Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Siegel, Bernard J. y Alan R. Beals - Conflict and Factionalist Dispute
Siegel, Bernard J. y Alan R. Beals - Conflict and Factionalist Dispute
Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at http://www.jstor.org/page/
info/about/policies/terms.jsp
JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide range of content
in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and facilitate new forms of scholarship.
For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.
Wiley and Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland are collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve
and extend access to The Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great Britain and Ireland.
http://www.jstor.org
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
Conflict and Factionalist Dispute
BERNARD J. SIEGEL & ALAN R. BEALS
StanfordUniversity,
California
ANALYSES
OF SOCIAL generally take a stable model as a point of departure.'
SYSTEMS
A group is interpreted in terms of certain structuralpropertieswhich are considered to
be reflected in the functioning of social usages or customs. Emphasis is placed upon
forms, linkages, and alignments such as family, kinship, age, sex, friendship, and other
relationships, and then move to the mechanisms for ensuring conduct appropriate to
the maintenance of these alignments and values and beliefs which support them. The
social system, then, is regarded as a set of techniques for mobilizing and organizing
individual energies to cope with group problems. It maps appropriatebehaviours and,
like other cultural sub-systems,inhibits random self-seeking.In most depictive or func-
tionally oriented interpretationsof social structuresattention tends to be directed to the
way the system works; rarely is attention directed towards the presence of disruptive
formsof social relationshipssuch as the presenceof pervasiveconflict.
It is true that if conflict in human interaction were the rule and organizationlargely
absent, social life could scarcely exist. The case of the Kaingang, described by Jules
Henry (Henry I94I), appears to be an illustration of this. The virtual absence of struc-
tural regularitieswithin this group at the time of Henry's observationsappeared to be
leading the Kaingang toward their extinction. Such examples, perhaps, explain why the
assumptionis frequently made that a social system, if viable, tends to correct centrifugal
behavioural tendencies to accord with prevailing normative expectations. Nevertheless,
not all groups fit this model very closely. Dobuans appear to be pathologically mis-
trustful of each other (Fortune I932); the Alorese are in continual and aggressive
disagreement(DuBois I 944); and the disruptiveeffects of clan feuding have been widely
observed. It is difficult to interpret conflict of this kind in terms of a crystalline model
of structureand function. In fact, so dubious is the functional value of such behaviours,
that it appearsprobable that such organizational types would have little survival value
in the face of new and critical problemsor stresses.2
It is suggested here that what is needed for an understandingof conflict in groups is
a dynamic model which views conflict as an outcome of the interaction of external
stresses and internal strains. Using such a model it is possible to classify conflict in
several different ways. Attention is given here to a particular type of non-adaptive
inter-personalconflict which we have called factionalism.3
ATTRIBUTES OF FACTIONALISM
It has been suggested above that factionalism is a phenomenon which occurs within
groups. We use the word group to refer to an intercommunicating aggregation of
sub-units (individuals or sub-groups) having the conscious intention of perpetuating
their existence and achieving certain goals. A group consists of people assembled to-
gether for the purpose of achieving co-operation towards a common set of goals.
I07
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
io8 BERNARD J. SIEGEL & ALAN R. BEALS
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
CONFLICT AND FACTIONALIST DISPUTE IO9
be the American Civil War or the factions described by Oscar Lewis (I954). Pervasive
factionalism is conflict which occurs not only between larger sub-units of the group, but
also within the sub-units. It reflects a failure, in most cases a partial failure, of mech-
anismsfor resolvinginter-personalconflict generally. Although similaritiescan be found
between pervasive factionalism and some aspects of 'anomie' or 'disintegration', a
conceptual distinction can be made, for factional conflict, whether pervasive or
schismatic, always involves a recognition of a need for preservationof the group. The
motivation underlying factional conflict is the re-establishment of the co-operative
venture. Factionalismis a disagreement overthemeansto be employed, not over the goal to
be achieved. The factional struggle is a struggle to punish or eliminate other members
of the group in such a way that the group can be reconstructed along the 'proper'
lines. The struggle is maintained in terms of the group and the value of group unity
or cohesivenessis never questioned.
STRESS OR SITUATIONAL FACTORS
Inasmuch as factionalism, in varying degree, appears to be characteristic of a broad
variety of human groups, it may prove worthwhile to examine some of the factorswhich
appear to be involved in the development of factionalism. First, consideration will be
given to those factors or forces externalto thegroupwhich may play a role in its develop-
ment. These factors, for the purpose of the present exposition, will be labelled stress.
