Professional Documents
Culture Documents
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ultimate sign of a productive culture contactbetween the western centres and 3. I have deliberately
those groups on the so-called periphery, and as the visible referent of the restricted my attention
to large international
self-determination of those nations once subjugated under colonial institutions in western
domination. metropolitan centres,
rather than smaller
More specifically, the cultural object was to be the primary signifier of a local institutions, since
cultural, national and ethnic identity which proclaimed and celebrated its these museums still
unfortunately
integrity and 'difference' from the centres of western capitalism. But it wasalso
maintain a hegemonic
to be the sign of a mutually productive culture contact - an exchange. To position in relation to
accomplish this the curators deliberately selected cultural production which the representation of
other cultures. For an
straddled a number of different taxonomies, objects designated at various interesting set of
moments as the domains of ethnography, science, popular culture and fine art. observations about the
comparative function
This article explores some of the difficulties arising from the use of this of what he calls
particular curatorial strategy and the extent to which it actually offers a 'majority' and 'tribal'
museums, see James
productive challenge to the Eurocentrism of the western art establishment or Clifford, 'Four
simply a more complex revision of the primitivist fantasies of early modernism. Northwest Coast
Museums: Travel
I would like to add that my analysis is underwritten by a tacit recognition of
Reflections', in Ivan
hybridity as an important cultural strategy for the political project of Karp and Steven
decolonization.5 For me the problem is not to question the validity of hybridity, Levine (eds), Exhibiting
4. Museum of
Mankind, Lost Magic
Kingdoms and Six Paper
Moonsfrom Nahuatl,
London 1986;
Museum voor
Volkenkunde, Kunst
uit een Andere Wereld,
Rotterdam 1988;
Beaubourg, 'Les
Magiciens de la Terre\
Paris 1989; Center for
African Art and New
Museum for
Contemporary Art,
Africa Explores, New
York 1991.
5. Although my own
article is framed as a
critique of the kind of
position on 'hybridity'
articulated by Peter
Wollen, 'Tourism,
Language and Art',
New Formations, no. 12,
Winter 1990, pp43-59,
he usefully traces the
adoption of
hybridizing strategies
as models of resistance
or nationalism in
particular moments of
Mexican, Irish and
Jewish history.
Display from 'Lost Magic Kingdoms', an exhibition at the Museum of Mankind created by Eduard
Paolozzi. © British Museum.
40 New Formations
either as a strategy of oppositional identity ('roots revivalism') or as an instance
of creative transactional transculturation. I take both as contingent and
conditional. As Stuart Hall, Benita Parry and Gayatri Chakravorty Spivak have
done elsewhere, I would argue for a strategic essentialism.6 The focus of this 6. Stuart Hall,
'Cultural Identity and
paper is rather to interrogate the ways in which 'hybridity' is transformed and
Diaspora', in Jonathan
to what effect, in the narratives of the western art and ethnographic museum Rutherford (ed.),
and to ask what relations of power and transgression it can still articulate Identity: Community,
Culture, Difference,
there.7 Lawrence & Wishart,
One of the difficulties of appropriating 'hybridity' as a sign of post-colonial London 1990, p223;
Benita Parry,
self-determination is that as a cultural concept and as a descriptive term for the 'Resistance
cultural object itself, it already has a particular pedigree in the discourse of Theory/Theorising
Resistance' in Francis
both art history and anthropology as Surrealist, Pop, Folk art, or popular Barker et al. (eds),
versions of historical cultural practices, redefined for a commercial market. Colonial Discourse:
Post-Colonial Theory,
The meanings and values of each category shift of course, according to Manchester University
complex historical and social relations. Yet more often than not, such Press, Manchester
exhibitions demonstrate a curious resistance to addressing the implications of (forthcoming); see also
David Lloyd, 'Ethnic
such potentially contradictory categories. Even the more obvious dialogical Cultures, Minority
relation imposed by the distinct institutional contexts, the ethnographic Discourse and the
State', ibid.
