Material Paper-2 Week-4

ANTHROGURU
ANTHROPOLOGY MENTORSHIP MATERIAL

PAPER-2
WEEK-4
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ANTHROGURU
ANTHROPOLOGY MENTORSHIP MATERIAL -PAPER-2 (WEEK-4)
SYLLABUS FOR THE WEEK
6.1 Tribal situation in India – Bio-genetic variability, linguistic and socio-economic characteristics of
tribal populations and their distribution.
6.2 Problems of the tribal Communities — land alienation, poverty, indebtedness, low literacy, poor
educational facilities, unemployment, underemployment, health and nutrition.
6.3 Developmental projects and their impact on tribal displacement and problems of rehabilitation.
Development of forest policy and tribals. Impact of urbanization and industrialization on tribal
populations.
9.1 History of administration of tribal areas, tribal policies, plans, programmes of tribal development and
their implementation. The concept of PTGs (Primitive Tribal Groups), their distribution, special
programmes for their development. Role of N.G.O.s in tribal development.
7.1 Problems of exploitation and deprivation of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward
Classes. Constitutional safeguards for Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes.
PREVIOUS QUESTIONS
6.1 Tribal situation in India:

1) Concept of tribe and Indian census (10 Marks, 2021)
2) Elucidate the linguistic classification of Indian tribes. 15 M (2020)
3) What are the salient issues faced by pastoral communities in India? Discuss with suitable
examples. (15M 2019)
4) Distinctive cultural features of tribes of Andaman Islands. (10 M 2018)
5) Tribe and Scheduled Tribe (10 M 2018)
6) Youth dormitory as an institution. (10 M 2018)
7) Compare and contrast the economic typology of tribes given by different anthropologists. (20 m
2018)
8) Bio-genetic variability of Indian tribes (2016)10m
9) Tribe as a colonial construct (2016)10m
10) Elwin-Ghurye debate on Tribes. (10Marks 2015)
11) Socioeconomic characteristics of Shifting cultivators. (10Marks 2015)
12) Biogenetic variations of Indian tribes (10Marks 2014)
13) Social and economic marginalization of tribal people (10Marks 2014)
14) Threat to tribal languages in India. (10Marks - 2013)
15) Linguistic classification of Indian tribes. (10Marks - 2013)
16) Discuss the concept of ‘indigenous people’ as per the relevant UN convention. Are tribals of
India indigenous people? Comment. (20Marks - 2012)
17) Discuss the linkages between language, territoriality and kinship among the tribes of North-East
India. (30Marks - 2012)
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18) Discuss the distinctive features of tribes in North east India. (30Marks - 2011)
19) “Tribes in India are not homogeneous group.” Discuss. (30Marks - 2011)
20) Future of Hunting and Gathering Tribes (15Marks - 2011)
21) Discuss the relevance of traditional wisdom and knowledge of the tribes with reference to health
in the present-day context. (20 Marks — 2010)
22) Do you think that Indian tribes have rich biogenetic variability? Discuss. (L.Q-2007)
23) Key characteristics of STs in India (S.N - 2006)
24) Discuss the biomorphic variations of Tribes of North Eastern India (L.Q - 2006)
25) Genetic diversity among Indian Tribes (S.N - 2005)
26) Biogenetic variability in tribal populations. (S.N - 2003)
27) Linguistic diversity among the tribes of Chota Nagpur. (S.N - 2002)
28) Discuss the anthropological approach to the understanding of the tribal ethos and comment on the
major socio-economic problem of Indian Tribes. (L.Q - 1990)
29) Describe the racial, linguistic and socio-economic characteristics of a tribe of Central India or of
South India. (L.Q - 1985)
30) Briefly describe the linguistic and socio-economic characteristics of the tribal peoples either (a)
Of central India including the Chota Nagpur plateau or (b) of North East India. (L.Q - 1987)
31) Languages spoken by the scheduled tribes (S.N - 1986)
32) Hunting and food gathering tribes of India (S.N - 1986)
6.2 Problems of the tribal Communities:
1) Elucidate the problems and challenges in educational attainment of the Scheduled Tribes (15
Marks, 2021)
2) Examine the factors responsible for malnutrition in tribal India and suggest interventions required
to overcome the problem (15 Marks, 2021)
3) Elucidate the problems of land alienation among tribals of India. 15 M (2020)
4) Issues related to tribal education. (10 M 2019)
5) Write a short note on indebtedness among tribal communities.10m (2017)
6) Describe the impact of displacement on the health and nutritional status of the tribal communities.
20m (2017)
7) Discuss how constitutional provisions in India have built in mechanisms for dealing with the
problem of land alienation in tribal areas. (20Marks 2015)
8) Discuss the Sociocultural, Economic and Psychological constraints responsible for low literacy in
Tribal areas. (15Marks 2015)
9) Discuss the impact of land alienation on the tribes of Central India. (15Marks 2014)
10) Left-wing extremism and Tribals in India. (15Marks - 2011)
11) Discuss alternatives for shifting cultivators in the context of ecological costs and humanistic
concerns. (20Marks - 2013)
12) Education and health among tribal Women. (15 Marks — 2010)
13) The problem of bonded Labour among Indian tribes. (15 Marks — 2010)
14) Land and forest are the twin problems of the tribes. Explain. (40 Marks — 2010)
15) Critically examine the various structural constraints in the education development of Scheduled
Tribes. (30 Marks-2010)
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16) Write a brief note on the linguistic diversity among Indian tribes. (20 Marks — 2009)
17) Indebtedness in Tribal Communities (20 Marks — 2009)
18) Land Alienation (S.N - 2007)
19) Discuss the factors related to low literacy rate among the tribal’s of India. Write in brief the
measures taken by the government in different five years plans to eradicate it. (L.Q - 2005)
20) Land alienation among the tribal’s (S.N - 2003)
21) Constraints of educational development among the tribal’s. (S.N -2003)
22) Do you think that exploitation emanates from clash of self-interest between groups? Discuss in
the context of tribal’s and non tribals. (L.Q - 2002)
23) The problems of de-notified groups (S.N - 2000)
24) Tribal education in the context of development (S.N - 2000)
25) Land Alienation in Tribal India (S.N - 1999)
26) Bring out with suitable examples the constraints of educational development of tribal
communities in India. Suggest remedial Measures in this context. (L.Q - 1999)
27) Discuss the health and nutritional status of tribal and rural children in India. How far has the
government policy been effective? (L.Q - 1998)
28) Shifting cultivation, its merits and demerits (S.N - 1997) (S.N - 1991)
29) Describe the Socio-cultural factors related to the poor health Conditions of the Indian tribal
population. Suggest measures for improving these conditions. (L.Q - 1995)
30) Factors responsible for tribal migration and its consequences. (S.N -1994)
31) Shifting cultivation in the context of land use pattern (S.N - 1993)
32) Tribal education (S.N - 1993)
33) Indebtedness and land alienation among Indian tribes (S.N - 1992) (S.N - 1986)
34) Land and forest are basic needs of tribal’s (S.N - 1992)
35) What are the major problems of the tribals in India? Evaluate the measures adopted by the central
and state governments in India to solve these problems. (L.Q - 1992)
36) Discuss some major problems of the tribes of India. Make a critical evaluation of the measures
adopted by the central and state Governments in India to solve these problems and account for
their limited Success. (LQ - 1989)
6.3 Developmental projects and their impact on tribal Displacement and problems of
Rehabilitation:
1) Urbanization and tribal Institutions (10 Marks, 2021)
2) Discuss the impact of Forest Rights Act (2006) on the livelihood and culture of tribal people in
India (20 Marks, 2021)
3) Discuss the problems involved in rehabilitation and resettlement of tribals displaced due to
development projects in India (15 Marks, 2021)
4) Explain the impact of development induced displacement among tribal people in India with
examples. 20 M (2020)
5) What has been the impact of development projects on the environment and livelihood of forest
dwelling tribes? 15M 2019
6) Discuss the significance and implementation of ‘Recognition of Forest Right’s Act 2006’.
(15marks 2018)
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7) Examine the advancement made in the land acquisition and rehabilitation Act of 2013 over the
land acquisition Act of 1894. 15 marks (2018)
8) Impact of industrialization on schedule tribe population of Jharkhand. (2016)10m
9) Explain the difficulties experienced by schedule tribes with regard to implementation of
’recognition of forest rights act 2006. (2016)15m
10) Discuss the impact of Globalization on the livelihood of the tribal populations. (20Marks 2014)
11) Forest policy and tribes (10Marks 2014)
12) Impacts of sanctuaries and national parks on tribal populations. (10Marks - 2013)
13) Commodification of Tribal Art. (12Marks - 2012)
14) Critically examine the National Policy on Rehabilitation and Resettlement substantiating it with
experiences from different parts of India. (30Marks - 2012)
15) Forest Rights Act—2006. (15Marks - 2011)
16) Discuss the problem of displaced tribal communities with the help of recent examples. (30Marks
- 2011)
17) The impact of Urbanization and Industrialization on tribal women. (15Marks - 2011)
18) Tribal displacement. (15 Marks — 2010)
19) Critically examine the evaluation of Forest Policy in India since the British period. Discuss its
impact on tribals. (60 Marks -2009)
20) Discuss the health problems faced by tribal populations in India. Suggest some corrective
measures. (L.Q - 2008)
21) Impact of Industrialization on Tribes. (S.N - 2007)
22) Joint Forest Management (S.N - 2006)
23) Examine the impact of urbanization and industrialization on tribal economy in India. (L.Q - 2005)
24) Sustainable Development of Tribes (S.N - 2004)
25) Discuss the context, process and consequences of involuntary displacement among tribal
communities in India and analyse the Problems of rehabilitation.(L.Q - 2004)
26) Discuss how forest is related to the tribal life. Critically examine how a change in forest policy
and forest degradation has affected Tribal economy. (L.Q - 2003)
27) Indicate the main thrust of anthropological studies on development induced displacement and
rehabilitation. Suggest a worthwhile rehabilitation package for displaced tribal’s to retain their
sense of community belonging. (L.Q -2001)
28) Critically examine the forest policy in India right since the British period. Discuss its impact on
tribal people. (L.Q - 1999)
29) Discuss the problem of tribal displacement in India. To what extent are development policies
responsible for such displacement? Also explain the role of NGOs in providing the remedial
measures to the affected people. (LQ - 1999)
30) Social forestry (S.N - 1998)
31) Point out the favourable and detrimental impacts of industrialization on rural population living in
the vicinity areas. What are your Proposals for achieving a balance without harmful effects? (L.Q
- 1993)
32) Effects of governmental policy regarding forests on Indian tribes (S.N-1991)
33) Large scale development and distress in tribal regions (S.N - 1988)
34) Rapid industrialization may lead to Psychological frustrations. Discuss. (S.N - 1987)
35) The impact of industrialization on the tribes of India created for them many problems. Discuss
with suitable examples. (L.Q - 1986)
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9.1 History of administration of tribal areas:
1. Discuss the intervention of Non-Governmental Organizations for empowering tribal women (15
Marks, 2021)
2. Critically discuss the role of N.G.O.s in tribal development. (15 M 2019)
3. Discuss the salient features of PESA Act of 1996 and attempt a comparison with the features of
the VI Schedule. 15 marks (2018)
4. Write short notes on particularly vulnerable tribal groups (PTG). 10M (2017)
5. Discuss the emergence, salient features and limitations of tribal sub-plan 15m (2017)
6. Critically examine the role of NGOs and missionaries in transformation of schedule tribes in
central India. (2016)15m
7. Identify some special programmes for PVTGs. 15 M
8. Relevance of tribal Panchsheel today. (10Marks 2015)
9. Recently NGO’s have been critiqued for interfering with developmental process inn Tribal
heartland. Critically comment. (20Marks 2015)
10. Critically examine the role of NGOs in promoting health & Education in tribal areas. (15Marks
2014)
11. Describe the history administration in the colonial period. (15Marks 2014)
12. Critically evaluate the National Tribal Policy. (15Marks 2014)
13. The concept of PTG (10Marks 2014)
14. Government Action towards Left Wing Extremism. (10Marks - 2013)
15. Role of Gramasabha under PESA.(10Marks - 2013)
16. Fifth Schedule and Sixth Schedule of the constitution are built on the foundations laid by the
colonial Government. Discuss. (20Marks - 2013)
17. Discuss the Significance of cultural and administrative factors in tribal development. (15Marks -
2013)
18. Discuss the criticism levelled against anthropology in the context of ‘Isolation, and assimilation
debate’ on tribal populations. (20Marks - 2013)
19. Discuss how British policies dispossessed tribal’s of their communal properties and agricultural
lands. (15Marks - 2013)
20. Examine the relevance of Tribal Panchsheel by Jawaharlal Nehru in the light of emerging
Development practices. (20Marks - 2012)
21. Using suitable examples bring out the historical processes of the social exclusion of de-notified
tribes. (20Marks – 2012)
22. Tribal Panchsheel. (15Marks - 2011)
23. NGOs and tribal development (20 Marks - 2009) (S.N - 2007) (S.N - 2002)
24. What are the special problems of the Primitive Tribal Groups? How far have the developmental
programmes of the government able to address these? (L.Q - 2008)
25. Programmes of Tribal Development (S.N - 2006)
26. Elucidate the nature of changes in administration of tribal areas from colonial period to post-
independence era in India. (L.Q - 2005)
27. Give an account of Joint Forest Management Programmes. What is the role of NGOs in such
programmes? (L.Q - 2000)
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28. Outline the historical background of tribal administration during the colonial period. Evaluate
post-independence administrative policies with special reference to states under either the fifth
schedule or sixth schedule of the Constitution of India. (L.Q - 2000)
29. Plans and programmes of Tribal development (S.N - 1997)
30. Role of NGQs in literacy programmes (S.N - 1996)
31. Critically evaluate various approaches to set the tribal’s within the mainstream of Indian
civilization. In your opinion which approach is relevant in the modern context. (L.Q - 1995)

7.1 Problems of Exploitation and Deprivation of S.C’s, S.T’s and O.B.C’s:
1) Politics of recognition and deprivation (10 Marks, 2021)
2) Critically evaluate the state of implementation of constitutional safeguards for the scheduled
castes. 15 M (2020)
3) Describe the provisions under VI th schedule of Indian constitution. 15 M (2020)
4) What are the Constitutional safeguards to protect the interests of Indian tribes. 15 M
5) What has been the impact of non-hindu religionson the emancipation of scheduled castes in India.
15M
6) OBCs among non-Hindu communities (2018)
7) Discuss the constitutional safeguards for the schedule caste.15m (2017)
8) Write short notes on other backward class.10 m (2017)
9) Give a critical appraisal of any one tribal development programme during XII th five year plan.
Give suggestion for any improvement in the programme.15m (2017)
10) Write in detail various provisions provided by the constitution of India for the schedule tribes
under V and VI schedules. (2016)20m
11) Examine the factors responsible for exploitation of schedule caste in India. (2016)20m
12) Critically compare ‘Affirmative Action’ of USA and ‘Protective discrimination’ for scheduled
tribes in India. (15Marks 2015)
13) Critically examine the constitutional provisions for safeguarding the interests of Scheduled Tribes
in India. (20Marks 2014)
14) Role of Governor in Fifth Schedule areas. (10Marks 2015)
15) Discuss the Social disabilities suffered by scheduled castes. (15Marks – 2013)
16) Panchayati Raj and the tribes (15 Marks — 2010)
17) Fifth Schedule of the Constitution. (20 Marks — 2009)
18) Constitutional safeguards for SCs. (S.N - 2007) (S.N - 1996)
19) National Commission for SCs and STs (S.N - 2004)
20) Critically examine the merits and demerits of reservation policy for the STs, SCs and Other
Backward Castes. (L.Q - 2002)
21) Do you think that exploitation emanates from clash of self-interest between groups? Discuss in
the context of tribal’s and non-tribals. (L.Q - 2002)
22) Scheduled Area (S.N-2001)
23) Distinguish between exploitation and deprivation of SCs (S.N - 1995)
24) Constitutional safeguards for STs (S.N - 1994) (S.N - 1987)
25) Describe the efficiency of the Legislative measures adopted by the government to tackle the socio
economic problems of SCs. What Other measures would you suggest to tackle these problems?
(L.Q - 1994)
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26) What are the major socio economic problems faced by the SCs? Point out the criteria for
diagnosis and suggest the remedial Measures (L.Q - 1993)
27) Evaluate the extent to which existing reservation for SCs and STs have led to social mobility
among them. What suggestions would you make for implementing the policy of adding economic
criteria in extending reservation to the so called forward castes? (L.Q –1991)
28) Discuss the provisions and significance of the protective discrimination policy towards scheduled
castes. Assess its impact on their Social mobility. (L.Q - 1990)
29) Assertion of ethnic identity and ethnic solidarity has been a pervasive process in India after
independence. Analyze this in relation to Constitutional safeguards and emerging national
integration. (LQ - 1988)
30) Define untouchability and point out whether the problem of its removal should be treated as a
matter of social reform rather than as a part of administrative and legal measures. (L.Q - 1986)
31) Identify the main problems of the SCs and discuss the measures adopted to solve them. (L.Q -
1985)
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VALUE ADDITION
INTRODUCTION &
CURRENT NEWS
Beginning of Tribal Studies in India