The concept of stressimplies the existence of a dichotomy between the group viewed as
a system and the external environment. It also implies a continuity between the group
and the external environment. The view of a group and its culture in terms of stressis
taken from a position which reveals the group as neither a closed system nor a com-
pletely open system, but as a system which is always partially self-regulatingand always
partially subject to external regulation. The group is viewed as a system within a larger
external system. At this point, it should be emphasized that the view of the group as a
partially self-regulatingmechanism is not analogous to the view of the group as a servo-
mechanism or as an equilibrium seeking organization. After exposure to stress, the
group does not necessarilyrestore itself to its previous condition, and, when there is no
change in the external situation, groups actively seek to create changes. Human
motives of curiosity, exploration, and escape from boredom are all contrary to any
notion of a desirefor, or automatic seekingof, equilibrium.
At the same time, the concept of equilibriumis a useful means of arriving at a defini-
tion of stress. Two systematically organized entities, the group and its situation or
environment can be imagined. As long as the interrelationshipsbetween these two en-
tities maintain a normal, patterned, and predictablecharacter,the situation is incapable
of altering the normal behaviour of the group in any way. Change in the behaviour
of the group always implies changes in the relationship of the group and the situation.
Such changes, which can take place either as a result of problem seeking behaviour on
the part of the group or as a result of some change in the situation, are defined as stress.
Stress is any changein the group-situationrelationshipwhich has a finite efect upon the behaviour
of thegroup.
Stress is not necessarily any kind of thing which is perceived by the group. It is a
finite interruptionof the group-situationrelationshipand has an impact upon the group
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
IIO BERNARD J. SIEGEL & ALAN R. BEALS
regardlessof the nature of the group's perception of it. The effects of this impact are in
varying degree dependent upon the nature of the group and the nature of the group's
perceptions of the stress. Defined in such a way, stress impliesthepresenceof an outside
observer
whose perception of the nature of stressrepresents,theoretically at least, a closer
approximationto reality than can ordinarily be achieved by the group. For those who
consider reality to be definable only in terms of perception, stress can be regarded
as being theperceptionwhich would be entertainedby the group if it had access to all relevant
and could deal with it impartially.
information
DIMENSIONS OF STRESS
The finite nature of a stress can be described in terms of at least six dimensions:
covertness,randomness,complexity,duration,curtailment,and selectivity.The first four of these
refer primarily to the finite perceptibility of the stress and the last two refer primarily
to the impact of the stress. Covertnesscan be defined as the relative ease with which a
stressmay be perceived. A change in genotype would be more covert than a change in
phenotype; hookworm epidemics are more covert than whooping-cough epidemics. As
these examples suggest, 'absolute covertness',while it may exist, is greatly affected by
the nature of the aids to sensory perception available to a particular group. Micro-
scopes, hearing aids, and eyeglasseswould greatly increase a group's potential ability to
renderstressovert.
Randomnessis closely linked to covertnessand might be consideredto be a part of it.
Randomness refersto the regularity with which a stress appears and could be expected
to have a direct effect upon the predictability of a stress and consequent effects upon
perceptibility. The daily reappearance of the sun, the periodical return of the tax
collector, and seasonal epidemics are far less random in nature than are thunder
showersor epidemicswhich are not seasonal.
Some kinds of stress present problems which can be solved in a few steps; others
present a large number of separateproblems all of which must be solved before the stress
can be dealt with adequately. This dimension of stressis referredto here as complexity.
The problem presented by an unattached stranger, for example, would be far less com-
plex than the problem presented by a stranger who was an ambassadorof a powerful
outside group.
Duration appears to have effects differing somewhat from those of covertness,
randomness, and complexity. These last three dimensions seem to be directly related
in more or less linear fashion to the perceptibility of a stress and to the ability of any
group to solve the stress. The relationship of duration to these factors is not easily
predicted. Very short duration would presumably make both resolution and perception
of stressdifficult and could bar any kind of solution including a fantasy solution. A stress
of long duration would presumablybe an unresolvablestressand would almost certainly
lead to the development of a fantasysolution.