museum on the one hand and the museum of fine art on the other, are not
often seriously considered.8 This is all the more remarkable in a curatorial 7. See also Cornel
West, 'Black Culture
project dedicated to a strategic reassessment of the relationship of the West and and Postmodernism'
its 'Other', since both sites are subject to different institutional and disciplinary in Barbara Kruger and
Phil Mariani (eds),
histories directly implicated in both world capitalism and colonialism. Remaking History, Bay
Successfully relocating the cultural object as a sign of processes of cultural Press, Seatde 1989,
assimilation, appropriation and transformation requires, perhaps, a more p91, where he writes:
'The issue here is not
self-conscious acknowledgment of the ways in which this object, and more simply some
specifically, cultural objects assigned to an 'Other' (whether in terms of sophomoric, moralistic
test that surveys the
nationality, ethnicity, class or gender), are already circumscribed at any given racial bases of the
moment. Not only in terms of the weight of meanings attributed to them interlocutors in a
debate. Rather the
through ethnography or anthropology, or the predominantly modernist point is to engage in a
paradigm of conventional art history, but also in terms of the competing structural and
institutional analysis to
definitions established by their presence in a variety of institutional and see where the debate is
educational practices in the public sphere. taking place, why at
this historical moment,
In Britain, for example, during the stringent economic cutbacks
and how this debate
characteristic of the 1980s, the local and national museum has ironically come enables or disenables
into its own. Through transformations in marketing and policy, the museum oppressed peoples to
exercise their
has become both a vital component in the reclaiming and defining of a concept opposition to the
of collective memory on the local level and, on the national level, an opportune hierarchies of power.'
site for the reconstituting of certain cultural icons as part of a common 8. For example, 'Les
'heritage' - a 'heritage' often produced as a spectacle of essentialist national Magiciens dela Terre' at
the Beaubourg, Paris
identity with the museum frequently serving as the site of the nostalgic 1989; and LostMagic
manufacture of a consensual past in the lived reality of a deeply divided Kingdoms and Six Paper
present.9 Moonsfrom Nahuatl, at
the Museum of
Simultaneously, as the central argument against the restitution of cultural Mankind, London
property, western museums proclaim the internationalism of museum culture 1986. For a critique of
42 New Formations
a commonplace observation - that the cultural object can never be an empty theEducation of
\ essel waiting to be filled with meaning, but rather is a repository replete with ChildrenfromEthnic
MinorityGroups,
meanings that are never immanent but always contingent - is evidendy not to London 1985; A
he taken for granted. Sivanandan,
'Challenging Racism:
The ways in which such 'visibility' is mediated by an aesthetic consideration is Strategies for the
especially significant in the 'post-colonial' context. Of course the West's 1980s', Race and Class,
xxv, Autumn 1983;
advocation of aesthetic criteria for evaluating material culture from the Sneja Gunew,
colonies or from independent nation-states with a history of colonial 'Australia 1984: A
Moment in the
subjugation is not, and never has been, an unqualifiedly progressive move.14
Archaeology of
While it has sometimes had the potential to disrupt and fracture certain Multiculturalism', in
Francis Barker et al.
assumptions of racial and cultural inferiority, it has always been fraught with
(eds), Europeand its
more or less productive contradictions. When public ethnographic collections Others, vol. 1,
were established in Britain, for example, at the end of the nineteenth century, University of Essex,
Colchester 1985.
their effectivity operated on a number of competing levels. Indeed, their very
existence depended precisely on promoting the material in the collection 11. K. Gough,'New
Proposals for
simultaneously as fodder for the purportedly disinterested scientific and
Anthropologists',
comparative study of culture, as visible 'evidence' of racial inferiority (and Current Anthropology,
therefore as justification of colonial intervention), but also in their capacity as no.9,1968, pp403-7;
P. Bandyopadhyay,
objects of aesthetic pleasure, exotic delectation, and spectacle.15 'One Sociology or
Many - Some Issues in
Radical Sociology',
Sociological Review,
II
no.19,197l,pp5-29;J.
Clifford and George
The present historical conjuncture finds us at the crossroads of postmodern E. Marcus (eds),
critiques of the alienating effects of commodity culture on the one hand, and Writing Culture,
University of
on the other, the celebration of the liberating possibilities opened up by the
California Press,
subsequent demise of certain historical models now dismissed as hopelessly Berkeley 1986;
Edward W. Said,
teleological. Perhaps this might be a good moment to reassess some of the more
'Representing the
complex ways in which 'difference' is articulated across race, class and gender Colonised:
relations in highly specific ways. This is especially important if we are to avoid Anthropology's
Interlocutors', Critical
the uncritical celebration in museum culture of a hybridity which threatens to Inquiry, no. 15, 1989,
collapse the heterogeneous experience of racism into a scopic feast where the pp205-25.