During the 18th century, the British government felt the need to have an ethnographic account on
different tribes of India with a view to rule them easily. They were not anthropologists by training
and profession, but their account on the tribes provided ample information on the tribal history of
India.
A number of foreign anthropologists visited India to record the customs and traditions of the Indian
tribes. British anthropologist W. H. R. Rivers came to India in 1904 and studied the Toda tribe of
South India, which was published in 1906. Another anthropologist, Alfred Radcliffe-Brown came to
India to study the Onge tribe of the Andaman Islands in 1906 and 1908. A monograph on the Onge
tribe was published in 1922 under the title The Andaman Islanders. Therefore, during the colonial
period, we have works on tribes which are administrative accounts and ethnographic studies. Most of
the data were collected from fieldworks.
Among the Indian scholars, S. C. Roy is regarded as ‘The Father of Indian Ethnography’. He was a
lawyer by profession. He settled in Ranchi to establish his practice as a pleader (legal practitioner).
Gradually, he came in contact with the tribal people of Chota Nagpur. He gradually developed an
interest in their life and culture. He emphasized the need to study the tribal customary laws in order
to do justice to their cases. Roy was of the opinion that having knowledge about the history of a tribe
would help us appreciate its culture better. He studied the Munda, Oraon and Birhor tribes and
published the information he collected on them.
He first published a monograph on the Mundas. The later ethnographic works of S. C. Roy are The
Oraons of Choto Nagpur: Their History, Economic Life and Social Organization (1915), The
Birhors: A Littleknown Jungle Tribe of Chota Nagpur (1925), Oraon Religion and Customs
(1928), and The Hill Bhuiyas of Orissa (1935). Because of his deep and sound understanding of tribal
life and culture, the government often sought his advice whenever the government faced administrative
problems in dealing with the tribals. He proved how timely intervention by an anthropologist could
lead to the end of stress and strain in the society. He emphasized the need for giving anthropological
training not only to the administrative and judicial officers, but to the forest and excise officers also,
who were posted in tribal areas.
Another anthropologist who contributed immensely to tribal studies in India was D. N. Majumdar. He
conducted fieldwork among the Ho tribes of Bihar, which later was published as a book in 1937. He
was the first Indian to study and write about the impact of non-tribals on the life of Indian tribes.
He also pleaded for the application of the findings of anthropology to the task of development and
policy formulation. His posthumous book, Himalayan Polyandry, Structure, Functioning and
Culture Change: A field study of Jaunsar-Bawar(1962) contains a detailed discussion of the
community development programmes in Jaunsar-Bawar in Uttaranchal.
J. K. Bose’s book on Culture Change among the Garos (1985), based on his field work in 1941 is
significant from both methodological and empirical points of view. In this book, Bose has studied the
Garo tribe who had migrated to the plains of Mymensingh (present Bangladesh) adjacent to the Garo
Hills around 1891 and had adopted cultivation. On the basis of field study, he studied the changes
taking place among the Garos in their new settlement with reference to their original settlement in
Garo Hills.
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Probodh Kumar Bhowmick is another Indian scholar who studied the tribes on two accounts: To
prepare ethnography and to work towards the upliftment of the tribes. He believed that research does
not merely lie in ‘knowing about underprivileged’ rather in ‘doing something for the upliftment of the
underprivileged’. Since 1955 P. K. Bhowmick carried out his activities for the socio-economic
development of the tribes in general and the Lodha tribe in particular. He founded the Ashram-
cum-Research Institute Bidisha, where traditional knowledge on tribes culminates with the social
research for their upliftment according to the changing needs of modern times. His twin objectives are
reflected in his book Applied-Action Development Anthropology published in 1990.
Renowned anthropologist L. P. Vidyarthi studied the tribal village named Ghanhra under the
auspices of Census Operation in 1961. The study of this Munda village reflects how Manjhi, a
section of Munda tribe, has adopted the Hindu style of life and become a caste. His book, Cultural
Contours of Tribal Bihar (1966) explains the historical, geographical and social background of the
tribes of Chota Nagpur.
Some concepts like unity and extension, sanskritization and desanskritization, tribalization and
detribalization have also been attempted in the context of tribal Bihar. The book explains the factors
responsible for bringing changes in the tribal societies of Bihar. L. P. Vidyarthi and B. K. Roy Burman
wrote a book under the title The Tribal Culture of India (1976). Taking data from secondary sources
at the Indian level, the authors have attempted to present a comparative and comprehensive view on
the social, economic, political and religious life of the Indian tribes.
Stages in Tribal Studies

The researchers conducted on the tribes of India may be reviewed at par with researches on Indian
anthropology in three chronological phases of development, namely:
1. Formative phase (1774-1919)

2. Constructive phase (1920-1949)
3. Analytical phase (1950----)
1. Formative Phase
It may be noted that though the scholars have identified these three phases of development, it does not
mean that one phase completely replaces the other phase. Also, there have been different rates of
development of tribal researches in various parts of India. Tribal research in India owes its
foundation to the establishment of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1774). Sir William Jones, the
founder member, piloted a number of researches and publications on subjects concerning the tribes.
Hereafter, the British administrators, missionaries, travelers and other individuals interested in tribal
studies collected data on tribes and wrote extensively about their life and lifestyle. They collected
ethnographic data and published a series of handbooks on the tribes. They also wrote about tribal life
and culture in The Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal (1784), Indian Antiquary (1872) and
later in the Journal of Bihar and Orissa Research Society (1915) and Man in India (1921).
The British government appointed a large number of scholarly-oriented British administrators in

tribal areas to enquire about their habits, religion and other cultural aspects to facilitate easy rule.
These generalized works about the land and people of different regions were followed by some
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detailed accounts by scholars who were greatly influenced by British anthropologists like Rivers and
others who published monographs on different tribes of India.
These works by British administrators are still valuable for basic information about the life and
culture of the tribes and castes in different regions of India. Risley, Dalton and O’Malley wrote on the
people of East India, Russel of Middle India, Thurston of South India and Coorks on people of
Northern India during this period. Besides, there are some other works on tribes by some
administrators. Mention may be made of the following:
 G. Campbell, 1866: The Ethnology of India

 R. G. Latham, 1859: Ethnography of India
 H. H. Risley, 1891: The Tribes and Castes of Bengal
 George W. Briggs, 1920: The Chamars
Under these influences, the first Indian, who was later known as the ‘Father of Indian Ethnography’
to write exhaustive monographs on the tribes of the country was S. C. Roy, who published a
monograph on the Munda (1912) and the Oraon (1915). He is also called the ‘Father of Indian
Ethnology’.
2. Constructive Phase
Tribal study in India entered its second phase—constructive phase—when social anthropology was
included in the curriculum of the two important universities of Mumbai (in 1919) and Kolkata (in
1921). Scholars like G. S. Ghurye, Irawati Karve, A. Ayyappan provided the initial stimulation to
organize scientific anthropological researches. They did this by conducting field expeditions, writing
books and articles and also by training researchers for undertaking anthropological researches
especially on various aspects of tribal culture. These scholars have worked across disciplinary
boundaries.
A big advancement in tribal studies came in 1938 when the joint session of the Indian Science
Congress Association (ISCA) and the British Association was held. During the session, the progress
of anthropology in India was reviewed and the plans for future anthropological researches in India
were discussed.
During the constructive phase, different anthropologists studied and analysed their doctoral data
critically and brought out a certain amount of theoretical sophistication in tribal researches in India.
D. N. Majumdar’s work on changing Hos of Singbhum entitled The Affairs of a Tribe: A Study in
Tribal Dynamics (1950), M. N. Srinivas’ publication Marriage and Family in Mysore (1942), and N.
K. Bose’s Hindu Method of Tribal Absorption (1941) brought the turning point in tribal studies in
India.
During this time, missionary turned anthropologist Verrier Elwin, came out with a series of his
problem oriented publications on the tribes of Madhya Pradesh and Odisha. His publications like The
Baiga (1939), The Agaria (1942), Maria, Murder and Suicide (1943), The Muria and Their Ghotul
(1947), and The Religion of an Indian Tribe (1955) were important insights in tribal studies. A
Philosophy for NEFA and Democracy in NEFA were his further contributions to tribal studies.
Christoph von Fürer-Haimendorf’s publication like The Chenchus; A Jungle Folk of the Deccan
(1942), Tribal Populations of Hyderabad (1945), The Reddis of the Bison Hills: A Study in
Acculturation (in collaboration with Elizabeth von Fürer Haimendorf in two volumes, 1945), were
landmarks in tribal studies. His works on Apatanis also were subsequent additions to tribal studies. The
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tradition of tribal studies as the exclusive focus by the progressive British scholars, administrators,
missionaries and the British and Indian anthropologists continued till the end of forties of the 20th
century.
3. Analytical Phase
After Independence, the tribal studies in India witnessed an analytical and action-oriented approach.
As a result the tribal communities began to be studied with an interdisciplinary approach. The
constitutional commitments to ameliorate the conditions of the tribal communities gave a boost to
study and evaluate the processes of change in the tribal communities. The Census operations of the
Government of India also intensified the schemes of tribal studies. The tradition of tribal research
was further enriched during the contemporary analytical phase. A number of non-governmental
organizations came up in the country to look into the welfare of the tribal people. They drew the
attention of the government to the tribal problems and their possible solutions.
During the early period of the analytical phase, D. N. Majumdar, M. M. Das, L. P. Vidyarthi, K. N.
Sahay, B. N. Sahay, S. C. Sinha, P. K. Bhowmick and N. K. Behura contributed to the tribal studies
from an analytical viewpoint. The analytical tradition is upheld by present scholars of tribal studies
like A. K. Kapoor, V. K. Srivastava, K. K. Mishra, Jagannath Das, L. K. Mahapatra, Ashim Adhikary,
V. S. Sahay, Tamo Mibang, M. C. Behera, Malli Gandhi, Karma Oraon, Soumya Ranjan Patnaik,
Prafulla Mohapatra and many others.
Present Trends in Tribal Studies
Interest of Government Organizations (GOs) and Non-Government Organizations (NGOs)
Beginning with the colonial interest to study the tribes for the purpose of administration, the interest in
the study of tribes has been diversified and has travelled a long way. It is not the academic interest, but
the necessity of the development practitioners which has strengthened the studies on the tribes and
about the tribes.
The University Grants Commission (UGC), Ministry of Tribal Affairs, Indian Council of Social
Science Research NOTES (ICSSR) and many funding agencies provide financial assistance to research
projects on tribes and their ways of life. Dibrugarh University, Assam, for example, has made a study
of demographic profiles of more than 10 tribes of North-East under Special Assistance Program of
University Grants Commission, New Delhi.
K. S. Singh, in his project ‘People of India’ and in various seminars and conferences, has contributed
to the tribal studies. His approach is basically anthropohistorical studies of the tribes and tribal–non-
tribal relations. In the academic sphere, various universities having centres, institutes and departments
promote research works on tribal studies.
Recently V. K. Srivastava has made a survey of ICSSR funding to tribal researches in the country. In
many states, there are tribal research institutes and many research institutes are coming up which
conduct researches on different aspects of tribal way of life. The Anthropological Survey of India
conducts studies not only on socio-cultural aspects of the tribes, but also on physical aspects. Recent
interest in Indigenous Knowledge Systems (IKS) has given a new impetus to the study of tribes.
Scholars study the various aspects of tribal life from interdisciplinary perspectives. Not only that, they
study different tribes and topics in the course of their academic pursuits contrary to the earlier tradition
of studying one tribe for a long time. This is because language is not a problem for field scholars and
there are earlier works available as base work. Moreover, refined field methods like participatory rural
appraisal are also available. Jagannath Das, V. S. Sahay, A. K. Kapoor and many others have studied a
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number of tribes.
M. C. Behera has also studied a number of tribes with distinct research objectives and methodological
perspectives. On the basis of his study of the Puroiks (2001-02) of Arunachal Pradesh, he has
contributed to the understanding of the concept of foraging mode of thought. He has also produced two
ethnographic reports, namely Impact of Orange Cultivation on Traditional Role of Galo Women
(1999), Village India: Identification and Enhancement of Cultural Heritage (2000) on the Galo and the
Minyong group of Adi tribe respectively. He has—after working among the Khamptis—produced a
book entitled Planning and Socio-Economic Development of the Tribals (1994).
The growing academic and applied interests in tribal studies has increasing institutional support in the
form of a National Commission or Tribal Research Institutes in many states, Line Ministry of Tribal
Affairs, and Centres, Institutes and Departments in Universities. Institutional interests in tribal studies
sometimes aim at promoting and preserving tribal culture. The Bhasha Research and Publication
Centre was established in 1996 as a voluntary organization for the study, conservation, and promotion
of tribal languages, literature, history, culture, arts, and crafts. It is also concerned with the
socioeconomic welfare of the tribals and protection of their human rights. Bhasha’s work is mostly
conducted in the western tribal belt of Maharashtra, Madhya Pradesh, Gujarat, and Rajasthan. It also
extends to other regions, primarily through its activities among migrating communities, especially the
de-notified and nomadic tribes. In order to save the tribal languages from extinction and to preserve
their vast cultural and literary treasures, Bhasha publishes a magazine called Dhol in 11 tribal
languages (Ahirani, Dungri Bhili, Panchamahali Bhili, Kunkna, Dehvali, Rathawi, Bhantu, Choudhri,
Gor-Banjara, Pawri, and Marathi). The editor of each issue is a folklorist/compiler of oral literature in
his or her respective community.
Dhol has emerged as a platform on which tribal intellectuals can share their cultural knowledge and
practices with the other tribes of India. The COATS (Council of Analytical and Tribal Studies),
Koraput provides M. Phil and Ph. D degrees in Tribal Studies at the Berhampur University. Besides, it
is engaged in researches pertaining to tribal development of the region.
Tribal studies have been introduced as a research subject at M. Phil and Ph. D. levels of many
Universities like Rani Durgavati Vishwavidyalaya, Jabalpur; Rajiv Gandhi University, Itanagar; Indira
Gandhi National Tribal University, Amarkantak and many others. Except one University (Kannada
University, Hampi) there are no independent Post-graduation (P.G.) programmes in other Universities.
However, P.G. Programme in anthropology is combined with tribal studies in North Orissa University,
Guru Ghasidas University and Central University of Orissa. Moreover, Tripura and Himachal Pradesh
University have introduced P.G Diploma in tribal studies. Universities like Assam University,
Nagaland University, Anand Agricultural University, Kannur University have centres of tribal studies,
mainly to promote research activities.
The Central University of Jharkhand has established four centres pertaining to tribal studies. These are
Indigenous Cultural Studies, Tribal and Customary Law, Tribal Folklore, Language and Culture and
Tribal Music and Performing Arts. Krishna Kanta Handique State Open University has introduced a
paper on ‘Tribal Social System’ in its Programme Masters of Social Work. Rajiv Gandhi University
also has introduced Tribal Studies as a subject at the Under-graduate level in distance education. Quite
a good number of journals are now available on tribal studies. You will also find that many state
governments have started with tribal research institutes. This growing importance of tribal studies can
be attributed to its relevance and in its expanding scope in contemporary times.
Tribes are studied as a stage in the process of social change. Obviously, there are theoretical works.
The development practitioners show interest in action-oriented researches. Language and identity
issues have become a thrust area in tribal studies. Due to the conversion to alien religion, many
scholars take interest in the study of the identity and cultural process of the tribal communities.
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Resource management and people’s knowledge in bio-diversity has also become a thrust area of
research in tribal studies. Documentation of culture and knowledge system of the tribes has been
undertaken by many scholars. As the tribes are conscious of their rights and duties, there are attempts
to safeguard their rights on land and forests. Impact of different policies and Acts on these resources
and on tribal rights has emerged as an interesting area of study. So is the case with the area of health
and hygiene. The tribal system of medicine and its efficacy is now the interest of study for many
scholars. Documentation of customary laws has been the thrust area of study for many research
organizations. The syllabus is so designed as to focus on the above aspects through four papers.
Applied and Action Research
Applied and action research is an important area of research in the discipline of tribal studies.
‘Development’ in earlier years was considered as an economic phenomenon. But in later years the
concept was considered from a holistic perspective encompassing all aspects of life. On the basis of the
studies on the tribes, scholars realized that in tribal communities, economy is not a separate domain of
activity. Like other activities, such as social, political and cultural, the economy is integrated and
instituted in the social process. This holistic understanding of the concept of development is the
contribution of tribal studies. Therefore, when tribal development was considered only in economic
terms, some anthropologists and sociologists tried to implement development programmes to suit the
holistic life of the tribes. Hence, they not only provided theoretical perspectives of tribal development
but formulated strategies and put them into practice. Out of this concern of tribal development, there
evolved a branch of applied and action research in anthropology.
L. P. Vidyarthi is regarded as the pioneer in applied and action research. He carried out field works
mostly among the tribes of the then Bihar and developed new insights into applied anthropology. He
developed the concept of ‘Tribal Sub Plan’ (TSP) which is now in vogue in planning strategies of
tribal development. Vidyarthi had headed the ‘Task force for the Development of the Backward
Areas’, appointed by the Planning Commission on the eve of the Fifth Five Year Plan. In his report,
he forwarded the concept of TSP for tribal development.
There are a few more works on the subject