The four dimensions listed above can be applied to situations in general. They are
relevant to a definition of stressonly when curtailment occurs. Curtailmentrefersto the
impact of a stress-specifically, the extent to which the normal activities of the group
are limited or affected. A volcanic eruption or a famine would be highly curtailingwhile
a complicated crosswordpuzzle would rank low on curtailment. More than any other
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
CONFLICT AND FACTIONALIST DISPUTE III
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
II2 BERNARD J. SJEGEL & ALAN R. BEALS
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
CONFLICT AND FACTIONALIST DISPUTE II3
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
II4 BERNARD J. SIEGEL & ALAN R. BEALS
latent schisms in such societies are likely to remain subordinated to shared feelings about
the common welfare.
Strain in general tends to make itself felt along lines of prescribed discrimination
in succession to rights, particularly rights to property or to positions in which decisions
are made. Conflict between brothers in East Indian villages appears to be derived from
this as did the fights for the throne in certain African and European kingdoms. Similarly
where the social distance between sub-units in the group is very great and the oppor-
tunities for upward mobility in the hierarchy of social ranks are minimal, tensions are
likely to be endemic. This is often the case in stratified societies in which several
intervening strata separate individuals at the top and bottom of the hierarchy and where
interaction tends to be formalized and infrequent.
As a final consideration, societies in which overt controls have a critical function in
supporting and regulating individual habit systems (internalized controls) face special
problems in maintaining the configuration of control. The same function appears to
be served by the kind of controls described by Adams in connexion with conflict in an
Egyptian village (Adams I957). There, conflict appears to be controlled by certain
overt cues embedded in a strict code of manners: tone pitch and voice melody, mien
and stereotyped gestures. Here, as where more overt punitive sanctions are mobilized,
sources of friction, of tension, and of cleavage in the social system tend to erupt in
increasing degree as overt controls become weakened. The efficiency of traditional
relationships is impaired and ego controls fail to inhibit expressions of conflict about
normative means for achieving agreed-upon goals.
It is precisely in such groups, especially when they are confronted with stresses
having the attributes of fairly long duration, covertness, complexity, curtailment, and
selectivity that pervasive factionalism occurs with striking regularity. Factionalism
appears to go hand in hand with the existence of an authority system supported by
strong overt punitive sanctions where the centralized authority is susceptible to the
threat of new allegiance (see also Firth I949, pp. I68-88).
On the other hand, as long as the normal range of alternatives appropriate to the
various life situations is not challenged by unusual circumstances, conventional ways of
handling strain will tend to suffice. Even though traditional techniques for solving
problems should prove inadequate for coping with stress, it is still possible that imported
or specially invented techniques can be applied in such a way that strains and cleavages
will not be accentuated. This appears to be true of the situations described by Hohenthal
& McCorkle (I955) of the many cases of formal substitution of cultural elements
without change in meaning such as the spread of Christian religious concepts or of
antagonistic acculturation (Loeb & Devereux I943).
When stress-induced exacerbations of strain are not resolved, other less adaptive
reactions tend to occur. In many cases these, occurring singly or together, may delay
or prevent the development of factionalism. For example, cumulative frustrations or
lack of consensus on decisions may lead certain individuals to leave the group. While
this may bring about change in the direction of involuting or reinforcing traditional
standards and patterns of control, it does not seriously disturb the cohesion or the
cultural orientations of those who remain. A related response may be a tendency to-
ward apathy and withdrawal from group affairs. Inability to act within the group may
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
CONFLICT AND FACTIONALIST DISPUTE II5
CONCLUSION
In this paper we have tried to explicate the dynamics of factionalist dispute and its
relationship to other forms of conflict resolution. Without attempting to develop a
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
I I6 BERNARD J. SIEGEL & ALAN R. BEALS
NOTES
1 The argument for this paper was derived originally from an analysis of field work observations in
Mysore State in southern India by A. Beals between March I952 and August I953, supported by the
Social Science Research Council; from field work by B. Siegel in Taos and Picuris pueblos during the
summers of I947 and I957; and from a project on the Codification of Acculturation Phenomena con-
ducted at Stanford University with an initial grant by the Wenner-Gren Foundation and the Stanford
Committee for Research in the Social Sciences.
