poorest countries on earth, one is compelled to look forward to
contemplating its enormous development challenges.”32
By looking at the sorts of conflicts during the Indonesian occupation, East
Timor tried to drive out from that with various political strategies to set an adequacy
30
Camilla Burkot, “Xanana Gusmão on conflict, development and sovereignty for Timor-
Leste,” Devpolicy Blog (2015). Retrieved from: Link: https://devpolicy.org/xanana-gusmao-on-
conflict-development-and-sovereignty-for-timor-leste-20150330/. Accessed Date: Nov. 22, 2020.
31
Hal Hill, “Tiny, Poor and War-Torn: Development Policy Challenges for Timor-Leste,
world development,” Elsevier, Vol. 29, No. 7 (2001), 1137. Retrieved From:
http://www.sciencedirect.com/science/article/pii/S0305-750X(01)00035-3. Accessed Data: Nov.
23, 2020
32
Ibid.
36
negotiation between the international community and East Timor by population decision
for both integration and independence. After gaining its independence, East Timor
rebuilt the country in term of Peace.
The article of Patrick and Roland overview the economic, social, and political
progress to establish the moral and peace to the new country, but the trauma and
tragedy that shift the Timorese people in the mind set was clearly influenced. “In the
face of such destruction, the East Timorese have begun the massive task of rebuilding.
The United Nations Transitional Authority in East Timor (UNTAET) was established to
oversee this process and to prepare the transition to independence.”33
The article entitled “Peacebuilding in East Timor” also analyzes the way
Timorese leaders construct the new country with moral, cultural, and traditional values
in order to maintain peace and calmness in the society, but it becomes the greatest
challenge to overcome. The peace building becomes the hope of Timorese people and
world community in term of social, economic, and political progress. “Peacebuilding
must thus be carried out and observed over an extended period and in at least three
interconnected domains: the local community, the nation, and East Timor’s relations
with the outside world. Of particular importance in the latter context is Dili’s interaction
with Indonesia and the role of the international community in the rebuilding process.”34
33
Patrick Candio and Roland Bleiker, “Peacebuilding in East Timor,” Journal of The
Pacific Review, Vol. 14, No. 1 (2001), 64. DOI: 10.1080/0951274001001856 1. Accessed Date:
Nov. 24, 2020.
34
Ibid.
37
G. Definition of the Terms
Discourse: For Michel Foucault, a discourse is an institutionalized way of talking
or composing around the reality that characterizes what can be excessiveness thought
and said relative to the world and what cannot. Therefore, the phenomenon of discourse
defines the reality of the social world in terms of the people, ideas, thoughts, and things
that inhabit it.
Power/Knowledge: For Foucault, Power/Knowledge is not seen as free
substances, but they are inseparably related information which continuously works
throughout different expressions, either actions or vocals. It is essential to take an
account on how Foucault understood Power and knowledge as productive as well as
coercing. Because Power and knowledge does not only limit what we can do, but also
gives new ways of acting and thinking about ourselves. This Power is relational
because it comes from anywhere.
Methodology: It is a tool that used by Michel Foucault to see the discourse and
differ his ideas on Power and knowledge from classical and some modern philosophies
by analyzing and examining the archives or an historical data of social and political
sphere and things that happen in the world.
Method: It is used as a way for Michel Foucault to analyze how the social world
functions through the expressions in language and its affection that coming from
different fountain of Power.
38
Mate Ka Moris Ukun Rasik-An: (Literal translation: To Live or To Died, We
have to be Free). This sentence was used as the motto for independence in the
beginning of Timorese struggle. It was declared to entire people in East Timor by the
movement (FRETILIN-Frente Revolutionario de Timor Leste Indepedente). The aim of it
was to encourage people not to be afraid but brave to face the war and stood as the
maintenance of resistance.
Maubere: The need of using a stereotype for people, Maubere literally
meaning very poor, was a way of uniting people due to the pain and grievances they
had suffered during colonial rule, especially the Indonesian rule.35 The partner of
Maubere is Buibere” which refers to the woman while “Maubere” is for the men. This
Maubere, as Timorese people, was a selected image in the nationalist discourse and
political speech to indicate the true Timorese identity during the conflict.
Uma-Lulik: A fundamental concept concerning the Timorese cultural roots is that
of sacred house (Uma-Lulik, in Tetum language), which is a fundamental reference of
the traditional socio-political system.36 The Sacred House was presented also in the
political context as a common house of all the Timorese people. It is also a source of
political legitimacy based on a hierarchical and aristocratic model of society. It becomes
the contain of political discourse to identify the Timorese from the other alien.
35
Nuno C. Mendes, Multidimensional identity construction: Challenges for State-building
in East Timor (Bangkok: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine, 2009), 20.
36
Ibid.
39
H. Intellectual Biography Sketch
Michel Foucault was born in Poitiers in 1926 and died in 1984 at the age of 57.
He was an understudy both of Louis Althusser and Maurice Merleau Ponty. He
developed up within the convention of a history of logic that overwhelmed the French
college. He was classified by the prevalent press as a part of the structuralist Group of
Four, beside Claude Lévi Strauss, Jacques Lacan, and Roland Barthes. Foucault in
1964 shown his mental obligations in an early paper titled Nietzsche, Freud, Marx,
however his relationship to Marx and Marxism was more complex and riskier than his
engagement with Nietzsche, whose Ancestry of Ethics given a demonstration for
verifiable ponder.
“He came to Nietzsche through the writings of Georges Bataille and Maurice
Blanchot, both of whom exercised tremendous influence on his work. Yet, it was
Nietzsche and Martin Heidegger who helped Foucault to frame up his life’s work as the
history by which human beings become subjects and to change the emphasis of his
early work from political subjugation of docile bodies to individuals as self-determining
beings continually in the process of constituting themselves as ethical subjects.”37
“These general overviews range in depth, quality, and target audience, but they
all tend to cover the most important periods in his work: knowledges, ethics, method,
and politics to various extents. The best ones interpret Foucault and provide an
overview of his work, while the reader is encouraged, and guided, to read his original
37
Michael A. Peters, Marek Tesar and Kirsten Locke, Michel Foucault (New York:
Oxford University Press, 2014). Retrieved from
http://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/obo/page/philosophy doi: 10.1093/OBO/9780195396577-
0128
40
texts.”38 “Among the sheer volume of diverse publications dedicated to Foucault’s work,
Dreyfus and Rabinow 1983 stands out as an essential contribution to Foucault
scholarship as one of the first general overviews available. While Dreyfus and Rabinow
provide a sustained, coherent analysis of Foucault’s work, a personal treatment of
Foucault’s work, is highly original and scholarly.”39
“According to Foucault’s biographers, his experience of being gay was critical to
the development of his theory. Macey 1993 is an excellent example of weaving
Foucault’s lives and method, while others provide an interesting overview and links
between the private and public Foucault.”40 A primary text and a text applying the
influence on Foucault’s key concepts have been given, covering questions of
genealogy, ontology, the body, and the institution.
“Maurice Merleau Ponty and Louis Althusser both taught Foucault, and as such
their thinking offered both points of resistance and theoretical convergences in beliefs
and theories important to Foucault as a young man.”41 “In contrast, the inclusion of
Friedrich Nietzsche’s and Martin Heidegger’s work is for their direct and lasting impact
on the thinking of Foucault. Foucault’s return to Nietzsche as a young man, having
studied his work briefly as a student, was decisive. Despite maintaining a deliberately
ambiguous stance toward Heidegger, Foucault acknowledged late in life the extent to
which Heidegger’s thinking had shaped his own intellectual career.”42 Foucault’s
extended projects, such as the History of Sexuality trilogy were translated into English,
sometimes with remarkable brevity. However, the published sets of lectures that form
38
Ibid.
39
Ibid.
40
Ibid.,3.
41
Ibid.
42
Ibid.
41
such an integral part of Foucault’s oeuvre were predominantly published posthumously,
and most were transcriptions of oral lectures that referred to his lecture notes.
“The four significant categories in Foucault’s corpus: Societies and Knowledges,
Method, Ethics, and Politics. Although these four categories can be roughly split into the
timeframes of early, middle, and later career, some examples are included that fit a
thematic as opposed to chronological timeframe. For instance, the inclusion of Foucault
cited under Method, which signals a methodological precedence that comes to fuller
fruition in the later Discipline and Punish. Complicating much of this is the haphazard
manner of the timeframe in which some of the works were or were not converted into
English (Mental Illness and Personality, published in French in 1954, is an example of
this), or were published in English while remaining unpublished in France.”43
“The period in which Foucault established himself as an academic who produced
monographs that used an archaeological method to explore society and the institution. It
refers to the Power and knowledge period, in which his genealogical method had not yet
been developed. Foucault’s doctoral thesis, published first as Maladie mentale et
personnalite in 1954 and revised as Maladie mentale et psychologie which is currently
available in English as Madness: The Invention of an Idea.”44
“This work became the basis for History of Madness is a full version of a prior
abridged version, Madness, and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason,
which was published in 1961. In the classical age, madness was a legal issue but not
yet a medical one. The 18th century saw the birth of the asylum as a specific site for
madness and the substitution of medical for juridical Power, which Foucault developed
43
Ibid.
44
Ibid.,6.
42
in The Birth of the Clinic: An Archaeology of Medical Perception was first published in
1963.”45
“Foucault’s monographs The Order of Things: An Archaeology of the Human
Sciences and The Archeology of Knowledge were first published in 1966 and 1969,
respectively. All these monographs present societies and knowledges in a certain light;
Foucault developed his style as he dealt with knowledges and imposed his
archaeological method. The lectures titled Psychiatric Power, delivered in 1972–1973 at
the Collège de France make a return to this concept, but by that time Foucault was
already on a genealogical rather than an archaeological methodological track.”46
“Foucault’s methodological approach to analyzing the histories of the present, in
the spirit of Nietzsche’s genealogical approach to history. In an interview with Duccio
Trombadori first published in 1981. Foucault was at pains to explain that he was never
able to talk about methodology in his writing until the work was completed. However, he
then went on to explain the way he alternated between books of exploration and books
of method. The selection of texts in this section derives their significance from
Foucault’s application of Power/Knowledge as panoptic Power in Discipline and Punish,
the historical method of analysis of genealogy in the Abnormal lectures, and the notion
of governmentality as a form of involuntary subjugation in Volume 1 of History of
Sexuality. While broadly taken from Foucault’s work of the 1970s, an article dating back
to the first half of the 1960s is included in the form of Nietzsche, Freud, Marx to highlight
45
Ibid.
46
Ibid.
43
Foucault’s methodological beginnings as a justification to explore the disciplined
body.”47
“Foucault’s approach to ethics and his ethical turn to ancient Greece and Rome
to provide a genealogy of how the self-constitutes itself as a subject. The turn to an
ethical emphasis from the Power/Knowledge work of the first half of the 1970s takes the
reader primarily to the sets of lectures that were transcriptions from recorded lectures
such as the excellent Society Must Be Defended and Security, Territory, Population
compilations. Of significance in this group of texts is the introduction of the notion of
parrhesia, emblematized in the widely read Berkeley lectures Fearless Speech and
developed in the more recent publications of the Collège de France series titled The
Government of Self and Others. And the Courage of the Truth, both cited under Politics.
Foucault’s exploration of the relationship of the subject to an array of regimes of truth
and Power in Technologies of the Self. Both the second and third volumes of the History
of Sexuality are included as definitive examples of Foucault’s ethics of subjectivation.”48
“Foucault’s later period, from the early 1980s to his death in 1984, and is marked
decisively with a shift in focus from governing the self to governing others. Drawing from
Antiquity, Foucault explores the ancient philosophical approaches that problematize
governance and ethical obligations attested to in the ability to speak freely (parrhesia) to
identify sets of truth discourse for the self and to others. Of particular importance in
Foucault’s later approach to the political is the conflation of Power, knowledge, and the
subject, as veridiction, governmentality and subjectivation, respectively, that is outlined
in The Courage of the Truth lectures, The Birth of Biopolitics lectures, and The
47
Ibid.,7.
48
Ibid.,8.
44
Government of Self and Others, and the contingent and interconnected nature of these
three political strands so heavily worked on in Foucault’s previous writing. Included also
is the final explicit articulation Foucault will make on the modern stage of politics, titled
Is It Useless to Revolt? This publication is included in this section for its outline of a
polemical engagement that Foucault will turn from and define himself against in his final
work on the political.”49
There are journals and societies devoted entirely to Foucault’s work, such as the
journal Foucault Studies, and a new Italian based journal that publishes English and
Italian articles.50 The Foucault Society has established a reading group, most recently
on the Society Must Be Defended lectures, with lectures held at the City University of
New York (CUNY) graduate center in New York. It is also interesting to note as a
prolegomenon that the fourth volume of the History of Sexuality series has remained
tantalizingly close but remains destined never to make it into the public domain if
Foucault’s wishes are to be respected.
49
Ibid.,10.
50
Ibid.,13.
45
Chapter II
MICHEL FOUCAULT’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS AND THE METHODOLOGY
In this chapter, the researcher will overview the theoretical method that Michel
Foucault used to conceptualize the historical phenomenon, in which the discourses
were formed and expressed, from two different main ways, such as Genealogical and
Archeological. They are such avenues where the researcher found the way of Foucault
which are helpful to analyze Gusmão’s political discourses that will be tackled in the
next chapter three.
The core of this chapter is generally an overview of Foucault’s philosophical
cannons that will explain in two general methodological axes as considered
underpinnings of Foucault’s discourse analysis. The relationship of his analysis to his
method of investigation, and its significance and value in building a political discourse
by the interpretation and analysis of data that had been archived.
This chapter will start with the understanding of Foucault’s discourse method that
the researcher figures out analytically based on his philosophical method toward the
discourse analysis itself. It comprises the way Foucault used to see the history of
human experience by scrutinizing it as a framework for opening the investigation of
historical discourse. This chapter will close with the Discourse analysis of Foucault that
the researcher found in his work on The Order of the Things (1966) and Punish and
Discipline (1977) to come up with a certain notion of Discourse analysis to interpret the
Discourse of Gusmão in the chapter four.
46
A. On Archeology
In his Archeology of Knowledge (1972), Foucault proposes the examination of
speech as one technique of discourse investigation. By this means, the researcher will
center on Foucault’s terms of Archeology and Genealogy. Archeology generally
comprises methods that are used to look at the historical moment in terms of tragical
conflict or phenomenon which are experienced by the society or individual. Foucault
mentioned about the idea of history is somehow the interpretation according to each
viewpoint. The problem is not the change of phenomenon through analysis or
interpretation of traditional truth or what had been preserved but rather than the “one of
division, of limits; it is no longer one of lasting foundations, but one of transformations
that serve as new foundations, the rebuilding of foundations.”51 So, history is a kind of
mind production if it is narrated over time according to each historical knowledge that
rises at the given moment. Archeology is portrayed as a strategy inquisitive about the
rules by which explanations are created and how discourses are organized in totally
different historical periods.
In the discursive regularities, Foucault exposed to critique, that, our history in
which we are assuming to be true according to our ideas. This history becomes a
product of our ideas which might be problematized by the interpretation of truth. “These
theoretical problems too will be examined only in a particular field: in those disciplines,
so unsure of their frontiers, and so vague in content, that we call the history of ideas, or
of thought, or of science, or of knowledge.”52 Therefore, Foucault gave a glimpse to
51
Michel Foucault, The Archeology of Knowledge and The Discourse on Language,
trans. A. M. Sheridan Smith (New York: Pantheon Books, 1972), 5.
52
Ibid,. 21.
47
distinguish what should be carried on in our human history and what is not. “We must
rid ourselves of a whole mass of notions, each of which, in its own way, diversifies the
theme of continuity.”53 The reason is, the notions are somehow distracted by the
interpretation in a certain period. However, their affection for our knowledge in society is
real to be told because the notions are impacting the situation if it has functioned. “They
may not have a very rigorous conceptual structure, but they have a very precise
function.”54
In the unity of discourse, Foucault demonstrates the idea of producer as the
influence of the phenomenon in a historical moment, “through the mediation of a
medium of propagation such defined unities as individuals, æuvre, notions, or
theories.”55 It clarifies more about which the æuvre is considered as the unity of
something which is not. “The æuvre can be regarded neither as an immediate unity, nor
as a certain unity, nor as a homogeneous unity.”56
The viewpoint from the discourse regularities is classifying in many different rules
to be measured as the cause of discourse in a certain statement that is formed to
correspond to social problems. The ideas of rules such as the unities of discourse,
discursive formations, the formation of objects, the formation of enunciative modalities,
the formation of concepts, the formation of strategies, remarks, and consequences
which Foucault signifies the discourse to be made in the historical moment are the
method to use for overviewing the discourse analysis.
53
Ibid.
54
Ibid.
55
Ibid.
56
Ibid,. 24.
48
The archeology and genealogy become the main points that focus on the
analysis of discourse that Michel Foucault defines as a scheme in which certain
knowledge is possible. “These rules, systems and procedures comprise a discrete
realm of discursive practices, the order of discourse and a conceptual terrain in which
knowledge is formed and produced.”57 Rules for Foucault is something to do with a
logical sense to provide an understanding of the way the discourse functions and
deliberated as a practical means toward the objective reality.
As Foucault mention in one of his principles that “archaeology tries to define not
the thoughts, representations, images, themes, preoccupations that are concealed or
revealed in discourses; but those discourses themselves, those discourses as practices
obeying certain rules.”58 The concept denotes the study of practices and strategies
through languages that modify a certain epistemic frame or structures that Foucault had
defined in his archeological and genealogical method. So, the idea of these two
methods is interconnected. As for him, archelogy is a method that use to analyze the
discursivities, while genealogy touches the procedure of discourse which is considered
as the outcome of knowledge.
The subject which is found in the archeology could be such as: firstly, the topic of
the author that Foucault sees the information as an item of the author who could be a
principal cognizant subject that makes and performs the information and discourse.
Secondly, the subject of progression and direct discernment of time and occasions
57
Dereck Hook, “Discourse, Knowledge, Materiality, History Foucault and Discourse
Analysis,” Sage journal of Theory and Psychology, Vol. 11, Issue 4 (2001), 2.
https://doi.org/10.1177%2F0959354301114006. Accessed date: Jan. 18, 2021.
58
Michel Foucault, The Archeology of Knowledge and The Discourse on Language, 138.
49
where he emphasizes the discontinuity which is considered as the result of rethinking
about history, where new discoveries are changing what is already existing.
Another critical topic is about the normal way in which history is uncovered, and
where the most point is to exchange what is cleared out from the past into archives in
arrange to decipher and clarify what was said, whereas the genealogical studies show
how content and articulations happened. This phenomenological moment must be
uncovered by the relation of a new paradigm of thinking the way the history is narrated
and articulated to be evaluated by the concept of historical truth.
1. Understanding on Discursive Statement
“The concept of discourse understood as a collective form of practice in the
social field or in areas of society points to the creation of a collectively shared
knowledge order, although Foucault has emphasized that the individual as subject is
created discursively.”59 From this perspective framework, Foucaultian discourse
analysis is absolutely considered as a method of discourse that is concentrating on
Power relationships in society; as an expression of the knowledge of the subject
through language and practices that correspond to a certain social issue,
phenomenologically, in a certain historical period.
Foucaultian Discourse Analysis is used when the functions of the discourse
started to work as a presentation of knowledge and the manifestation of Power in the
social practices. It consists of rules of the discourse about the objective matter that one
is concerning in the social and political order.
59
Rainer Diaz-Bone, et al. “The Field of Foucaultian Discourse Analysis: Structures,
Developments and Perspectives,” Journal Article of Historical Social Science, Vol. 33, No. 1 (2008), 8.
Retrieved from: https://www.jstor.org/stable/20762257. Accessed date: Jan. 17, 2021.
50
Nowadays, the concept of Michel Foucault on Discourse Analysis and contention
is not as it was overviewed entirely and used for the most part within the etymological
field or any other philosophical dialect utility, but too exceedingly respects with being the
portion of the hypothetical outline, such as social science, political history, and social
brain research. “One of the reasons for this spread beyond the purely linguistic is that
Michel Foucault conceived discourse as social structure and discursive practice as
social practice. “Discourse” is not simply dialogue or philosophical monologue.”60
So, the framework on discourse is not only used to analyze the discourse itself,
linguistically, but it also brackets the composition of discourse as a framework of
function that shapes the situation in the political and social environment. Meaning, what
one says to answer what one sees in the historical moment is the way of the one who
emerges his life into reality or experiences the things that happened in both political and
social circumstances. From this opportunity, an individual could make a certain
statement regards to what this individual perceives either tragedy or normative
situations.
In the mind of Foucault, the discourses are placed in social practices. It is not
representing exterior objects but producing them to react to what one sees. From this
point of view, the research will center the concrete data of historical occurrence by
overviewing the oral and written texts, articles which are existed in the historical
moment.
What is statement? when do we talk about the discourse analysis in the mind of
Foucault? Foucault did not give a clarity to the definition of what statement is, but he
rather provides what is the statemen not. “The statement is not the same kind of unit as
60
Ibid., 9.
51
the sentence, the proposition, or the speech act; it cannot be referred therefore to the
same criteria; but neither is it the same kind of unit as a material object, with its limits
and independence.”61 So, it is not an entity for which criteria may well be found, but it
may be in the function. It is not also determinable through its frame, but it is through its
content that is expressed which is surely standing as a discourse.
Before the researcher clarifies more about the idea of the statement in the words
of Foucault, it is better to define the discourse means than to jump into its
fragmentations in terms of the formation of the statement. What Foucault really means
about his discourse in his analysis is the regulations that evaluate the statements to the
level of meaningful and truthful words arrangement in a historical moment. As Foucault
explains:
We shall call discourse a group of statements in so far as they belong to the