goods on display are laid out for easy consumption in ever more enticing 12. For a
configurations, none of which actually challenge or expose the ways in which development of this
argument see Avtar
such difference is constituted and operates as a mechanism of oppression. Brah, 'Difference,
At various moments in the history of western imperialism, different colonial Diversity,
Differentiation', in
powers have used the 'visibility' of the museum to set up initiatives which were James Donald and Ali
as dependent then on the rhetoric of equal access that we hear so much about Rattansi (eds), Race,
Culture and Identity,
now. In Britain in the 1850s, and again in the Edwardian era, for example, this
Sage in association
was invoked in no uncertain terms. The museum was heralded as '... the most with the Open
democratic and socialistic possession of the people. All have equal access to University, London
1992;TrinT. Minha,
them, peer and peasant receive the same privileges and treatment.'16 Museums Women, Native, Other:
occupied a territory apparently 'neutral' enough to provide what was seen as a Writing Post-Coloniality
and Feminism, Indiana
'common' meeting ground for children from 'different class backgrounds' - University Press,
the basis in fact of an objective education. Again in 1903 the ethnographic Bloomington 1989;
museums' potential as a 'scientific' and therefore 'objective' educational tool
44 New Formations
Again, certain aspects of the professionalization of anthropology,
particularly in France and Britain, warrant elaboration. As a means of
validating the expansion of ethnographic collections, the rhetoric most
frequendy employed was (and still is) the necessity of conserving and
preserving the material culture in the museum's custody, in the face of what
was taken to be the inevitable extinction of the producers themselves.18 18. For a
contemporary
Paradoxically, of course, anthropology's desire for state recognition as an example, see the
academic discipline, and its need for public funding, necessitated its aiding and current exhibition at
the British Museum,
abetting this extinction by proposing itself as an active agent in colonial
'Collecting the
subjugation. While speeding the inevitability of such destruction, anthropo Twentieth Century',
logists boosted the already multiple valuesassigned to the discipline's objectsof where the panel
introducing the
study, thus enhancing the status of anthropological knowledge, while ethnographic
simultaneously ensuring that the producers maintained their position at the department's
collection states
lower end of the evolutionary scale. explicidy that this is
What we might then call the 'disappearing world' phenomenon is alive and the primary work of
the department. The
well today and living in New York, London and Paris (or, as below, in the booklet which
cutting room of Britain's Granada TV). Of course, now as then, any analysis of accompanies the
exhibition, however,
the effects of this ideology is complicated by its adoption for ostensibly
actually critiques this
different ends in the discourses of both Right and Left, with organizations like suggestion.
Survival International working in tandem and often on the initiative of
19. Chris Pinney,
indigenous rights organizations. In the words of one critic of the Granada TV 'Appearing Worlds',
series which has done so much to popularize the concept: 'The structural need Anthropology Today, vol.
5, June 1989, p27.
which Disappearing World has for a fragile exoticism (a world as yet
unrepresented) demands ... difference and ... disappearanceis the onlyway of 20. L.Woodhead,A
BoxFull ofSpirits:
maintaining that distance.'19 Paradoxically, while the programmes are Adventures of a
premised on the inevitability of this destruction usually as a result of contact Film-maker in Africa,
Heinemann, London
with western capitalism (if not with the paraphernalia of film-making itself), it
1987.
is precisely those moments where the inevitability implied by such
'documentary' veracity is rumbled, that are edited out of the script permitted to
the subjects of the Granada series.20
Crucially, critiques of the absences implicit in the 'disappearing world'
syndrome have come from those whose experience is silenced through such
representation. The example which immediately comes to mind is the protest
made against the Museum of Mankind's 'Hidden Peoples of the Amazon'
exhibition in 1985. Notwithstanding the use of the intractable interior of
Burlington Gardens as an unlikely substitute for the Amazon Jungle, the
exhibition itself provided a spectacle which represented the various Indian
populations of the Amazon basin as productive, active and evidently in
possession of an encyclopaedic knowledge of the complex ecology of their
environment. The meta-narrative of the exhibition, however, if not already
evident simply through both the actual and metaphorical 'containment' of
diverse strata of Amerindian societies in three rooms of the Museum, is made
explicit in the accompanying guide: after cataloguing the threats to the very
environment represented in the display, the writer continues, 'In the light of
this, reservations such as the large Xingu Indian park set up in Brazil in 1959,
must be seen as the most acceptable of alternatives for the protection o f Indian
21. Museum of interests in the welter of modern economic development.'21 The tone of
Mankind, The Hidden
Peoples of theAmazon,
resignation and inevitability here is continuing proof of the way in which those
London 1985, pi 1. discourses used to justify ethnographic practice during its historical formation
as an 'officially' accredited 'profession' are continually invoked today.