Applied, Action Development Anthropology published in 1990 by Prabodh Kumar Bhowmick.
Applied Anthropology and Development in India by L. P. Vidyarthi (1980); Anthropology of
Development by Jagannath Pathy, 1987; Shifting Cultivators and Their Development by B. D.
Sharma, 2003; Tribal Development edited by S. N. Rath and many others.
APPROACHES TO STUDY THE TRIBES
Before Independence, the British government in India had its own interest in studying tribes. But after
Independence, the Government of India gave much attention to the development of tribes. It was a
challenge for the academicians too. Therefore, different approaches have been advocated for studying
the tribes keeping the above objectives of tribal development and welfare in mind. The approaches
have been discussed in this section.
Interdisciplinary approach
Presently, interest in disciplines like economics, political science, sociology, biology, law, psychology,
etc. has been growing to study the tribes. An economist applies either the economic approach or
anthropological approach to study the developmental aspects of the tribes. Scholars talk about
development through culture. A botanist applies his approach to study ethno-medicine. Hence, the
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approach is interdisciplinary. History also has been using oral tradition to reconstruct the history of
non-literate society, especially of the tribes. Tribal studies are emerging as the interdisciplinary
approach to knowledge on the tribes from a changing and comparative perspective.
Anthropological Approach
This approach was adopted by anthropologists to study the tribes. The approach has passed through
different stages. The first one is an administrative account by administrative scholars. The East
India Company appointed various administrators in tribal areas to collect ethnographic details about
the tribes and this knowledge was used for administration of the country. Owing to the pioneering
efforts of these administrators, a bulk of ethnographic data was produced which aided the colonial
administrators.
The second one is the isolationist approach. Anthropologists have been widely criticized for this
approach for conspiring to isolate the tribes in a zoo for the progress of their discipline. The temporary
isolation of the tribal groups recommended by Elwin also faced a number of criticisms. In his book on
Baigas (1939), Elwin not only discussed the malady and devastating effects of ‘over-hasty and
unregulated process of civilization’, but also suggested remedies. The first step in this direction,
according to him, was the establishment of some sort of a National Park where the tribesmen could
live their life with utmost happiness and freedom. Due to this, anthropologists were labelled as
‘isolationists’ and ‘non-changers’ by the social workers. In his later works, Elwin clarified the
misconception surrounding his work and emphasized the need for careful planning.
The third one is the integrationist approach. By and large anthropologists believed in the complete
integration of tribes into the mainstream of Indian life. In the anthropological approach, the tribes were
initially studied as ‘outsiders’. But later, anthropologists participated in the tribal way of life. They
visited the tribals in their natural habitat and conducted fieldwork among them. They stayed with the
people and learned their language. They collected information of their customs and beliefs. With time,
from the top down approach the anthropologists adopted a bottom-up view of the society. Some
anthropologists became so involved with the locals while conducting fieldwork that they became their
spokespersons. The fieldworkers too got so involved with the tribals and their issues that they became
their leaders and drew the attention of the general public to the tribal matters.
There is a fourth approach to study the tribes. This approach, focused in 1960s, aimed at quick
documentation of tribal cultures before they disappeared in the rapidly changing world. This approach
was named as Urgent Anthropology. The main motive was sheer academic interest, but not any
ideological commitment. However, work on traditional knowledge system in recent years has fulfilled
the objective of the Urgent Anthropological perspective.
Evolutionary Approach
This is an anthropological approach to study the evolution of the societies in the historical context. In
the previous unit, we got to know that some anthropologists placed tribe as a stage on the scheme of
evolution of the society. According to them, society evolves from being simple to complex, from being
primitive to a civilized state. This assumption is used to understand tribes as a stage of development in
the evolution of human society Classical anthropologists, especially the colonial anthropologists,
believed that the study of tribes can obtain greater benefit when understood in evolutionary perspective
i.e. principle of succession. Following this approach, the tribal society was taken as if it is at a
particular stage of cultural evolution. The tribal group was understood to be in an arrested stage of
development. Here, Morgan’s definition of tribe draws our attention. He described tribe as a
completely organized system having within its boundary all resources that are necessary for
maintaining a particular mode of collective existence. This approach of understanding tribes has
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emphasized the principle of succession, i.e. one type of culture preceding and succeeding the other
type of culture.
Historical Approach
The evolutionary approach is not applicable in the case of India. Instead, the historical approach is
applicable in India. The historical approach believes that a tribe does not represent a stage in cultural
evolution. According to this, a tribe cannot be placed in an evolutionary sequence following the
principle of succession. In case of India, the tribes have been living in India since time immemorial
along with the corresponding civilizations and other castes. Archaeological findings in Daojali-Hading
prove that even tribal communities of the Garo Hills knew the cultivation of crops as early as the
Neolithic period along with, what we call today, the ‘non-tribal’ communities. During that time,
‘tribes’ and ‘non-tribes’ were at the same stage. Therefore, in India, tribes and non-tribes do not reflect
differential stages of cultural evolution but have to be viewed from the point of interaction. Scholars
who have studied the tribes from the historical point of view are N. K. Bose, S. C. Dube and F. G.
Bailey. They took recourse to this approach since the evolutionary approach was grounded in the
colonial approach. In places like Australia and Africa, there are major distinctions between the local
community and civilization. In both these cases, civilization was a Western import but in case of India,
civilization has been there right from the beginning and tribes have been in constant interaction with it.
Folklores
Folklore is regarded as the prehistory of a society. The folklore researches, which were at the level of
sporadic collection of tribal songs taken to be included in the monograph, received a systematic
treatment with Verrier Elwin to begin with, under the influence of Franz Boas and E. B. Tylor. With
the passage of time few anthropologists unearthed social elements hidden in folklore. Now-a-days,
anthropologists and historians are attempting to collect information on folk songs, folk beliefs, folk
medicines and folk proverbs under the topic folklore to explore the folk-culture of an area. In recent
years, oral history has been a growing branch of knowledge based on folklore.
Among the Indian anthropologists, S. C. Roy made a strong plea for the study of folklore by
anthropologists. Roy believed that folklore throws light on the early intellectual evolution of human
society. He emphasized upon the need to collect and preserve folklore traditions, since they are the
treasures of past handed down from generation to generation. Roy held that Indian students are in the
most advantageous position to collect and study folklore, although folklore traditions have already
disappeared due to various reasons. According to him, in the study of folklore of the Indian tribe, a
systematic collection of these folklore materials can be done on the basis of districts, taluks and
smaller territorial arrangements. He held that the study of folklore should include folk songs, folk-rites,
folk-magic, folk-riddles and folk-recreation. Roy was of the idea that in order to know about the origin
of any item of folklore, the researcher will have to make a deep analysis and distributional study of
such folklore items by plotting it out on a map, determining its focal centre and tracing its diffusion to
marginal areas. The search for folklore customs was referred to by Roy as tracingthe genealogy of
folklore.
Another Indian anthropologist, L. P. Vidyarthi too contributed a lot to the folklore approach to the
tribal studies. Vidyarthi collected rich materials on folklore and folkloric traditions. In his book on
Maler (1963), he also attempted to collect and analyse the folklore of the Maler dealing with their
habitat, family, economics, festival, fairs and religion. He edited a book titled, Folklore Researches in
India (1973). This book is a collection of essays on Indian folklore written by eminent anthropologists
on the basis of fieldwork.
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Human Rights Approach

Tribal communities are no more self-reliant; they are integrated to the national development policy and
development ideology. These communities have been exposed to market forces. Their resources are
used for mega development projects which they exclusively use as their common property resources.
Many rules and regulations are applicable to them that curtail rights they used to enjoy within their
cultural frame. Because of mega projects, the tribal people are displaced, or denied access to their
common property resources. Any protest is brutally suppressed by the state machinery. Many tribal
people lose their lives, as happened in Kalinga Nagar in Odisha in 2006. Many tribals also lose their
lives in police encounters as suspected insurgents or at the time of bombing operations. Development
interventions grossly intervene in their traditional way of lives. Moreover, they cause deprivation,
exclusion and marginalization of tribal people.
Therefore, many NGO activists and academicians consider the situation of displacement, exclusion,
poverty to which tribal people are pushed to in the process of development as a violation of human
rights. The preservation of tribal culture experiences contradiction. On one hand there is a cry for
preservation of tribal culture. On the other hand there are forces unleashed that would make the
preservation efforts futile. For example, in recent years, language is linked to the job market. While
tribal people are concerned about the protection and preservation of their language, they educate their
children in English language keeping in view the demand of the job market. These are two opposite
forces, and the demand for job market is very powerful. The situation of contradiction is not
favourable for preserving a tribal language. That is why scholars in recent years study the tribes and
development interface from the human rights perspective.
CONCEPTS AND CATEGORIES OF TRIBES
There is ambiguity in providing a universally accepted definition of the term tribe. Anthropologists,
sociologists, social workers, administrators and such other scholars who have been involved with the
tribes and their problems are still not in agreement regarding the concept and the definition of their
subject. This is because the term tribe has evolved in different contexts under different historical and
political conditions.
Colonial Origin of the Term ‘Tribe’
The term tribe is derived from the Latin term tribus, which was used for referring to the threefold
division of the ancient people of Rome, identified as the Latin’s, the Sabine’s and the Etruscans. The
three were referred to as the three Tribes of Rome, who founded the earliest Roman Empire. The word
is believed to have its origin in Old French tribu, which in turn comes from a Latin word tribus. The
English word ‘tribe’ occurs in the 12th century Middle English literature and refers to one of the
twelve tribes of Israel. But the Portuguese used the term to designate the colonized people in Africa.
Since then it is a colonial term of reference to groups whom colonial people considered as ‘others’ or
different from the major groups living in a country.
‘Tribe’ as a Colonial Construct in India
In the pre-colonial times, we did not have a vernacular equivalent of the term tribe in any of the
Indian languages. We have already discussed some of the terms by which the present ‘tribal’
communities were addressed. Besides, we also find the usage of the Sanskrit term Kirata in ancient
literature, perhaps in the context of the North-Eastern tribes.
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According to K. S. Singh (1997), there are respectable references to some of the tribes in classical
literature. He quotes one of the Shlokas from 6th century AD:
The Kirata king is a master of the martial arts. Do not disregard him as mountain dweller.
Indra, the king of gods, entreated him to reside in the Himalayas to protect the earth.
Before the British rule, no community in India was designated as a tribal community. The
communities designated as tribes have/had their own terms of reference and reference by the outsiders.
The Adis of Arunachal Pradesh had the appellation of ‘Abor’ by the outsiders. But they had their
own terms of reference as Minyong, Padam, Bokar, Bori and Pasi in a wider context and the clan
name in the context of self-introduction. As the communities had their own terms of reference and no
community was designated as a tribe, there were no generic social categories of any sort before the
colonial rule.
As the term ‘tribe’ was not used to designate a social category as such, the British administrators were
confused to apply this term to some groups. They tried to understand these groups with reference
to corresponding categories in America, Australia and Africa. But there were vast differences.
Hence, they used different terms in successive censuses because the enumerators could not understand
the prevailing Indian dynamics within their theoretical construct when they attempted to fit some
sections of the population as tribes.
K. S. Singh (1998) writes: The tribe is a colonial concept, an Anglo-Saxon word, defined for the first
time in the Census of 1901, in contra-distinction to caste. The notion of tribe has evolved over the
censuses, from a hill and forest tribe, to a primitive tribe, to a backward tribe, and finally, to the
scheduled tribe.
Susana B. C. Devalle (1992) from her study of the Jharkhand tribes concluded that ‘tribe is
essentially a construct’, and is a ‘colonial category’. The characteristics attributed to tribes, such as
egalitarianism, subsistence economy, little or no external control, autonomy and isolation of such a
unit, Devalle argued, are not found among Jharkhand people, known as adivasi. There are no evidences
found to prove that these characteristics existed in the past. Needless to say, according to her, there
were no tribes in Jharkhand until the European understanding of the Indian reality constructed
them. The category thus devised evolved into an administrative concept later.
Academic Perspectives
Though the term was used by the colonial administrators to designate some groups of people,
academicians used it to conceptualize social dynamics from historical perspectives. Hence, the term is
defined from different angles.
Definitions
One of the earliest definitions comes from George Peter Murdock. To him a tribe is a: ...
social group in which there are many clans, nomadic bands, villages or other/ subgroups which usually
have a definite geographical area, a separate language, a singular and distinct culture and either a
common political organization or at least a feeling of common determination against strangers.
The Imperial Gazetteer of India defines a tribe as:
A tribe, as we find it in India, is a collection of families or groups of families bearing a common name,
which as a rule, does not denote any specific occupation; generally claiming common descent from a
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mythical or historical ancestor and occasionally from an animal, but in some parts of the country held
together rather by the obligation of blood-feud than by the tradition of kinship; usually speaking the
same language; and, occupying, or claiming to occupy, a definite tract of country. A tribe is not
necessarily endogamous, i.e. it is not an invariable rule that a man of a particular tribe must marry a
woman of that tribe.
John Milton Yinger defines it as: …it is small, usually preliterate and pre-industrial, relatively
isolated, endogamous (with exogamous sub-tribal divisions), united mainly by kinship and culture, and
in many places also territorial boundaries, and strongly ethnocentric (‘We are the people’).
From the Indian perspective, D. N. Majumdar’s (1967) definition is noteworthy. It can be briefly
paraphrased as follows:
A tribe is a collection of families, bearing a common name, the members of which occupy the same
territory, speak the same language and observe certain taboos regarding marriage, profession or
occupation and have developed a well assessed system of reciprocity and mutuality of obligation.
Tribe as a Stage of Evolution
Academicians used the term tribe to explain the evolution of society. They placed ‘tribe’ as a stage in
the evolution of society through different stages. Earlier, anthropologists like Lewis Henry Morgan
(1818-81), Edward Burnett Tylor (1832-1917) and other evolutionists not only defined tribe as a type
of society but also regarded them as representing a particular stage of evolution. A tribe was seen as a
primitive social formation; primitive because they were supposed to represent the earlier stages
through which the contemporary Western civilization has evolved. Elman Service and Marshall
Sahlins were the two most important figures who observed the evolution of the society from the point
of view of different stages—socioeconomic development. They placed ‘tribe’ as a stage in socio-
economic development to explain the evolution of society. According to the evolutionary scholars,
society or socio-politico development has occurred through four stages and the tribe represents the
second stage in the pre-state social organization. Their scheme was:
Band: Their first level of organization is a band. A small group of people are related through the ties
of common descent. The members have face-to-face interaction and migrate together within a specific
locality. Bands were generally exogamous and other than a marriage partner, each band was self-
sufficient and independent of the other.
Tribe: For certain strategic significance, like conflict or exploitation of resources, some bands may
come together to form a tribe. A tribe represents more than a mere collection of bands; it differs from
bands in terms of nature of integration of society. Other than kinship affiliation, association was based
on age grades, religious congregation and ceremonial parties. In the absence of any centralized
authority, social order was maintained through the relative differences in statuses and roles.
Chiefdom: A third stage of pre-state social organization was marked by the emergence of a ruler. In
the initial stages, the chiefdoms were theocracies, with the ruler or the members of his family also
serving as high religious officials. When the chief died, the role was filled by someone from a
particular line of descent.
State: It is a system of social organization marked by stratification with the separation of political
power from religious power. The centralized government was bestowed with political power and the
state had the right to collect taxes, drag citizens for work and for war, and enact and enforce the law.
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Tribe as a segmentary society:
Marshall Sahlins (1968) places tribe as a stage of evolution. But he associates the term tribe, i.e. the
stage with segmentary lineages as distinguished from centralized chiefdoms. According to him, tribe is
a segmental organization. It is composed of a number of equivalent, unspecialized multifamily groups,
each being the structural duplicate of the other—a tribe is a congregation of equal kin group blocks.
The segments are the residential and proprietary units of the tribe. It is held together principally by
likeness among its segments and pan-tribal institutions, such as the system of intermarrying clans, of
age grades, or military or religious societies, which intersect the primary segment.
Self-contained primitive social formation: Maurice Godelier also argues that the tribe is a type of
social organization which can only be understood if we view it as a stage in the social evolution. The
19th century evolutionists readily believed that the development of a more complex or a more
advanced type of society would automatically lead to the effacement of the tribal type. For these
scholars of tribal studies, it is a truism that the tribe has preceded the state and civilization on the broad
scale of social evolution. Hence, Godelier and his associates placed tribe as opposite to civilization.
Ideally, they saw a tribe as an isolated, self-contained primitive social formation, but not as a part of
civilization by force or by choice. It was defined on the basis of the absence of those characteristics
which we associate with civilization. While studying the tribes, the concept of civilization has its own
connotation.
Henry Lewis Morgan’s work of 1977 emphasizes on the ‘practice of reading and writing’. It is also
understood in the presence of ‘great tradition’ as defined by Robert Redfield in 1947. Naturally, the
tribes do not have a ‘great tradition’, but have their local specific cultural behaviour, i.e., the ‘little
tradition’. In the sense of absence of the ‘practice of reading and writing’, they are not illiterate, but are
‘preliterate’. Hence, while placing the tribes in the scale of civilization, they would not feature in the
binary oppositions of ‘civilized’ and ‘literate’, i.e. they should not be designated as ‘uncivilized’ and
‘illiterate’. Rather, they should be designated as ‘non-civilized’ or ‘preliterate’. Therefore, Andre
Béteille has suggested for a flexible attitude towards the definition of the term ‘tribe’.
Tribes as transitional society:
Tribes in India were never in isolation. The communities at different levels of civilization have co-
existed with the non-tribal communities since time immemorial. Because of this co-existence, the tribal
communities have been interacting with the non-tribal communities (caste societies) at different levels.
Needless to say, tribal communities in India are not static; they are always in the process of adoption
and change. The process is more visible when these communities, whether scheduled or non-scheduled
are integrated into the Nation’s development agenda.
A. R. Desai (1969) has, therefore, aptly remarked that the tribes in India are in transition. According to
A. R. Desai (1969), in India, majority of the tribes should be viewed as ‘tribes in transition’. To define
them as a tribe, one has to take a historical perspective.
Béteille (1992: 76) advocates a historical perspective to define a tribe. According to him, only by
getting to know the predecessor of a group can a group be considered as a tribe. The transitional
concept can also be understood with reference to syncretism or adaptation to different livelihood
strategies. This concept portrays tribal society against the background of self-contained and static
nature as was attributed in the earlier writings on tribes.
Among the Khamptis of Arunachal Pradesh, one would find a syncretic tradition of Buddhism and
indigenous practices. They belong to the Theravada cult of Buddhism, but also believe in the deities of
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mountains, forests and many other animistic traditions. Ancestor worship is a part of their curative
system. Such a syncretic tradition is noticed in the study of Subhadra Mitra Channa on the Jad of
Harsil (one of the five ST groups of Uttarakhand included within the generic category of Bhotiya). The
people do not subscribe to any clearly bounded social or religious category; but rather display a
tradition betwixt and between the Hindu and Buddhist tradition.
Tribe as a ‘closed cultural group’ is not evident in Khampti or Jad communities. Subhadra Mitra
Channa further writes that Jad, being the pastoralists, move with their animals from one location to
another as an adaptive strategy to different ecological niches. Obviously, they do not follow a singular
adaptive strategy for themselves and their animals. Appropriately, she labels them as a ‘mode of
adaptation’, a way of life with adjustment to different ecological conditions rather than a bounded unit
as a tribe is understood to be in conventional scholarship. Changes have been occurring in ‘tribal’
communities of India at different perceptible levels from pre-colonial period. Tribes do not stick to one
locality. They migrate when the resource base is depleted. Against this background, ‘tribes in
transition’ is one of the characteristics to explain the tribal communities in India.
Tribe-caste continuum:
As has been mentioned earlier, tribes in India have never lived in isolation. Hence, a tribal community
is never static. In other words, the community is in transition. There is another dimension to
understand the tribal interaction with nontribal community (caste-based societies). Tribes learned from
caste-based societies and castes also learned some aspects of life of the tribals. Due to this process of
interaction, assimilation, acculturation and adaptation have taken place between the tribal community
and non-tribal community to different degrees.
This interaction has been a feature of the Indian society from the early stages and can be traced back to
the days of Ramayana and Mahabharata. The groups were referred to as Jana in Ramayana. When Ram
reached the borders of the forests of central India during his exile, the land was introduced to him as
Jana-sthan, the land of tribal people. His meeting with Guha and the Bhil woman Savari is a popular
episode in Ramayana. In Mahabharata, there are references to kiratas, Bhim’s marriage with a tribal
girl, Hidimba and Krishna’s fight with Banasura. These were in fact interactions between tribes and
non-tribes during that period.
Thus, in the process of this interaction, the tribals have adopted some aspects of non-tribal ways of life.
The contrary is also true. There is a legend in Odisha about the incorporation of a tribal God into the
Hindu tradition which evolved into ‘Jagannath Cult’. The Badaga of the Nilgiri Hills were influenced
by the neighbouring tribes. The Karma festival of the Oraons has also become a festival of many
neighbouring communities in Jharkhand and Odisha.
It is very difficult to place the tribal communities at one end of a pole and the nontribal peasant
communities at the other end. If we place tribal and peasant communities at the opposite ends of a
pole, there will be many tribal communities displaying characteristics of peasant and caste-based
communities and many caste-based communities displaying characteristics of tribal communities to
varying extents. There will not be a vacuum between tribal and caste-based societies placed at the end
of the opposite poles. Hence, it is said that there is a continuum between tribal and caste-based
societies, known as tribe-caste continuum.
We can cite some examples of such continuum. Anthony Walker (1998) having worked among the
Toda community of the Nilgiri Hills for several years, arrived at the conclusion that in comparison to
‘tribes’, the term ‘caste’ has a ‘considerable value’, for it helps in placing them in the context of the
South Indian cultural matrix, to which they actually belong. He finds it confusing when the Toda are
designated as a ‘tribe’ in the sense in which this term has been used in anthropological and sociological
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literature. In a similar methodological perspective, Hockings (1993) after working among the Badaga
of the Nilgiri Hills concludes that the Badagas have been referred to as a ‘tribe’, ‘caste’, and ‘Hindu
race’ in literatures dealing with the community starting from 1922. He argues, like Walker, that instead
of focusing on a unit and labelling it, the entire system of which the unit is a part of needs scrutiny.
The Badaga had migrated to the Nilgiri Hills from the plains to the north. Theirs is an example of a
caste group which adopted a tribal model through its regular interaction with the Toda, the Kurumba,
and the Kota, the Scheduled Tribes of the Nilgiri Hills. Hockings considers the Nilgiri people as a
‘case of a caste society’ displaying ‘several distinct indigenous cultures’ which have their ‘respective
origins in pre-caste social formation’.
F. G. Bailey (1961), proposed this continuity in his concept of ‘Tribe-Caste continuum’, where he
showed there are societies with both characteristics of tribes as well as caste. Surajit Sinha (1965),
similarly proposed a continuum between the tribe and peasant societies in India. Further, with several
changes occurring within the community in independent India, because of government programmes of
planned change, many of the tribes have undergone rapid transformation.
Origin of the Term Tribe and its Evolution in India
The term tribe did not exist before the colonial period. However, most of the people with whom the
term is associated used to live in forests and hills. Therefore, in India the notion of tribe has evolved
from these people. Over the censuses during the colonial period, the nomenclature referring to tribes
underwent successive modifications, involving primarily changes in the descriptive adjectives like hill
and forest tribes, a primitive tribe or a backward tribe. The Constitution of India has dropped the
qualifying adjectives and has adopted the notion of Scheduled Tribes for this category.
In the first Census Report of 1891, J. A. Baines, the then Commissioner for Census of India,
classified some groups of people as ‘Forest Tribes’ under the sub-heading of ‘Agricultural and
Pastoral Castes’. Their number was enumerated as 16 million. In the subsequent Census Records, the
nomenclature underwent successive modifications.
In 1901 Census, Sir Herbert Hope Risley classified them as ‘Animists’, in 1911 E. Gait further
classified them as ‘Tribal Animists’ or people following ‘Tribal Religion’. J. H. Hutton categorized
them as ‘Hill and Forest Tribes’ in 1931 Census. These people by that time were numbering 22
million. The term ‘tribe’ or ‘tribal religion’, however, does not have any definitional note in the above
Census Reports.
In The Government of India Act, 1935, these people came to be recorded as ‘Backward Tribes’
without a definition of the term. Similarly, in 1941 Census they were designated as ‘Tribes’
accounting for 2.47 crore of people. Post-Independence, some of these people were listed in the
Constitution of India and designated as Scheduled Tribes (STs).
Though the definition of tribe was not clear, it was more or less considered to be in contrast to castes
which were occupational groups. In caste system, the principle of caste endogamy was strictly
followed, which was in Risley’s opinion not the case with the tribes.
Contrary to Risley’s definition, the tribes in contemporary India have an occupation or set of
occupations; they speak many languages. They are mobile and have migrated to different parts of the
country even during and before colonial rule. For example, Santhals, Oraons and Mundas who are the
native people of Jharkhand were brought to settle in Assam during the last part of 19th century. The
Oraons, who are the tribes of Jharkhand, are also spread over Odisha. Their original homeland was
somewhere in the hills of South India from where they migrated to Rohtasgarh in present day
Chhattisgarh from where they again migrated to avoid Muslim attacks, much before the colonial rule.
The Mudma fair in Mandar block of Ranchi district held every year is a conglomeration of Oraons to
commemorate their migration from Rohtasgarh. In Jharkhand, Oraons also live with other tribes like
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Mundas and non-tribes, recently called Moolbasisin many villages. No doubt isolation has never been
a characteristic of Indian ‘tribes’. The application of the term tribe to groups does not have a clear
basis in the Indian context.
It is not a surprise that concepts like tribes in transition and tribe-caste continuum have been coined to
explain the Indian situation. Post-independence some people were treated as Constitutional categories
and were designated as Scheduled Tribes. Among them are PTGs (particularly vulnerable tribal
groups). Among the tribes and some other groups of people, the colonial rulers designated some
groups as criminal tribes. These groups were treated as de-notified tribes by the Government of India.
Among these denotified tribes, there are some groups scheduled and some not scheduled in the Indian
Constitution. Similarly, all the groups that were enumerated under the category of tribes are also not
scheduled. Therefore, academicians, like scholars of tribal studies, designate them as non-scheduled
tribes. There is also a debate on the designation of Indian tribes as indigenous people.
Non-Scheduled Tribes:
As has been discussed, the tribe is an administrative and political concept in India. The concept
whether we accept it or not, has both administrative and political overtones. Scheduled Tribes, De-
notified Tribes, and Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs), are examples. There are also communities
possessing all the characteristics which have been the criteria to enlist a community as a Scheduled
Tribe. But still they are not scheduled in the Constitution. These communities are called Non-
Scheduled tribes and unfortunately are deprived of the benefits which accrue to Scheduled Tribes
according to the Constitutional provisions.
The members of these communities feel that they are tribes. At the same time they feel that they are
deprived of what their counterparts enjoy having been scheduled in the Constitution. It is not a surprise
that the Gujars in Rajasthan and Koch Rajbongshi in Assam claim for Scheduled Tribe status. The
Dhankuts of Bahraich district of Uttar Pradesh have all the characteristics of a tribe but are not
scheduled in the Constitution. Similar is the case with the Yobin group of Arunachal Pradesh, and the
Badaga of Nilgiri Hills who do not enjoy Scheduled Tribe status.
Interestingly, the Malai Kuravar is a Scheduled Tribe community in Kanyakumari district and non-ST
(Scheduled Caste) community in Tirunelveli district of Tamil Nadu. Another interesting case of
territorial dimension of identification of a tribe is the Bharia. C. S. S. Thakur, Professor of Sociology,
Rani Durgavati Vishwavidyalaya, Jabalpur informs that Bharia is a primitive tribal group in Patalkot
valley of Chhindwara district of Madhya Pradesh. Outside the valley but within the district they are
recognized as a Scheduled Tribe community. Further, outside the district the community is not
scheduled. Similarly, Rabari community enjoys Scheduled Tribe status in Gujarat but Other Backward
Class status in Rajasthan. These groups are considered to be non-scheduled tribes by the academicians.
Generic Identity: In India, a tribe is not always community specific. You will find many tribal
communities sharing a common name. There is no community as Naga tribe. The appellation Naga is
shared by many communities like Ao, Angami, Rengma, etc. In fact, Ao or Angami is a tribe both
anthropologically and constitutionally, but not Naga. Nevertheless, Naga is an identity of these groups
which is generic in nature. Similarly, in Uttarakhand Jad along with other four Scheduled Tribe groups
shares the generic Bhotiya identity. The adivasi in Assam is a generic term and includes communities
like Oraon, Suara, Munda and Santhals. These are scheduled tribes in their respective states of origin
but these groups are non-scheduled tribes in Assam. All of them are addressed as adivasi, and in the
popular perception of North-East, the term denotes a single community who otherwise have their
individual community identity.
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Terms of address: In the earlier period the communities who are now called tribes were known by
their community names like the Baigas, the Oraons and the Saoras. Over the years, for the term ‘tribe’
in India, a number of synonyms have evolved. These are Adivasi (original settlers), Girijan (forest
dwellers), Vanyajati (forest caste), Adim jati (primitive caste), Jana jati (folk people), Vavavasi
(inhabitants of forest), Pahari (hill dwellers) and Anusuchit jati (Scheduled Tribes).
David Hardiman (1987) notes that in Gujarat, terms like kaliparaja (the ‘black people’) is used to refer
to the tribal people. Persian terms like qabila, qabilewale were also in vogue to refer to tribes. There
are empirical evidences which suggest that the term ‘jati’ was used as a suffix to tribal communities.
Mention may be made of the appellations Adivasi jati, Vanyajati, and Janaj-jati (the ‘kind of forest
dweller’).
Denis Vidal (1997) writes, ‘In Sirohi (Rajasthan)… the same generic term (jati) was often used to refer
indiscriminately [to] the castes or tribe’. In fact jati does not bear the connotation of its English
equivalent ‘caste’. The word connotes to a ‘kind or type’ rather than ‘caste’. In India, it is used in a
variety of other contexts such as manushya jati to mean humankind, devta jati and danav jati to mean
gods and demons respectively, stri jati to mean women, pashu jati to mean the ‘category’ of animals or
vanaspati jati to mean plants.
Many tribal communities were also designated through fictitious names, sometimes a common
nomenclature. Often, the designations by which tribes are known are outside constructs. Therefore,
most of them are not known to the outside world by their respective indigenous names. Contrary to the
terms that the outsiders have improvized for them, tribes refer to themselves by their respective
community names like Munda, Santhal, Gond, Baiga, Sahariya, Gaddi, or by the generic term jati, or
the hybrid term Adivasi jati. The outsiders may also be the neighbouring tribes or clans. The Laju
Nocte, known to outsiders and to other clans of Nocte by this name, refer themselves as Olo. The
Khamptis address themselves as Tai, though the term Khampti has meaning in their language system.
It becomes difficult to decipher the meaning of some names, even by the people to whom it is labelled.
For example, the Tagin and Nyishi tribes of Arunachal Pradesh were designated as Dafla whose origin
and meaning are still a matter of speculation.
Nihar ranjan Ray (1972) has suggested the term Jana, used earlier to denote tribal communities like
Savaras, Bhils, Nagas, Kirat, Pulindas, Kols, etc., in place of the term ‘tribe’. He argues that Jana and
Jati are both derived from the root Jana meaning ‘to be born’, ‘to give birth to’ and hence has a
biological connotation. Their inhabited territories were known as Jana Padas in ancient India. G. S.
Ghurye, however, uses the term ‘Backward Hindus’ for the tribes. This connotation is in conformity
with the ‘nation building’ project, which requires the national identity, essentially of a Hindu nation,
through the amalgamation of all people in a common bracket.
Characterizing Indian Tribes
We all are aware that the term ‘tribe’ is a colonial construct. The colonial ruler divided the Indian
society into tribes and castes; the analogy for the group of people as tribes was drawn from the
Australian and African experiences. Risley used this analogy to define tribes in the 1901 Census.
According to Risley and Gait, a tribe is a collection of families or groups of families having the
following characteristics:
 Bearing a common name, which as a rule, does not denote any specific occupation
 Generally claiming a common descent from a mythical or historical ancestor and occasionally from
an animal, but in some parts of the country held together rather by the obligation of blood feud than by
the tradition of kinship
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 Usually speaking the same language and occupying, professing, or claiming to occupy a definite tract
of the country
 Is not necessarily endogamous; that is to say it is not invariably the rule that a man of a particular
tribe must marry a woman of that tribe and cannot marry a woman of a different tribe
Risley’s attempt to define a tribe, in contrast to caste is clearly apparent in his definition of a tribe.
Tribes were not occupational groups; their names do not specify any occupation. On the other hand,
caste names mostly denote the occupations of the members. For example, Lohar (ironsmith), Swarnkar
(goldsmith) or Teli (oil presser) caste names also indicate their respective occupations. In caste system,
the principle of caste endogamy is strictly followed, which was in Risley’s opinion not the case with
the tribes.
Contrary to Risley’s definition, the tribes in contemporary India have an occupation or set of
occupations and they speak many languages. They are mobile and have migrated to different parts of
the country. For example, Santhals who are the native people of Chota Nagpur plateau have also
settled in Assam for occupational reasons since a very long time. Isolation is disappearing. A section
of them is as advanced as any middle class community in India. Why do we then continue calling them
tribes? This is so because they are scheduled as a tribe in our Constitution.
In India a tribe is always in the process of interaction and we have constitutional nomenclature for it.
Though the tribes are in the process of interaction, still they differ in respect of their level of
interaction, place of habitation and so on. Therefore, Indian scholars have their schema of
characterizing a community as a tribe. All characteristics may or may not be present in a community
but these are general aspects for our understanding of what a tribe stands for.
S. C. Dube (1990) has listed the following characteristics of the tribal groups in India:
 Their roots in the soil date back to a very early period. If they are not original inhabitants, they are
among the oldest inhabitants of the land. However, their position is different from the American
Indians, Australian aborigines and the native African population. They were present much before the
white settlers arrived in these countries. There is no doubt of their being the indigenous population of
these places. However, this cannot be true in the case of Indian tribes. Tribes have been living in close
contact with the non-tribals for centuries. Some tribes like the Mizos and Khamptis have settled much
later in their place of habitation.
 They live in the relative isolation of hills and forests. This was not always so. There are evidences of
their presence in the Gangetic plains. It is only because of subordination and marginalization that they
have been forced to retreat to inaccessible places.
 Their sense of history is shallow, for them history is restricted to three to four generations. Beyond
that it tends to get merged in mythology. But in recent years the oral tradition which was considered to
be a weak source of history is accepted as the source material to reconstruct the history of the pre-
literate people.
 They have a low level of techno-economic development.
 In terms of their cultural ethos—language, institutions, beliefs, worldview and customs, they are
different from the others.
 By and large they are non-hierarchic and undifferentiated. There are some exceptions like the Gonds,
the Ahoms and the Cheros who once had a ruling class or the landed aristocracy.
T. B. Naik has given the following features of tribes in the Indian context:
 A tribe should have least functional interdependence within the community.
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 It should be economically backward (i.e. primitive means of exploiting natural resources, tribal
economy should be at an underdeveloped stage and it should have multifarious economic pursuits).
 There should be a comparative geographical isolation of its people.
 They should have a common dialect.
 Tribes should be politically organized and the community panchayat should be influential.
 A tribe should have customary laws. Naik argues that a community should possess all the above
mentioned characteristics to be eligible as a tribe. A very high level of acculturation with the outside
society debars it from being a tribe. Thus, the term tribe usually denotes a social group bound together
by kinship and duty, and associated with a particular territory. The society is changing, therefore, the
concept shifts to accommodate changes over the period to understand the dynamics.
Today, in India, the term ‘tribe’ is used to mean:

 The communities included in the list of the scheduled tribes
 The communities that were relatively isolated at one time and later had their integration with the
outside world, but have continued to call themselves tribes because of their vested interests
 The communities that still dwell in remotely situated forests and hills and are backward in terms of
the indices of development, although they may not have yet found a place in the list of the scheduled
tribes
Indigenous People
The native people of many countries did not like to be referred to as a ‘tribe’. In different countries,
they have their own appellations. In Australia, these people are recognized as ‘Aborigines’, in New
Zealand as ‘Maaori’, in Canada, as ‘First Nations’ and in Americas as ‘Indigenous people’. All these
appellations point to their original/earlier settlement. This originality again is related, as you will
know, to the colonial contact. These people existed in their countries before the colonization of their
territory. Therefore, they are indigenous. Indigenous movement has been a global phenomenon. In
countries like India, China and some other Asian countries, different groups lived together before the
colonial contact. Nevertheless, some groups of people from these countries who somewhat resemble
the original people of Australia, America and Africa in social, cultural and economic life also have
become a part of the indigenous movement.
Historical Background
The issue of indigenous people was almost non-existent in the Indian academics as well as political
world before 1993. The United Nations declared 1993 as the ‘International Year of the Indigenous
People’. Arguments against and in favour of considering tribes in India as indigenous people have
come up with the same degree of intensity. Many of those who defended the term ‘indigenous’ for
tribes happened to be activists. The slogan— ‘The adivasis of the world unite’—acquired popularity.
This slogan was printed on the cover of the booklets that the Indian Conference of Indigenous and
Tribal People brought out in 1993 on the occasion of the UN Year of the Indigenous People of the
World. However, the indigenous movement that culminated in 1990s can be traced back to 1923.
During this year, the Cayuga Chief Deskaheh, a representative of the Iroquois of Ontario in Canada
went to the League of Nations to represent the ‘Six Nations of the Great River’. He carried a passport
issued by the ‘authority of his people’.
However, two years before this event in 1921, the General Body of the International Labour
Organization (ILO) had showed concern for indigenous workers, who were among the most exploited.
In 1926 its governing body adopted Convention No. 50 ‘Concerning the Regulation of Certain Special
Systems of Recruiting Workers’. In 1939, it adopted Convention No. 64 ‘Concerning the Regulation of
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Certain Special System of Recruiting Workers’.

It is to be noted that the real indigenous rights movement began only with decolonization after the
Second World War. Autonomy movement began in several independent countries. Mostly such
movements took place in Latin America where indigenous populations were feeling doubly exploited.
On one side foreign companies controlled their wealth and on the other the national elite collaborated
with those foreign corporations. Many indigenous communities of the Americas questioned the
genocide of their own ancestors. Additionally, the European indigenous people began to become more
aware of their rights.
These movements created heightened awareness in some international organizations, especially ILO,
whose mandate is protection of the workers’ rights. The result was ILO Convention 107 of 1957
‘Concerning the Populations in Independent Countries’. In this Convention, the term ‘indigenous
people’ came in. The convention used the term as a ‘population of special category analogous to the
tribal and semi-tribal population’.
International Perspectives: Indigenous movements, among other things, recognize the term
‘indigenous’ to designate people who were original settlers in their territory before the colonial
contact. International organizations such as the ILO added to their concerns positively by defining the
term. According to the General Council of the International Labour Organization (ILO, 1957): Peoples
in independent countries who are regarded as indigenous on account of their descent from the
populations which inhabited the country, or a geographical region to which the country belongs, at the
time of conquest, or colonization or the establishment of present State boundaries and who,
irrespective of their legal status, retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political
institutions.
The aim of this convention was to protect and integrate indigenous and other tribal and semi-tribal
populations in independent countries. However, notwithstanding the many positive stipulations, the
ILO convention of 1957 was criticized for its ‘ethnocentric bias and patronizing attitude.’ Accordingly,
the ILO adopted a revised Convention 169, where the concept of indigenous has been overtly de-
linked from the concept of tribe. By implication, however, they have been treated as synonyms. The
convention applies to:
(a) Tribal peoples in independent countries whose social, cultural and economic conditions distinguish
them from other sections of the national community, and whose status is regulated wholly or partially
by their own customs and traditions or by special laws and regulations
(b) Peoples in independent countries who are regarded as indigenous on account of their descent from
the populations which inhabited the country or a geographical region to which the country belongs, at
the time of the conquest or colonization or the establishment of the present state boundaries and who,
irrespective of their legal status, retain some or all of their own social, economic, cultural and political
institutions.
‘Indigenous’ and ‘Tribe’ Distinguished
The Portugal colonizers designated the earlier people of their colonies as tribes. But some of these
tribal groups in many countries distinguished themselves from the colonizers and preferred to use the
term indigenous. The essence of indigenous initially concerned the natives vis-a-vis colonial settlers.
The term tribe is imposed while the term indigenous is self-chosen. It is further clear from the ILO
Convention 169 that the terms ‘indigenous’ and ‘tribal’ are not properly defined. It takes a practical
approach and only provides criteria for describing the people in either of the two categories. Self-
identification is considered as a fundamental criterion for the identification of indigenous and tribal
people, along with the criteria outlined below:
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Elements of tribal people include:
 Traditional lifestyles
 Culture and way of life different from the other segments of the national population, e.g. in their
ways of making a living, language, customs, etc.
 Own social organization and traditional customs and laws
Elements of indigenous people include:

The United Nations Permanent Forum on Indigenous People has not adopted any official definition of
indigenous people rather it has developed a modern understanding of the term based on the following
features:
 Self- identification as indigenous people at the individual level and accepted by the community
as their member.
 Historical continuity with pre-colonial and/or pre-settler societies.
 Strong link to territories and surrounding natural resources.
 Distinct social, economic or political systems.
 Distinct language, culture and beliefs.
 Form non-dominant groups of society.
 Resolve to maintain and reproduce their ancestral environments and systems as distinctive
people and communities.
Tribal People versus Indigenous People
Examining the issue of indigenous people in Indian context, the pertinent question needs to be asked
is: whether the term ‘indigenous people’ could at all be considered applicable in the Indian context? If
the answer is affirmative, is it possible to consider all the tribal communities of India as indigenous
people? India has constitutionally recognized tribal people or scheduled tribe. But the concept ‘tribe’ is
not defined anywhere in the Indian Constitution. But it states in Article 342 that the scheduled tribes
are ‘tribes or tribal communities or parts of or groups within tribes or tribal communities’, which the
President may specify from time to time by public notification. The tribals in India are also refer to,
and refer to themselves as Adivasis, a Sanskrit deviation meaning ‘original settlers’, in other words,
the indigenous people. To put it differently, the term Adivasi (‘adi’ means oldest and ‘vasi’ means
inhabitant) is commonly used to designate them. The ILO Convention 107 held at Geneva on June 5,
1957, classified these people as indigenous (Behura, 1996: 1). The World Bank also considers that the
indigenous people mean Scheduled Tribes (STs) in India (Roy Burman, 1994: 7). So, both the
concepts STs and indigenous people have been used interchangeably in India.
Different views have been emerging to take different position on the question of indigeneity. The
indigenous question in India seems to be problematic as the indigenous people of India have
difficulties in gaining adequate recognition. In some regions, cultural, social and physical features
commonly associated with indigenousness are absent or hard to recognize or indigenous as a concept is
rejected or contested by the Indian state. The struggle of indigenous people for recognition and
protecting their rights ranges from resisting subjugation, territorial acquisition, resource exploitation,
the destruction of tradition, and infringement of customs and life styles, to fighting inhuman treatment,
abuse and deprivation of human rights.
Argument for the Tribes as Indigenous People
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In 1993, Ram Dayal Munda, the President of Indian Council of Indigenous and Tribal People,
conceded in the forum of the UN that all tribal communities of India as whole are indigenous (Roy
Burman, 1994: 14), where he stated that, “In the Indian context unless definitionally specified,
everyone could be called ‘indigenous’ after the British colonisers left the country in 1947. Independent
India is developing indigenous locomotives, indigenous rockets and so on. Non-specification of the
term has led to our government’s refusal to equate the Scheduled Tribes with the Working Group
intended for indigenous people.” Consistently during the last seven years, the term “tribal people
though considered somewhat pejorative among Indo-European speaking countries, is relatively more
acceptable in India for this purpose.” Proceeding further he said, “We therefore strongly suggest that
the expression “indigenous and tribal people” form a single segment when it comes to defining the
people concerned, particularly in the Indian and Asian context” (Roy Burman, 2010: 9-10).
In the present context, the issue of marginalisation and discrimination are built upon the definition of
indigenous people. Only those people that have been subject to domination and subjugation have come
to constitute the component of indigenous people. In this context, the tribal communities of India can
be considered as indigenous people since they have experienced different forms of marginalisation,
subjugation and discrimination for centuries. They have been victims of conquest and colonization
and hence share all the attributes of colonized people such as ethnic identity, loss of control over
customary territorial resources, cultural annihilation and powerlessness.
The tribes remained outside the politico administrative structure of the larger society (Xaxa, 1999:
3593). In this context, in order to integrate the tribal communities, the government of India favored the
concept of ‘indigenous people’ deliberated in the Convention 107 of 1957 due to the fact that the
Convention had articulated the need of integrating the indigenous and tribal people in to the larger
social and political structure.
Xaxa (1999) argues that the root cause of the tribals’ demand for indigenous people’s status is their
complete loss of power over natural resources. This demand is based on the extreme discrimination
faced by tribal communities and their many experiences of dispossession by the dominant groups.
Even the most cursory consideration of this history of discrimination and dispossession against tribal
people demonstrates the degree to which they are denied the rights enjoyed by other groups
constituting dominant section of the society. That this remains a contemporary problem demonstrated
by continuing attempt to dispossess them of their land and resources, and severe widespread pressure
for cultural assimilation.
To put it differently, by using the legal concept of indigenous people and indigenous rights, they seek
recognition for their collective rights to land and their livelihood strategies within state structures that
otherwise systematically discriminate against them (Kenrick and Lewis: 2004: 6). In this context, the
tribal communities of India can be considered as indigenous people.
Argument against Tribes as Indigenous People
B. K. Roy Burman criticizes the position of the Indian Government on the Convention 107 of the ILO
and further proposed the new definition of indigenous people, which has no direct relation to the
people categorized as STs (Karlsson, 2000:137). He was strong critique of the composition of very
weak representation of Asia. Since about 80 per cent of the indigenous people belong to Asia, only one
person represented this continent. In relation to the UN working group, Asia was first represented by
the Chinese and later on by the Japanese. Needless to mention here that, none of them belonged to
indigenous category.
To put it differently, it widens up the debate on, who represents the indigenous people? Should the
nonindigenous people represent the indigenous community? Who will be able to represent the needs
and expectations of indigenous people in an effective and desirable way? In short, he proposes that the
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interests and rights of indigenous people should be represented by their own members. It is believed
that his/her own community than other people would be in a better position to comprehend the
problems faced by the indigenous communities because our interests will be better protected when we
are represented by those who share our experience and interests and that this similarity of condition is
far better indicator than whether people might share our rather shaky opinions.
He further argues that there is a clear ‘Eurocentric bias’ and even contends that behind the humanistic
cover, there are global hegemonic forces at work, forces that are trying to undermine the newly
independent countries in Asia and Africa (Karlsson, 2000: 137). Substantiating his argument about
global hegemonic forces, he cited the World Bank’s definition of indigenous people, where the World
Bank stated that the STs are the indigenous people of India, which is a symbol of hegemonic force at
work: ‘transgressing the sovereignty of India’.
It has been argued that the definition of indigenous people as ‘original settlers’ is problematic in the
Indian context. Xaxa (1999) acknowledges the conceptual as well as empirical complexity in defining
indigenous people of India. Unlike in America, Australia and New Zealand with a recent history of
conquest, immigration and colonization, identification of indigenous people is not easy in the Indian
context. How far back should one go in history to determine people who are natives and who are
immigrants. Indeed, any demarcation is going to be arbitrary and hence extremely contentious.
The Indian experience is different from that of the new world where it was marked by conquest,
subjugation and even discrimination. The coming of the Aryans has been invariably taken as the
decisive historical factor to determine the indigenous people of India. If we accept this as the cut-off
point for defining indigenous people in India, all the tribal communities cannot be considered as
indigenous people. Because, there are tribes in India especially in the north-east whose settlement in
the territories they inhabit today is an even later phenomenon than the settlement of many non-tribes in
other parts of India. For instance, it is observed that the Nagas believed to have come later than the
coming of the Aryans.
Andre Beteille (1998) questions the categorization of Indian tribal people as indigenous. To him, the
designation of any given population in a region as ‘indigenous’ acquires substance when there are
other populations in the same region that can reasonably be described as settlers or aliens. For him, it is
extremely difficult to distinguish between tribal and non-tribal population in India due their co-
existence for centuries and millennium. In India, the history of interaction between tribal and non-
tribal populations has been a long and complex one in which both populations have undergone many
transformations through usurpation, miscegenation and migration. By the middle of the 19th century,
what are called tribes today had on the whole been either subordinated or marginalized economically,
politically and socially.
The idea of indigenous people must have some basis in the territory inhabited by them in the past and
the present. The problem arises when they become dispersed over large areas within and sometimes
across national frontiers. In many of the multi-caste agricultural villages of West Bengal, people of
tribal origin have come from elsewhere and settled down to work as sharecroppers and agricultural
labourers. Their economic and social conditions are for the most part abject and miserable, and they
are subject to discrimination and exploitation of the most oppressive kind. But that still does not justify
their being described as ‘indigenous people’ in the context of their present context (Beteille, 1998:
190).
The Government of India has made both practical as well as policy argument related to the
difficulties of indigenous people (Kingsbury, 2008: 124-125). Building on the notion of indigenous
people as the people who can be first (or at least earlier than the others who are now dominant),
representatives of the government of India in the Working Group on Indigenous Population have made
the practical argument that the concept cannot apply there because, after centuries of migration,
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absorption and differentiation, it is impossible to say who came first.

Thus, the government of India commented that most of the tribes in India share ethnic, racial and
linguistic characteristics with other people in the country. Prescription of ethnicity by administrative
fiat or self-designation involves numerous problems and is open to much criticism, and there are
difficult cases under any approach. Nonetheless, it has proved possible as a practical matter to
enumerate detailed lists of the STs under the fifth and sixth schedules to the Indian Constitution; these
constitutional categories have provided a practical starting point for identification of groups to whom
policies of international agencies relating to ‘indigenous people’ have been applied in India.
In relation to the policy argument, the Indian government’s position contains an implied argument that
a forensic inquiry into who appeared first in India would be unhelpful and undesirable for two reasons.
First, some groups meriting special protection would be excluded, while others not in need of such
protection might be included. Second, recognition of special rights and entitlements for having been
the earliest or original occupants might spur and legitimate chauvinist claims by groups all over India,
many of which might be very powerful locally while in some sense non-dominant nationally. It is also
important here to mention that the scheduling tribe may be scheduled in one state and not so in another
state. For instance, Konda Kapus is a group listed as STs in Andhra Pradesh but not in the
neighbouring state, i.e, Orissa (Galanter, 1984). In effect, if some people are indigenous to a place,
others are vulnerable to being targeted as non-indigenous, and groups deemed to be migrants or
otherwise subject to social stigma may bear the brunt of a nativist indigenist policy. Once
indigenousness or sons of the soil becomes the basis of legitimating for a politically or militarily
dominant group, restraints on abuses of power can be difficult to maintain.
In other words, it is extremely difficult and contentious to define the indigenous people in India. India
is a ‘melting pot’ and a country of migration where it is impossible to establish who the original
settlers in a particular place or region are. The term ‘indigenous people’ is therefore claimed to be
inapt on the Indian subcontinent; sometimes with the conclusion that there are no indigenous people in
India or, alternatively, that all Indians are indigenous (Karlsson, 2003: 407).
De-notified Tribes/Ex-criminal Tribes
The de-notified tribes were earlier known as criminal tribes. After they were de-notified, they were
also known as ex-criminal tribes. It is important to mention that ex-criminal tribes are those tribes who
were earlier listed under the British Government’s Criminal Tribes Act of 1871.
Important groups listed as criminal tribes were Bawaria, Bhatu, Beria, Bhedkut, Dom, Karwal, Mina,
Mantam, Yerkula Sugali, Yandi, Koravas, Lambadi, etc. The interesting thing is that the so-called
criminal tribe population constitutes a group or section of a group within a tribe or caste or an entire
tribe or caste. Thus, one would find in the category of criminal tribes group of people who may be
considered as tribes, Hindu caste and the Muslims. Ethnically, criminal tribes were mixed groups.
Background of the Criminal Tribes Act
British rule in India created some social categories. As you know, one is the category of tribes. This
category came in as a result of the colonial policy of ‘divide and rule’. The other one is the ‘criminal
tribe’ which later became the de-notified tribe in free India. The colonial policy of exclusion of people
from their traditional livelihoods resulted in resorting to petty crimes by them as an alternative source
of livelihood. Instead of understanding the reason for their criminal tendencies, they were brought to
task by enacting criminal laws. The British attitude towards the petty crimes committed by some
people or groups of people was based on a false notion. The colonial ruler believed that crime was a
hereditary calling of these people. It is to be noted that Dr Lombroso’s widely accepted theory of
‘inborn criminality’ continued to influence the administrators for years together.
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Criminal Acts: The Criminal Tribes Act was passed by the British Government as early as 1871 and
was applied arbitrarily and unjustly against some of the aboriginal tribes, castes and Muslims of our
country. In 1876, the law was extended to many other parts of British India, specially to lower Bengal.
An amendment of the Act in 1897, even empowered the local government to separate the children of
these groups aged between 4-18 years, from their irreclaimable parents. This law empowered local
governments to declare any community or tribe or any part of a tribe, gang or class indulging in
systematic commission of non-bailable offences as a criminal tribe. In 1911, further amendments were
made which provided for the maintenance of a register of persons considered as criminals for detailed
information of their whereabouts (place). The amendments made it obligatory on the part of the
members of the criminal tribes to give their fingerprints and to report change of residence. It also
empowered the Provincial Governments to restrict the movement of these communities within
particular areas. The offenders were punished according to the nature of their crimes. Through gradual
modification, this Act was more or less, consolidated in 1924.
Who are the people who took to crimes as a source of livelihoods?
The people who were clubbed as criminal tribes did not constitute a homogenous group. P. K.
Bhowmick (1989) in his article entitled ‘Problems of De-notified Tribes: A Case Study of the
Interaction of Government and Diverse Ethnic Groups in Fringe Bengal’ informs that the so-
called criminal tribe population constitutes a group or section of a group within a tribe or caste or an
entire tribe or caste. Some of them would be found to be members of one particular Scheduled Caste or
another. A few also were found belonging to higher castes. At the same time, some sections of the
Muslims also belonged to the criminal tribes category. Thus, one would find in the category of
criminal tribes groups of people who may be considered as tribes, Hindu caste and the Muslims. It
marks for a group as ‘habitual’ rather than ‘natural’ offenders.
On the basis of their habitats, occupations and ways of life, Bhowmick presents a classification of
these de-notified tribes into the following groups:
1) Nomadic groups who have taken to criminal life

2) Fighting men and soldiers who having lost their jobs and have turned into criminals (iii)
Communities who used to work as village watchman and police, but have taken to criminal
life
3) Wild tribes in distress who took to criminal living as a way out of the plight they had fallen in
4) Beggars turned into criminals
5) Some settled castes and tribes who took to criminality due to poverty
Why did people take to crimes?

Most of the groups, who were clubbed under the category of ‘criminal tribes’, had their traditional
source of livelihood patronized by rich persons and royal families. The products had a market among
common people also. With the coming of the colonial rule, the royal families lost their status and
hence the people who enjoyed their patronage, lost their livelihood sources too. Due to the availability
of cheap machine made goods in the market, the traditional handicrafts lost their market. The colonial
laws were also responsible for the deprivation of the communities, especially tribals from their sources
of livelihoods. The government forest policy (the forest laws of the 1880s), for example, prevented
free grazing of the cattle owned by these groups and prevented them from collecting forest produce.
The Chenchus of Hyderabad were very much affected by the forest laws. Out of desperation, they
turned into bandits. This also happened to Lodhas of West Bengal. Bhowmick writes that territorial
and economic displacements along with the changing situations forced them to commit crime and
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offence. The development of roads and railways also destroyed traditional trade and commerce.
Because of development activities people lost their source of livelihood and due to the availability of
cheap goods they also lost the market. As a result they lost their traditional means of livelihood.
Mildred MacKenzie, in his book The Mud Bank writes: The Yerukulas were originally merchants.
Their forefathers carried salt, grain and other commodities inland, on the backs of the pack animals,
but in the march of progress, rail, and roads came and transportation was taken out their lands. Their
living was gone, they knew no trade and they resorted to crime. These tribes led a vagrant life in the
jungles, hills and deserts with no fixed abode. They wandered about with their bag and baggage and
pitched their tents on the outskirts of a village or a city or in some secluded place. In the absence of
any substantial means of living these people depended on begging, cattle lifting and crop stealing.
There were widespread and severe famines in many parts of the country in 1866, 1876-78 and 1898.It
witnessed unprecedented outbreaks of dacoity, food riots and looting of markets, house-breakings and
cattle-stealing. The Inspector General of Police (IGP) observed in 1877 that ‘Dacoity as the “special
famine crime” was committed by hungry people, not ordinary criminals’.
Meena Radhakrishna (2001) in her book Dishonoured by History: Criminal Tribes and British
Colonial Policy has presented the trading Korava community of the then Madras Presidency, who
were labelled as criminal tribes as her case study. The Korava community lost their salt trade due to
the colonial salt policy, and access to forest resources due to the forest policy of 1890s. The forest
products were important items of barter in their trade. The laws did not allow them to collect bamboo
and leaves which they used for making mats, baskets and brooms. Common grazing lands were
cordoned off and thus not available to their cattle. In the 1850s, road and railway networks were
established throughout the Madras Presidency and the bullock cart as a mode of transport suffered a
setback. The famines of late nineteenth century were devastating as far as salt trade was concerned.
Large numbers of their cattle also died due to famine and restrictions on grazing in common lands. As
a result of all the above factors, the Korava community suffered a massive economic setback in the
period between 1850s and 1890s.
The Banjaras of Andhra Pradesh were peripatetic (walking about) common carriers for generations.
But due to the development of transport facilities, they lost their jobs and became criminals. Ranoshis
and Wagharis, who acted as guards near the hills, ghats and forts during the Maratha regime adopted
the life of criminals after the loss of their jobs. By now you must have gathered that people resorted to
petty crimes as a survival strategy. It is noteworthy that criminality does not happen in groups; it is an
individual phenomenon. But unfortunately, the provisions of the Criminal Act applied to all the
individuals of the group. Even women and children were considered to be suspects in the eyes of law.
It may be said that a large percentage of the communities were led into criminality when they were
stuck with the stigma of criminal tribes.
Repeal of this Act:

In 1937, the Criminal Tribes Committee was set up which was headed by V. N. Tiwari. The
Committee was appointed by the Government of United Provinces. Tiwari opined that criminal tribes
were a legacy of unhealthy social environments and wrong methods pursued through many centuries in
dealing with them. They are not the sinners, they have been sinned against. This Committee, thus, has
recommended as well as introduced some welfare activities for their group. The Madras Province
repealed the Act in 1947 and Bombay in 1949.
The Government of India appointed a Committee under the Chairmanship of Ananthasayanam
Ayyangar in 1949. The Committee after studying the conditions of the ‘Criminal Tribes’ in the entire
country recommended the repeal of the Criminal Tribes Act. The Government of India accordingly
repealed the Criminal Tribes Act and replaced it with Habitual Offenders Act 1952. The Habitual
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Offenders Act is a state government legislation. With the repeal of Criminal Tribes Act, the
communities notified under this Act as ‘Criminal Tribes’ were de-notified and were recognized as ‘De-
notified Communities’. A list of the tribes which were de-notified with the repeal of the Criminal
Tribes Act was issued by the respective state governments as the list of De-notified Tribes or Vimukta
Jatis. Thus, the list of De-notified Tribes came into existence for each state. The list of De-notified
Tribes of the erstwhile Madras State, for example was issued in 1952. The Bauria, Bazigar, Barad
(Barar), Bangala, Gandhila, Nat, and Sansi communities in Punjab celebrate their Independence on
31st August as on that day in 1952 they were de-notified and became de-notified tribes (Vimukta
Jatis); the tag of criminality was removed legally from them.
Approach of the government of free India:
After the repeal of the Criminal Tribes Act, a good number of people were freed from the stigma of
criminality imputed to them. The Backward Classes Commission appointed by the Government of
India made many suggestions for amelioration (to become better) of the conditions of these problem
ridden communities. They are summarized below:
 Criminal tribes should be called ‘De-notified communities’ (Vimukta Jati).
 These communities should be included in the category of Scheduled Castes or Tribes and Backward
classes according to their distinctive social features.
 They should be resettled in batches and gradually integrated within the larger society.
 Proper education for effecting national integration should be imparted to them for making them free
citizens of free India.
 Reform activities should be undertaken for them
 Collective criminal activities and the individual criminal activities should be clearly distinguished
and understood for dealing with them.
 Proper education and employment for their children should be ensured.
 Economic rehabilitation should be ensured simultaneously.
In conclusion, it can be said that de-notified and ex-criminal tribes are the same. The only difference is
that while the term de-notified tribe is an administrative category; ex-criminal tribe is a social category
coined by the colonial rulers.
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6.1 Tribal situation in India – Bio-genetic variability,

linguistic and socio-economic characteristics of tribal
populations and their distribution.
Bio-genetic Variability
H.Risley 1901, J.H. Hutton (1931), B.S. Guha (1935) and D. N. Majumdar (1961) in their study of
racial classifications have presented bio-genetic variability of Indian tribes. Among these, B. S. Guha’s
classification which he summed up in 1955 is scientifically sound. According to him the tribal
population of India belongs to three major bio-genetic groups as follows:
1. Proto-Austraoids: People belonging to this group are found mainly in central and eastern India.
They are characterised by dark skin colour, sunken nose and lower forehead.
The Munda, the Santal, the Bhil, the Oraon, the Ho, the Kondh, the Gond, etc. belong to this group.
There are tribes in South India like the Chenchu, tribes spread over many regions like the Bhil also
exhibit the characteristics of this group. The Kurku tribe of western India is considered to be of
Australoid origin.
2. Mongoloids: We find people belonging to this group in the Northeast and Himalayan region of
North India. The people of this group are characterised by yellowish skin colour with straight and dark
hair, flat nose, prominent cheek bones and almond shaped eyes with epicanthic fold.
Tribal groups like the Naga, the Adi, the Nyishi, the Bhoti, the Lepcha, the Chakma, etc. belong to this
group. The Khasis of Meghalaya and Nicobarees of the Car Nicobar also belong to this group though
their languages belong to a different group.
The Mongoloids are divided into two groups: Palaeo-Mongoloids and Tibeto-Mongoloids. The
Lepcha of Sikkim is an example of the Tibeto-Mongoloid group. The Mongoloid tribes of Arunachal
Pradesh, Assam, etc. belong to the Palaeo-Mongoloid group.
3. Negrito: This group of people spread over many regions of the country. The people of this group
are characterised by short stature, dark skin colour, black curly hair, thin lips and broad nose.
The people of this group are found in Andaman and Nicobar Islands, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Bihar and
even in Nagaland. The Kadar, the Irula, the Paniyans, the Jarawa, the Onge, etc. belong to this group.
The classification of tribes on the basis of bio-genetic characteristics cannot be applied strictly in India.
Since time immemorial the population groups in India have been in the process of migration and social
interaction. As Majumdar (1961) remarks, India as being the ‘melting pot of races’. Therefore, you
will find mixed characteristics to a fairly large extent. You will learn from various works that many
ethnic groups have sprung from intermarriage between different groups.
Edward Balfour (1885) in The Cyclopaedia of India and of Eastern and Southern Asia writes that in
Mewar the Grasia is of mixed Bhil and Rajput descent.
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R. K. Sinha (1995) in his work entitled The Bhilala of Malwa also mentions about the mixed origin of
the Bhilala from the marriage alliances of the immigrant male Rajputs and the Bhil women of the
central India.
TRIBAL LANGUAGES IN INDIA
Indian tribal languages can be defined as essentially “folk” languages, spoken by people of ethnic
groups who prefer to live in relatively isolated groups. Indian tribal languages can simply be defined as
the traditional languages utilised by the tribal folk. ‘Folk’, in its simplest of definition means “group of
people”, these languages emerge from the tribal languages spoken during time immemorial. Since the
languages of the Indian tribes are complex and vary from one another they are preserved orally in the
form of songs, folktales and legends. The tales of the folk mainly comprise of these languages and
dialects.
Some of the tribal languages prevalent in India are Abujmaria, Garo, Aaria and Tsangla, Saurashtri etc.
The Garo Language is spoken by the tribal communities residing in and around Garo Hills, Meghalaya,
Tripura, Western Assam and Nagaland. Several dialects of this language include Megam., Chisak,
Atong etc. Another tribal language is Abujmaria which is spoken by the people of Abujmar hills in
Bastar district. The Paite, Thadou, Hmar, and the Tangkhul languages are some of the tribal languages
spoken in most of the north eastern parts of the Indian sub-continent. Some of the leading tribal
language speaking groups comprise: Garo Tribes, Chakma Tribes, Naga Tribes, Gond Tribes, Mizo
Tribes, Santhali Tribes, Khasia Tribes, Oraon Tribes and Manipuri tribesmen.
Apart from these tribal languages, there are some other tribal languages namely, Gadaba spoken by the
people of Koraput district of Orissa, Ariya spoken by the tribal communities of Madhya Pradesh,
Tsangla which is spoken in some villages of Arunachal Pradesh.
Indian Tribal languages are extremely orderly and well organised, owing to a developed past and the
enlightened educational interference. Garo and Chakma languages have a slight Chinese hint to their
diction. There lies an elementary similarity between the Garo and Magh Languages, as both tribes
belong to the same origin. Munda, Santhali, Kol, Khasia, Garo and Kurukh are interrelated languages.
Munda and Karukh regarded as equivalent languages, due to the syntax and verbs of both are almost
identical. Munda, Santhali and Kol languages are even more ancient than the Indo-Aryan languages.
These tribal languages further belong to Austro-Asian, Indo-Chinese, and Chinese-Tibetan, Tibetan –
Burman or Dravidian Families. As these tribal groups have mostly migrated from places mentioned,
they have adapted their languages principally from those nations.
The Indo-Aryan Tribal Languages
From time to time, the number of the tribal languages varies. Indo-Aryan tribal language speakers are
distributed and scattered over a huge geographical territory of the country. The speakers of this family
of tribal language comprise over a total population of almost 491 million people. The northern, eastern,
western and central portions of India are full with people who speak the Indo-Aryan languages. More
than 574 mother tongues comprise of this family of tribal language in India (Ishtiaq, 1999). Some of
the languages are supposed to have great literary traditions and activities. In the family of Indo-Aryan
tribal languages there is actually no dearth of literature.
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Among the tribal languages spoken under the Indo-Aryan families the three main languages are Bhili
language, Khandeshi and Halabi. These three languages have been categorized as tribal languages.
They are mainly spoken in Gujarat, Rajasthan, Madhya Pradesh and Maharashtra. Khandeshi group of
language in the Indo Aryan family of tribal languages comprises almost five main mother tongues.
This language is spoken by a total of almost 1.2 million people. Kawari and Katkari languages
belonging to the Indo Aryan tribal language family are spoken by people of areas of Madhya Pradesh,
Gujarat and Maharashtra. It is spoken by the tribes of some parts of Gujarat and Maharashtra. Tribes of
the state of Jammu and Kashmir speak Kishtwari, belonging to the Indo Aryan group of tribal
languages. Koch is spoken by tribes of Tripura and Assam and in Cooch Behar district of the state of
West Bengal. Konkani and Goanese are two very popular Indo Aryan tribal languages that are spoken
in coastal areas of Maharashtra and Goa.
Hence, looking at the number of states which speaks these tribal languages shows us that there can be
no one specific area identified to a particular tribal language, which, on the other, brings us to
understand that the people in the past had migrated and immigrated from time to time over centuries,
hence proving an amalgamation of cultures. The third main language of this group of tribal language
that is the Halbi or Halabi is spoken by over 5.25 Lakh people in the states of Maharashtra and
Madhya Pradesh (Ishtiaq, 1999). Thus, 26 per cent of the total population of the country speaks these
major tribal languages belonging to the Indo-Aryan family of languages. Hence, it is proved by the fact
that the major regions where the Indo-Aryan tribal languages are spoken include states of eastern,
central and western India.
Tibeto-Burman Tribal Language
This family of language is mainly spoken in the northern and north east regions of India. Since the
languages spoken by this family of tribes is also similar to that of the language spoken in Myanmar
(earlier Burma) hence the name, Tibeto-Burman. Nine languages of the Bodo sub-family of the
Tibeto-Burman language family constitute the largest group of tribal languages in the country. These
major nine languages of this sub-family are Bodo, Garo, Tripuri, Mikir, Rabha, Dimasa, Lalung, Deori
and Koch. These languages are spoken by over half of the tribal population spread in the Brahmaputra
valley, North Cachar Hills in Assam, Meghalaya and Tripura.
Languages that are belonging to other sub-groups of the Tibeto-Burman tribal language family are
spoken by smaller number of populations. Like for instance, twenty four languages of Naga group
forms 19 per cent in the states of Nagaland, Arunachal Pradesh and North Manipur Hills; twenty five
languages of Kuki-Chin group forms 15 per cent in the states of Mizoram, Manipur and Tripura. Here
the prominent languages are Lushai/Mizo, Thado and Paite.
The Tibeto- Burman tribal language family has been divided into three separate branches and these are
Tibeto Himalayan, Assam Burmese and North Assam. Further, Tibetan and Himalayan groups are
two of the major groups of this family. Two other prominent tribal communities of the North-East,
those belonging to the Naga group and to the Kuki-Chin group (Lushai/Mizo), have after a long-drawn
agitation, succeeded in acquiring a degree of autonomy in the federal set up. But the most numerous
tribe speaking Bodo, along with Mikir, and other allied languages like Rabha, Dimasa, Lalung, etc. in
the same sub-family of the Tibeto-Burman tribal language family constitute only five to six per cent of
the total population in the entire state of Assam.
However, Tibeto-Burman tribal languages are spoken by huge tribal population of the country
extending from Ladakh to north eastern region of the country. This language is also a sub family of the
Sino  Tibetan family of tribal languages Examples: On the western, northern and the southern borders
of the country, Garo tribal people speak either Bengali language or closely connected dialect of
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Assamese language.
Dravidian Tribal Language

This family of language spoken in the Indian sub-continent mainly comprises of the tribal languages
spoken in the southern parts of the country. In the states of Chennai, Kerala, Andhra Pradesh, etc. the
group of Dravidian tribal languages is spoken by near about 158 million people. They account for a
total of 24 per cent of the total population of the country.
In the Dravidian language group there are basically four prominent literary languages and these are
Telugu, Malayalam, Kannada and Tamil. Some of the initial languages in this family such as Kudu are
not considered to belong to this family of languages since it has been merged with the Kanada
language. A lot of the languages have been included as mother tongues and the most important among
them are Kolami, Kui, Konda, Koya, Gondi, Oraon/Kurukh, Parji and more. Little information is
available regarding the Dravidian tribal languages. Thus, it can be said that the Dravidian tribal
languages are mainly Kaikadi that is another major Dravidian tribal language that is spoken by the
Kaikadi tribes in several parts of Karnataka and Maharashtra. Another Dravidian tribal language is
Kanikkaran that is spoken in Ernakulam, Thiruvananthapuram and Kozikhode districts of Kerala and
Tirunelveli district of the state of Tamil Nadu. Konda-Dora is another Dravidian language and it is
spoken in several areas of Orissa and Andhra Pradesh. Koraga is spoken in parts of Kerala. Kota is
another hugely spoken Dravidian language. It is mainly spoken in parts of Tamil Nadu. Koya is spoken
in several parts of Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Maharashtra and Andhra Pradesh. Its main dialects are
Podia, Malakanagiri Koya, Chintoor Koya, etc. Kamar is another tribal language belonging to the
Dravidian family and spoken by the tribal communities in areas of Rewa district of the state of Madhya
Pradesh and in Raipur district of the state of Chattisgarh. It is also spoken in parts of Andhra Pradesh,
Tamil Nadu, Kerala, Maharashtra and Orissa.
Austro-Asiatic Tribal Language
Here are the details of a few of the Austro-Asiatic tribal Languages. These languages are spoken
mainly in states of West Bengal, Jharkhand and in some parts of the north eastern states of India.
Kharia language is an Indian tribal language that refers to a tribal or ‘adivasi‘ group of the country.
This language belongs to the Austro-Asiatic language family and is mostly spoken by the tribal people
living in the states of Jharkhand and Orissa. The other major Kharia speaking states are southern Bihar,
northern Orissa, Assam, and eastern Madhya Pradesh.
Santhali is an Indian tribal language that belongs to the Santhali sub-family of the Austro-Asiatic
language family. This language is very closely associated with Ho and Mundari languages. It is also
spoken in neighbouring countries of India like Nepal, Bangladesh and Bhutan. In India, this language
of the Austro-Asiatic language family is spoken in the states of Assam, Bihar, Jharkhand, West
Bengal, Orissa and Tripura. Santhali language is mainly spoken by the Santal tribal community. This
tribal community is the largest tribal community of the country and the people of this tribal community
are considered as quite backward. Most of the people of Santal tribal community work in coal mines or
steel factories of Jamshedpur and Asansol. Santhali language is basically a dialect of Munda tribal
language. It is generally believed that Santhali Language is much older than the Aryan language.
Currently, the Santhali tribal language is not much in use anymore. The Santhali pundits use the
language for literary works and religious documents. This Language is very famous for its numerical
classifier which is alien to those of the Dravidian family of languages. Khasi language, a popular
Indian tribal language, belongs to the AustroAsiatic tribal language family and is spoken mainly by the
tribal people of the state of Meghalaya. This language is a part of the Khasi-Khmuic group of
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languages.
Khasi language is vaguely connected with the Munda branch of the Austro-Asiatic group of
languages that is mainly found in east-central region of India. In India, most of the speakers of the
Khasi language are found in the state of Meghalaya. However, this language is also spoken by huge
number of people of the hill districts of the state of Assam. Quite a few speakers of Khasi language are
found in the neighbouring country of Bangladesh. Khasi language is tremendously rich in legends and
folk stories. Interestingly, this language had no script of its own in the past.
To conclude, it can be said that the various dialects of Khasi language, namely standard Khasi,
Langrin, Bhoi, Nongtung and Lyngngam show the extent of diversity found amongst them mainly
from the word order point of view. Among the five varieties, standard Khasi, Langrin and Lyngngam
are similar whereas Bhoi and Nongtung are very different. Lyngngam though is similar to the first, is
quite different in various other aspects.
Socio-economic characteristics of tribal populations

The Socio-economic structure in tribal communities is markedly different from that of the non-tribals
or advanced groups of people. They have a very simple technology which fits well with their
ecological surroundings and conservative outlook. Moreover, their economy can be said to be
subsistence type, they practice different types of occupations to sustain themselves and live on
Marginal Economy.
The tribals of India belong to different economic stages, from food gathering to industrial labour,
which present their overlapping economic stages in the broader frame work of the state economy. And
the last important point to be emphasized is that a tribe is usually considered as an economically
independent group of people having their own specific economy. The first and foremost characteristic
of the tribal economy is the close relationship between their economic life and the natural environment
or habitat, which is in general, the forest.
SOCIAL SYSTEM OF TRIBES
Tribal Social Systems is one of the important areas to understand the institutions of tribal systems of
the tribal people. The tribal groups of India belong to various racial, linguistic, cultural and ethnic
categories. Each and every tribe has its unique culture, tradition, values, mores and folkways. In India
the diversity of the tribes is very rich in nature from the length and breadth of its region. It is quite
interesting to know the social systems because every society or group has a system without which no
unit can operate. Each social system has sub-systems such as educational system, economic system,
religious system and political system. In the same way, the tribal system speak about its traditional
pattern of living as well as its unique features like a group of tribe, tribe, sub-tribe clan, lineage, family
and so on. Therefore, it is necessary to understand the various tribal social systems of our country and
related concepts of tribal social systems such as tribe, subtribe moiety, phratry, and clan, local group of
village community, lineage, and family.
Piddington (1952) cited that the tribal social life is specific in nature as the tribal people have their
own ways of life. He mentioned ten factors of primitive structure and organizations of tribes. They are
sex difference, age, kinship, locality, social status, political power, profession, religion and magic,
totemism and volunteer associations. Among these, religion, magic and totemism are special features
of tribal life. On the other hand, these people have all interlinked organization mainly socioeconomic,
socio-political and religio-economic. Let, us understand in detail the social organization and social
structure based on view of various authors.
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Lowie (1950) stated that the study of social organization deals primarily with the significant grouping
of individuals. Man cannot live alone and he has to meet his basic needs like food and shelter and
social need such as companionship, recreation, religious activities and play. He thus forms a group or
association with the help of other men and creates institutions and satisfies his needs.
Firth (1961) opines that all community life involves methods of grouping and grading people for an
effective carrying out of the various types of activities demanded by the common existence.
According to Redfield (1955) ―a social structure is a system‖. The elements of social structure do not
exist independently of one another.
Firth (1961) considers that ―it must be concerned with the ordered relations of parts to a whole, with
the arrangement in which the elements of the social life are linked together. These relations must be
regarded as built up one upon another-they are a series of varying orders of complexity‖.
Evans Pritchard (1940) restricts social structure to the interrelations of groups explicitly excluding
inter-personal relations.
Nadel (1957) describes social structure in these words: ―structure indicates an ordered arrangement
of parts, which can be treated as transposable, being relatively invariant, while the parts themselves are
variable‖. Moreover, Redfield (1955) finds among the Chankoms three kinds of kinship relationship in
the village –consanguine, affinal and ritual forming a recognizable system.
Units of Tribal Social Systems
The social systems are a number of group of tribes designated by a common name, tribe, subtribe,
moiety or dual organization, phratry or territorial groups, clan or local group or village community,
sub-clan or sub-local group, lineage, family, marriage and youth dormitory.
1. Group of Tribes Designated by Common Name