same discursive formation; it does not form a rhetorical or formal unity, endlessly
repeatable, whose appearance or use in history might be indicated; it is made up
of a limited number of statements for which a group of conditions of existence
can be defined. Discourse in this sense is not an ideal, timeless form that also
possesses a history […]; a fragment of history, a unity and discontinuity in history
itself.62
Clear enough to understand the statement from the grasp of what his discourse
analysis is because statement and discourse are in one linguistically dimension.
Foucault continuously describes in his modalities on what is the statement not, “the
statement is not therefore a structure, that is, a group of relations between variable
elements, thus authorizing a possibly infinite number of concrete models; it is a function
of existence that properly belongs to signs and on the basis of which one may then
decide, through analysis or intuition, whether or not they make sense, according to what
61
62
Ibid., 117.
52
rule they follow one another or are juxtaposed, of what they are the sign, and what sort
of act is carried out by their formulation either oral or written.”63
At this point, the researcher concludes that what Foucault tried to say about the
idea of statement is the accumulation of the originality of expression that stands as the
declaration. This statement is defined as the categorical arrangement of signs which
can be identified as utterances, as long as, it is formed in the logical sense in order to
be understood when it is expressed. These sequences of signs produce practical
utterances in discourse as it is establishing knowledge in the form of language.
The discursive statement for Foucault depends more on the understanding of the
practical expression or discoursal function rather than the meanings which are found
behind the logical formation of systematical signs or symbols. However, it does not
mean the concept loses its original foundation because Foucault also considers the
author or the producer of the statement as the icon of discoursal effect, and all the
discourses are prioritized. “Discourse are objects of appropriation. The form of
ownership from which they spring is of a rather particular type, one that has been
codified for many years.”64 Additionally, Foucault unifies the language and experience
into a framework of linguistical action in a sense of discourse fragmentation. Foucault
would prefer to show that “discourse is not a slender surface of contact, or
confrontation, between a reality and a language, the intrication of a lexicon and an
experience.”65
63
Ibid.
64
Paul Rabinow and Nikolas Rose, The Essential Foucault: Selection from Essential
Works of Foucault 1945-1984 (New York: The New Press, 2003), 382.
65
Ibid., 48.
53
The research tries to link the concept of the statement which stands as an act
from an ancient perspective until modern political philosophy in the sense of discoursing
and using language as a Powerful tool to relate to any social practice in a certain time.
Adi Ophir came out with a certain analysis on how Socrates framed his idea when he
had a dialogue with Phaedrus. As Ophir quoted from Phaedrus:
It is easy for you, Socrates, to make up tales from Egypt or anywhere else you
fancy. Oh, but the authorities of the temple of Zeus at Dodana, my friend, said
that the first prophetic utterances came from an oak tree. In fact, the people of
those days, lacking the wisdom of young people, were content in their simplicity
to listen to trees or rocks, provided these told the truth. For you, apparently, it
makes a difference who the speaker is, and what country he came from; you
don’t merely ask whether what he says is true or false.66
Ophir continues to explain that the dialogue is a conjecture of historical discourse
in a general way. As he does not only show out that the discourses are mostly
generated by the author who assumes a certain authority in the society, but also the
discourse which contains meanings and truths. As he says, “To care for the source of a
truth claim means to be aware of the speech or textual act as a type of social
practice.”67
At the same time, Ophir clarifies more about the concept of the discourse of
Socrates in a social sense between the ordinary people and the authorities or whoever
makes certain statements regard to any political issue in the society. However, the
contrast concept that Ophir shows to the readers is written in the Republic of Plato.
“Plato teaches his listeners and readers to care only for the truth or falsity of a truth
66
Adi Ophir, Plato’s Invisible Cities: Discourse and Power in the Republic (London:
Routledge, 1991), 2.
67
Ibid.,3.
54
claim and to disregard the authority behind it, be it a revered poet, a skillful Sophist, an
awesome tyrant or any other wealthy man who believes himself to have great Power.”68
With all the means from the dialogue on discourse and statement ideas, Ophir
concludes his analysis from the perspective of the Book of Republic as “a political act in
the way it created a possibility for a discourse that understood itself as dissociated from
the practical realm, immune to its requirements and constraints, and which could be
translated back into practice only with the miraculous presence of a philosopher king.”69
Rodney H. Jones and Sigrid Norris figure out that the discourse which stands as
the component of signs has the possibility to be considered as an action when it is
expressed in a certain historical moment relative to a situation. They support their idea
about the Discourse as Action by quoting the philosophical framework of Wittgenstein
on language as a series of Games that open to be called the Form of Life for language
is in relation with what is surroundings. “For Wittgenstein, speaking or writing is always
a creative performance, determined on the one hand by the ‘rules’ of the particular
language game being played and, on the other, by the unique strategies of individual
players in particular situations.”70
The researcher concludes that the discourses are not simply a composition of
words that are used in daily language by the conversation between two or more
individuals, but it is demonstrated as a certain representation of the author’s
background in terms of intellectuality and bravery when it comes to deliverance that
causes a severe consequence.
68
Ibid.
69
Ibid.
70
Rodney H. Jones and Sigrid Norris, Discourse in Action: Introducing Mediated
Discourse Analysis (London: Routledge, 2005), 6.
55
The discourse is a fragmental consequence of vision to a certain social issue. It
is the outburst of feeling through tragic experiences when it comes to a political issue
and social problems such as war, fighting for country independence, and Freedom. The
reason is that the entire political framework consists of different strategies either in
action or in words. To unify these frames of using material Power and political
strategies, the discourse becomes the way to reveal them both by discoursing the truth
and meanings under a certain rule of speech. This expression of discourse itself is
considered an act. Therefore, the discourse is meant to be a performative expression in
a social practice that must be archived as historical truth.
2. On History and the Discoursal Truth
The researcher tries to quest the originality of the discourse through the archives
or what had been kept as an outcome of the producer to qualify what had been said or
what had been written to be considered as the purity of phenomenon in a certain
historical moment. As Foucault says in his analysis, “the historical analysis of discourse
as the quest for and the repetition of an origin that eludes all historical determination.” 71
The progression of history approaches allegedly the generalizations of the past
as indisputable truths. Foucault is somehow skeptical about the methods of discourse
analysis which is derived from historical patterns. For this French Philosopher, He sees
these generalizations of the historical phenomenon as the outgrowths of historical
interpretation. For instance, Foucault refuses the historical assumptions embedded in
some historical theory such as the concept of structuralism on discourses relationships.
“These options are not seeds of discourse in which discourses are determined in
71
56
advance and prefigured in a quasi-microscopic form; they are regulated ways, and
describable as such, of practicing the possibilities of discourse.”72
Foucault’s point is to conclude differently about the recognition of history as
direct, nonstop, and synchronic because history is the result of casual occasions that is
characterized by epistemological pauses. That is why archeology tends to consider
history as a universal reason for humanities. “The point is, Foucault claimed to do this
precisely with history as a weapon.”73 For Foucault, the history must not be just a
compound of interpretation, but rather than an accumulation of truths.
For him, history is not a straight arrangement of occasions that relate to cause-
effect relationships, and it is not also particular truth because modern discoveries might
alter the ancient recognition of history or what has been archived. He employs
discontinuities to weaken philosophical notions of perpetual forces in history and to
challenge the ideas of cause, impact, advance, convention in history. “That whole mass
of texts that belong to a single discursive formation, and so many authors who know or
do not know one another, criticize one another, invalidate one another, pillage one
another, meet without knowing it and obstinately intersect their unique discourses in a
web of which they are not the masters.”74
From this point, the researcher could think that what had been kept as an archive
in our human history is the selection of historical truths, but some of it is the outcome of
human interpretation base on the historical moment as Foucault emphasizes in his
analysis on discontinuity. It means, what has been said or has been written can be
72
Ibid., 70.
73
Michael Donnelly, “Foucault's Genealogy of the Human Sciences, Economy and
Society,” Journal of Economy and Society, Vol. 11, Issue 4 (2006), 365. DOI:
10.1080/03085148200000013. Accessed Date: Jan. 20, 2021.
74
57
replaced with the new paradigm as long as there is an origin in it because such
discourse must be a composition of languages and practices that is trended in the
historical moment. “As the archaeology of our thought easily shows, man is an invention
of recent date.”75
Historical descriptions are necessarily ordered by the present state of
knowledge.76 The idea of discontinuities for Foucault is the disparity between the old
historical description and the new. So, the historical descriptions are simply not totally
true in the entire continuities of time, because it is relative to a certain historical moment
only. From this notion, Foucault somehow describes the truth as a relatival one to a
periodical of time when it comes to its transformation which is caused by the knowledge
in the different historical moment. “History now organizes the document, divides it up,
distributes it, orders it, arranges it in levels, establishes series, distinguishes between
what is relevant and what is not, discovers elements, defines unities, describes
relations.”77
The history for Foucault must be linked by the truth which stands as the basic
memory for a society. “The document is not the fortunate tool of a history that is
primarily and fundamentally memory; history is one way in which a society recognizes
and develops a mass of documentation with which it is inextricably linked.”78 So, the
history is told because there is evidence of it, where one finds in archives. However, this
history is gradually becoming dynamic in terms of idealizing it according to one’s point
of view in different periods.
75
Michael Donnelly, “Foucault's Genealogy of the Human Sciences,” Economy and
Society, 368.
76
77
Ibid,. 8.
78
Ibid.
58
The discourse eventually happens through the historical moment. It is an outfit of
social issues and political problems. It consists of truths and meanings. It can be
reconceptualized by the interpretation of thought in terms of knowing the author, issue,
and discourses themselves. So, how can we analyze the archelogy by Michel Foucault?
The method in archeology is necessary to be understood in this chapter because it will
clarify Gusmão’s political discourse which had been kept as historical data by examining
his discoursal truth and evaluated according to Foucault’s method. The discoursal truth
would be clarified under the analysis of topic which the discourse addressed. It will be
viewed on 2.3.1.
3. Archeological Examination
The researcher figures the concept of Foucault out from his methods that he
emphasized in his three books of history such as, Madness and Civilization, The Birth of
the Clinic, and The Order of Things to bring out what is the core and objective of his
notion in terms of discourse analysis and historical truth about a certain social practice
that happened. Finally, the archelogy is a theoretical and methodological tool that seeks
to describe the history of discourse or the set of all things which had been said and its
interrelationships and transformation.
Michel Foucault stipulates the idea of discourse in his book of archeology of
knowledge to dispel the notions of traditional truth, consciousness influence by the
historical patterns, development, and evolution of truth in discoursal evidence to purify
what had been said and written. “It should be noted that the strategies thus described
are not rooted, anterior to discourse, in the silent depths of a choice that is both
59
preliminary and fundamental. All these groups of discourses that are to be described
are not the expression of a world-view that has been coined in the form of words, nor
the hypocritical translation of an interest masquerading under the pretext of a theory.” 79
So, the notion of archelogy becomes the way that Foucault used to overview the
discourse and the way it transforms from one historical moment to another. Marianne
Jørgensen and Louise Phillips contextualize the idea of Foucault in their book to show
the method of archelogy and its objective toward the discourse as an analysis of word
composition under a linguistic rule. “What Foucault is interested in studying
‘archaeologically’ are the rules that determine which statements are accepted as
meaningful and true in a particular historical epoch.”80
The discourse theory of Foucault becomes a mode of inquiry for the level of
contextualizing about all the discourses which had been archived till the present era in
terms of historical, political, and social aspects. He also points out the objective
regardless of any various perspectival analysis to grasp the fragmentation of reality
through the different historical moment.
B. On Genealogy
Genealogy is a backup method of the archelogy that the researcher chooses to
include in this chapter to enquire about the characteristic of discourse. The reason is
that the discourse is qualified by a certain level of statements that stand as the outcome
of Power and knowledge of the producer. The research does not consider that all the
79
80
Marianne Jørgensen and Louise Phillips, Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method
(London: Sage Publication, 2002), 12.
60
statements are meant to be discourse forms because not all components of signs are
formally considered as statements, therefore, not all the statements are discourses. The
genealogy seeks what the discourse is grounded.
For Foucault, the genealogy is dealing with event and its procedure that is used
by an author to come up a certain discourse. It also investigates the discourse in terms
of its manifestation and characteristic. As Foucault explains:
An event, consequently, is not a decision, a treaty, a reign, or a battle, but the

reversal of a relationship of forces, the usurpation of Power, the appropriation of
a vocabulary turned against those who had once used it, a domination that grows
feeble, poisons itself, grows slack, the entry of a masked "other”.81
Foucault would rather go with the idea of problematization to come up this
method. Because it searches for problems which are embedded in the patterns of
statement. Colin Koopman writes in his book that “Genealogies articulate problems.”82
The thought of this author satisfies the notion of genealogy in terms of dealing with
structural discourse base on a certain problem. So, the genealogies for him are the way
to go beyond the problems. “Genealogies are generally not targeted at problems that
are themselves readily apparent to everyone or even just to everyone who ought to
know them. Genealogies are concerned, rather, with submerged problems. The
problems of genealogy are those problems found below the surfaces of our lives, the
problems whose itches feel impenetrable, whose remedies are ever just beyond our
grasp, and whose very articulations require a severe work of thought.”83
81
James D. Faubion, ed. Michel Foucault, Aesthetics, Method, and Epistemology, trans.
Robert Hurley (New York: The New Press, 1998), 381.
82
Colin Koopman, Genealogy as Critique: Foucault and the Problems of Modernity
(Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013), 1.
83
Ibid.
61
If the majority of one group overlaps another, it leads to separation of values from
the discourses, and these values become implanted incrementally in settled structures
and frameworks of rules and process. As Foucault clarifies:
Rules are empty in themselves, violent and unfinalized; they are made to serve
this or that, and can be bent to any purpose. The successes of history belong to
those who are capable of seizing these rules, to replace those who had used
them, to disguise themselves so as to pervert them, invert their meaning, and
redirect them against those who had initially imposed them.84
Foucault considers genealogy as a tool to record the Power behind the
interpretation of rules they changed, replace, and even demolished. Shapiro continues
to clarify the idea of Foucault in terms of historical transformation over time. “A given
historical period has forces at work producing interpretations and overcoming rival ones.
The present is not a product of accumulated wisdom or other dynamics reaching into
the distant past. It comes about as one possible emergence from an interpretive
agnostic.”85
Subsequently, the genealogical strategy concludes that the talk hypothesis gives
a system to decipher the major subject, whereas its strategy looks at the political control
behind the result of discoursal function.
1. The Character of Discourse in the Politics
The idea of Political Philosophy has generally derived into the association of
political thought in terms of political perspective, worldview, and the way the political
system works. This idea means the political philosophy stands as the normative form in
84
Michel Foucault, Aesthetics, Method, and Epistemology, 378.
85
Michael J. Shapiro, Discourse, Culture, Violence, 1st ed. Terrell Carver and Samuel A.
Chambers (London: Routledge, 2012), 271.
62
the sense of traditional flows. But Foucault sees the political frames in a different way.
For him, it is non-normative description realities that must have an acceptable critical
force. Pasquale Pasquino clarifies Foucault’s Idea on politics as the relation of Power
that is found in the political sphere to replace the normative political tradition in a certain
historical moment. “At the moment when political Power seeks to find for itself an
autonomous and immanent foundation, to be derived from the obedience of its subjects,
it introduces into its own mechanism an element of fragility which changes its very
nature and leads it to develop a whole collection of governmental practices.”86
Foucault’s political philosophy was started from the idea of Nietzsche on
epistemology which is for him knowledge is formulated as strategies of the battle
between two different forces. “The Power-relationship lies in a warlike clash between
forces.”87 From this perspective, Foucault came up with the idea of knowledge as Power
relations. The Power relations become the grids to a society where there is space for
strategies to be formed. Foucault drives this idea into a political problem between the
government and the society in terms of systematical rules that are unresolved.
Therefore, he concludes that, the linkage of Power into a politic is most probably “to
resist” by simply say “no”. because for Foucault “if there was no resistance, there would
be no Power relations.”88
86
Pasquale Pasquino, “Michel Foucault (1926–84): The Will to Knowledge,” Journal of
Economy and Society, Vol. 15, Issue 1 (1986), 99. DOI: 10.1080/03085148600000017.
Accessed Date: Jan. 23, 2021.
87
Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College de France, 1975-
1976, Vol. 2: Abnormal, ed. Mauro Bertani and Alexandro Fontana (New York: St. Martin’s
Press, 1997), 16.
88
Paul Rabinow, Michel Foucault Ethics and Essential Works of Michel Foucault 1954-
1984, Vol. 1, trans. Robert Hurley (London: Penguin Books, 1994), 167.
63
The researcher sees this political philosophy notion as a tool for seeking the
cause of the political issue which is much more useful to linkage to the idea of discourse
analysis because it represents the causal occasion in a historical moment for discourse
to be made. The character of discourse is simply grounded on the issue of politics
because it reverses the manifestation of authority in either oppression or dictatorialness.
The discourses must stand from the causalities, and it breaks this phenomenon into a
new paradigm.
Foucault’s discourse analysis becomes procedural utility to uncover the patterns
of discourse through political criticism that raises the political forces in a certain period.
He recognizes that the use of language in the political sphere is an instrument to
process the political flow in society. Shapiro sees the notion of Foucault on language
and politics as interrelationship practices. He states, “provides a partial mapping of the
political culture that resides potentially in a society’s system of signification, language
and other meaning systems, and is actualized in speech. Discursive practices therefore
are political practices.”89
The researcher concludes this political idea of Foucault as the connection of
discoursal inquiry between political activity and political language. The political language
might be stood as a discouragement to political violence and encouragement for
positive community building. From the idea of discursive statement to the idea of the
political theory of Foucault, the researcher tries to provide the connection between them
in the sense of understanding the concepts of Power and knowledge which stand as a
framework that supports the idea of language as practices.
89
Michael J. Shapiro, Language and Political Understanding: The Politics of Discursive
Practices (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981), 136.
64
2. The Discourse as an Impact of Power/Knowledge
The idea of Power upstarts from the way of observation about the historical
phenomena which had been archived as the outcome of human experience. The
thought that found in the subject of Discipline and Punishment is the severity of human
involvement that Foucault had raised to claim the notion of Power and Knowledge.
Foucault shows it from the metaphorical view that the punishment is the cause of Power
and the knowledge is what the society knows about the subject of it in terms of authority
and an individual who possesses it. As He metaphorized in a way of representing it as
reality of human experience, “Flesh will be torn away, poured molten lead, boiling oil,
burning resin, wax and Sulphur melted together and then his body drawn and quartered
by four horses and his limbs and body consumed by fire.”90 Foucault looks at this notion
different from the normative ideas or the traditional perspective toward Power
determination in the society.
What Power means to Foucault is the connection of it with a piece of certain
knowledge or the relation of it from one to another. They seem to be the foundations of
all the practices either discoursal deliverance or practical activity. Foucault provides
what is Power not by looking at the historical phenomenon in the society as an
experience of knowing the transformation of ideas toward what had been told or written.
Foucault’s words, “Power is not an institution, and not a structure; neither is it a certain
strength we are endowed with”.91
90
Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punishment: The Birth of the Prison, trans. Alan
Sheridan (New York: Vintage Books, 1977), 3.
91
Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1: An Introduction, trans. Robert Hurley
(New York: Pantheon Books, 1978), 93.
65
The notion of Power is important to be tackled in this chapter because the
researcher sees this Power as an intrinsic embodiment within the nature of discourse or
any other kind of social practice. This idea is supported by the thought of Foucault in
terms of Power relations and its implication in a social movement such as the history of
discourse where we see the influence of it as the communicative Power that changes a
situation. So, the Power is present in many different categories either by doing or
saying. The reason is that Foucault views Power as coverage of the entire entities and
possibilities. For him, “Power is everywhere; not because it embraces everything, but
because it comes from everywhere.”92
Power and knowledge are interrelationship. In fact, Foucault does look at Power
and Knowledge as entities, but it is a relation which embed in all webs of everything.
However, the nature of Power and its relation to knowledge creates a consequence on
which they are inserted. So, once Knowledge is creating a certain though such a
composition of discourse, the Power is exercising it. Knowledge and Power somehow
formalize the discourse into a level of practices. “Theory of Power gives to the problem
of right and violence, law and illegality, freedom and will, and especially the state and
sovereignty.”93 Therefore, the Power and knowledge are not a set of static but rather
than relation, because the combination of both are seen in activity either social or
political sphere.
The new perspective of Foucault on Power is the alternative understanding of
how Power should work. It is considered as the new paradigm of looking at the nature of
Power. Because for Foucault, Power is not belonging to authority or possessed by a
92
Ibid.
93
Ibid., 89.
66
personal entity, but it dwells in everything; and it exists because of something related to
another. The way Foucault looks at this notion is the way of maturity of understanding
what Power means. As Mark Kelly clarifies in his work on Foucault to give a clear
understanding of how Foucault came out with different ideas aside from the traditional
one. “Power is not something that is contested, but something like a subject in itself,
which has instruments at its disposal, a hallmark of what one may call Foucault’s
mature view of Power.”94 So, the idea of Power alters a logical understanding of
traditional concept into new analysis.
From this new perspective, the researcher tries to provide how Foucault links the
notion of Power and knowledge to the realm of discourse. Discourse is not simply
deliberations of words that produce sounds but rather the demonstrations of Power and
knowledge. The discourse does not only come from and individual’s Power but it is a
circulation of it between a collective entity. As Foucault says in his third methodological
precaution:
Do not regard Power as a phenomenon of mass and homogeneous domination-