However, on 8 August 1985, the Museum was picketed by rep
resentatives from Survival International and two Indian representatives
from different Indian rights organizations. What interests me here are the
particular terms of their critique of the exhibition and the way it highlights
some of the difficulties of addressing the issue of culture contact through the
display of culturally 'hybrid' objects. The demonstration concerned not the
absence of the evidence of culture contact, assimilation and adaptation in the
display, but rather the absence of an acknowledgment of the dialectical and
dynamic relationship of diverse Amerindian populations to such contact —not
simply at the level of the hybridization of material culture, but at a much more
fundamental social level. It concerned, in fact, the absence of any evidence of
the ongoing struggle between the Indians and the Brazilian government; the
absence of any signs of selective and strategic resistance; in short, the absence
of any self-determination by those Indians represented in the exhibition. The
Museum's concession to the contemporary situation was to put up a
story-board advertising western aid campaigns against the decimation of the
Amazonian rain forests and two photographs supposed to demor.strate a
46 New Formations
flourishing hybrid culture - a ceremonial house made out of recycled cans and
a Panare Indian in 'traditional' clothing riding a yellow Yamaha bike on a
cleared highway. The statement made by Evaristo Nugkuag, one of the leaders
of an Indian rights organization, neady sums up the problem: 'It was as though
we could have the white's machine without losing our land and our way of
life.'22 22. Observer, 11
August 1985.
Four years later, the Calgary exhibition 'The Spirit Sings: Artistic Traditions
of Canada's First Peoples' put on to coincide with the Winter Olympics in
January 1988, became the centre of another controversy. The Lubicon Lake
Cree organized a demonstration and boycott of the Olympic Games in order to
draw attention to their forty-year-old land claim. The exhibition itself
gradually became the focus of the boycott since its very existence was only
assured as the result of a substantial grant from Shell Oil Canada Ltd - who
also happened to be drilling in precisely the area of the land claim. In the
words of Bernard Ominayak, Chief of the Lubicon: 'The irony of using a
display of North American Indian artefacts to attract people to the Winter
Olympics being organized by interests who are still actively seeking to destroy
Indian people, seems obvious.'23 The curator's response was to play the old 23. Quoted inJ.D.
Harrison, *"The Spirit
'objectivity' card - 'Museums, like universities, are expected by their Sings" and the Future
constitutions, to remain non-partisan.'24 In answer to the Lubicon's retort that of Anthropology',
Anthropology Today,
Glenbow Museum had already made a political stand by accepting Shell vol.4, December 1988,
sponsorship, the astounding response was that there was no 'evidence that the p6. See also Jean
Fisher, 'The Health of
public confusescorporatesupport for corporate policy'.25 the People is the
Clearly, those who apparently 'cannot represent themselves' are more than Highest Law', Third
Text, no.2, Winter
able to do just that. In both the Tukano and the Lubicon Cree cases, their
1987, pp63-75.
intervention exposed not only the hidden agendas of corporate sponsorship
and 'objective' museum scholarship, but also the inextricability of discourses of 24. J.D. Harrison,
op.cit, p8.
cultural continuity and/or cultural transformation as a result of contact with
western capitalism, with other more problematic discourses around the concept 25. Ibid.
of 'tradition'. The 'disappearing world' syndrome - the West's search for the 26. It is as a result of
authentic encounter with originary unity, that is both constandy threatened such acutely aimed
and orchestrated
and passively awaited by those whose visibility rests on the magnanimity of
protests from often
'objective' scholarship - waswelland truly rumbled.26 disempowered
Most importantly, both Amazon and Lubicon Indian rights groups have indigenous peoples,
that the liberal white
made it clear that there are complex interests at stake in the representation of establishment is now
culture contact in western museums. The 'context' which needs to be made being forced to take on
board criticism that
explicit in such displays is no longer solely the old functionalist call for 'mythic' has become politically
and 'ritual' significance, or a reassessment of the validity of such practices for embarrassing. One
such instance is the
the canons of the western art establishment, but the ways in which such cultural
recent series on
activities are often framed within a specific engagement with global politics, Channel 4 TV,'The
and certainly with local demands. The meanings attributed and attributable to Savage Strikes Back'.
Instead of focusing
such practices are, in fact, politically contingent, unstable and often strategic. solely on the
The historical conditions for culture appropriation by the West, and the 'inevitability' of
extinction this series,
critique of western modernism as posing some form of impossible universal produced in direct
internationalism, makes it untenable to speak of shifting the binary consultation with local
Exhibits from 'Temps Perdu, Temps Retrouvf', at the Musee d'Ethnographie, Neuchatel 1985/86.
© Musee d'Ethnographie, Neuchatel. Ethnographic objects as souvenirs including a mask from
Gabon and a South American poncho which 'belonged' respectively to Dr Albert Schweizer and
Jean-Jacques de Tschudi.