Sometimes tribes are known by their neighbouring people and outsiders by a common name. This
common name is used in a broad sense to include many other types of tribal communities inhabiting a
common territory. For instance, the communities living on the hills might be geographically grouped
and known by a common term by the plain dwellers. The different tribes of the group have their own
linguistic and cultural traditions. They share many cultural and social customs with their cohorts. At
the same time due to the same geographical habitat of today they develop some common cultural
traditions.
The pehenomenon of grouping of tribes designated by a common name is a common feature in the
north-eastern Himalayan region. The expression ―Naga is a common term to denote Nagaland people.
The group of the Nagas includes in itself tribes like the Angami; Ao, Chakhesang, Chang,
Khienmungan, Konyak, Ihota, Phom, Rengma, Sangtam, Sema, Yimchung and Zeliang. Ellwin cited
that the tribal groups of Nagaland are forming new affiliations and using new names like the
Chkhesangs-a combination of Chakru, Khezha (both southern Angami) and Sangtam groups with two
Rengma villages and Zeliangsmixed group of Zemis, Liangmais.
In the south, the Manipur Valley roughly marks the point of contact between the Naga tribes and much
more closely interrelated groups of the Kuki tribes. Manipur is inhabited by a large number of Kuki
tribes which have been split into two broad divisions, namely Old Kukis and New kukis. The Old
kukis include such tribes as the Aimol, Anai, Chothe or Chawte Chiru, Kolhan, Kom, Lamgang,
Purum, Tikhup, Vaishei and Mhar of Manipur and Hrankhol (or Rangkhol) and Biete (or Bete) of
Cachar. The New Kukis are composed of a single tribe called the thadous who are scattered in Cachar
(Assam), Naga Hills (Nagaland) and Manipur. Almost allied to them, at least linguistically are the
Paite of Manipur and Ralte of Manipur and Lushai hills (Mizoram).
In Arunachal Pradesh, the people living in the Abor hills are known by the name of Abor. This
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includes tribes like the Pais, Minyong, Pangi, Padam, etc. In the middle India, the hillmen of Rajmahal
hills are popularly known as Paharias (hillmen) because they live on the hills. This generic term
Paharia includes three different types of people namely Sauria Paharias or malers, Mal or Manr Pharias
and Kumarbhag Paharias. The plains dwellers know them by the famous term, Paharia, for all those
living on the hills. In western India the Sahyadri group of tribes includes in itself tribes like Koli
Mahadeo,Varli, Kokna, Thakur, Kathodi, Koli Malhar, Koli Dhor, Dubla and Dholia who inhabit
Nasik, Ahmnednagar, Pune (Poona), Satara, Sholapur and Aurangabad districts of Maharashtra. The
Bhils of western and middle India also include a number of tribes like, Bhil mina, Bhil Garasia, Dholi
Bhil, Dungri Bhil, Dungri Garasia, Nawasi Bhil, Rawal Bhil, Bhagawalia, Bhilala, Pawara, Vasava,
Barela, Patelia, etc.
2. Tribe:
The Little Community Generally, tribe itself is the basic social unit for the community. According to
George Peter Murdock (1949) tribe is a social group in which there are many clans, nomadic band
villages or other such groups, which usually have a definite geographical area, a separate language, a
singular and distinct culture and either common political organization or common political
organization or at least a feeling of common determination against strangers. Majumdar (1961) opines
that a tribe is a collection or group of families. He further says that a tribe is ordinarily an endogamous
unit, the members of which confine their marriages within the tribe. Several clans constitute a tribe and
each clan claims kinship among its members belonging to it, based either on totemic division,
territorial congruity or common residence.
3. Sub-tribe
A tribe is divided into a few groups depending on the economy, ecology and isolation. Initially, people
of the group are of the same cultural traditions. They eke out their livelihood that separates them from
the others even today. The geographically isolated habitation also leads to a subgroup in the real unity
of the tribe.
Vidyarthi and B.K.Rai (1976) stated that in the Himalayan region, the Rengmas of Nagaland are
divided into two groups based on their geographical isolation namely Eastern Rengmas and Western
Rengmas. The Jaunsaris of Dehra Doon in central Himalaya have divided themselves into different
castes like Brahman, Rajputs, Koltas etc., based on the status as well as the economy.
In Central India, the birhors have two sub-groups namely Janghi and Ulthu based on their habitation
pattern. The former leads a somewhat settled life whereas the latter leads a nomadic life. The ecology
and economy keep them moving. The Kharias of Chotanagpur are divided into three sub-tribes namely
Hill Kharia, Dudh Kharia and Dhelki Kharia. The division in their case is based on their habitation.
Bose (1929) opined that the Korwas of Palamau have two sections namely Hill korwas and Plain
Korwas. These separations are due to the geographical isolation. Even the Bhuiyas are divided into two
sub-tribes – Pauri (hill) Bhuiyas and Desh (plain) Bhuiyas. The Khonds of Orissa have a number of
sub tribe like Kutia khonds, Dongaria Khonds, Desaya Khonds, Tikiria Khonds, Yenity khonds, etc,
which are an example of territorial division. The Koyas have sub-tribe like Rajahor Rashakoyas,
Lingadhari Koyas, Kotty Koyas,etc. The Savaras include the Kapu Savara, Maliya Savara or Khutto
Savara. The juangs of Orissa have two subdivisions the Thaniya, those who dwell in their original
home and the Bhagudiya are those who left their original home. From these classifications we come to
know that some division of sub tribes in India exists.
4. Moiety
Moieties are called half tribes. When a tribe is socially divided into only two groups based on its social
activities, each group is called moiety. This organization is known as a dual organization. The main
activities of these two groups of the community regulate the social behaviour and acts of the people.
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Lowie (1950) describes a number of attributes of a moiety. Moiety may be exogamous, agamous or
more rarely endogamous. Agamy may mean that once exogamous dual organization has relaxed the
rule on prevention of marriage within the group. However, it may also mean that for some reason the
same kinship has never been extended, nor fully extended to the moiety.
The exogamous dual organization varies from a multiple clan system. When the group is divided into
two parts in terms of the rule of descent, the moiety affiliation of all its relation can be reduced. But
there are more than two clans or exogamous clan-like groups the relative affiliations are not traceable
or are only partly determined. Any dichotomy in the two halves of the tribe may prove a practical
complete division of the tribe. They occupy two different parts of the village one in the south and the
other in the north. These two groups of the tribe will clearly reflect their political and mutual
behaviour. They wear different clothes and one of the moieties socially ranks higher than the other.
The dual organization is frequently asymmetrical in division.
Ehrenfels (1950) expressed that ―such reciprocal groups usually look upon each other in a mixture of
aggressive pride and dependent comradeship at the same time, thus producing a marked sense of
rivalry. The stressed reciprocity of all these groupings seems to have rooted in the idea of magic
fertility, since warfare between the two marriages-classes play a similar role as human sacrifice or
head-hunting in the lunar mythological fertility rites. One of the two parties in a genuine dual system is
often found to be either more skilled, powerful numerous or somehow superior.
According to Lowie (1950) ―exogamy readily disappears and readily develops‖. Further, he says that
agamy naturally develops as a sequel to exogamy in a dual organization. Firstly, a prosperous moiety
grows so large that its members lose a sense of kinship or find it greatly weakened. Secondly, the usual
difficulty of finding mates also leads to agomy. It was observed that the moieties, exogamous or
otherwise, commonly comprise lesser clans. It is also possible that multiple clans may combine into
two large groups, or some may die out leaving only two. Such local names of the moieties meaning
thereby four-clans and three-clans indicate in themselves an alliance of the clans.
We find all established moieties among the Ao Nagas, Rengama Nagas and Angami Nagas in the
north-eastern Himalayan region. It shows that the moieties are not fixed in such system. The Aos are
divided into two main divisions namely Mongsen and Chungli. These two divisions have different
pattern and design of clothes in order to differentiate themselves. Chungles eat all kinds of food
whereas Mongsens refrain customarily from polluted food. They do not eat the stomach of a pig. The
hair styles of these two divisions also differ. According to Mills (1951) the Rengma Nagas have
divided themselves into two territorial division namely Eastern Rengmas and Western Rengmas. The
Western Rengmas have two groups of clans whereas the Eastern Rengmas have no such clan. Lowie
(1950) viewed that among the Angami Nagas there are two divisions of clans namely, Pezoma and
Pepfuma. These two divisions once intermarrying moieties but for some time the taboos has been
observed only within the lesser sub-division. For instance, the inhabitants of Kohima are all Pepfuma
but they freely intermarry unless of the same clan.
According Srinivas (1953) in the Central Himalayan region, the Tharus seem to have evolved a
dichotomous organization of their own community into two sections namely higher and the lower. The
higher section has within itself a number of endogamous kuries. Those kuries are Batha, Birtia, Dahait,
Badvait and Mahtum. These five kuries form a new endogamous group and call themselves Rana
Thakur. The lower moiety which is in a minority has certainly welcomed the name of Thakur for their
group of seven sections. They place themselves a little lower than the Ran Thakursin the social orders.
There are two branches of Mundas in Middle India as older and younger Mundas. They are Mahli
Mundako or Patar and Kampat Mundako. These two are endogamous in nature and the Mahli
Mundako is inferior to the Kampat Mundako socially. The Saoras of Ganjam in Orissa are divided into
two moieties namely aristocrats and Ryats. Sarora aristocrats have their secular head Gamangs assisted
by Dol-Behara as well as mandal and the religious head Bayya. They are endogamous groups.
The Gonds of Madhya Pradesh have a type of dual organization among its member tribes that is hill
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Marias. Each Moiety is composed of a number of clans. There are 90 clans in one moiety whereas in
the other there are 69 clans.
The Andhs of Andhra Pradesh, moieties of South India are divided into two divisions namely, Vartati
(pure) and Khaltati (illegitimate). The Vartati division considered more superior than the Khaltati.
They do not intermarry within themselves (they follow exogamous marriage practice within
themselves). The Todas of Nilgiri in Tamil Nadu give a classic example of moiety. They have two
primary divisions of Tharthazoll and Thevelioll. These divisions are endogamous in nature and each is
again sub-divided into a number of exogamous clans. The Tharthazoll moiety shares as many as 10
clans namely Inikithi, Karsh, Kerheir, Kerrodr, Medr, Melgarsh, Nedhi, Norsh, Pirgotl and Tharadr
among the existing clans. The Thevelioll division has only six clans namely, Amgarh, Koite, Konigore,
Marthikedr, Pett and Pirgott II.
5. Phratry
A tribe or sub-tribe is divided into number of clans that are further grouped into three or more groups
or cluster of clans in order to maintain their individuality on a higher order to form a phratry. In other
words, a few clans unite to form a group called phratry. According to Lowie (1950) Morgan who
conveniently applied the phratry to a group of two or more clans united for certain common objective.
Further, he pointed out that phratry is evidently nothing but a convenient term for a kin linkage.
According to Majumdar and Madan (1956) when a group of clans merge together for some reasons or
the other the emergent grouping is called phratry. Phratry is more common in tribal India among the
north eastern Himalayan tribes and a few tribes of Middle India.
In the north-western and central Himalayas and in middle India social class and territorial grouping of
the tribe as its sub-division are common. The Kukis and Hmars have two sections of phratry namely,
Rangkhols and Bietas. The Rabhas of Assam have bars as their clan. Two or more bars might unite to
form a phratry-Hur. Among the Ao Nagas the Chungli moiety has a number of phratries namely,
Pngen, Lungkan, Chami etc. The western Rengma Nagas are divided into six exogamous groups each
containing a number of clans. In Middle India the Raj Gonds have four phratries such as Yerwen,
Saga, Sarwen, Saga Siwen Saga and Nalwen Saga. These phratries are exogamous groups.
6. Local Group of Village Community
The local group is a distinct social system or unit. It comprises of number of families who are living in
a common settlement, tola or village. They perform certain ceremonies, functions for their common
welfare. Moreover, this local group proves to be a bigger unit than the family itself. They are helping
hands for one another. In the tribal communities, the tribal village serves as an economic, social and
religious unit. On all the occasions the whole settlement is formed of one or more than one clan or
lineage. However, the whole settlement is bound by a common link of covillagers. Among the tribals
the thought of village exogamy is the outcome of a brotherhood feeling. Over all atmosphere of the
village community is democratic in nature and all the members practice quality in working.
The local group is a permanent unit for those who live in settled villages. While it is a temporary unit
for the wanderers like the Birhors. They play a vital role in the social and economic life. On the other
hand, there is a high degree of social and economic co-operation within the group. The cooperation of
the people is more mutual. The villagers in their economic life help each other such as preparing a
cultivable field and construction of house. In these activities Malers of Bihar or the Ao Nagas of
Nagaland show much cooperation and unity. There is definite system of rights and obligation followed
among the tribes in the villages or settlement level especially in religious ceremonies.
7. Clan
Tribal group is divided into clans. The clan is an important part of tribal social system. Majumdar and
Madan (1956) have considered the sibs as clans and according to them, it is often the combination of a
few lineages and descent. It is ultimately traced to a mythical ancestor who may be human, human
like, animal, plant or even inanimate.
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According to Vidyarti (1976) clan can be defined as an exogamous division of a tribe, the members of
which are held to be related to one another by some common ties, may be belief in descent from
common ancestor, possession of a common totem or habitation of a common territory. A clan is
constituted by including all the relatives of either her mother‘s or the father‘s lineage and all the off
springs of ancestors in such a lineage. In such a manner, many lineages constitute a clan.
We may categorise the clan into some common empirical combinations based on the study of clan
organization of the tribes of India and the construction of typology of clans. Primarily, among the
Indian tribes clan, organization, it is found that in almost all the tribal groups and the majority of the
groups are based on its totemic principle. As regards to totemic principle the totem occurs in wide
areas of the tribal society. Secondarily, we have a clan like the gotra of the Hindu society and the
people claim their ancestry in some rishis. Tertiarily, group of tribals who have no clan organization
take the help of territorial or distant descendants and relatives or local groups in marital alliances.
Therefore, based on these three classifications most of the Indian tribe clan organizations are classified
into three groups namely totemic clan; clan based on rishis or saints and local groups based on
generation or territory.
The totemic clan is associated with a definite group of individuals set in certain relation to an animal, a
plant, an object, animate or inanimate. After that, they are named and in connection the view prevails
that the members of this group cannot establish marital ties among them and the object after which the
group is named must be respected. This type of clan organization are found in tribe like Santal Bhil,
Gond, Oraon, Munda or small as the Birhor and Chenchu.
Another form of clan which exist is reported from many tribes named after rishis or saints. For
instance, the Gonds have named their clans after mythological saints namely, Bashitha, Kashyao and
Dadhichi. They have divided themselves into social clans and trace their ancestry from any rishi of the
Hindu society. There are few exceptions of clan organization on tribal India level. They are Malers of
Rajmahal, in Santhal Pargana, the Kadars of Cochin and Andamanese of Andaman and Nicobar
Islands. These groups function almost like clan groups. So these are functionally established clans or
local groups. But they regulate their marital ties on generational or territorial grouping by forming a
local group. In all-India level another classification of clan made on the basis of their combination and
sub-division. They are in monometric, diametric, triadic or more and sub-clan forms of structure.
They are modeled as follows:
a) Tribe divided into numerous clans which may be called monometric in structure.
b) Clans grouped mainly into two groups which may be called diametric in structure or conventionally
called moiety
c) Clans of a tribe grouped into three or more groups which may be called triadic phratry.
d) Clan itself is divided into a number of sub-clans.
Firstly, among many tribes the monometric structure of a clan is found in India. It is found in Munda
tribe wherein 64 clans are present. Secondly, the diametric structure of clan is called moiety
conventionally or combination of clans into two groups found in many tribes. It is found in Toda of
Nilgiri tribe. They have two endogamous groups such as Tharthazoll and Thevelioll. They consist of
12 and 6 clans respectively. Thirdly, the phratry structure is composed of three or more groups formed
by combining a number of clans. The Raj Gonds of Satpura have divided themselves into four groups
and further divided into many clans. The clans of the Hos and the Killis are divided into sub- clans. For
instance, the Purty clan is divided into seven clans. These split-up of clans may or may not allow
marriages between one section and another. This splitting up of clans into sub clans is either due to
their migration or adoption of new cultural traits.
Further, the clan can be observed on the basis of their extension and expansion. It can be enumerated
as conical clan, dispersed clan, territorial clan, and local cognatic descent groups which function as
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clan. The conical clan presents a conical form of descent group. The descendants claim themselves to
come from a common-real, mythical or imaginary ancestor. In matrilineal communities the common
tie lies in the female ancestor whereas common male ancestor exists in the patrilineal communities.
The third type of conical clan is bilineal based on double descent. Therefore, the three types of conical
clan are matrilineal conical clan, patrilineal conical clan and Bilineal conical clan.
The Matrilineal conical clan is scattered among the tribes like the Jaintiya where all members of a Kur
(clan) always claim descent from a common ancestress. The patrilineal conical clan existed among
many middle India tribes and the descent calculated from the father‘s line. The Dimasa Kacharis have
the Bilineal conical clan in which the male child gets the clanship of the father and the female child
gets from the mother‘s clan. The conical clan has the matrix of unilateral grouping which in due course
combines itself with a few lineages to form a clan namely a number of lineages in the Bhunjias of
Orissa from Baraj (clan). In almost all the tribes the dispersed clan is found as the most famous and
extensive form of clan.
In this type also, the clan members claim a common ancestor and a common link on either matrilineal
or patrilineal line of which they are really dispersed. They lose their visible or traceable coordination.
This type of clans are scattered over vast areas and in different locales and sometimes they give rise to
another type of clan based on territory. Gonds are such case and they are distributed in vast areas and
in due course borne the territorial names like Chhattisgarhi and Chhindwara. The territorial clan claims
and defends a definite territory within which most of the clan –man of the group reside and make up
the core. The Nagas of Nagaland have clans with their typical local groups, Khals which are territorial
in nature. The Kamars of Chhatisgarh have territorial groups, such as Mahandia, Jaunpira, Surgujia
and Bastarha. This kind of clan is also found in the Chenchus of Andhra Pradesh and Adiyan of Kerala
tribes. The local cognatic descent groups are usually internally grouped and ranked by the number of
generations. They are neither exogamous nor endogamous. Each descent group forms a network of
their kinsmen. This local group consists of the descendants of a given ancestral pair.
8. Lineage
Lineage is a group of families having a common ancestor. According to Evan Pritchard (1940) lineage
is a group of agnates, descended from the founder of a particular line. Logically it includes dead
persons descended from the founder in order to know their genealogical position and to identify the
living. He further suggests four stages of lineage segmentation based on their size, position in the
segmentary system and functions. They are maximal lineage, major lineage, minor lineage and
minimal lineage. The minimal lineage is the smallest unit and has a time depth of three to five
generations. Majumdar (1962) discusses the lineage system as an extension of the joint family system
in its wide scope. He further extended Evans-Pritchard‘s four stage lineage in to six. They are Inter-
village, Village, Lineage Group, Lineage, Sub-lineage and family respectively. According to Lowie
(1950), ―the lineage is made up exclusively of provable blood relatives which denote all members
who are demonstrably descended from a common ancestor or ancestress. Firth (1956) cited that ―a
lineage, meaning primarily a line of descent, is now taken also to mean a unilineal descent group, all
members of which trace their genealogical relationship back to founding ancestor. If the lineage
system is patrilineal (organitic), the members consist of men, their children and their sisters and they
(the members) trace their descent through male, normally to an original male ancestor. If the system is
matrilineal, the members consist of women, their children, and their brothers, tracing descent through
female, normally to an original ancestress‖. He further says that groups of lineage type usually tend to
form subgroups by division, in what has been called segmentation, fission, ramification or branching.
In regard to this branching process, lineage groups have been termed as ramages, a name linked with
the metaphor which some of these systems use that ―grow-like-branches-of-a-tree‖. In Sanskrit the
term ―Vansh- Vriksha is equal to lineage tree, which itself explains that its grown like a tree.
According to Karve (1953) there are two terms namely Kula and Vansh. ―A kula was a localized
great family‘. It was supposed to be necessary for a man to be able to name his father, mother and kula
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and one who could name his kula was a Kulina which has come to mean ―well born‖. She again
describes that Vansa is a line of patrilineal descent; kula is a pratri-kin based on locality. The Vansa
and kula were patronymic derived from the name of some famous ancestors among whom a new hero
arose and gave his name to his own descendants. Moreover, Nath (1960) says the Bhils of western
India are from few villages. The population consists of a single lineage group with a depth and
extension of up to five or six generations. Among the Mundas and the Oraons of Bihar the people are
of a number of lineages (khunt) like the pahan Munda khunt or Mahto khunt who live together.
Roy (1915) views that the original settlers (Bhuinhars) of an Oraon village split into two or three
khunts. The khunt is the sacerdotal head (pahan) and the temporal headman or headmen (munda or
Mahto or both). He further states that the lineage groups are again classified into two types based on
the phase of settling of their members in a village namely, the lineages of original settlers (the
dominant lineage) and the lineages of later comers or tenants (the subordinate lineage. In the villages
of the Mundas, Oraons and Bhils one finds a dominant lineage group, claiming descent from the
original founders of the village and, therefore, the ownership of the entire village. On the other hand,
the lineage groups in the village are the descendants of those people who, in the distant past were
permitted or invited to settle in the village by the elders of the dominant lineage. The original founders
possess the most fertile bits of land in big holdings. They have some reserved pastures for their cattle.
The dominant lineage is mostly concentrated and exercised as the authority in the villages.
9. Family
Family is the primary social group. It has its own functions and forms in different communities.
According to Radcliffe-Brown (1941) family includes a husband and wife with their child or children.
Lowie (1950) defines family as a trait that at once distinguishes it from lineages and kins. The death of
husband/wife destroys the family; the marriage of a son or daughter alters its constitution. Everywhere,
human beings live in households. Most of the tribes live in ideal household in which two or more
married couples and their children live together. Men and women take collective responsibility in order
to take care of their offspring as well as take collective responsibility in the physical proximity of their
living arrangements. Therefore, a household is the residential form of family. The distribution of
household types across different tribes will give forms to the family. According to George Peter
Murdock (1949) the ―family is a social group characterized by common residence, economic co-
operation and reproduction. It includes adults of both genders, at least two of whom maintain a socially
approved sexual relationship, and one or more children, own or adopted of the sexually inhabiting
adults‖. As regards, the importance of family, the ethnographer visits a family in its physical or
residential form that is the household and stated that ―the family is an ethno scientifically derived
construct and can be mapped on to the criteria of descent, affinity and consanguinity (Buchler & Selby,
1968). Further stated that the family is the minimum social unit such as cooperates in production and
distribution ; is so age graded as to allocate responsibility for the education and safety of children to
the senior agegrades and is engaged in exchange of women with other like units. The term household
should be carefully understood in the context of family whose shape is derived culturally.
The important characteristics of family are that, a family is the fundamental instrumental foundation of
the larger social design; some version of family as a type of social organisation exists everywhere;
participation in family activities by all the individual members is its quality; everyone (member of
family) is duty bound to assume a direct role or responsibility in family; family acts as a source of
force on an individual to adjust to work or with the need; family is a functional unit for all such
purposes as reproduction, socialisation, social control, social order, economy and so on.
Let us discuss some of the family forms in regional basis. In northwestern Himalaya, the families of
Gujjars who are mostly Muslims, of the Gaddis who are Hindus, and of the Pangwals of Jammu
Kashmir and Himachal Pradesh are Patrilineal. The Khasas of Uttar Pradesh practice polyandry and
are of the partilineal type. In north-eastern Himalaya, the Garos and the Khasis are matrilineal people.
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They get the motherhood and claim descent from a common ancestress or mother. Among the Mikirs,
children belong to the father‘s Kur (clan) and the sons inherit the property. They are generally
monogamous but persons in power can adopt. The Mizos are patriarchal in nature and according to
their customary law the youngest son inherits the property. The Dasama Kacharis practice the rule of
double descent that is son descends on the father line and the daughter on the mother line.
The major tribes like the Santal, Munda, Oraon, Ho, Gond, Bhil, Kol, Kharia and Bhumiji are all
partilocal, patrilineal, patriarchal and partinymic. They are also monogamous in general with nuclear
family. At the same time, joint and extended families are prevalent among them. The minor tribes like
the Birhor, Korwa and Parahiya also follow the same as the major tribes structure. In Orissa the major
tribes like the Khond and Savara believe in patriarchal type of family.
The tribal families in western India are also patriarchal in nature. The Bhils, the most famous tribe,
practice more or less complete Hindu law of inheritance and succession with father as the priest or the
supreme. The family among the Minas, Mahadev Kolis, Varlis, koknes, Thakurs, Kotodis, Koli
Malhars, Koli Dhors, Dublas, Gamits, are patriarchal in character.
We can find both patriarchal and matriarchal family forms in South India tribes. The Kurichchian,
Kundu Vadians and Malayaurs are Matrilineal. It is also found that many tribes have no clear rule of
inheritance in terms of property. There are some tribes with inter-mixture of patriarchy and matriarchy.
Kadars, Irulas, Puliayans are in the mixture of both the above mentioned category. However, the
Nicobaris by rule are in patriarchy and after marriage the two parties reach a decision in this regard
after considering the number of members in each family. If the girl‘s family members are less in
number and the boy decides with the consent of elders to reside with the girls and loses his share in his
family property and acquires a full share in the girl‘s family.
Schema of Social Organizations
As you know units/segments of organizations vary in tribes. All the units are not present in every tribe.
Obviously, the scheme varies depending on the number of units in a tribe. On the basis of study of
different tribes, scholars have presented different schemes found in social organizations of tribes in
India.
T. C. Das (1953) presents seven schemes of social organizations existing among tribes of India. Each
scheme is based on the number of units in social organizations of a tribe. According to him, you will
find any one of the following schemes of social organization in a tribe:
1. Family → Local Group → Tribe
2. Family → Clan → Tribe
3. Family → Moiety → Tribe
4. Family → Clan → Phratry → Tribe
5. Family → Clan → Phratry → Moiety → Tribe
6. Family → Clan → Sub-tribe → Tribe
7. Family → Sub-clan → Orthogamous clan → tribe
S. C. Dube (1971) on the other hand, presents a general scheme such as Family → Clan → Phratry →
Tribe. According to him social organizations of a tribe in India include four units or segments. The
units are families formed by individuals, clans or local groups formed by families, phratries formed by
clans and tribe formed by phratries and in some cases by clans.
Vidyarthi and Rai (1985) have advanced the scheme in a more elaborated way. They have listed eight
common schemes found among the tribes in India. They have presented the schemes from tribe/tribal
groups to individual unlike Das’s scheme of family to tribe. The schemes based on the number of units
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in a tribe’s social organization are as follows: 1. Tribal groups → Tribe → Sub-Tribe → Phratry →
Clan → Family → Individual
2. Tribal groups → Tribe → Moiety → Phratry → Clan → Sub-Clan → Lineage → Family →
Individual
3. Tribal groups → Tribe → Territorial group → Social class→ Clan → Lineage → Sub-lineage →
Family → Individual
4. Tribe → Sub-tribe → Clan → Lineage → Family → Individual
5. Tribe → Territorial group → Clan → Sub-Clan or Lineage group → Lineage → Family →
Individual
6. Tribe → Clan → Lineage → Family → Individual
7. Tribe → Local group → Lineage → Family → Individual
8. Tribe → Clan → Family → Individual
Some cases:
Rengma Naga: The Rengma Naga comes under the generic Naga tribe. The tribe is territorially
divided into the Eastern Rengmas and the Western Rengmas. J. P. Mills writes that the Western
Rengmas are further divided into six exogamous groups or phratries. Each of these six phratries is
further divided into a number of clans. The Eastern Rengmas have no such phratries, but are divided
into three clans. The clans have sub-clans, which are divided into families and families into
individuals.
Kondh: The Kondhs in Odisha are territorially divided into Kutia Kondhs, Desia Kondhs and Dongria
Kondhs, which are the sub-tribes of the main tribe. Each sub-tribe is further divided into many
exogamous totemic clans, constituted by a number of families. Each family is again constituted by
many individuals.
Toda: The Toda tribe is endogamous in nature. It is divided into two exclusively endogamous dual
organizations i.e. moieties. The higher and the major moiety is known as Tarthar while the lower one
is Teivali. Each moiety is divided into a number of exogamous, totemic and patrilineal clans. A Tarthar
comprises of twelve clans, whereas a Teivali consists of only six. Each clan is territorial in nature and
possesses a number of villages. Further, each has two types of sub-clan divisions. A sub-clan is divided
into a number of families. A Toda family is based on fraternal polyandry. A sharp division of labour is
observed in a Toda household which is based on sex. The family consists of individuals.
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Youth dormitory
The culture of community houses among tribes of India has aroused the interest of anthropologists ever
since the knowledge of the earliest accounts of the Maria’s Ghotul, Nagas' great bachelors' halls and
the Oraons' youth dormitories. Among the tribal people of the world, the institution of youth dormitory
has been traditionally one of the most important social institutions. Youth dormitory is a place where
the youth, usually those who have entered into adolescence (boys and girls), become member
mandatorily.
DIFFERENT NAMES OF YOUTH DORMITORIES IN DIFFERENT TRIBES
They are known by different names in different tribes, for example, among the Nagas of Assam, they
are called ‘Morung’, while the female youth dormitory is called ‘Yo’, among Angomi Nagas, and it is
called ‘Kinchuki’.
In Uttar Pradesh, it is known as Rangbang, while among the Mundas and Ho tribes of Madhya Bharat,
it is called Gitiora. The Oraons call it Dhoomkuriya, the Bhuiyan call it Dhangar bassa and the
Gonds call it Gotul.
TYPE OF DORMITORY
There are two types of dormitories found in different parts of India. They are monosexual and Bi-
sexual dormitories.
 Mono-sexual Youth Dormitories means dormitories meant either for only boys or only girls.
Nagas of Assam have separate dormitories for boys and girls. In the Ho tribe the unmarried
boys and girls live in separate dormitories. The Diyadi dormitory is mono sexual meant only
for boys. It is known as Gulisung.
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 Bi-sexual Youth Dormitories means dormitories meant for both boys and girls. Among the
Miami tribe of Assam both boys and girls sleep in the same dormitory. While the girls sleep on
the ground floor, the boys sleep on the first floor. Similar is the custom in the Muria tribe of
Bastar.
CHARACTERISTICS OF YOUTH DORMITORY
Roy (1915) has reported the presence of youth dormitories, Jonkherpa for boys and Palerpa for girls,
among the Oraons. He mentions the function of youth dermitories as 'an effective economic
organisation, ... a usual seminary for training young in their social and other duties and an institution
for magico-religious observances.
Haddon (1924) surveyed several tribes of India and described the functions of the youth dormitory as
the central spot in the social, political and cultural life of man. Mill's (1926) elaborate description of
tribal societies of North East India, including the Nagas, shows that peergroup feeling and social
adjustment is very significant in age-grade system and dormitories.
Greigson (1938) has described the donnitory life of the Maria Gond youth by saying that it shapes
every aspects of tribal life.
Majumdar (1956) has discussed in details the roles played by youth dormitories among different
tribes and he found that " ...the precise significance of the dormitories lies in the training they provide
to their members". He also points out that the sex life in dormitory is channelled and well controlled by
their cultural tradition. He has reported the existence of youth dormitories among the sub Himalayan
Bhutiyas (RangBang), Bhuiyas (Dhangar bassa), and among the South Indian tribes i.e., the Muthuan,
the Mannan and the Paliyan etc. He also reviews the youth dormitory giti-ora, of the Munda and the
Hos.
Mill's (1926) description of the tribes of North East India was followed by Elwin's (1959) elaborate
study on the tribal people of Arunachal and Nagaland.
Haimendorf (1962) has reported the youth dormitory patang among the Apa-Tanis of Arunachal
Pradesh.
Sachin Roy's (1966) comprehensive report on the Adis (padam and Minyongs) of Arunachal Pradesh
establishes the vital roles played by youth dormitories mashup and dere (for boys) and rasheng and
resheng (for girls).
Based on the vies of different scholars we delineate following characteristics
1) While at some places there are separate dormitories for boys and girls, in other tribes they live
in a common dormitory. This is the custom in the Muria tribe. On the other hand, among the
Konayak Nagas of Assam, the boys live in the Morung and the girls sleep at Yo.
2) Normally the dormitories are situated outside the village in the forest, but they may also be
near the fields as it is in the case of dormitories of the Nagas. In Oraon tribe the dormitory is
situated in the centre of the village.
3) The life in the dormitory is based on certain traditions and customs which are invariably
followed by all the members.
4) The age of membership of the dormitory differs from tribe to tribe. As a general rule it is four
or five years in most of the tribes.
5) The boys and girls live in the dormitory till they are married when their membership is
automatically dissolved.
6) If a girl becomes a widow she can again enter the dormitory as its member.
7) In the evening the members of the dormitory gather after taking their meals at their homes. At
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the dormitory they gather after fire, sit around it, tell stories, sing, dance and play and finally
sleep.
8) The members of the dormitory are divided into two classes according to age seniors and
juniors. The head of the dormitory is selected from the senior group. It is his job to take care of
all the members of the dormitory and maintain discipline among them. The juniors follow the
commands of the seniors and receive different types of education from them.
9) It is the duty of every member of the dormitory to keep everything secret about the dormitory.
10) The members of the dormitory carry out several functions together e.g., construction of a
house on the occasion of marriage or helping the village folk in harvesting the crop etc.
FUNCTIONS OF YOUTH DORMITORY
Dormitories are a communal living space for the youth of Indian tribes. This space is meant to help
members of the tribes to learn skills like hunting and crafting, while also creating a sense of
community from a young age.
According to Majumdar, the purpose of dormitory is to gather the youths of the village at one place to
save the village from the attack of wild animals and the village maidens from the attack of males of
other tribes. In dormitories, training and roles are strictly divided among its members according to age-
grades (Roy Burman, 1987). In it the youths are taught the lessons of the traditions, norms, ideals,
religious beliefs, methods of earning livelihood and discipline to the boys and girls of the tribe.
According to S.C. Roy, the tribal dormitory carries out the following three functions:
1. Helping in the gathering of edible things and consolidating economic organization.
2. Educating boys and girls in social and other duties and imparting them education in the matters of
sex.
3. Following the principle of endogamy and keeping the movement of women limited and controlled.
WEAKENING OF THE INSTITUTION OF YOUTH DORMITORY
At present unfortunately the institution of youth dormitories is gradually weakening in tribes. The
youth dormitory have almost extinct and there are hardly any traditional form of youth dormitory been
reported as of date. But many tribal villages report of having Community Halls which they regard as
Youth dormitory in absence of the major characteristics or functioning of a dormitory. These halls are
being used for social gatherings, festivals etc. there are various factors leading to the extinction of
youth dormitories in the country.
Horam (1975) has reported the decaying and disappearing youth dormitories among the Nagas.
Decaying youth dormitories among the Garos of Meghalaya has been reported by Shashi (1978) and
Majumdar (1984).
Some of the important causes have been specified as below:
a. Psycho-social Relationships: The current world has witnessed the changing pattern of present day
tribal youth with their traditional culture. This relationship is somewhat loose or does not hold strong
as compared to their parental age or their ancestors. The migrating tribal youths hold very little
knowledge towards their rooted customs, conduct, religious codes etc. a notion of separate identity is
on the rise of the current tribal people. For them territorial identity sense strong attachment rather than
the cultural identity which is basically the cultural disintegration. The local youth raise a lot of
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objection when their territory is being visited by external population thus raising hostile activities
among the youths.
b. Change in Educational Pattern: Exposure of the tribal people to the changing education systems
also stands one of the factors in extinction of youth dormitory. Post-independence period saw the
decline in barter system thus changing the economic sphere of the country. Inflow of monetary
economy exposed the tribal population to accept non-traditional jobs based upon schooling and
education. Thus schooling system was popularized leading to demise of youth dormitory system of the
tribals. Also various government schemes like provision of scholarship, free of cost education attracted
students to schools rather than joining youth dormitory. The schooling methodology compelled
students to prepare for lessons at home thus decreasing their attendance in the youth dormitories.
c. Exposure to the Urban Cities: The charm of urban cities and interacting with the urbanized people
attracted the tribal students to follow their urbanized culture. Tribal people coming in these urban
spheres were interested to re-think their traditional ways of life and ultimately burying the dormitory
life in due course of time. Introduction of residential schools in the urban and semi-urbanized areas
also gave a strong dissension to the dormitory way of life. These residential schools inducting the tribal
students kept away from their traditional life methodology. So in a way contractual relation to the
outside world had a great effect in bearing extinction to the old-age traditions. Majumdar (1985) show
that the youth dormitories in North East India have been replaced by modern youth clubs and students'
unions among many tribes. Majumdar shows that shift of economic pursuits from hunting-gathering
and jhuming to wet and settled cultivation led the Garo Hills' people of Meghalaya to desert the youth
dormitory nokpante.
d. Influence of Christian Missionaries: with the spread of colonial rule, Christianity and western
education were introduced in the tribal population. The spread of Christianity among tribals and the
presence of Christian missionaries among them have adversely affected their youth cultural set up.
Tribal people are getting attracted to customs and traditions of various religions in the current world
thus leaving their roots and cultures halfway. The institution of youth organization is gradually
weakening, which has led to social disorganization among the tribes.
Case study- Ghotul