the domination of one individual over others, of one group over others, or of one
class over others; keep it clearly in mind that unless we are looking at it from a
great height and from a very great distance, Power is not something that is
divided between those who have it and hold it exclusively, and those who do not
have it and are subject to it.95
Power is a compound of relationship in the sense of social and political practices.
Power and knowledge become the cause of political and social impact through
discourses. Foucault gives the two different schemes on how Power works in the
94
Mark G. E. Kelly, The Political Philosophy of Michel Foucault (New York: Routledge,
2009), 32.
95
Michel Foucault, Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College de France, 1975-
1976, 29.
67
political sphere. For him, the Power could be analyzed such as “the contract-oppression
schema, which is, if you like, the juridical schema, and the war-repression or
domination-repression schema, in which the pertinent opposition is not, as in the
previous schema, that between the legitimate and the illegitimate, but that between
struggle and submission.”96
The research concludes that the new idea about Power and Knowledge is the
manifestation of possibilities in every portion of dynamic entities. This movement
becomes an effect of something which relates to it. Such a political discourse implies
itself as the outfit of knowledge and the consequence of Power. The political strategies
are simply the movement of certain knowledge, and what makes it possible, is what
Foucault calls Power Relation.
3. The Genealogical Understanding
The core of Genealogy is to support the evaluation of discourses analysis which
had been archived from different historical periods. This method aims to untangle the
historical ideas that are produced in discourse analysis and to demonstrate its
influences of Power and knowledge within the time.
The perceptive of genealogy tries to provide some of the ideas by comparing the
different association of discourses analysis either in social or political circumstances.
Genealogy looks at discourse as a totality of Power and knowledge. It is immersed “in
the field of multiple and mobile Power relations.”97 The reason from this notion
stalemates with the possibilities of discourses. Therefore, for Foucault, the discourse is
96
Ibid., 17
97
Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1: An Introduction, 89.
68
an outcome of Power and Knowledge. Knowledge is something to do with the structure
of the statement regarding what it might address in each period, and the Power is
realizing it through practices in both political activity and social practices. “It is in
discourse that Power and Knowledge are joined together.”98
Methodologically, the talks investigation is fundamental to center on the subject
who tells the talk and the question of it as the energetic of information and control. It is
additionally critical to outline the objective of it or to whom the talk tended. The
archeology had clarified the implies of the articulations and parentage gives mindfully
around the philosophy and the interconnection of different talk that emerged in each
verifiable minute.
C. On Discourse Analysis
What is discourse? Discourse simply means way of speaking. Four Foucault
Discourse is a combination of the statements that form itself in linguistically way and it
represents the knowledge of the author which addressed to a particular situation in the
history of human experience. “A group of statement which provides a language for
talking about, a way of representing the knowledge about, a particular topic at the
particular historical moment…Discourse is about the production of knowledge through
language, But,,, since all social practices entail meaning, and meanings shape and
influence what we do, our conduct, all practices have discursive aspect.”99 So, a
discourse may be a social framework that decides all possible articulations that can be
made within the given field at a specific period.
98
Ibid., 100.
99
Stuart Hall, Formation of Modernity (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992), 291.
69
From this perspective, the discourse is seemly in everywhere and in everything
which is particularly regarding social practices and other circumstances. It is through
discourse that we give meanings to the world on what is true and what is not at the
historical moment.
The researcher concludes that the discourse might be entailed with the following
segments: firstly, since Foucault’s ideas on discourse lie on the social practices,
therefore, it should be understood by the discursive construction. Secondly, the
discourse creates the object or the event which possibly be archived in the history as
human experience; therefore, discourse stands with topic and ideas toward the
addressing point. And lastly, the discourse facilitates our understanding to the limit of
our knowledge about what can be said, what it refers to, and from whom, and when and
where the discourse launched.
The discourse for Foucault stands with the three needful fragments that will be
analyzed as the production of the social practices throughout the combination of the
statement itself. These fragments are considered as the compact of discourse. It
includes the topic for which the discourse is formed for. It demonstrates the author
behind and the way the discourse be interpreted on what the author means. It provides
clues about the way the interpreter or historian knows and understands to count it as
the truth of the discourses through the knowledge that one has. And how the discourse
could be known as what one knows it as it is. From all these combinations, the
statements start to form in different ways and at different times even though they might
70
refer to one situation. “Statements different in form, and dispersed in time, form a group
if they refer to one and the same object.”100
1. The Object of Discourse
At this point, the research shortly introduces the means of it as normal
expression such as, why do we say on what we say. From this act, the discourse will be
understood as the consequence of a certain reality of human experience in a specific
time. The discourse for Foucault is causal. It is limited and structured with some certain
creation and circulation of Discourse in the sense of its regulations. Although, Foucault
sees the discourse or what we say and write is finite, but the number of structures that
we can make is strictly limited by factors.
Taboo – in societal sphere, there are always prohibition surrounding in a certain
topic. “It is as though these taboos, these barriers, thresholds and limits were
deliberately disposed in order, at least partly, to master and control the great
proliferation of discourse.”101 Therefore, any topic which is discussed or discoursed in a
certain time are socially looked down upon. Foucault sees the subject of sexuality as
taboo because it is not simple to talk about such as the sexual violence that happens
within the confines of domesticity. Even, this sexuality issue has been greatly solved in
any other way around, but it remains taboo because it happens as it did before.
Madness and Sanity - they are also another important factor limiting the
possibility of discourse. Foucault’s Madness and Civilization provide the ideas of
confinement as the procedure to silence the Mad itself. It enables the research to argue
100
101
Ibid., 229.
71
that the meaningful process could not be possibly achieved by the actor unless the
control and the Power of political affair that causes conflict in the historical moment are
addressed. It seems to be the outburst of Madness is where the relation of men to truth
is disturbed. “Confinement merely manifested what madness, in its essence, was: a
manifestation of non-being; and by providing this manifestation confinement thereby
suppressed it, since it restored it to its truth as nothingness.”102 The researcher
analyzes that the discourse is not simply vague of expressional truth in any society and
in any given of time but it comes with a group of statements which will be kept out of the
light of discus because of its association with madness. Such as the discourse formed
with truth and reason which could be analyzed as Foucault calls being, in the contrary,
Madness is simply cause of unreason and illusion which is nothingness. So, the
discourse somehow created for the men is bothered by something which is
unreasonably correct.
The discourse must be accurately dependent on a certain situation, it cannot be
mixed up with another situation or stands as an empty thought. It is so, then, this
discourse falls outside from the content of addressing the issue. So, the discourse is not
standing alone to be raised as discourse, but it represents certain ideas and knowledge
regards to what matters in the discoursal object.
Lydia Sapouna continues arguing that, Madness is the issue of Power. As she
overviews it as the way Foucault explains in his book. She assures that “Foucault’s
historical account highlights the significance of the context; he clearly considers the
confinement of the mad as a consequence of moral, economic and socio-political
102
Michel Foucault, Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason
(London: Routledge Classics, 2001), 109.
72
factors rather than a scientific development.”103 From this perspective, the researcher
figures the cause behind the discourse out from the feeling of the author or whoever
makes a certain discernment to correspond the issue in a practical way, but it does not
necessarily cause tragedy or conflict. Therefore, the discourse itself acts as the strategy
of serenity toward the catastrophe.
Institution ratification – it is an important factor that limits the proliferation of
discourse. The researcher sees this notion as the guidance of what we talk and write
about. What we say meaningfully are closely controlled by various institutions, such as,
schools, colleges, publishing industry, governments, and parties. “From all its
supporting institutions, from its transmission and its reinforcement, how the principles of
author, commentary and discipline worked in practice.”104
The researcher concludes that the discourse is always presenting the ideas and
topics which it is pointing to a certain issue that guided by the institution. This discourse
stands as the referential theory of the object or the experience of society which occurs
as the phenomenon of human tragedy and suffering. It is through the discourse, the
topic or the object matter is lamented.
2. The Author of the Discourse as Parrhesiastes
The researcher had been mentioned in the first part of this chapter about the icon
of discourse is always the producer of it. The exploration of Foucault’s Discourse
analysis demonstrates that behind every discourse there is a referential truth or the
103
Lydia Sapouna, “Foucault, Michel. Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity
(2001),” Community Development Journal, Vol. 47, Issue 4 (2012), 613. DOI:
10.1093/cdj/bss032, Accessed Date: February 15, 2021.
104
Michel Foucault, The Archeology of Knowledge and The Discourse on Language,233.
73
signifier. The researcher points out that, discourse is the production of thought that is
visible in the formation of language. The thought is naturally coming from the author and
it manifests the knowledge about the reality which is needed to be concerned. Michel
Foucault would agree that the thought is there to be represented by some certain
expressional act, either verbal or non-verbal. “Language represents thought as thought
represents itself.”105
In this point, the author is parrhesiastes because what discourse that this author
deliver throughout the presence of knowledge and Power is the accumulation of truth.
Therefore, for Foucault there is no fear for the author or whoever tells the truth in any
discourses. “If there is kind of “proof” of the sincerity of the parrhesiastes, it is his
courage. The fact that a speaker says something dangerous different from what the
majority believes, is a strong indication that he is parrhesiastes.”106 The researcher
points out that the parrhesiastes is not simply one who acts languages but who utters
the true-telling regarding to what the author himself knows or experiences of something
in the world.
This representation thought is not because of given from the external meaning
but rather it is created within. As Foucault mentioned in his book entitled “The Order of
the Things” to provide a glimpse of knowledge toward the meaning of discourse when it
is expressed. “Representations are not rooted in a world that gives them meaning; they
open of themselves on to a space that is their own, whose internal network gives rise to
meaning.”107
105
Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An archaeology of the human sciences
(London: Routledge Classics, 2002), 86.
106
107
Ibid.
74
From this way of thinking, the researcher would conclude that the discourse is an
act of the producer based on knowledge to formulate a meaningful discourse which is
considered as a sayable expression that allots an impact to objective reality by the
influence of its meaning and truth. The discourse is what makes a practical expression
for listeners to act according to what had been uttered. It is the accumulation of
knowledge through the experience of the author about some tragic moment in his life.
The discourse is everywhere in our human nature. It is embedded in everyone, the only
way to express for changing what is dissatisfied the social living requires one’s
knowledge and Power to exercises it.
However, once the discourse has released and made the change of a certain
reality, it is not because of the Autor’s capability alone or he assumes to be the Power
of the issue, but it is relational Power within the discourse itself toward the reality.
“Occurrence is not linked with synthesizing operations of a purely psychological kind or
the intention of the author, the form of his mind, the rigor of his thought, the themes that
obsess him, the project that traverses his existence and gives it meaning and to be able
to grasp other forms of regularity.”108 So, every discourse there is an author regardless
any kind of backgrounds. They become a representation on the subject which stands
from knowledge and Power.
The researcher tries to interpret what had been said from the author as the
outcome of the author’s knowledge by investigating the content of the discourse that
follows the rules which had been mentioned in the understanding of discursive
statements. It is clear to look at discourse as the description of reality and a
manifestation of knowledge/Power as entities that can change the matter referred in the
108
75
specific historical moment. “A description of the facts of discourse is that by freeing
them of all the groupings that purport to be natural, immediate, universal unities, one is
able to describe other unities, but this time by means of a group of controlled
decisions.”109 Interpreting the discourse is not purely look at the single notion of it, but
rather taking other ideas which regard the same issue to reconnect them into one
concept for it to be considered as the truth of the discourse which stands as a social act
and language Power.
So, the Parrhesiastes, in this case, is not as it was the one who is considered as
the source of talks only but as well as the one who proceeds this talk as down to earth
expression all through the dialect forms that individual possess as an apparatus to
demonstrate the information toward any kind of social and political practices.
3. The Epistemology of the Discourse
The point from this analysis is the epistemic framework of our understanding
toward the discourse itself by the means of our knowledge and understanding what the
discourse means to the author and the listener. It seems to be like, how do we know
what we know? The researcher tries to point out the discourse analysis of Foucault by
looking at the method on how Foucault sees the discourse as a social practice or an
expressional act toward the objective reality.
According to Foucault, the discourse has not limit in any external arena, it is
boundless to any issue which is addressed. As he uttered that “the analysis of
discursive events is in no way limited to such a field.”110 The discourse is clearly shown
109
Ibid., 29.
110
Ibid., 30.
76
as the consequence of our human existence because it is not just a proponent of
ideology but an expression of true thought.
Foucault looks at the discourse as a combination of statements. He provides us
the rules and series which had been mentioned in the discursive statement and the
archelogy at the beginning of this chapter. The series of problems that Foucault raised
to come up with the unity of discourse could be understood as the concerns to be
resolved. The first concern for him is that “the indiscriminate use that he has made of
the terms statement, event, and discourse.”111 Therefore, the discourse could be known
as the selection of the truth and meaning to a certain phenomenon in a particular time.
Foucault also provides his second thought about the problems of discourse
which is not known as it is in such a way of grouping the differences into one entity as
the legitimacy of truth. “The relations that may legitimately be described between the
statements that have been left in their provisional, visible grouping.”112 It has been
mentioned in the concept of Discursive Statement that the discourse which is about to
put into the consideration of quality as the arrangement of discourses is grounded on its
function rather than its meaning and truth.
For the perspective of knowing which statement must be considered as
discourse and how one knows the discourse as social practice, the researcher provides
a short conclusion that every statement has its words arrangement. This composition is
classified as discourse when it stands as a performative expression which shapes the
objective reality. The discourse must have functioned with its commodities that bring a
111
Ibid., 31.
112
Ibid.
77
transformation to reality through the Power of expression caused by the knowledge of
the creator.
4. The Counts of Discoursal Truth as an Ideology
There are embedded inside the network of social and political control that Michel
Foucault depicts as the Regime of Truth. The truth is worked to authentic the discourse
or what can be said, the creator or who has the specialist to talk and to tune in, and
what can make an authorization to consider the talk as genuine or true. For this point,
the research will give an understanding of how Foucault comes up with the idea of truth
in discourse analysis.
The political work of the intellectuality, where Foucault contends to go against a
few certain philosophical myths, that truth is not exterior Power or denied of control on.
On the contrary, for him, the truth is delivered by ideals of different imperatives, and it
actuates directed impacts of Power. There is truth therefore, there is an alteration.
Because truth can consist with Power to exercise its meaning through the manifestation
of discourse.
The discoursal truth for Foucault is the discourse that follows the rule of logical
sense which is regulated under the discursive regularities. This discourse is the concept
of ideology in the sense of conceptualization of knowledge through time. The rules
make the discourse into a concept or the ideology of a certain social struggle through
the possibility of forming the statements to pursue the objective of discourse as the aim
in the given period. “It was a set of rules for arranging statements in series, an
78
obligatory set of schemata of dependence, of order, and of successions, in which the
recurrent elements that may have value as concepts were distributed.”113
The formation of a concept is not merely the isolation of ideas but the
accumulations of discoursal truths through social order. Before the discourse is raised
as a framework of political ideas, it must be grounded in the political statement as the
outburst of knowledge and Power. “Understood all statements formulated elsewhere
and taken up in a discourse, acknowledged to be truthful, involving exact description,
well-founded reasoning, or necessary presupposition.”114 The researcher concludes that
the formation of ideology is the outcome of a certain framework of discourse that is led
by the group of statements. It is the concept of discourse to be made as a social
practice in the political sphere.
From the perspective of the different role of discourse in a different field in the
history of human experience, the discourse demonstrates itself as personification in
every entity which is dynamically existed to make a transformation of what matters in
the historical moment. From that form, the discourses become an ideology in the sense
of their impact and influences as truthful and meaningful on the society.
D. The Synthesis
The researcher does not comprehend only the utility of Discourse Analysis in a
linguistic way but also the function within the social and political frame. The reason is
Foucault’s discourse analysis does not only give a concept of philosophical language,
113
Ibid., 57.
114
Ibid.
79
but it works more precisely to offer a specific critical approach of norms in the social
worlds by studying the wider context and intently dissecting discourses.
The quest of Foucault’s discourse analysis is to reveal the Power relations by
claiming his philosophical ideas throughout the examination of discourses which
comprise bodies of knowledge that capable of producing a certain social institution and
country system. For Foucault, Discourse is a way of representing knowledge to realize a
certain social system. The discourse is produced by the impact of Power within the
social order and this Power is known as the prescription of rules and classifications
which are considered as the bedrock of the discourses.
Foucault’s discourse analysis is used when the author uses the discourse to see
the historical condition of the social system that produces knowledge and meaning out
of discoursal formation. For him, discourse analysis is used to talk about the system of
speaking in the social practices.
Discourse is a place where knowledge is produced. This discourse directs its
frame to different political and social activities. It could work in psychological, social,
language, sciences, and political frames. The researcher points out the characters of
discourse in the political, social, and linguistical frame. The discourse focuses on the
understanding of human interaction and relation.
The discourses are fragmented by the object the one talks about, the subject
who can present through discourse that exercised by Power. The epistemic utility of
ones’ knowledge that structures a social order and the count of discourses’ validity by
historicizing the true and meaningful of discourse itself.
80
Chapter III
GUSMÃO’S POLITICAL INVOLVIMENT AND DISCOURSES DURING INDONESIAN
OCCUPATION
In this chapter, the researcher will not only present Gusmão’s political discourse alone
but also try to connect his life and works with different fellow brothers or guerillas who fought
with him and influenced by his discourse deliberation throughout profoundly analyzing each
historical moment that consequently had driven the Timorese people out from the suffering and
traumatic tragedy.
Xanana, as Gusmão, was tragically going through an extremely rigorous situation under
a tyrannical Power of the Indonesian military with his fellow fighters, but with the spirit of
patriotism and nationalism, he was inspired to stand against any political oppression from
external culture and race to maintain in resistance for self-determination.
By looking at the historical concept of Gusmão’ political discourses, the researcher will
scrutinize them with the method of Foucault to clarify the meaning, Power, and truth of the
discourse that is caused by Gusmão’s personality in the next chapter four. “Kay Rala” as a
clandestine name for Jose Alexandre Xanana Gusmão, was politically considered as the
mediator of Power through all the words and actions that had arisen the Timorese’s mentality
to face the reality of suffering toward freedom. Additionally, the political discourse that
expressed the truth of Timorese’s suffering was spreading out over the world through his
lamentation for human rights, freedom, and peace.
Gusmão took his role as a strategic leader, guerilla commander, peacemaker, and
country builder. He started his work when he was inspired by the biggest political figures from
81
the Timorese political movement. His own political experience drove him into a brave person
with the motivation, consistency, and determination toward freedom and peace for the people
of Maubere.
A. Gusmão’s Personal, Historical/Political Background
Xanana Gusmão was known as one of the biggest political figures and country
builders. He was a foundationally controversial person toward the political oppression
during the Indonesian occupation. Twenty years of warfare with the Indonesian
militaries, the tragedy transformed Gusmão from apolitical interloper into a political
leader and a rough commander of guerillas who bravely unified the Timorese people for
country independence through a self-dedication and motivation in doing the resistance.
Xanana Gusmão was a man who was ever born for a reason to be the greatest person
in the history of East Timor. He was raised in a simple family in Manatuto. In his
autobiography, He writes:
I was born in Manatuto. My mother said it was either on the night of the 20th of
June of in the early hours of the 21st, 1946, in the scorching heat that ripens the
rice. By then, my sister Felísmina, born two years earlier, was probably enjoying
childhood delights in the balmy afternoon of a coastal village: an earthenware
bowl of steaming chicken soup, with locusts from the plains at harvest time, or
with balichao: seafood preserves whose aroma of algae would waft even into a
child's dreams, interrupted by the shrieks of fright at the sticky touch of dead
octopus and amid stories of crocodiles. Only the Bible and the civilization of
colonialism were able to destroy the bonds that tied the Timorese to their pair of
goats, their vegetable plot and their beliefs in sacred sites.115
Xanana Gusmão, 1994
115
Xanana Gusmão, To Resist is to Win: Autobiography, September 1994 (Melbourne:
Aurora/David Lovell Press, 2000), 4.
82
The very beginning of Gusmão’s life was considered as a gift to the land of East
Timor. In his childhood, he was measured as the future political figure because of his
talent as poetic and painter. What inspired Gusmão to become a writer and poet is what
led him to look for a pen name, which is his name itself, Xanana. “He grinned. ‘It is a
funny story how I got my name. I had written a poem and an article for one of the
papers and I needed a pseudonym. There was this popular song at the time that went:
“Sha na na na na ….”116
There were many of his poets that contained political expression in terms of
controversial and convictional. Besides, he had a controversial vision toward the
political oppression and rules from the colony of the Portuguese. The political situation
was somehow shaping Gusmão’s thought to resist as native Timorese at that time. He
took a chance to learn and participate in political organizations. His vision for world
politics is present in his charism as a leader. “Xanana had the raw charisma of a person
untainted by ‘real world’ politics.”117 From his personal life to the world of politics, he
knew where to go in his journey as a political seeker. He involved in many political
movements along his way as a visioner and strategic leader.
1. Gusmão’s Political Involvement
Gusmão joined various political movements through the different historical
moments. He starts his career as a politician because of tragically experience that
happens to East Timor. He was not academically expert in politics, but rather that by
nature. Because of his involvement, Gusmão started to know the political flow and the
116
Irena Cristalis, East Timor: A Nation’s Bitter Dawn, 2nd Edition (London: Zed Books,
2009), 108.
117
Ibid,. 104.
83
art of strategy between Indonesia militaries and the other Timorese political figures
during the occupation. His personality did not give a big impact on the Timorese people
and the world when he was an apolitical outsider, but the starting point of his strife was
clearly seen after three or four years of occupation when the political foundation of East
Timor was collapsed approximately in 1978.
First Involvement to a Political Movement (FRETILIN, 1974)
On 25 April 1974, Xanana Gusmão h ad chosen to connect the political pioneers
in battling for the long run of Timor-Leste. Because of the divergence ideology between
the Timorese society from the different parties, Xanana afterward involved himself in the
Timorese Social Democratic Association (ASDT). Within the same year, ASDT was
dissolved, therefore, Xanana along with his comrades got to be FRETILIN members as
a new political movement for county independence. As he says: “‘If I wanted to fight for
my homeland, there is only one way to do so,’ He officially joined FRETILIN during its
first-year anniversary celebration on May 20, 1975.”118
Since numerous FRETILIN guerrillas died during the attack of Indonesia
militaries, counting its president, Nicolau Lobato, Xanana and other guerillas who
survived at the moment formally got to be a very important member of FRETILIN until
Gusmão was endowed with being the pioneer of the FRETILIN party as well as being
the commander of East Timor outfitted Powers known as FALINTIL
118
Damien Kingsbury and Michel Leach, East Timor: Beyond Independence (Clayton:
Monash University Press, 2007), 116.
84
Becoming a Chief of East Timor’s Military Force (FALINTIL, 1981)
Key members of the Central Committee or the FRETILIN, Mari Alkatiri, Rogerio
Lobato, and José Ramos Horta were overseas. Consequently, the Central Committee
established two fronts, an armed front, and a diplomatic front, to maintain its struggle.119
In Walk 1981, the primary FRETILIN National Conference was held, Rogerio Lobato
was replaced by Xanana as Commander of the Outfitted Powers for the National
Freedom of East Timor, FALINTIL (Armed Forces for the National Liberation of East
Timor), beside Ramos Horta became the chief of diplomat’s front.
Xanana was expecting that with this Organization, he seemed to act
unreservedly in talking about future political methodologies amid the battle against the
Indonesian military. Within the same year, 1981, Xanana held a conference to form the
National Council for Revolutionary Resistance (CRRN). It was too here that Xanana
was chosen as the political commissioner, President of the CRRN, and commander of
FALINTIL.
Forming Conselho Nacional da Resistencia Maubere (CNRM, 1987)
Conselho National Resistance de Maubere (CNRM) was shaped in 1987. The
word "Maubere" comes from the lingo of the Mambae word which suggests common
man. Resistance stalwart José Ramos-Horta claimed the origin of the selection of the
term amid the political campaigning in 1974.
Horta said that the utilize of Maubere was the single most fruitful political symbol
of the campaign which nearly instantly got to be an image of social personality, pride,
119
Ooi K. Gin, Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East
Timor (England: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2004), 523.
85
and having a place. Maubere had become an insult during Portuguese times, meaning
poor and ignorant native. “For many it became a symbol of a cultural identity, of pride
and belonging.”120 This was aiming by Xanana to join political strengths in one
gathering, specifically the Maubere Resistance National Council (CNRM), as the
harbinger of the East Timor Resistance National Council (CNRT). After battling within
the timberlands and mountains for 17 a long time, in November 1992, Xanana was
caught by the Indonesian armed force and remained in Cipinang Jail until 1999.
Becoming First President of East Timor in 2002
Within the preparation of selecting the president of Timor-Leste, there were two
vital reasons why abruptly on 23 February 2002, Xanana Gusmão reported his formal
candidacy for president of East Timor. Though in different past articulations and
interviews, Xanana did not need to run for president. As Xanana wrote a letter to Ramos
Horta about his main concern. He rather chose to be a contributor for country’s freedom
rather than to be in high position:
I will never accept, however, a comparison with, or appointment to, statesman.