2 Observations of this sort, when our knowledge is more adequate, may bear upon newer approaches
to the nature of evolution. Simpson, for example, points out that many parts of the world which have
changed little over great time spans are filled with very ancient forms of life, and that newer, more
complex forms do not tend to displace them unless clearly more adaptive to such life-spaces. Similarly
it is probable that certain forms of society and culture are viable within given environmental limits
(both human and physical), but may be displaced by more adaptive forms under environmental change.
See G. G. Simpson, The Meaningof Evolution,chapter 9; Julian Huxley, 'Evolution Cultural and Biolo-
gical', in W. L. ThomasJr. (ed.), rearbookof Anthropology(I955); also B.J. Siegel (I955).
3 Factionalism has been reported and described variously in India. Lewis's study (I954) appears to
deal with schismatic factionalism. Firth (I957) has drawn together a symposium of papers which de-
scribe adequately the operation of pervasive factionalism as it occurs in various Indian and overseas
societies. They do not provide, however, any explanatory analysis. The writers have also examined
relative case materials from the Marshall Islands (Tobin I953); Isleta Pueblo (French I948); the Skagit
of north-western North America (Collins I952); and Jamaica (Kerr I952) which describe variously
schismatic and pervasive factionalism without actually identifying the phenomena.
REFERENCES
ADAMS, JOHN B. I 957. Culture and Conflict in an Egyptian Village. Amer.Anthrop.,59, pp. 225-35.
BATESON, GREGORY I 935. Culture Contact and Schismogenesis.MAN I 935, I 99.
-BEALS, ALAN R. I954.- CultureChangeand Social Conflictin a South Indian Village. Unpublished
Ph.D.
dissertation. Berkeley, University of California.
COLLINS, JUNE McC. I952. An Interpretation of Skagit Intergroup Conflict during Acculturation.
Amer. Anthrop., 54, pp. 347-55-
DuBois, CORA I 944. ThePeopleof Alor. Minneapolis.
FIRTH, RAYMOND I948. Authority and Public Opinion in Tikopia, in SocialStructure:StudiesPresented
to
A. R. Radcliffe-Brown, Meyer Fortes (ed.). Oxford.
FIRTH, RAYMOND, et al. I957. Factions in India and Overseas Dependencies. Brit. Sociol.,8.
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions
CONFLICT AND FACTIONALIST DISPUTE I 17
FORTES, MEYER I949. Time and Social Structure: An Ashanti Case Study, in Social Structure:Studies
toA. R. Radcliffe-Brown,
Presented Meyer Fortes (ed.). Oxford.
FORTES, MEYER & EVANS-PRITCHARD, E. E. (eds.) I940. AfricanPoliticalSystems.
London.
FORTUNE, REOF. I932. Sorcerersof Dobu.London.
FRENCH, DAVID I938. Factionalism in Isleta Pueblo.Monographs of the American Ethnological Society,
14. New York.
HENRY,JULES I 94 I. JunglePeople,a KaingangTribeof theHighlandsof Brazil. New York.
HOHENTHAL, W. D. & MCCORKLE, THOMAS I955. The Problem of Aboriginal Persistence. Sthwest. j.
Anthrop.,
xI, pp. 288-300.
HUXLEY, JULIAN I955. Evolution, Cultural and Biological, in rearbookof Anthropology,
W. L. Thomas,
Jr. (ed.). Chicago.
KERR, MADELINE I952.PersonalityandConflictinJamaica.Liverpool.
LEWIS, OSCAR & HARVANT SINGH DHILLON I954. GroupDynamicsin a North-IndianVillage, a Study of
Factions.New Delhi.
LOEB, EDWIN M. & DEVEREUX, GEORGE 1943. Antagonistic Acculturation. Amer.Sociol.Rev., 8, pp.
I33-47.
MANDELBAUM, DAVID G. I94I. Social Trends and Personal Pressures,in Language,CultureandPersonality,
Leslie Spier et al. (eds.). Menasha, Wisconsin.
SIEGEL, BERNARD J. I955. High Anxiety Levels and Cultural Integration: Notes on a Psycho-Cultural
Hypothesis. SocialForces,34, pp. 42-8.
SIMPSON, GEORGE G. I949. Themeaning of Evolution.New Haven.
TOBIN, J. E. I 953. An Investigation of theSocio-PoliticalSchismonMajuroAtoll. Mimeographed.
This content downloaded from 146.201.208.22 on Tue, 03 Nov 2015 14:54:23 UTC
All use subject to JSTOR Terms and Conditions