27. See, for example, oppositions, for solongthe structural principle in so much western appraisal of
the interview with
Jean-Hubert Martin
non-European culture, by simply including in the display objects showing signs
by Benjamin of culture contact. Even if this does go some way towards disrupting the
Buchloch, 'The Whole
Earth Show', Art in
continuity of the search for authenticity it does little to disintegrate the
America, May 1989. problems implicit in the continued suggestion of the inevitability of the cycle of
corruption, change and modernity. Aftera discussion of the multiple meanings
28. See, for example,
G. Brett, Through Our produced by the evidence of such contact in the visual narratives of western
OwnEyes,GMP ethnographic museums and art galleries, not to mention other media, this
Publishers, London
1986; B.Jules-Rosette, suggestion either has the ring of a naive voluntarism about it or takes on a more
The Messages of Tourist pernicious aspect.27
Art, Plenum Press,
New York 1984.
Clearly, we should recognize the positive way in which the 'disappearing
world' phenomenon and the question of culture contactis today inflected with
29. For an informed
and critical view which
other knowledges and a recognition in some instances of a 'post-colonial'
analyzes this issue in context. The axes which operate now may be more productive: 'traditional'
terms of the versus tourist or airport art; popular versus high culture; local versus global.28
Australian context and
the recent celebration But is there, in fact, any evidence of other types of display policy thai would
of Aboriginal cultural shift the implicit value judgments of even these binaries, that would indeed
production, see
Anne-Marie Willis and
provide the western viewer with the basis for acknowledging other, more
Tony Fry, 'Art as complex, structural affinitiesand exchanges?29
Ethnocide: The Case
of Australia', Third
Text, Winter 1988-89,
pp3-21.
48 New Formations
Ill
Les Magiciens de la Terre' at the Beaubourg in Paris, was one of the more
notorious exhibitions to foreground hybridity as a condition of 'post-
coloniality'. It highlighted some of the problems in the kinds of binaries which
are often reinforced despite the disavowal of any comparisons on the grounds
of a spurious, but supposedly self-evident 'similarity' between exhibitors from
:he western metropolitan centres and those from nation-states with a more
recent history of colonial subjugation. The irony here was, of course, that the
one thing that most critics of the show picked up on, was the major structuring
device of racial and cultural 'difference' - a 'difference' which is transformed
here into a 'cultural diversity', a contented global village. A highly selective
'difference' which includes African, Australian and Chilean artists, but has no
room for the huge North African diaspora, the residents of the Beaubourg's
neighbouring arrondissements.
This is where it might be valuable to consider the historical formation of the
public museum as the transformation from private courtly collection to public
collection, a moment represented in its starkest form by the foundation of the 30. See Carol Duncan
Louvre after the Revolution.30 The subsequent invitation to participate in a and Alan Wallach,
The Universal Survey
supposedly shared culture - the address to the citizen - underwrites all public Museum', ArtHistory,
museums. In such spaces the viewer is necessarily interpolated as both citizen no.3, December 1980.
and individual, and the relationship between public and subjective identities, 31. I am indebted to
and the values and exclusions implicit in both, is crucial. In the context of 'Les Michel Melot for this
information.
Magiciens', for example, the confusion invoked by such an address, and the
contradictions between this and the actual address and conditions of access to 32. For one of the
cultural capital, might account for why the huge North African diaspora in most interesting
critical assessments of
Paris is a regular user of the videotech and library at the Beaubourg, but rarely, the Beaubourg, see
if ever, uses the exhibition space downstairs.31 And this despite the fact that the Cultural Affairs
Committee of the Parti
Beaubourg is predicated on an almost monstrous visibility which declares Socialiste Unifii,
through its 'transparent' functionalist architectural idiom a condition of 'Beaubourg: The
Containing of Culture
permanent and open accessibility.32 in France', Studio
If as Paul Gilroy has suggested, 'diaspora' enables a way out of a binary International, no. 1,
constituted across 'essentialism' versus 'difference', we need to recognize the 1978, pp27-36.
50 New Formations
Display from 'Lost Magic Kingdoms', an exhibition at the Museum of Mankind created by Eduardo
Paolozzi.
Exhibits from 'Temps Perdu, Temps Retrouve, at the Musee d'Ethnographie, Neuchatel 1985/8fi
© Musee d'Ethnographie, Neuchatel. Next to the mannequins are objects belonging (from left to righ;
to a woman from the north Cameroons, a native American boy, and an indigenous Amazonian man.
52 New Formations