My only ambition, which I continue fulfilling with all my strength, is to contribute to
the liberation of the Homeland. After that, and if I live until then, I only wish that I
will have the time to walk the trail again trying to recognize the footprints left by
Falintil in the forests of East Timor, remembering everything they have done and
all their sacrifices. Any pretension to a personal career would be an affront to the
suffering of my men and I shall not be so vile as to commit such an act!121
Xanana Gusmão
120
José R. Horta, Funu: The Unfinished Saga of East Timor (Trenton: Red Sea Press,
1987), 37.
121
Irena Cristalis, East Timor: A Nation’s Bitter Dawn, 105.
86
Even Xanana in conjunction with a few FALINTIL guerrillas took a blood-
shedding oath not to require advantage of his position as FALINTIL Commander amid
the battle within the woodland. But Xanana was the most trustful from the people of
Maubere for the first presidency election.
The reason for this exceptional alter in demeanor was the weight of the
individuals and the exceptionally solid lion's share of the populace to bolster Xanana, as
the senior brother or enormous brother who is called "Maun Boot" or "Katuas" in Tetum,
to end up the primary president of the nation of Timor Lorosa'e. No other candidate is
more commendable at that time.
B. The Political Discourses of Gusmão
The political discourses of Gusmão are historically deliberated by his work as a
guerillas’ commander and politician in different years during the Indonesia occupation.
His discourses were formed in different political frameworks because of the alteration of
strategies and situations in each historical moment.
The discourses are shaped casually due to the circumstance and need for offices
amid the harsh time. Be that as it may, Gusmão’s political addresses are not as they
were within the shapes of coordinate considerations but too backhanded tending to
through letters and radios. The political talks of Xanana are kept as the truth conflict for
the liberations of East Timor. From his letters and coordinated words trigger the
individuals of East Timor and the universal community to require consideration to the
catastrophe and struggle within the nation alluded.
87
Xanana Gusmão was heeded by the other political figures in all journeys of
fighting during the occupation such as Ramos Horta and other guerillas to consider him
as a charismatic commander and strategical leader in terms of politics and a braveness
in the sense of making a political discourse. The speeches represent a coherence and
convincible ideas of Xanana toward the transformation of East Timor. “These speeches
trace the evolution of East Timor. They also uncover the challenges of a new nation,
and the personality and ideas of a remarkable man.”122 The political discourse are
grounded in the form of Gusmão’s natural talent as a writer and poetic person. “His
speeches are models of clarity: eloquent and well-crafted, the perfect mix of poet and
journalist.”123
The political discourses of Gusmão do not only depend on their consequences
but also their meaning and truth that formed by the fragmentations of knowledge and
triggered by the determinative Power to the point that he wanted to express on behalf of
Timorese People and ideology toward the suffering and self-determination. The
speeches are not demonstrated in terms of direct tune, but abruptly from his political
activity. Gusmão is a compassionate leader toward his people. “He speaks wisely on
reconciliation: remembering the past, forgiving the past, and moving into the future
positively. He discusses the struggles of a young country, particularly one as poor as
East Timor.”124
Gusmão was not only respected by the Timorese people, but he also paid his
veneration to the Uma-Lulik of East Timor although He was profoundly catholic. He
122
Lewis L. David, “Gusmão Xanana: Timor Lives: speeches of freedom and
independence,” The Australian Library Journal, Vol. 54, No. 4 (2005), 431. DOI:
10.1080/00049670.2005.10721805. Accessed Date: Feb. 24, 2021
123
Ibid.
124
Ibid., 431.
88
looked at the Timorese traditional practice to come up with an idea of making the
political discourse based on the reality of the Timorese conflict because he knew that
Timorese people are still strongly practicing their tradition as one race and identity. In
his interview:
The people of East Timor still regard their traditions and customs as something
sacred. It is in their traditions and customs that their unique way of seeing things,
their way of being resides.... Their existentialist traditions tie them inextricably to
Mother Earth. Their customs are impregnated with real-life experience and with
the spirituality that inspires their lives.125
Xanana Gusmão
The Timorese lived agreeing to animist Uma-Lulik conviction frameworks where
the living and precursor spirits co-existed. The entire Timorese people were naturally
living with the profound animist and natural forces, Xanana Gusmão was known as a
mediator of these natural forces during his fight. The fragments of Gusmão’s discourse
regards to any political oppression took from the traditional way of speaking to the
political framework. As he wrote:
Conquistadors and Warriors
The People of East Timor were never totally subjugated by the foreigners and
always rebelled against those who stopped the free course of its history… This
Maubere consciousness was never quelled neither with the whip nor with colonial
laws but it was these things that actually forged and created foundations for our
historical identity!126
Xanana Gusmão, 1986
125
Domm Robert, “Report from the Mountains of East Timor; Interview with resistance
guerrilla commander, Xanana Gusmão,” Transcript of Background Briefing, ABC radio (1990),
20.
126
Xanana Gusmão, To Resist is to Win: A History that Beats in the Maubere Soul
(Melbourne: Aurora/David Lovell Press, 2000), 85.
89
This discourse is qualified as political discourse in terms of the words that
Gusmão used and the situation that emancipates him to come up the discourse to
trigger the people of East Timor to recognize their own identity as Timorese people. It is
political discourse by the expression of cultural language which had been used as the
political framework and as the ideology of patriotism’s goal, which is the self-
determination.
1. Empowering Guerillas’ Mentality Through Speeches
When the situation was getting harder and harder during the beginning of
Indonesia’s invasions, many guerrillas and Timorese people have died. However, some
of the guerillas survived and continue the war process including Xanana Gusmão. The
shoulders’ families were killed and died for starving in mount Matebian. Xanana inspired
the soldiers to continue the resistance. He said he tried to develop “a stone heart, in
order to accept the death of his soldiers.”127 He makes his discourse for the guerrillas in
the mount of Matebian to maintain in resistance:
We were in a very, very difficult situation. We were responsible for up to 80, 000
people who had come to Matebian and every day we saw people killed and
dying. We had to leave there and decide on another way to fight, to struggle.
Everyone had a family and wife and in this difficult situation we were trying to
persuade our soldiers to leave their families behind: their children, their wives
and old parents. So, I thought that morally we had to set an example. We were
close to separating: me to go alone to the east and the rest to the west. They
were surrounded by their families, their wives and they asked me, “Have you
talked to her? Will you take your wife?” I didn’t think I should see her because I
thought she just had to accept the situation. That was why I didn’t want to talk to
her. She would have said, “It is better that you come with me”, or “It is better that
you take me.” I didn’t think morally I had to talk to her; we were risking our lives. I
did not yet know how I would organize a company to fight over such a large area.
I felt that it was important to be free, to be free of everything, to be able to
127
Kirsty S. Gusmão, Woman of Independence (Sydney, Pan MacMillan, 2003), 76.
90
concentrate, to serve the people, to have all my time to do this. I was the one
who took charge of everything and I wanted to be free of other problems.128
Xanana Gusmão
One of the speeches that Xanana delivered after his long fight on the resistance
and guerrillas were held in front of the Government Palace of Portuguese, which is now
used as Government Palace of East Timor, to inspire the Timorese people to respect
and considered those who had died for country independence. Pro-independence
pioneer Xanana Gusmão returned to East Timor to inspire people for the referendum.
His undercover entry comes fair days after the Indonesian parliament made the
agreement about East Timor's freedom choice. He was welcomed by hundreds of
individuals in East Timor. Gusmão gave a passionate discourse within the capital Dili.
Viva Timor Lorosae, Viva Povu Maubere. Ba sira seluk tomak, Asu-wain sira
tomak neebe mate, ita fo ita nia respeitu. Ita lori sira ida-idak iha ita nia fuan.
Todan teb-tebs. Ita hotu lori iha ida-idak nia kabaas. Todan ida nee,,, maibee
Povu Maubere hatudu ona katak bainhira nia hakarak nia sei halo.129 (Tetum)
Xanana Gusmão
Long Live East Timor, Long Live People of Maubere. To all my brothers, my
heroes, to everyone that died, we pay them with our respect. We convey each of
all of them in our heart. It is extremely weighty. We all burden it in our own
shoulder. This burden…But the People of Maubere have already shown that
when they want, they will do. (Translated)
Xanana Gusmão, who for numerous is the father of East Timor, is likely to be the
modern country's president after a period of a move beneath Joined together countries
128
Niner Sarah, Xanana: Leader of Struggle for Independent Timor-Leste (North
Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2009), 45.
129
AP Archive. “East Timor: Dili, Gusmão Returns Home.” July 22, 2015. Video, 2:47.
https://youtu.be/2EbWj9M0Dss
91
control. His devotees were full of feeling as they celebrated his return. The charismatic
leader and the image of East Timor's battle against twenty-two a long time of
Indonesian rule gave a choked address to his adherent’s exterior.
Gusmão praised the individuals of East Timor for their mettle amid the long battle
and encouraged compromise between the pro and anti-independence groups.
Considered a common criminal by the Indonesian government, Gusmão was detained
in 1992 and exchanged to house capture beneath a proposition by the Joined together
Nations.
2. Discourses on Peace Talks and Case-Fire in 1983
The main goal of the political frame of Xanana was meant to end the conflict with
peace and reconciliation. However, the situation oppressed the people severely, and
seemed there is no succession of Maubere Guerrillas in terms of physical resistance,
therefore, Xanana used his knowledge to twist the political strategy into discoursal strife
to both Indonesia and the International community.
The strategy of Gusmão seemed to be succeeded because it presented the
genocide in East Timor to the world for Indonesia’s crimes against the human rights of
East Timorese people. For this reason, the Indonesian decide to appear open the
dialogue. As they requested the dialogue could begin on March 20, 1983, in Larigutu
where the area was controlled by FRETILIN.
On March 23, the Case-Fire was signed. At the same time, FRETILIN proposed
the Peace Plan. On May 10, Gusmão clarified on behalf of the Timorese movement:
FRETILIN declares that the Maubere People are aware of the fact that they are
part of Southeast Asia. Therefore, FRETILIN, declares that it does not wish now
92
or in the future to foment conflict in the region. East Timor will be a non-aligned
country and follow a policy of peaceful coexistence. These principles will be the
basis of its relations with other countries, and technical, economic and culture
links to its neighbors will be reinforced. The Maubere people are aware that they
must respect the interests of their neighbors and believes as well that their own
legitimate will be respected in return.130
Xanana Gusmão
Seems, the result of peace talks continuously steady in the sense of striving for
self-determination, therefore, both Indonesia militaries and FALINTIL carried on the
conflict in their resistance until the resignation of Suharto in his regime, 1998. Afterward,
the conflict of Gusmão in the Jail with the outside world continues working toward self-
determination along with his guerillas in East Timor and diplomats in foreign countries.
With the three significant nets of political movement such as clandestine, guerillas, and
diplomats, the process to independence was maintained until East Timor was freed by
the Indonesian militaries. Gusmão fought against the Indonesia with political strategies
and discourses to avoid the destruction of lives of Timorese people.
3. Responses against the Indonesian during the Captivity (1992)
Gusmão and his guerrillas were the greatest targeted persons by Indonesia's
militaries to end their lives to legitimize its occupation in East Timor. Before long after,
Xanana shot the message to the world from a wilderness safehouse in the previous
years, he would be confronting his darkest hour because of his braveness to report the
Indonesian crime against the people of East Timor. As Gusmão addressed to the
130
Barbedo Magalhães, East Timor: Land of Hope, trans. Susan P. Castillo (Porto: Oporto
University, 1992), 66.
93
international community and the governments of other countries to feel the suffering of
the people:
Today, many governments should be ashamed of being complicit in the genocide

in East Timor carried out by the Indonesia131
Xanana Gusmão
Many reasons for Indonesian militaries to detain Xanana because it was obvious
for them to know that the international community started to give attention to the conflict.
Therefore, the Indonesian authority took shortly a chance to immediately capture
Xanana in the house of Augusto, the clandestine person for East Timor’s conflict.
When Xanana was captured in 1992, the Indonesian militaries had immediately
kept him for the forward of investigation to make the final agreement toward the
integration of East Timor to Indonesia. Encompassed captured and detained for life,
Xanana was reported as surrender for integration, politically. However, the struggle of
East Timor was not at the end when he was putting into jail.
Since the Political strategy of Indonesia failed, they started to ask Xanana for
rendering to integration. Triso Sutrisono, the head of the Indonesian armed forces,
offers his catch one last chance to accept integration. As he stated, “There will be no
peace if you keep fighting. And most of the People of East Timor say Integration has
succeeded.”132 Everyone in the room knows that a public statement from Xanana could
end the war but his reply was not helpful one. Xanana stated that:
131
SBS Dateline. “Capturing Xanana.” May 23, 2011. Video, 1:06.
https://youtu.be/7CTp1X47QHQ.
132
Ibid., Video, 11:15.
94
As the one who has been leading the resistance struggle, it is not up to me to say
that the majority of the people desire integration. The way integration was
implemented… is not legally valid.133
Xanana Gusmão
Xanana knew about the political strategy played by the Indonesian authority in
terms of convincing him to follow the fate of Indonesia in the way of stating that the
integration is already implemented between the people of East Timor and Indonesia
authority. However, with the resistance of saying “NO” from Gusmão to the head of the
military, it made the issue took long until the agreement on peacebuilding and freedom
to East Timor was processed in 1999.
With his freedom and possibly his life at stake Xanana remarkably continues to
pick at Indonesia’s most sensitive sword to the illegality of their occupation under
international law. As he stated, “I fight because international law recognizes my right.” 134
Xanana has the Power to say “No” because he knows that he is free, and he wished the
people of East Timor must be free as well. As he responded to the head of the military,
“Now Xanana can die. I have already said, I can go to prison for life and suffer all the
electric shocks and torture, but the main issue here is what people think.”135 His
language shows his braveness and his knowledge conduct it into Power as a great
resistant and leader.
Xanana was not frightened for the capture because he knew that the world would
recognize the political situation in East Timor in terms of the criminality act of Indonesia
133
134
Ibid., Video, 12:35
135
95
militaries over the human rights and freedom of Timorese people toward justice and
peace. “When the Indonesian military captured insurgent leader Xanana Gusmão in
1993 and he was sentenced to 20 years in jail, the Americans sought to ensure that he
was treated well.”136 For the reason is that the messages from Gusmão to the
international community is known already and had given attention from the outside
world.
4. The Call for International Attention for Timorese’s Suffering
Xanana took his role in many ways, the commander of the war and the
peacemaker, the leader of the political conflict and the resolutioner of the issue, the man
of a resistance for the warfare, and the curer of the political calamity in East Timor.
Xanana eager to release from the political oppression but he must end it up with self-
determination. This reason drove him to create a new political strategy to end the
conflict. His discourses were considered as the political truth in the sense of fighting
against the crime for human rights, justice, freedom, and peace. After many different
trials of East Timorese people toward freedom, it resulted many of the guerrillas,
families and relatives died, tortured, and prisoned. From this tragical experience of
being oppressed by physical and mental, Xanana’s lamentation during his fight in East
Timor was answered by the United Nation.
His discourses were meant to be the call for international recognition toward the
Timorese suffering. After the situation was about to end in 1998 to 99, Xanana, the
136
Ip K. Peng, Francisco J. Leandro and Danilo A. Henriques, The challenges,
development, and promise of Timor-Leste (Macau: Macau Special Administrative Region,
MSAR, 2019), 60.
96
head of CNRT, and the vice, Ramos Horta, present the previous picture of Timorese
struggle from the past 24 years in the United States. Xanana stated:
Mr. chairman ladies and gentlemen, please allow me to use this opportunity, this
historic moment both for myself and for my people to address a few and brief
words on the current situation in East Timor. The recent violence which we all
witnessed in this territory in the past few weeks led to a very critical situation. It is
critical because most of the population had to seek refuge in the mountains; It is
critical because 10s of thousands of East Timorese were abducted and taken
forcibly into East West Timor; It is critical because the population is now
undergoing a severe situation of disease and starvation; and it is critical because
our families have been broken apart and most of the members of those families
do not know whether relatives are or if they're alive.137
Xanana Gusmão
From the fragmentations of Gusmão’ discourse, the international could credibly
process the issue in accordance with the human rights law. In his speech, Gusmão also
request for the help of the international community to provide the primary necessity for
Timorese people who are suffered for starving, physical aggression mental oppression.
Besides, Xanana also insisted the United Nations’ force morally and politically to
withdraw the Indonesian militaries in the territory of east Timor. As Gusmão stated:
I wish to address and that is for the Congress to pressure for the withdrawal of
Indonesian troops from history steam or the presence of Indonesian troops in
East Timor has only led to further suffering destruction murder and the slaughter
of my people I therefore appealed to the Congress to use its moral and political
strength to enable the withdrawal of the Indonesian troops.138
Xanana Gusmão
The discourse of Gusmão is the Power truth. It consists with the real experience
of himself and Timorese people in terms of sufferings. He wished to be free to attain his
137
The Don. “Maun Bot: Xanana Gusmao Ho Ramos Horta Hamutuk Apelo Husu Ajuda
Ba Congresso EU.” September 19, 2016. Video, 2:00 – 16:47. https://youtu.be/LmIQKok-hbI
138
Ibid.
97
aptitude as a peacemaker. As he promised after releasing from the Jail in Jakarta. He
says, “I promise, as a free man, I will do everything to bring peace to East Timor and to
my people.”139
5. Discourse on Freedom to East Timor
After Xanana was released by the authority of Indonesia, he was free to speak
fearlessly against the Indonesian’ criminal act during its occupation in East Timor. He is
brave in his knowledge toward the destiny of his homeland. He is consistence in his
word on peace and freedom that he assured his capacity to overcome the new burden
as a new country.
This revolt pioneer is enormously prevalent among the pro-independence larger
part and commands the regard indeed of numerous of his pro-Indonesian enemies. But
he is cognizant of the reality that he has no coordinated control over the strengths
included within the current savagery. He too faulted the Indonesian military for making
the current circumstance.
What do you think these battalions are going to do in East Timor? When
everybody knows that they are themselves who kill, persecute, destroy,
massacre and loot the population. I appeal to the conscience of the Indonesian
authorities to put an end to violence that the armed forces of Indonesia are
creating. I appeal to the conscience of Indonesian politicians to think that they
are killing defenseless people. I appeal to the Indonesian generals to tell them
(militia and troops), enough is enough. I appeal to the international community to
help this heroic, this brave, but so defenseless people. Help to stop the violence,
to stop the killings. Help to save lives; children's lives; elderly people's lives;
youths; everyone. The destruction taking place in East Timor is to persuade East
Timor to be slaves forever. My people have proven, during twenty-four years,
139
AP Archive. “Indonesia: Jakarta: Gusmao Freed (2).” July 30, 2015. Video, 3:50.
https://youtu.be/RKH_-vqx-ys
98
their determination to achieve their freedom, because only with freedom we can
create peace and prosperity.140
Xanana Gusmão
The discourse of Gusmão is an outdoor of conflict in the sense of convincing the
Indonesian authority and international community to open a dialogue to conclude the
genocide in East Timor with the popular consultant on August 30 in 1999. The political
strategies of Xanana did not demonstrate in the way of physical conflict but rather than
mind’s conflict in the sense of reason that was found in his political discourse.
Gusmão was considered as the key for Timorese’s freedom throughout all his
dedication and commitment toward the self-determination. The ideology is achieved by
various political strategies that contains with the products of knowledge and the result of
experience during the Indonesian occupation.
6. Speech of Hope for Country Building in 2002
Xanana is not only a leader but also a key to hope for peace and freedom. When
he returned to his homeland, he made his speech to give hope for every individual in
East Timor to maintain in his ideology of freedom to face the popular consultant.
Afterward, East Timor gained its Independence from the long fight until its
independence restoration in 2002. Gusmão made his discourse to give hope to
Timorese people for the new country and new construction in terms of economic, social,
and political. As he declared:
140
AP Archive. “Indonesia: Jakarta: Gusmao Freed (3).” July 30, 2015. Video, 0:10 –
2:53. https://youtu.be/t-u4nn9B_9Y
99
After our political independence, our supreme objective will be the

comprehensive development of all aspects of the life of our people, from the
cultural to the scientific; from the social to the economy. Our history will continue
to be made by our people for the dignity of the human being. In the tolerance
among groups, and in respect among communities, and in the collective and
dynamic participation of society, this will be our new philosophy as citizens, our
new culture as a country, and our policy as East Timorese. To the international
solidarity, we extend the profound world of thanks from our people. Viva Timor-
Leste.141
Xanana Gusmão
The discourse of Gusmão is seen differently from the beginning to the end in
terms of his process of knowledge and political strategies. His discourses are the Power
of knowledge that drove every Timorese to be in resistance for freedom. He addresses
the international community and Indonesia's authority to recognize the rights and
freedom of East Timor. His words and actions are meant to be the way out of suffering
toward freedom and peace in East Timor.
His central message became one of national solidarity: solidarity to recuperate
the wounds of the gracious war; solidarity in confront of contention and regionalism;
solidarity that may include contrasts in political convictions; and at long last unity
amongst all Timorese in anything way, they chose to stand up to their occupiers. He
developed to demand such solidarity and created a confidence that he had the will and
aptitudes to broker it.
The discourses of Gusmão are formed to become the historical truth because
they were expressed under a certain topic that are ruled by the political ideology. This
141
AP Archive. “WRAP Timor becomes world's newest nation, adds Gusmao, fireworks.”
July 22, 2015. Video, 2:40 – 3:38. https://youtu.be/Hmk8GZsyISU
100
political ideology is what had been asserted by the member of FRETIIN since the
struggle was begun. The assertion Mate Ka Moris Ukun Rasik-An becomes the
foundation of every political discourse of Xanana. This assertion is generally understood
as a resistance in every aspect of political activities in East Timor. They are based on
facts and experience of East Timorese’s situation during the Indonesian occupation.
The political discourses of Gusmão are the discourses that are uttered as a
political framework toward self-determination. It consists of both a political language and
activities throughout the phenomenon of Timorese suffering under the Indonesian
militaries’ control. His political discourses stood as an outdoor of conflict of East Timor
and a motivational tool for independence. The discourses are grounded on political
ideology and purposes. They are manifested as both political and historical truth in the
sense of their influences toward the Timorese people, Indonesian governments, and the
international community.
C. The Synthesis
Throughout Gusmão’s political involvement and his strategies toward
independence was not totally the outcome of his physical resistance in terms of fighting
or struggle but his Power and knowledge were revealed as the political dynamic through
the discourse and all kinds of assertions against the criminal act of Indonesian
militaries. Since this chapter did not tackle the entire historical situation of East Timor in
both political activity and discourses from Gusmão, the researcher is able to narrate the
history of discoursal truth in an expositional way to provide a glimpse on how the
101
discourse was formed and for whom were they addressed in different historical
moments.
Gusmão’s nature of political discourse is foundationally inseparable from the
belief system and traditional language. They are not only formed as the way the
Timorese people use in their daily language but also in the sophisticated way of
speaking in terms using the Power of words such as Maubere and Buibere, To Resist is
To Win, To Die or Live, we must be Free and so on. His discourses are sorts of poem,
conferential and propagation because they triggered the Timorese society, the
Indonesian authority, and international community to act what the discourses point to
Gusmão’s political discourses are set in different places and times due to his
political strategies and political demands from different nets of the resistance. His
discourses are mostly written in Portuguese language and spoken in Tetum (National
language of East Timor). However, there are also documentation recordings and data
which is shown in the English language for the discourse were purposely addressing the
102
Chapter IV
ANALYSING GUSMÃO POLITICAL DISCOURSE USING FOUCAULT’S METHOD
ON DISCOURSE ANALYSIS
In this chapter, the researcher will scrutinize Gusmão’s political discourse to
provide an understanding of how his discourse was formed and expressed during the
Indonesian occupation using the discourse analysis of Michel Foucault. The nature of
this chapter is to analyze and form the concept of how the political discourse of Gusmão
was considered as social practices in the sense of political activity that performs the
ideology toward self-determination.
Michel Foucault’s discourse analysis becomes the way to understand the
function of Gusmão’s political speeches in terms of their performances through
meanings and truth which is considered as an object of his knowledge and strategies of
Power. To legitimate the discourse analysis of Michel Foucault and elevate the values
of Gusmão’s political words, the researcher believes to give an analytical account of
Gusmão’s Patriotistic and nationalistic expression; the history of his discoursal truth,
and his knowledge of performing the words as a practical framework that changes the
situation in each different historical moment.
The product of his knowledge and Power throughout the discoursal deliberation
and the political strategies become the way of prevailing the discourse under the law of
human rights and freedom. Foucault’s discourse analysis shovels his speeches into the
level of social and political practices through the linguistical frame. His political
discourse is generally formed as persuasive and motivational.
103
A. Gusmão’s Patriotic and Nationalistic Expression
Throughout various positions on leadership performance, Xanana Gusmão is
considered one of the greatest political figures in Timorese history. He was lauded by
the entire Timorese people for his fearless efforts in terms of the political activity and
self-dedication that is seen in the outburst of his Power and knowledge. He responded
to the political work of Indonesia by a concrete strategy but unsteady work in terms of
functioning the politic through discourses. Michel Foucault sees the discourses of
Gusmão as an outburst of his political knowledge rather than his position because the
impact of the discourse is not dependent to the leadership but the discourses
themselves which follow certain rules that manifest certain meanings and truths.
Gusmão’s political discourse never stable in the sense of functioning on politics
but it always flows consistently in Timorese’s ideology which had formed from the
beginning of the struggle since the FRETILIN was formed, in 1975. It is consistent
because Timorese nationalism is not tolerance, but it is a set of processes. “Timorese
nationalism is a process. It combines different contributions, from the parties to the
freedom fighters, from the Church to the local communities, from the Diaspora to the
discourses of the different solidarities.”142 The researcher points out from Foucault’s
work that Gusmão’s discourses are bounded by a certain ideology which claim to the
discoursal truth in every discoursing time. For example, when Gusmão indicates the
Timorese people as native of their land and culture in a way of saying that the
Timorese’s customs are impregnated with life experience and with the spirituality that
inspires their lives, he assures that Timorese would never be stranger to their own land
142
Armando M. Guedes and Nuno C. Mendes, Ensaios sobre nacionalismos em Timor-
Leste (Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros, Portugal: Europress, Lda., 2005), 40.
104
and customs. The researcher thinks out that this assertion as meaningful discourse for
Foucault because it is formed based on the way of life of Timorese people and it
absolutely triggers the people to be in knowledgeable about their own culture.
Gusmão’s political discourse contains the fragmentation of Timorese belief
throughout the traditional practice. However, his knowledge which is found in discourse
changes the character of the political frame from the beginning until the end of the
struggle. His nationalistic expression is found in his discourse as known as Maubere
and Buibere. This partner words were uttered by Gusmão frequently because they
referred to the true Timorese people or native who fought for the resistance toward
independence. This word is expressed as an inspiration for fighting not to be a slave
and aliens for their own country.
1. As an Influential Expression of Hope, Freedom and Peace
As Xanana Gusmão attaches himself to the Timorese people, his popularity in
both domestic and international gradually grows in the sense of recognition of Timorese
struggle and consideration on his fight against the genocide carried out by the
Indonesian militaries. The entire of his discourses, in a different time, was not only the
formations of statements but also an accumulation of truth in terms of experience and
meanings in the sense of its object that he used to inspire his fellow fighters, to attack
the opponents verbally and to magnetize the international attention toward the situation.
In Gusmão’s influential expressions, the researcher points out three main objects or
topic that Michel Foucault mentioned as the rules that the discourses are grounded,
such as hope, freedom, and peace.
105
Hope
Hope is what Gusmão’s discourses mean to be in the sense of motivating the
guerillas to maintain resistance. When the Indonesian invaded East Timor on December
7, 1975, there were many main political figures who died, including one of the patriots,
Fernando Borga da Costa. He was the one who brought Gusmão involve in the political
movement, the FRETILIN. He composed the national hymn of the country. He died in
the battle along with other Timorese fighters.
The political motto of the FRETILIN that inspired the entire Timorese people,
including Gusmão himself, is Mate ka Moris, Ukun Rasik-An. Every time in the historical
moment of discoursing, Gusmão speaks of hope to motivate the Timorese people by an
expressional act such as, “we died or live, we must be free”. This expression shortly
means “to resist in order to win.” The Timorese people were astonished and eager to
fight because they see hope in Gusmão’s expression or in the motto of the FRETILIN
itself.
Gusmão is the carrier of hope in terms of his words and actions. Timorese
people considered him as a Hope because he brings it to all. “Xanana Gusmão, has told
of the welcome he received as he marched through the countryside with fifty surviving
soldiers. The old people embraced him, crying, and said “son, continue the struggle,
never surrender, you are our only hope.”143
Foucault could see this object of discourse as the outcome of Gusmão’s
knowledge that he expresses it throughout the Power which is might be originated in his
followers and others who supported him in his leadership. This discourse is the hope
143
Gudmund Jannisa, Timor-Leste in the World: BC to Independence (Lund: A Malae
Production, 2019), 229.
106
toward liberation. “These discourses about Power and its exercise that are ultimately
important because they lead to liberation and not merely to other forms of confinement,
treatment and normalization to lead useful, docile and practical lives.”144
The researcher sees this topic as exclusive in terms of its references. Gusmão
did not inspire the Indonesian militaries but his fellow fighters. It means he is consistent
in his thought to bring his people out of the conflict and genocide. His discourse did not
manipulate the listeners because it contains with Power to upright what the Timorese
could gain from the struggle. Foucault points out the aim of the discourse through his
analysis on discoursal spectators or what the discourses are addressed, because, for
him the discourses are placed as social practices when they are meaningfully formed
that shape the society to act accordingly.
Freedom
Freedom was the main goal in the struggle. It becomes the key point for Gusmão
to form a political strategy through both actions and speeches. Seems the discourse
takes place in both language and practice, in this sense, freedom becomes achievable
because Gusmão believes that only through freedom, peace is created between
Timorese society and Indonesian militaries under the system of Democracy. East Timor
is systematically Democratic because its struggle brings a new ideology of tolerance of
different races, religions, and ethnics as Gusmão said in his discourse during
the Restauracão da Independencia de Timor Leste, in 2002.
144
James D. Marshall, “On what we may hope: Rorty on Dewey and Foucault,” Studies
in Philosophy and Education, Vol. 13, Issue 3 (1994), 310. DOI: 10.1007/bf01077686. Accessed
Date: March 5, 2021.
107
In the words of Benjamin Barber, Democracy is known “that conscious and
collective human control under the law.”145 In this idea, Xanana knows that the human
right toward freedom is not illegally claimed but is justified by international law. His
political discourse which is formed to be the quest for freedom is the manifestation of
Timorese’s rights. The rights toward freedom become the main concern in Gusmão’s
political discourse. Therefore, his discourse is qualifiable by the analysis of Michel
Foucault in the sense of the limitations of discourse. However, the discourse on
freedom of Gusmão is naturally formed by the reaction toward the situation. The relation
between Gusmão’s political discourse and the social issue of East Timor manifests the
Power of verbal expression. There are Power relations in Gusmão’s speeches in terms
of his freedom to act toward the freedom of others.
A critical idea from the traditional Philosophical position toward the idea of
Foucault on Power relation is claimed to be an explanation of Freedom coherently. “One
traditional philosophical position argues that in order for an individual or a collectivity
truly to be free there must be an absence of Power relations, or at least a sufficient
diminishment of them in order that freedom can be articulated fully.” 146 The freedom is
articulated in many forms of expression, but freedom is what can make any articulation
possible in the sense of social and political sphere.
In this point of view, the researcher tries to analyze the work of Foucault by
relating the notion of Power to freedom as the causes of discourses. According to the
traditional philosophical of stoicism, “freedom is a quality obtained through certain
145
Benjamin Barber, Jihad vs. McWorld: How Globalism and Tribalism are Re- Shaping
the World (New York: Ballantine Books, 1996), 5.
146
Moya Lloyd and Andrew Thacker, The Impact of Michel Foucault on the Social
Sciences and Humanities (New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997), 6.
108
practices of goodness and reason which are identified as a person's essential self.” 147
However, this French philosopher challenges this idea in his insistence that there is no
essential self, only a self-constructed as an effect of Power by modern disciplinary
technologies, and thus hampered in their ability to be a ‘free self’.”148
Through these divergent ideas, the researcher concludes that freedom of the self
is naturally inherent. Moreover, the function of this freedom must be based on a certain
ability of the self. This ability is what Michel Foucault might call Knowledge and it is
always related to Power. This Power takes its role as an exercise of Knowledge itself.
These two relational qualities cause the expression of Freedom. From the knowledge of
Gusmão on freedom to his realization by his Power, freedom becomes an object of his
discourse when he said Mate ka Moris Ukun Rasik-An. It is not only because of freedom
for an individual to express but also one must be free to utter the aim of freedom
through discourses.
Peace
Peace was what both Timorese’s people and the Indonesian authority agree on.
However, the integration and auto-determination goal were disputed because of the
different ideologies and political Power. Indonesia seemed more Powerful than East
Timor in terms of militaries outfitted. However, the knowledge of Gusmão was revealed
as the solution of conflict by presenting Timorese’s right toward freedom in the face of
the international community for establishing peace under international law.
147
Ibid.
148
Ibid.
109
Gusmão knows the set of laws that allows him to speak against the Indonesian
authority by uttering the words that are related to United Nations’ law which is written in
the first article, book one that considered as the main point of UN such as on purposes
and principles.
In the first line, “the Purposes of the United Nations is to maintain international
peace and security, and to that end: to take effective collective measures for the
prevention and removal of threats to the peace, and for the suppression of acts of
aggression or other breaches of the peace, and to bring about by peaceful means, and
in conformity with the principles of justice and international law, adjustment or
settlement of international disputes or situations which might lead to a breach of the
peace.”149
Gusmão was confident to respond to the illegality and criminality of the
Indonesian act in front of the world because he knows and believes that what words he
discoursed out from his knowledge was legally based on certain norms and laws of
humanity. Additionally, Gusmão knows the principle of human rights and the guarantees
of peace toward the conflict in East Timor through his political strategies which are
functioned by his fellow fighters in a way of armies’ resistance, clandestine activity, and
diplomatic leaders’ support.
In this topic, Michel Foucault might point out the connection of knowledge to
other principles and norms in the sense of Gusmão’s discourse on peace. Foucault’s
work on The Order of Things, “knowledge that can, and must, proceed by the infinite
149
Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the International Court of Justice
(CUNSICJ), Purposes and Principal (San Francisco: October 24, 1945), 3.
110
accumulation of confirmations all dependent on one another.”150 There is a relation of
things by the viewpoint of literature means. For example, the discourse of Gusmão on
peace was mostly written when he tried to create an agreement between the FRETILIN
and the Indonesian authority to guarantee peace in the conflict territory.
Gusmão did not only use a written form to be documented but also through
discourse that was verified by the audiences in his different historical moments. It
means that “the written had always preceded the spoken, certainly in nature, and
perhaps even in the knowledge of men.”151 Gusmão’s knowledge becomes the cause of
what had been written and spoken. He has the Power to exercise through the different
moments of the situation in East Timor. He concluded his knowledge with freedom and
peace that is recognized in the history of Timor-Leste. The knowledge of Gusmão
toward politics was a gift which is naturally inherent within himself, but through the
experience of injustice of life living of Timorese people, Gusmão needed to react by
resistance in both physical and verbal conflicts against Indonesian authorities. His
knowledge was represented by his political discourses in the different historical
moments.
Gusmão for Foucault is the creator of discoursal truth based on his pure
knowledge rather than his leadership authority, based on his discoursal Power rather
than his personality, based on his freedom to act rather than his dependence and based
on his being as parrhesiastes rather than his supportively icons.
150
Michel Foucault, The Order of Things: An archaeology of the human sciences, 34.
151
Ibid., 43.
111
2. As a Representation of Knowledge Toward Self-Determination
Self-determination is the purpose of the Timorese people’s struggle. In the
country-building process, East Timor generally faced the greatest fear to overcome the
Indonesian’s political trap through Power. Self-determination becomes the quest of
Gusmão’s political discourse in the sense of persuasive form and performative address
because for Gusmão the conflict must be ended with peace and reconciliation.
The war between the Indonesian militaries and the people of East Timor was
publicly known as cold war, but the political strategies of Indonesian authority worked
differently in terms of using the Timorese people themselves to fight each other since
they have different political ideologies from different parties. For this reason, Gusmão
sifted his political strategies by reconciling the Timorese people from different parties
through his performative expression that change the situation into the truck forward to
self-determination.
He called for the creation of a common nationalist platform. He declared that all
atrocities committed during the counter-UDT coup and in the early resistance period
would be punished and those who had suffered or committed atrocities would be
guaranteed freedom of expression. He ended the message by declaring: "The war is the
cause of all the fighting...misunderstanding...between the sons and daughters of East
Timor."152 Gusmão assured his strategies on national unity to overcome the situation
with cold war, with the knowledge and all the means of political works.
The researcher drive Foucault to see the discourse of Gusmão as a way of
speaking based on the formations of statements that provide a language in a way of
152
Sarah Niner, “A long journey of resistance: The origins and struggle of the CNRT,”
Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Vol. 32, Issue 1-2 (2000), 13.
https://doi.org/10.1080/14672715.2000.10415775. Accessed Date: March 6, 2021
112
representing his knowledge about the matter referred to in the historical moment. The
conflict between the Timorese people from different parties makes Gusmão use his
knowledge to fix the problem referred by discoursing the meaning and goal of the
struggle. As Foucault points out that “in the history in which men retrace their own ideas
and their own knowledge.”153
Gusmão’s political discourse toward self-determination lies in his knowledge
because he believes that the end of the struggle is no other else but the freedom itself.
His main point on political discourse is to avoid physical Power in terms of conflict and
to tolerate the Power of knowledge in terms of resolving the issue. Foucault also points
out that there is meaning and truth in Gusmão’s discourse because it is expressed
virtually. This practical way is what Foucault calls ‘social practice’ which involves
meanings that influence the people to do what is required.
The discourse is clearly known as the representation of something which exists
either internal or external demonstrative. “Discourse is a way of representing aspects of
the world, the process, relation and structures of the material world, the mental world of
thoughts, feelings, beliefs and so forth, and the social world.”154 The researcher could
say that Hassen’s ideas is not further different form Foucault in the sense of
representation of the discoursal claim and its addressing point.
Bruce Fraser might conclude that knowledge is verified by the discourse between
peoples who agree on what the discourse refers to. This discourse must be an end of
changing situations by resolving the issue through practices. As he cited from the work
153
154
Rukya Hassen, “Discourse as Medium of Knowledge: Transmission of Knowledge by
Transmission of Discourse People Live,” Journal of Education and Practice, Vol. 6, No. 31
(2015), 121.
113
of Labov and Fanshel on ‘Discourse Markers as Linguistic Entity’ to clarify Gusmão’s
point of discourse through the topics that he had shared in his historical moment.
As a discourse marker, well refers backwards to some topic that is already

shared knowledge among participants. When well is the first element in a
discourse or a topic, this reference is necessarily to an unstated topic of joint
concern.155
So, the discourses are the representation of thought about something that the
author refers. Labov and Fanshel’s ideas could be the clarification of Foucault’s method
of discourse analysis as the researcher understands that every discourse must be a
production of something that the author thinks and writes about. The discourse of
Gusmão is a political work as they represent the truth of the problem or object matter.
B. Gusmão’s Historicity of Discoursal Truth
In this viewpoint, Gusmão takes his part as a human being who naturally lives
with the story of life. His story is not fabricated but made according to the phenomenon
and experiential truth that is narrated by the generations of the truth-teller. Without the
history of Gusmão’s life, there are no political discourses toward freedom during the
Indonesia occupation. “Discourse cannot be conceptualized without the people, nor can
the people without their discourse. The people and its discourse are in each other's
pocket. To know the discourse means to know the people who use it.”156
Gusmão is considered a unique guerrilla due to his dedication to self-
determination. He is not a radical in his political strategies but twisted according to the
155
Bruce Fraser, What are discourse markers?, Journal of Pragmatics, Vol. 31, Issue 7
(1999), 932. DOI:10.1016/s0378-2166(98)00101-5. Accessed Date: March 3, 2021.
156
Rukya Hassen, “Discourse as Medium of Knowledge: Transmission of Knowledge by
Transmission of Discourse People Live,” 119.
114
situation in different historical moments. Additionally, what makes him a unique political
figure is his succession of struggles toward freedom and peace. “Insofar as he was a
specific living being, and specifically related to other living beings, the reason for this is
to be sought in the new mode of relation between history and life.”157
Gusmão’s discourses are not a conjecture of history, but a relational truth
between the expression and impression in a certain historical moment. When Gusmão
discoursed in the mount Matebian, he asserted the past to trigger the present by
motivating his followers to fight and struggle for the sake of those who had died and for
paying their death with freedom. Foucault sees this assertion as historical truth that
became weapon to arise the guerillas’ feeling to struggle and fight.
The discourses are not the political invention for some certain gratification, but
they are created for political aims through social practices and political activities.
Gusmão was bounded by the political frame in terms of ideology, but limitless in
discoursing just for the sake of freedom and peace. His discourses are meant to be the
strategies of his knowledge that always grounded on Timorese experience of suffering
during the warfare.
Therefore, Gusmão freed himself from his anxiety and other kinds of hesitation to
fight for human rights. His discourses are the expression of freedom and the demolition
of genocide, criminalities, and illegalities. His discourses gave freedom to every
individual in East Timor to stand against the Indonesian militaries. They are the
responses for peoples’ suffering in East Timor. Foucault looks at Gusmão’s historicity
as the foundation of discoursal truth in the sense of truth-telling about what he himself
157
Michel Foucault, The History of Sexuality, Vol. 1: An Introduction, 143
115
acquired and experience toward the suffering and killings that had been happened to
his people in East Timor.
1. As an Act Toward Freedom for the Timorese People
Through the analysis on Foucault’s method on discourse about the fragmentation
which is embedded as the origin and foundation of truth, the researcher asserts that the
discourse is bringing a certain force that is almost impossible to uncover because it is
not necessarily certain in its historical presentation as the truth-teller, therefore,
Gusmão’s discourse can only be known as a product of his freedom through
Power/knowledge by his succession of political strategies in both activities and
declaration. Nonetheless, the secret words beyond the discourse are already untold as
another length of truth, and it depends on how history reveals them out. “In the order of
discourse, the irruption of a real event; that beyond any apparent beginning, there is
always a secret origin.”158 Therefore, the researcher also categorizes his discourse as
the act of freedom instead of only stick to his origin of discoursal truth because it would
be understood as the empirical manifestation through actions.
The discourses of Gusmão are considered as an act of Freedom because they
are formed according to the rules that Foucault points out in the discursive regularities.
The formation of statements is considered as discourse when it follows the rules which
are formed as performative expressions in the sense of revealing the meaning and truth
based on historical situation.
For Foucault, the discourses themselves are necessary to be truth by their
presence as the origin of what they affect. At this point, no one could change the
158
116
discourses because of their influences and outburst of their impacts which become
known as the resolution of a situation. The discourses of Gusmão are expressional
actions because of their origins and the significant points. “Discourse must not be
referred to the distant presence of the origin but treated as and when it occurs.” 159
Consequently, the researcher looks at the historical discourse of Gusmão as an
act toward freedom because his political discourses tend to be the repletion of truth or
the origin by repeating what had been said and written from the beginning of the
struggle, nevertheless, the discourses are shaped by his political strategy to set a
certain coherence about the ideology toward auto-determination and peace. As
Foucault clarifies that the historicity of discourse analysis is the expedition and the
replication of an origin that escapes all historical grit.
The act of discourse is not simply shown as the physical act which permits one’s
movement, or action-and-reaction, or cause-and-effect that results in destruction, but
they are actions because of themselves as a combination of discursive statements
which are presenting the Power/knowledge as practices. To legitimate Gusmão’s
political discourse as an act of freedom, the researcher elaborated on the experience of
Timorese people to prove that the discourses are true in their historical presence.
The actual ambassador of East Timor in Manila, Mr. José Piedade, confirmed
that:
Xanana Gusmao as a national resistance leader and commander in chief of the

FALINTIL, he has always shown his esteem for his suffering people who suffered
greatly during the invasion and illegal occupation imposed by Soeharto regime,
the President of Indonesia. Even in prison, he never stopped thinking about his
people for a minute. Constantly, day and night, he always appeals to his people
to have a lot of courage, to trust the leadership and the FALINTIL, although he
159
Ibid.
117
knows that his people are being tortured, massacred, raped, almost every day, in
towns and villages. All the speech of encouragement to the people, he always
appeals to continue to resist all the tortures and sufferings imposed by the
Indonesian military and shouting that the best day for the East Timor people will
come. Finally, with the fall of Soeharto, the democracy has been implemented in
Indonesia, the Referendum came, the people voted and restored their total
independence, recognized by the United Nations and the world. And so, Xanana
Gusmao as the leader of the national resistance, there is no one who can deny
it.160
Piedade confirms that Gusmão’s discourses are meant to be the motivation for
the Timorese people to uphold in resistance for the independence of East Timor. As he
affirms Gusmão is the leader of national resistance throughout all kinds of his political
work in terms of the appeals and strategies that could finally lead East Timor out from
all types of sufferings.
In this sense, the discourses became an act of freedom because they functioned
as political activities and social practices, furthermore, they are the embodiment of
Power relations. As the ambassador of East Timor in Manila said that Gusmão is
shouting in his discourse for the upcoming of the best day for East Timor. It means,
either accept or not, the Timorese people would not be a slave anymore or bounded by
the Indonesian’s criminal act. Gusmão is shouting for freedom to East Timor by giving
hope and Power to resist. The researcher has seen that the Power of Gusmão is not
only personal but relational because he discoursed the political words toward
Timorese’s freedom as the guarantee in the right of Timorese people. Therefore,
Gusmão’s Power to exercise those speeches is grounded on the phenomenology of
Timorese suffering. He assured his people to be free because he uttered the truth. He
160
José Piedade, Interviewed by the Author. Interview Letter via E-mail. Amadeo,
Cavite, March 23, 2021, 2:12 pm (MT).
118
believes his discourses are heard by the people because they are following the rules of
speaking by reflecting the reality of the conflict in East Timor.
Michel Foucault points out in the genealogical works that Prado shows in his
comparison work on Truth and Realism between the idea of Foucault himself and
Searle. He has mentioned out of Foucault’s work “achieving change in the Power
relations that define our subjectivity is the only freedom we can attain.”161 So, it is true
that the production of Power relations such as truth, knowledge, subject, or discourse
are only the basis to strife for freedom and the act of discourse manifest the Power
which is working in freedom and expressions.
2. As a Parrhesia for Timorese’ Suffering
Rhetorically, parrhesia is a figure of speech on everything that one could express
totally about what is necessary to oneself. Gusmão’s political discourse is a model
of parrhesia in terms of manifesting the truth about the tragedy in East Timor. The
historical truth on Gusmão political strategies defines his nature of being brave
and parrhesiastes because his discourses that correspond to the Indonesian militaries’
criminal acts were seen as the truth-teller in terms of picturing the genocide and social
destruction that had cruelly done. Gusmão is considered as parrhesiastes in his political
activity, particularly his political discourses.
Gusmão’s responses to the suffering of the Timorese people is an act of self-
risking because what he uttered against the Indonesian militaries’ act was considered
as a shameful statement for the Indonesian authority who could be responsible for what
161
C. G. Prado, Searle and Foucault on Truth (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,
2006), 135.
119
the militaries had done to Timorese people. Michel Foucault sees Gusmão
as parrhesiastes because he points out that Gusmão’s political act toward the
Indonesian Power in terms of political strategies and decisions was self-
suicidal. “Someone is said to use parrhesia and merits consideration as a parrhesiastes
only if there is a risk or danger for him in telling the truth.”162 Therefore, the discourse of
Gusmão is not only a social practice or performative expression but also a strife
compositional statement that could pull down the dignity of Indonesia authority and the
international community toward the carelessness on genocide in the area referred.
In the philosophy of Foucault, he questions the way history is narrated, the
discourse is formed, the truth is manifested in the different historical moments. This
French philosopher signifies two different meanings out from the political work of
Gusmão.
Fearless Speaker
Gusmão is not self-reliance, but a representation of communal Power. Gusmão
has no hesitation in delivering his political discourses because he speaks the truth. And
this truthfulness of the talk is not only a consequence of a tragic situation but also a
product of knowledge and Power. The discourses require a certain Power and
knowledge of the author that is manifested as fearless speaker.
At this point, the researcher figures out that the source of his political discourse is
not from anyone else, but it is a self-production based on experience about the objective
matter. For Michel Foucault, whatever Gusmão expresses in his political discourse is an
162
120
act of parrhesia, because what he uttered in the form of responses or discourses are
always in the presence of the addressees to qualify the utterances as truth. This
presence makes Gusmão a speaker of parrhesia.
Truth-Teller
The idea that truth-telling is an ethical practice of freedom that can release us
from the hold of Power.163 In this viewpoint, Foucault does not only look at the discourse
of Gusmão as a political approach but also an ethical expression throughout telling the
truth about what is wrong in East Timor. The way of telling the truth of Gusmão is a
social and political practice. However, Lyda Maxwell analyses in an ethical way to
provide the means of the self as an ethical entity in any kind of social problems. “Ethical
approaches to truth-telling fail to address what I call the disputed politicality of truth-
telling.”164 So, the approaches toward truth-teller are convincible to elevate the
important meanings of parrhesia either ethical or political.
The researcher analyzes these politicality and ethicality by the expression of
discoursal truth from Gusmão. When Gusmão says that he fights because international
law recognizes his right. Consequently, it is assumed to be a political expression
because his Power relation has relied on the law. However, the entire discourse of
Gusmão seems to be a representation of Timorese’s suffering in the face of Indonesian
authority and the international community, therefore, his discoursal Power is not only a
self-production but a reliance on suffering. At this point, Gusmão’s parrhesia act is
163
Lyda Maxwell, “The olitics and gender of truth-telling in Foucault’s lectures on
parrhesia,” Journal of Contemporary Political Theory, Vol. 18, Issue 22 (2018), 3. DOI:
10.1057/s41296-018-0224-5. Accessed Date: March 11, 2021.
164
Ibid.
121
ethical in the sense of his pithiness and knowing of natural law toward people’s suffering
in East Timor.
To authentic the discourses of Gusmão into the level of the political and ethical
understanding, those discourses must be employed by the philosophy of Foucault on
parrhesia. The reason is, parrhesia concludes his political discourses into political truths
and ethical means. It consumes the production of Gusmão’s Power/knowledge to prove
that those discourses are not simply made up of interpretation but classified as historical
truth in the sense of their consequence toward self-determination.
C. Analytical Conceptualizing on Foucault’s Discourse Analysis Relative to
Gusmão’s Political Speeches
All through the explanatory understanding of Foucault’s method on discourse
examination, the researcher comes up with a concept that seems to bring Gusmão’s
political discourse as a critical system by the implies of elucidation and understanding
the way the discourses of Gusmão worked as social hones within the diverse chronicled
moment. Foucault’s strategy appropriately chooses Gusmão’s political discourses since
it gives the inclines of bracketing the impacts and their Power that work as an
expressional act.
The concepts that the researcher tries to illustrate out of Foucault and Gusmão’s
work as a philosopher and political figure are: firstly, statement of Gusmão’s political
discourses and their foundational truth which the recipient are been empathized,
furthermore, the analysis of Power that is employing in the discoursal aspect and
122
contextualization that could be understood from the center of methodical access as the
manifestation of Power’s impact.
1. As an Attentional Assertion
During the Indonesian occupation, Gusmão mostly delivered his discourses
exclusively, but they gradually erupted to grasp the attention of the international
community and Indonesian authority by the outspread of the claim through news or
documentation recordings. The aim of this attentional assertion is for the world to
consider the rights of the Timorese people and to end the genocide in the territory
according to moral and political principles.
The researcher sees these discourses of Gusmão are attentional assertion
because they present the foundational truth of human rights toward freedom; they
manifest the suffering of Timorese people; they are concerned about the practicality of
international law on peace and security, and they justify the criminality and illegality of
Indonesian’ invasions. Besides, Michel Foucault could examine this discourse as
attentional assertion because they represent a coherent knowledge of
the parrhesiastes (Gusmão) in the form of discoursing for hope, freedom, and peace;
they replaced the mindset of people on Power in terms of sovereignty with the
normalizing one which is found in its dwelling as common possessive and they are
considered as parrhesia (Truth-Telling) for they obey the rules of discourses based on
the tragedy of Timorese’s suffering, therefore, they are deliberated fearlessly.
Throughout Gusmão’s political discourse, Foucault could point out that his
assertions are meant to be persuasive expressional in terms of social practices and
123
political performances. Many Indonesian militaries thought that Gusmão would be
surrendered for he has nothing (military Power) and no one (allies) to support his
political activity. On the contrary, Gusmão socialized himself with the entire Timorese
people thru his supplicant and inspirational words that arose them to collaborate in the
struggle via clandestine and diplomatic nets. At the same time, Gusmão continues to
request international support in terms of moral Power to finalize the conflict in freedom
and peace.
The discourses of Gusmão are filled with a certain political aim that must be
considered as a representation of the entire Timorese’s voice for freedom. Gusmão’s
political strategies are grounded in the ideology (auto-determination) which majority of
Timorese people were agreeing on. The Timorese’s people wished to be free from the
political oppression of Indonesian militaries because of unacceptable occupation in
terms of oppression act (sexual abusing, slavering, and exploiting) and genocide.
Therefore, Gusmão partook his role as a political leader, pioneer, and guerilla to
manifest the right of Timorese people with all kinds of political strategies in terms of
activities and speeches toward Indonesian authority.
If the researcher pictures the tragedy in East Timor, it would be comparable with
the political perspective of George Orwell in the sense of overpowering and slavering.
The book entitled “Animal Farm” proposes the scenario of Timorese struggle as the
unconscious of the animals in terms of exploitation and genocide. This book
demonstrates the story of animals that are fighting for their right to equality and
freedom. The scenario of the story comprises a political discourse that Orwell could
analyze as the Power to inspire other animals for rebellion.
124
From this story, Orwell could say:
It struck me that if only such animals became aware of their strength, we should
have no Power over them, and that men exploit animals in much the same way
as the rich exploit the proletariat.165
East Timor was under the political oppression of the Indonesian militaries
throughout all kinds of violations such as sexual abuse, exploitation, and genocide.
From these types of oppressive actions, Timorese people were somehow considered
equal to animals. It is not right for Gusmão to see his people being always slaves to
strangers. Therefrom, Gusmão asserts this calamity in front of the international
community to take responsibility, particularly the Indonesian authority, for they had been
blind for Timorese’s conflict.
Foucault points out that the discourse of Gusmão comprises Power relations in
terms of the discoursal truth and its performances that grasp the attention of the
addressees to examine his political discourse as the representation of a certain
phenomenon in East Timor. What Foucault points out by analyzing the discourses of
Gusmão is the manifestation of the Power, because his discourses are not only a
formulation of statements, but they stand as intrinsically truth by themselves. For this
reason, the discourses had the Power to change what they are directing.
Hossein Vahid would clarify more about the nature of discourses which are
related to different backgrounds from a social perspective, ideological aims, and
situational phenomenon in the different of the historical period. As Vahid cited from the
word of Gee in his journal work that the “discourse has been described as language in
165
George Orwell, Animal Farm: Fairy Story (London: Print hardback & paperback,
1945), 23.
125
use with more socio-politically oriented meaning.”166 Hossein provides further about the
discourse as social practices from the word of Fairclough who simply points the
discourse as “just a particular form of social practice that in its center Power and
ideology influence and interact with one another.”167
From the similarity of viewpoint on discourses means, the researcher concludes
Gusmão’s political discourses as a political framework that function in both linguistic act
and social practices because his discourses are stipulations of knowledge and Power
that strife for the ideology. Foucault looks at the discourses of Gusmão as new
conceptual Power that helps him to verify the possibility of its relations as linguistically
Power because they are grounded of what Foucault calls the Parrhesia without any
frightens expression in the social and political activities.
2. As a Manifestation of Communal Power
The political discourse of Gusmão is a manifestation of Power because of his
knowledge and braveness to form a discoursal truth. The discoursal truth becomes the
foundation of his Power to act according to certain social and political principles. His
discourses are sentenced as a correct form of linguistic proliferation in the sense of
discursive formation based on the rules that Foucault claimed. “The discourses under
examination are always themselves reflexive categories, principles of classification,
166
Hossein Vahid, “The Power behind Images: Advertisement Discourse in Focus,”
International Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 4, No. 4 (2012), 37. Retrieved from: URL:
http://dx.doi.org/10.5296/ijl.v4i4.2658. Accessed date: March 15, 2021.
167
Ibid.
126
normative rules, institutionalized types.”168 Gusmão’s discourses are not just a symbolic
form of knowledge but a real demonstration of his Power as parrhesiastes.
The critical task, according to Foucault, was to expose that the essential function
of the discourse and technique of right has been to efface the domination intrinsic to
Power and that it is, therefore, designed to eliminate the fact of domination and its
consequence.169 From this point, Foucault sees the challenging of discourse as the
majority of the opposition because he recognized that, if the discourse function beyond
its limit with the communal of Power and knowledge, then, there is no resistance of the
opponents because what Foucault could see the fragmentation that Gusmão put in the
discourse is not an only individual presentation but as well as the acclamation of the
entire people of East Timor.
The Political Discourses of Gusmão present the Power of the people because he
stood to speak fearlessly against the criminal’s act. Gusmão himself is a political
representative of Timorese’s ideology through his dedication and knowledgeable
pioneer on forming strategies to pursue the purpose of Timorese people on Freedom.
His discourse is never be stood alone from the Power because the discourse
themselves are social practices that could manifest the work of Power. Foucault sees
this point as the cooperative of statement that claimed to be true and Power that related
to being the outcome of knowledge from one who says it. “Statements cannot be
dissociated from the statutorily defined person who has the right to make them, and to
claim for them the Power to overcome suffering and death.”170
168
169
Torben B. Dyrberg, Foucault on the Politics of Parrhesia (New York: Palgrave
Macmillan, 2014), 24.
170
127
From this chapter, the researcher concludes that Michel Foucault points out the
discourse of Gusmão as social practices because the discourses are formed under the
topic and obey rules. Gusmão’s political discourse is meant to be the product of Power
and knowledge because of their influences as performative and persuasive strife toward
auto-determination.
This French Philosopher concludes the political discourse of Gusmão as the
outdoor of disputable political ideas on the conflict of East Timor. He assures that the
discourses are the formulation of truth and meanings that the parrhesiastes (Gusmão)
expressed according to the object matter as the manifestation of discoursal truth.
D. Charting an Analytical Application on Gusmão’s Political Discourse
deployed by Foucaultian Discourse Analysis
To clarify the nature of Gusmão’s political discourse, the researcher provides an
analytical application to point out the function of his political discourse as a social and
political action through a linguistical frame. Gusmão’s political discourse is very
Foucaultian in the sense of his discoursal classifications and formations. Gusmão’s
political discourses are set in fourth major patterns such as His discourse for the
Timorese people, For the Freedom fighters, for the Indonesian authority, and for the
Discourse toward the Timorese people
A Demonstration of Gusmão’s Political An Application Foucaultian Discourse

Discourse Analysis
Long Live East Timor, Long Live People of • The word Maubere is the bedrock of
128
Maubere. To all my brothers, my heroes, the Discourse as a social and political

to everyone that died, we pay them with act.
our respect. We convey each of all of them • It triggers the Timorese people to fight
in our heart. It is extremely weighty. We all because it identifies the true nature of
burden it in our own shoulder. This Gusmão’s speech as the
representation of Power/knowledge.
burden…But the People of Maubere have
• It generates the sympathy
already shown that when they want, they
because Gusmão persuades
will do. Translated the symbolic word to the
Timorese people.
• The manifestation of
Power/relation is real in
Gusmão’s political discourse.
• This discourse is formed as
Parrhesia.
The point is this application is to verify Gusmão’s political discourse as the
representation of Power/knowledge. Foucault’s idea on Power/knowledge is true by the
evidence of Gusmão’s discourse in the sense of knowing the formation of the discourse
and deliberation of it as the exercise of Power.
Discourse toward the Freedom Fighters
Encouragement Speech of Gusmão to An Application Foucaultian Discourse

his fellow Guerillas Analysis
We were in a very, very difficult situation. We • FREEDOM: Fight to be Free is the goal
were responsible for up to 80, 000 people who of the discourse.
had come to Matebian and every day we saw • The reasons (Timorese’s Misery and
people killed and dying. We had to leave there Fatality) are the fact of Gusmão’s
and decide on another way to fight, to discourse to empower the guerillas.
struggle. Everyone had a family and wife and • To justify courses of action, Gusmão
in this difficult situation we were trying to must present his discourse in a way
persuade our soldiers to leave their families that the basic value system (Freedom)
behind: their children, their wives and old of the people legitimated, so that there
parents.(…) I felt that it was important to be could be no other possible option
free, to be free of everything, to be able to except the chosen.
concentrate, to serve the people, to have all • Power is established a certain reality
129
my time to do this. I was the one who took by the manifestation of words.
charge of everything, and I wanted to be free
of other problems.
The main point in this application is the relation of Power and reality through the
mediation of discourses. Gusmão’s discourse toward guerrillas is constituted by the
discoursal object, which is for Gusmão, FREEDOM. This object brings norms to
strategies in the sense of obeying and acting accordingly what has been uttered in the
discourses. Therefore, Foucault does not doubt the absence of Power in Gusmão’s
speech because it has shown identity as a relational and functional claim.
Discourse Against Indonesian Authority
Gusmão’s speeches on Indonesian’s An Application Foucaultian Discourse

act Analysis
What do you think these battalions are going • This discourse concerns about the
to do in East Timor? When everybody knows criminal act of Indonesian toward
that they are themselves who kill, persecute, Timorese people.
destroy, massacre and loot the population. I • It is constructed as a representation of
appeal to the conscience of the Indonesian reality, not a copy or invention.
authorities to put an end to violence that the • The nature of discourse is Power that
armed forces of Indonesia are creating. I circulates throughout the society. It is
appeal to the conscience of Indonesian not simply top-down phenomenon.
politicians to think that they are killing • This discourse defines subject framing
defenseless people. I appeal to the Indonesian and positioning, whom it addresses to
generals to tell them (militia and troops), and what it should be done.
enough is enough. (…)The destruction taking • Whatever this discourse concerns
place in East Timor is to persuade East Timor about always reflect Power relations.
to be slaves forever. My people have proven,
during twenty-four years, their determination to
achieve their freedom, because only with
freedom we can create peace and prosperity.
The discourse is always about what one says and what one does. The
addressing point of Gusmão’s political discourse toward Indonesian authority is to
130
reveal the truth behind the discourse. This truth is what the discourse presents to be
qualified as an act of Power/knowledge. Gusmão asserts this discourse to open the
mind of his audiences about what has been happened in East Timor. Therefore,
Foucault’s ideas on Power and knowledge manifest in the discourse of Gusmão as a
political framework for it stands as the truth of the discourses.
Discourse Toward International Community
Political Discourse of Gusmão in United An Application Foucaultian Discourse

Nation Analysis
Mr. chairman ladies and gentlemen, please • The nature of this discourse is
allow me to use this opportunity, this historic declaration of the situation and a quest
moment both for myself and for my people to of support.
address a few and brief words on the current • The discourse constructs throughout
situation in East Timor. The recent violence the category of knowledge and
which we all witnessed in this territory in the accumulations of texts, what is possible
past few weeks led to a very critical situation. to talk and what is not.
It is critical because most of the population • It gives a glimpse to examines the
had to seek refuge in the mountains; It is regime Power through the historicity of
critical because 10s of thousands of East destruction about the regime of
Timorese were abducted and taken forcibly meanings in the discourse. To
into East West Timor; It is critical because the distinguish what is truth and what is
population is now undergoing a severe marginalized.
situation of disease and starvation; and it is • Analysis of discourses give us a
critical because our families have been broken clearer picture on how
apart and most of the members of those knowledge-Power relation exist.
families do not know whether relatives are or if • This Discourse is produced by
they're alive. effects of Power withing a social
order.
The dissimilarities from each of these discourses are the supplication of
Timorese’s experience of suffering, killings, and deaths. For this reason, Gusmão needs
to begin his discoursal formation to attract the international community’s sympathy by
discoursing the violation act toward the international law on human rights. Additionally,
131
Gusmão does not claim the situation for the sake of personal Power or self-gratification
but presents it as the cry and lamentation of the Timorese people.
Throughout all sorts of Gusmão’s discourses, the researcher believes that what
Gusmão’s political discourse is formed to deliberate for during the Indonesian
occupation is the claim of truth on suffering, genocide deaths.
E. The Synthesis
The chapter had demonstrated the use of Foucaultian discourse analysis
engaging with the political discourse of Gusmão to analytically understand and
conceptualize the formation of Gusmão political discourse as a political framework
toward auto-determination. It has discussed the discoursal expression and its historicity
that is claimed to be true in different historical moments. The discourses are simply
meant to be the representation of knowledge and impact of Power toward the outside
matter that the author who is considered as parrhesiastes concerned about.
This nature of this chapter is a qualification of inquisitive manner toward the
discoursal truth by analyzing the discourses through the archeological and genealogical
method. From Gusmão’s Patriotistic and nationalistic expression throughout his
historicity of discoursal truth to the conceptualization of both Foucault and Gusmão’s
discourse analysis, the researcher came up with the idea of discourse as the communal
Power because the discourse is the accumulation of different aspects of fields and topic
in the different arena such as social and political.
The idea of Communal Power is tackled to legitimate the discourse analysis of
Foucault and to elevate the discourse of Gusmão into the level of meaningful and
132
truthful based on discoursal impacts or influences. Both discourse analysis and political
discourse are elevated as the linguistical role in the social and political frame. They are
placed as the outcome of Power and knowledge in the sense of their function in social
practices.
133
Chapter V
SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, & RECOMMENDATION
After analyzing the political discourse of Gusmão during the Indonesian
occupation using Foucault’s discourse analysis in the light of his Philosophical method,
the researcher has provided analytical conceptualizing and understanding in the
discoursal category, as well as the Power relations that spring from it to be considered
as the historical truth or parrhesia expression via both analyzing and understanding of
how this French philosopher could point out the discourse of Gusmão as the outcome of
Power and knowledge and how it is considered as historical truth in the sense of
archeological means. From all the incomes, this chapter will give a summary from
diversification of the topic accumulation. Additionally, it will close the project with some
recommendations on further studies of what the researcher unable to provide
adequately concern with the necessary explanation.
A. The Summary
This project has used a Foucaultian Discourse Analysis as a framework to
analytically understand and conceptualize the political discourses of Gusmão during the
Indonesia occupation. The paper demonstrates the analysis on Foucault’s methods in
his discourse analysis could be used as a tool to engage with Gusmão political
discourses. As a context of analysis, Michel Foucault’s methods and discourse analysis
are concerned with the social practices and the way of speaking about something, the
way the discourse represents the knowledge and Power about a matter which one
134
concerns under a certain object and rules which are considered as historical truths at
the different historical moments.
Michel Foucault explained how discourse analysis functions as a social practice
by raising questions on how those discourses are formed and how the truth or the
foundations are altered within the continuity of time. Michel Foucault’s discourse
analysis is only be found in his philosophical works, particularly in his archeological and
genealogical studies. The interconnections of the discourses with the other frameworks
such as ideology, politics, social, Power/knowledge, and history, the researcher had
scrutinized throughout the methodological approaches as a new way of rethinking the
political discourse of Gusmão as a way out of the conflict in East Timor.
The first chapter contains the systematical forms of the project as the direction
for the discussion such as the introduction the statement of the problem, the rhetorical
strategies, the scope of limitations, the significance of the studies, the definition of
terms, and review literature. In the statement of the problem, the researcher has given
the problem in the form of questioning: Using Discourse Analysis in the light of
Foucault’s Philosophy, how are Xanana Gusmão’s political discourses, influenced,
stimulated, and arouse the Timorese people to maintain resistance against Indonesian
militaries towards self-determination?
To answer this question, the researcher must analyze the methodology that
Foucault uses in his philosophical works such as archeological and genealogical, and
their relevance to discourse analysis in the employment of Gusmão’s political discourse
during the Indonesian occupation. The discussion on Foucaultian discourses analysis is
done in chapter two and the discussion on the political discourses of Gusmão is
135
historically narrated in chapter three. In the rhetorical strategies, the researcher has
introduced the important segment that would be tackled in each chapter as an offer of
analytical understanding on Foucault’s discourse analysis and Gusmão political
discourse.
The scope of limitation only shows the accumulation of the entire paper’s session
as not the outcome of the researcher’s ideas and other philosophers but its grounds on
the methodology of Michel Foucault on discourse analysis to examine the historical data
of Gusmão’s works relatives to the illegality of Indonesian occupation through his
political discourse. In the significance of the study, the researcher has mentioned the
important things of analyzing the discourse of Gusmão as the political framework toward
auto-determination based on the method of Foucault on discourse analysis.
The second chapter is exclusively intended to discuss Foucaultian discourse
analysis that could work in the political and social sphere of East Timor during the
Indonesian occupation. In this chapter, the researcher has provided an analytical
understanding of the archeology and the interpretation of genealogy. This chapter has
divided into three analytical understandings such as on archeology, genealogy, and
discourse analysis itself. The two methodologies are very important to be tackled in the
chapter referred because they are such avenues for the researcher to analyze
Foucault’s philosophical tenets on discourse analysis toward the politics as the linguistic
character, toward the history as the discoursal truth, toward the Power/knowledge as
the causes of the discourse and to point out the fragmentation of discourse analysis by
looking at the author as Parrhesiastes, the topic as the discoursal limitation, the way we
136
know about the discourses as the epistemic frame of it and the qualification of the
discourse as truth in each historical moment.
The chapter is centering on the meaning of a given discourse, recognizing
characteristics of the approaches and their stretch on Power relations. These are
communicated through dialect and strategies, and the relationship between dialect and
Power. Of course, this frame of the investigation was created out of Foucault's
genealogical work, where Power was connected to the arrangement of discourse in
different historical moments. A few adaptations of this strategy push the genealogical
application of discourse examination to demonstrate how the discourse itself is created
to oversee social bunches and political functions.
The method of Foucault investigates how the social world, communicated
through dialect, is influenced by different sources of Power. The methods are
instruments to elevate the social practices and political activities as the way for
discourse to be formed. As the researcher tries to get how the society (the Timorese
people, the guerrillas, the Indonesian authority, and the international community) is
being molded or influenced by dialect throughout the discourse and which in turn
reflects existing Power relations. The investigation endeavors to get how people see the
world and ponder categorizations, individual and organization connections, belief
systems, and political issues.
The chapter is closed with the shorts synthesis on how the researcher points out
the discourse analysis in Foucault’s philosophy by examining the archeology and
genealogy. The researcher came up with a discursivity understanding of the statement,
the history of the discourse that the researcher found as the tool for Foucault to
137
investigate its fragmentations of truth, particularly on discourse analysis. the character
of the discourse in the politics that Foucault sees as the topic, or the object matter those
discourses are addressing. The researcher points out that the discourses are political
language use as the Power to resist what is right and how the political truth is revealed.
The discourse as the impact of Power/knowledge for Foucault in the sense of its
representation and discoursal actor.
The main point in the discourse analysis demonstrates four sub-sections such as
the object of the discourse that the researcher points out from Foucault's ideas on the
regulation of discourse. They are such the general issue that the discourse is formed
for. The way the discourse is set from the group of statements is the way it directs its
content according to what is written and spoken. The researcher from the author of the
discourse is considered as parrhesiastes because the discourse for Foucault is what
can be grounded on the ability of the author, and the one who utters the discourse must
know the truth for that individual to consider the truth-teller without any hesitation or
fear. The epistemology of the discourse is what the researcher claims as to the way we
know the discourse as truthful and meaningful in the sense of its influences and impact
on what it addresses. Consequently, it follows up with the analysis of what is said and
written count as the discoursal truth in any historical period. Therefore, the discourse
which is true and meant a lot in the different historical moment is the discourse that
does not fall outside from what is formed.
In chapter three, the researcher has discovered more about the political
discourse of Gusmão through the archelogy or the historical documentation to put into
narration regardless of any kind of interpretation and analysis. The researcher
138
presented various Gusmão’s political discourses from different years during the
Indonesian occupation and his leadership and one of the best political figures of East
Timor.
The chapter demonstrated two general sections such as the political background
and his involvement in the struggle or resistance, and the political discourses which are
formed to motivate the guerrillas, to criticize the Indonesian authority, and to magnetize
the attention of the international community. His political discourse is performative and
persuasive because of his way of speaking and approaching the object matter as the
way to really act by changing what is matter and what is not right into consideration and
recognitions.
Gusmão’s political discourses contain different topics and concerns. He assures
his discourse to be known by the world as what he uttered is what is true and right
based on Timorese’s suffering and natural law that allows him to come up with coherent
ideas that empower the mind of other people to act against what is matter in East Timor.
His ideas are made to sift the conflict as part of Timorese’s history that would never be
lost and as part of remembrance to be examined and retell as a historical discourse with
meaningful and truthful formation.
The fourth chapter contains the analysis and conceptualization of Foucaultian
discourse analysis that employs the political discourse of Gusmão as a framework to
provide an understanding toward the historical discourse of Gusmão which is
considered as a way out of the conflict. This chapter is the answer to the question
raised from the third sub-problems: How does the Foucaultian discourse analysis
employ in Xanana Gusmão’s political discourses? By taking the importance of analytical
139
ideas out from Foucault’s philosophy which is found in chapter two and the most
influential political discourse of Gusmão which has provided in the form of expositional
narration in chapter three, the researcher connected the two frameworks to see how
they could be met as a new viewpoint that can legitimate both Foucaultian discourse
analysis and political discourse of Gusmão as a new context of linguistical frame in the
social and political practices.
As far as the researcher concerns three analytical notions which Foucault’s
works demonstrated from the viewpoint of discourse analysis, the researcher believes
that it can absolutely contribute to the political discourse of Gusmão by engaging
Foucaultian discourse analysis relative to history, politic, social, and the notion of
Power/knowledge. The first aspect is from the ideas of discoursal truth as the
representation of Knowledge that can come up with the formation of statements under a
certain rule of discursivities. Foucault’s discourse analysis can point out the nationalistic
and Patriotistic expression of Gusmão as the linguistical Power to influence the listener
to act according to what has been said and written as the general topic or object of
discourse. And of course, these are the outcome of knowledge that Foucault believes to
be the bedrock of discourse in any historical moment.
The second aspect is the historicity of discoursal truth that had been qualified as
the real outcome of Gusmão’s political work. In this section, the researcher presented
the way the discourses are considered as truth because of their archeological means in
terms of interpretation and idealizing. The discourses are truth in their different historical
moments because they are validated by the methodology of Foucault in the sense of
Discourses as a social act toward the object matter that is concerned. Therefore, the
140
researcher analyzed the discourse of Gusmão as an act toward freedom and as
parrhesia of what Gusmão talks about.
The last aspect is the analytical conceptualizing about the discourses analysis of
Foucault which has successfully engaged with Gusmão’s political discourse by
bracketing the fragmentation of discourses as practices in the social and political
aspects. At this point, the researcher came up with the concept of discourses as an
attentional assertion and a communal Power.
In the discussion under the first concept, the researcher pointed the grounding of
Gusmão’s discourse toward self-determination. Furthermore, Michel Foucault was able
to help this idea in the sense of discourses as parrhesia and they are limited by the
certain object of what Gusmão really addresses. And the last concept, the researcher
pointed out that the discourse of Gusmão is not only a representation of knowledge but
also the manifestation of Power. The researcher did not refer this Power as the
personification of Gusmão but a communal one because every discourse that He
appealed in their different historical moments are related to various aspects such as the
ideology, the phenomenology of Timorese suffering, human right, the people’s freedom,
the international laws, and the moral and political principles.
B. The Conclusion
In this section, the researcher necessarily to review into different positions of
Gusmão’s political discourse during the Indonesian occupation by trusting these
positions as the beginning of the subjects and his eruption of discoursal form now he
141
arose the Timorese people for resistance, criticized the Indonesian authority and
militaries, and magnetized the attention of the international community.
The discourses of Gusmão are meant to be the result of political and social
activities. They are formed to raise the Timorese people to fight and maintain the
struggle till East Timor attain its ideology of Auto-determination. Gusmão’s discourses
are formed to criticize the criminal act and illegal occupation of Indonesian militaries that
consequently caused suffering in terms of genocide, massacred, tortured, exploitation,
sexual abuse, and starving. His discourses represent the phenomenology of Timorese
suffering. His discourses are formed to attract the world’s responsibility for taking moral
decisions toward unfairness, injustices, and violation in East Timor. His discourses are
the call of attention because they are formed foundationally true.
The conclusion of this project constitutes the summary above to provide a
glimpse of how the thesis is systematized, and the following recommendation is the
towards to future researchers of similar thrust. This thesis is not a conventional type that
bound itself as merely expository. It is, instead, a paper that presented an analysis of
the given topic which is relevant to the historical situation of East Timor using
Foucaultian discourses analysis.
The paper did not only tackle the hermeneutic framework of Gusmão in his
historical situation but also presented the personal background and political involvement
to trace what might be the reason for Gusmão to form the political discourse for the self-
determination of East Timor, overthought impact of those discourses is self-risking
during the Indonesian occupation. This paper has also provided an analytical
comprehensive of Foucaultian discourses analysis for which the researcher
142
comprehends how Foucault approaches the discourse in the social and political sphere.
At the same time, it also gave a historical narrative based on the archive and
documentation of Gusmão his historical discourse.
For these reasons, this paper is stood as the scrutinization of Gusmão’s political
discourses relative to Indonesian occupation in the light of Michel Foucault’s philosophy,
particularly, the method of discourse analysis. The nature of the paper from the second,
third and fourth chapter is the accumulation of analytical understanding of both
Foucault’s philosophy or method and Gusmão’s political discourse. In the second
chapter, the researcher has provided an analytical understanding of the method of
Foucault on discourse analysis. The third chapter is factual and truth by its historical
data that the researcher took from different historical sources. And the fourth chapter,
the paper has shown the scrutinization and conceptualization of Foucault and Gusmão
in the way of providing a comprehensive analysis.
From the overviewing of the discourses, the researcher recognizes that there are
a lot more to tackle in the project referred, but it is limited by its scope of discussion,
therefore, the only way for the researcher to trust for the upcoming project could be
clarified in different angles as they are recommended.
C. The Recommendations
Upon reading some methods of Michel Foucault’s discourse analysis in his
philosophical work to finish his endeavor, the researcher admits that there are still a lot
of materials and issues that future researchers on Foucault’s method on discourse
analysis may work on. These issues are the lacking points that the researcher did not
143
have a wider study or did not delve into in the sense of bracketing out the rules and the
interconnections of discoursal fragmentation toward social practice in terms of
hermeneutic approaches and social sciences engagement. Therefore, this paper
suggests the future researchers who are interested in Foucaultian discourse analysis
investigate his vast body of books for further research. Here are some possible topics
for researchers to work on:
• An Analysis of Self-Honesty using Foucault’s concept on Parrhesiastes
• An analysis of rhetorical speeches of President Francisco Guterres, Lu-Olo
during the pandemic using a Foucaultian discourse analysis
• The conceptualization of Gusmão’s political discourse using Foucaultian
discourse analysis
• An understanding of Foucaultian discourse analysis toward the historical text of
Ramos Horta or Bishop Belo during the Indonesian Occupation
Future researchers may work on these issues of discourse analysis of Foucault
that is found in his philosophical cannons in relation to both present and historical
issues. Regarding the notion of Parrhesia, future researchers may work on this issue
concerning the question: what the importance for the individual is or for the society of
telling the truth, of knowing the truth, of having people who tell the truth as well as
knowing how to recognize them. This notion could be further discussed in the political
activity of East. Timor during the Timorese coup against the Indonesian government in
1991.
144
In relation to discourse analysis, the researcher highly recommends for the future
researchers to investigate the notion of parrhesia to linkage the means of the discourse
and truth in the aspect of political and social. The discourse analysis could be
contextualized to the pandemic situation in East Timor using Foucault’s notion of
Parrhesia.
145
BIBLIOGRAPHY
A. Primary Sources
Michel Foucault. The Archeology of Knowledge and The Discourse on Language.

Trans. A. M. Sheridan Smith. New York: Pantheon Books, 1972.
_____________. Discipline and Punishment: The Birth of the Prison. Trans. Alan
Sheridan. New York: Vintage Books, 1977.
_____________. Society Must Be Defended: Lectures at the College de France, 1975-

1976. Vol. 2: Abnormal, ed. Mauro Bertani and Alexandro Fontana. New York: St.
Martin’s Press, 1997.
_____________. The History of Sexuality. Vol. 1: An Introduction. Trans. Robert Hurley.

New York: Pantheon Books, 1978.
_____________. The Order of Things: An archaeology of the human sciences. London:

Routledge Classics, 2002.
_____________. Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity in the Age of Reason.

London: Routledge Classics, 2001.
B. Secondary Sources
1. Books
Barber, Benjamin. Jihad vs. McWorld: How Globalism and Tribalism are Re- Shaping
the World. New York: Ballantine Books, 1996.
Cristalis, Irena. East Timor: A Nation’s Bitter Dawn, 2nd Edition. London: Zed Books,
2009.
Dirks, Nicholas. Eley, Geoff, Sherry and Ortner, B. Culture, Power, History. New Jersey:
Princeton University Press, 1994.
Dyrberg, Torben. Foucault on the Politics of Parrhesia. New York: Palgrave Macmillan,
2014).
Faubion, James. ed. Michel Foucault, Aesthetics, Method, and Epistemology. Trans.
Robert Hurley. New York: The New Press, 1998.
Giglioni, Guido et al. ed., Francis Bacon on Motion and Power. Switzerland: Springer
International Publishing, 2016.
146
Gin, Ooi. Southeast Asia: A Historical Encyclopedia, from Angkor Wat to East Timor.
England: ABC-CLIO, Inc, 2004.
Guedes, Armando and Mendes, Nuno. Ensaios sobre nacionalismos em Timor-Leste.

Ministério dos Negócios Estrangeiros, Portugal: Europress, Lda., 2005.
Gusmão, Kirsty. Woman of Independence. Sydney, Pan MacMillan, 2003.
Gusmão, Xanana. To Resist is to Win: A History that Beats in the Maubere Soul.
Melbourne: Aurora/David Lovell Press, 2000.
Gusmão, Xanana. To Resist is to Win: Autobiography, September 1994. Melbourne:

Aurora/David Lovell Press, 2000.
Hall, Stuart. Formation of Modernity. Cambridge: Polity Press, 1992.
Horta, José. Funu: The Unfinished Saga of east Timor. Trenton, Red Sea Press, 1987.
Jannisa, Gudmund. Timor-Leste in the World: BC to Independence. Lund: A Malae

Production, 2019.
Jones, Rodney. and Norris, Sigrid. Discourse in Action: Introducing Mediated Discourse
Analysis. London: Routledge, 2005.
Jørgensen, Marianne and Phillips, Louise. Discourse Analysis as Theory and Method.
London: Sage Publication, 2002.
Kelly, Mark. The Political Philosophy of Michel Foucault. New York: Routledge, 2009.
Kingsbury, Damien and Leach, Michel. East Timor: Beyond Independence. Clayton:
Monash University Press, 2007.
Koopman, Colin. Genealogy as Critique: Foucault and the Problems of Modernity.

Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2013.
Lloyd, Moya and Thacker, Andrew. The Impact of Michel Foucault on the Social
Sciences and Humanities. New York: Palgrave Macmillan, 1997.
Magalhães, Barbedo. East Timor: Land of Hope. Trans. Susan P. Castillo. Porto:
Oporto University, 1992.
Martin, Ian. Self-Determination in East Timor: The United Nations, The Ballot, and
International Intervention. London: Lynne Rienner Publishers, 2001.
McGushin, Edward. Foucault’s Askesis: An Introduction to the Philosophical Life.

Illinois: Northwestern University Press Evanston, 2007.
147
Mendes, Nuno. Multidimensional identity construction: Challenges for State-building in

East Timor. Bangkok: Institut de recherche sur l’Asie du Sud-Est contemporaine,
2009.
Ophir, Adi. Plato’s Invisible Cities: Discourse and Power in the Republic. London:
Routledge, 1991.
Orwell, George. Animal Farm: Fairy Story. London: Print hardback & paperback, 1945.
Pearson, Joseph ed. Michel Foucault: Fearless Speech. Los Angles: Semiotext (e),
2001.
Peng, Ip. Leandro, Francisco and Henriques, Danilo. The challenges, development, and
promise of Timor-Leste. Macau: Macau Special Administrative Region, MSAR,
2019.
Peters, Michael. Tesar, Marek and Locke, Kirsten. Michel Foucault. New York: Oxford
University Press, 2014.
Prado, C. G. Searle and Foucault on Truth. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press,

2006.
Rabinow, Paul and Rose, Nikolas. The Essential Foucault: Selection from Essential
Works of Foucault 1945-1984. New York: The New Press, 2003.
Rabinow, Paul. Michel Foucault Ethics and Essential Works of Michel Foucault 1954-
1984. Vol. 1. Trans. Robert Hurley. London: Penguin Books, 1994.
Sarah, Niner. Xanana: Leader of Struggle for Independent Timor-Leste. North

Melbourne: Australian Scholarly Publishing, 2009.
Shapiro, Michael. Discourse, Culture, Violence, 1st ed. Terrell Carver and Samuel A.
Chambers. London: Routledge, 2012.
Shapiro, Michael. Language and Political Understanding: The Politics of Discursive

Practices. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1981.
2. Journals
Arthur, Catherine. “From Fretilin to Freedom: The Evolution of the Symbolism of Timor-
Leste's National Flag.” Journal of Southeast Asian Studies, Vol. 42, No. 2 (2018).
Baker, Lynne. “Human Persons as Social Entities,” Journal of Social Ontology.” Vol. 1,
Issue 1 (2015).
148
Brad, Simpson. “‘Illegally and Beautifully’: The United States, the Indonesian Invasion of
East Timor and the International Community, 1974–76.” Journal of Cold War
History, Vol. 5, No. 3 (2005).
Budiardjo, Carmel and Liong, Liem. “The War Against East Timor.” The Journal of Asian
Studies, Vol. 45, No. 2 (1986).
Candio, Patrick and Bleiker, Roland. “Peacebuilding in East Timor.” Journal of The
Pacific Review, Vol. 14, No. 1 (2001).
David, Lewis. “Gusmão Xanana: Timor Lives: speeches of freedom and independence.”
The Australian Library Journal, Vol. 54, No. 4 (2005).
Diaz-Bone, Rainer. et al. “The Field of Foucaultian Discourse Analysis: Structures,

Developments and Perspectives.” Journal Article of Historical Social Science, Vol. 33, No.
1 (2008).
Donnelly, Michael. “Foucault's Genealogy of the Human Sciences, Economy and

Society.” Journal of Economy and Society, Vol. 11, Issue 4 (2006).
Dreyfus, Hubert. “Being and Power: Heidegger and Foucault.” International Journal of
Philosophical Studies, Vol. 4, Issue 1 (1996).
Escobar, Arturo. “Discourse and Power in Development: Michel Foucault and the
Relevance of His Work to the Third World.” Journal of Global, Local, Political,
Vol. 10, Issue 3 (1984).
Fraser, Bruce. What are discourse markers?. Journal of Pragmatics, Vol. 31, Issue 7
(1999).
Hassen, Rukya. “Discourse as Medium of Knowledge: Transmission of Knowledge by

Transmission of Discourse People Live.” Journal of Education and Practice, Vol.
6, No. 31 (2015).
Hill, Hal. “Tiny, Poor and War-Torn: Development Policy Challenges for Timor-Leste,
world development.” Elsevier, Vol. 29, No. 7 (2001).
Hook, Dereck. “Discourse, Knowledge, Materiality, History Foucault and Discourse

Analysis.” Sage journal of Theory and Psychology, Vol. 11, Issue 4 (2001).
Marshall, James. “On what we may hope: Rorty on Dewey and Foucault,” Studies in
Philosophy and Education, Vol. 13, Issue 3 (1994).
Maxwell, Lyda. “The olitics and gender of truth-telling in Foucault’s lectures on

parrhesia.” Journal of Contemporary Political Theory, Vol. 18, Issue 22 (2018).
149
McGregor, Andrew. Laura Skeaff and Marianne Bevan, “Overcoming Secularism?

Catholic development geographies in Timor-Leste.” Journal of Third World
Quarterly, Vol. 33, Issue 6 (2012).
Niner, Sarah. “A long journey of resistance: The origins and struggle of the CNRT.”
Bulletin of Concerned Asian Scholars, Vol. 32, Issue 1-2 (2000).
Nola, Roberta. “Knowledge, Discourse, Power and Genealogy in Foucault.” Journal of

Critical Review of International Social and Political Philosophy, Vol. 1, Issue 2
(1998): 109-154.
Pasquino, Pasquale. “Michel Foucault (1926–84): The Will to Knowledge.” Journal of

Economy and Society, Vol. 15, Issue 1 (1986).
Peters, Michel. “Truth and Truth-telling in the Age of Trump.” Journal of Education
Philosophy and Theory, Vol. 50, Issue 11 (2018).
Richards, Esther “The Catholic Church and reproductive health and rights in Timor-
Leste: contestation, negotiation and cooperation.” Journal: Culture, Health &
Sexuality: An International Journal for Research, Intervention and Care, Vol. 17,
Issue 3 (2015).
Rodrigues, Sonia. “‘If You Leave Us Here, We Will Die’: How Genocide Was Stopped in
East Timor.” Journal of Civil Wars, Vol. 13. No. 3 (2011).
Sapouna, Lydia. “Foucault, Michel. Madness and Civilization: A History of Insanity

(2001),” Community Development Journal, Vol. 47, Issue 4 (2012).
Tamboukou, Maria. “Truth Telling in Foucault and Arendt: Parrhesia, the Pariah and
Academics in Dark Times.” Journal of Education Policy, Vol. 27, No. 6 (2012).
Vahid, Hossein. “The Power behind Images: Advertisement Discourse in Focus.”

International Journal of Linguistics, Vol. 4, No. 4 (2012).
Volkman, Toby. Review of Indonesia's Forgotten War: The Hidden History of East
Timor, by John G. Taylor. The Journal of Asian Studies, Vol. 52, No. 4 (1993).
Wandel, Torbjörn. “The Power of Discourse: Michel Foucault and critical theory.”
Journal of Cultural Values, Vol. 5, Issue 3 (2001): 368-382.
Wiercinski, Andrew. “Hermeneutic Notion of a Human Being as an Acting and Suffering

Person: Thinking with Paul Ricoeur.” Ethics In Progress Vol. 4, No. 2 (2013).
150
3. Internet
AP Archive. “East Timor: Dili, Gusmão Returns Home.” July 22, 2015. Video, 2:47.
https://youtu.be/2EbWj9M0Dss
AP Archive. “Indonesia: Jakarta: Gusmao Freed (2).” July 30, 2015. Video, 3:50.
https://youtu.be/RKH_-vqx-ys
AP Archive. “Indonesia: Jakarta: Gusmao Freed (3).” July 30, 2015. Video, 0:10 – 2:53.
https://youtu.be/t-u4nn9B_9Y
AP Archive. “WRAP Timor becomes world's newest nation, adds Gusmao, fireworks.”
July 22, 2015. Video, 2:40 – 3:38. https://youtu.be/Hmk8GZsyISU
Charter of the United Nations and Statute of the International Court of Justice
(CUNSICJ), Purposes and Principal (San Francisco: October 24, 1945), 3.
Piedade, José. Interviewed by the Author. Interview Letter via E-mail. Amadeo, Cavite,
March 23, 2021, 2:12 pm (MT).
Robert, Domm. “Report from the Mountains of East Timor; Interview with resistance
guerrilla commander, Xanana Gusmão.” Transcript of Background Briefing, ABC
radio (1990), 20.
SBS Dateline. “Capturing Xanana.” May 23, 2011. Video, 1:06.

https://youtu.be/7CTp1X47QHQ.
The Don. “Maun Bot: Xanana Gusmao Ho Ramos Horta Hamutuk Apelo Husu Ajuda Ba
Congresso EU.” September 19, 2016. Video, 2:00 – 16:47.
https://youtu.be/LmIQKok-hbI
4. Blogs
Burkot, Camilla. “Xanana Gusmão on conflict, development and sovereignty for Timor-
Leste.” Devpolicy Blog (2015).
Strohmaier, David. “What I Am Reading: Lynne Rudder Baker – Human Persons as

Social Entities.” A Philosophy Blog (2016).
151

Thesis Natalino Amaral Entire Thesis Revised

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Description:

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Thesis Natalino Amaral Entire Thesis Revised

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

A Foucaultian Analysis on Gusmão’s Political Discourses During the Indonesian Occupation

First and foremost, my thanksgivings go to the Almighty God who graciously

My special gratitude to all my Salvatorian Confreres of East Asian Mission

through their fervent prayer and wishes.

My deepest gratitude to my dear family, especially my parents, siblings, relatives,

My special thanks to my thesis Instructor, Mr. Maxwell B. Felicilda, Ph.D., my

learning process. I would like to thank my classmates who have accompanied me as

This paperwork is devoted to my adored nation, East Timor, and my beloved

methodological approaches on discourse analysis. It is systematized in three analytical

axes: (a) an analytical understanding on Michel Foucault’s methodology on discourse

which Foucault’s discourse analysis choses to engage. Gusmão’s political speech is

freedom. The political discourse of Gusmão is considered as a political framework that

Foucault’s methodology on discourse analysis opens as hermeneutical tool to examine

Foucaultian discourse analysis through the applicability and interpretation. Foucaultian

of political discourse and social practices.

Keywords: Political Discourse; Discourse Analysis; Power/Knowledge; Methodology;

B. Statement of the Problem 7

F. Review of Related Literature 15

G. Definition of the Terms 38

H. Intellectual Biography Sketch 40

II. MICHEL FOUCAULT’S DISCOURSE ANALYSIS AND THE METHODOLOGY

III. GUSMÃO’S POLITICAL INVOLVIMENT AND DISCOURSES DURING

A. Gusmão’s Personal, Historical/Political Background 82

B. The Political Discourses of Gusmão 87

C. The Synthesis 101

IV. ANALYSING GUSMÃO POLITICAL DISCOURSE USING FOUCAULT’S

A. Gusmão’s Patriotic and Nationalistic Expression 104

B. Gusmão’s Historicity of Discoursal Truth 114

C. Analytical Conceptualizing on Foucault’s Discourse Analysis Relative to

D. Charting an Analytical Application on Gusmão’s Political Discourse deployed by

E. The Synthesis 132

V. SUMMARY, CONCLUSION, & RECOMMENDATION

A. The Summary 134

B. The Conclusion 141

C. The Recommendations 143

In 2002, Timor-Leste (East Timor) developed out of centuries of Portuguese

time of UN administration to end up as one of the most up to date nation-states. From

Indonesia occupation through a physical hostility that brought about numerous

Seven East Timorese understudies returned from Portugal in September 1974.

establishment of the Timorese warriors was subordinate to the political ideology. It

caused different political organizations to be shaped in arrange to control the vision

through argumentative complimenting to the world, especially, the Joined together

between the farewell of Portuguese and intrusion of Indonesia.

Associação Social Democratica Timorense (ASDT) or Timorese Social Democratic

organization was the Associação para Integração de Timor na Indonesia (APODETI).

Frente Revolucionaria de Timor Leste Independete (FRETILIN) on September 11, 1974.

by neighboring Indonesia toward Timorese individuals in terms of setting up operation

freedom singularly on November 28, 1975, by FRETILIN.

Timor on December 7, 1975.

Amid that catastrophe, a gigantic intrusion by the Indonesian military slaughtered

recognizable with enduring and never felt autonomous in all angles.

of FALINTIL, an armed force of FRETILIN, who afterward got to be chairman of the

or Gusmão" was continuously displayed without any condition. He was proliferated by

Gusmão’s care to others, Timorese individuals inevitably recognized that Xanana

Gusmão was a brilliant politician and thinker.

East Timor adored and acknowledged Xanana Gusmão as a charismatic warrior.

of understanding that brought Timorese individuals for a self-determination.

Popular Consultation on September 3, 1999 in New York:

On 5 May 1999, Portugal, Indonesia, and the United Nations concluded an

• A Foucaultian investigation gets to be the bridge for Timorese’s political idea to

be caught on as the outwards of question around an understanding of the

recognize each value of resistance in both activities and words in a historical

of Timorese people toward Freedom. It remolded the Timorese’s attitude of fear