Elwin (1959) has reported the functioning of youth dormitories, ghotul of the Raj Gond. He has
pointed out the beneficial roles of youth dormitories by saying that there is lac k of promiscuity among
these tribes and they have freedom and opportunity to chose one's own life partner in an effective way.
Elwin had recorded two types of Ghotul –
1. Fidelity to a single partner during Ghotul period. They married and divorce was allowed and
infidelity punished.
2. Attachment between Ghotul boys and girls forbidden – and being together beyond three days was
punished.
The main feature of the Ghotul atmosphere was to eliminate jealousy and possessiveness, to inclucate
the sense of communal property and action – ‘everyone belonged to everyone else’. It was imperative
for all the unmarried girls and boys to be members of Ghotul.
The membership and initiation, probation, grading, ranking with special titles was an elaborate
organized affair. The leaders appointed amongst them were vested with the authority to discipline. The
members – Chelik and Motiari act as helpers during wedding, as choir group during funerals, were
dancing before the clan gods.
The Ghotul games and dances brought diversion and variety to the otherwise monotonous village life.
Most importantly Ghotul fostered every kind of art form – from wooden combs to tobacco boxes,
necklace, pendant and belts of bead and cowries. The arresting feature of the Ghotul was its carved
doors, pillar, beams making it the finest house of the village. Where the heroic ancestor Lingo Pen
presided and pervaded in all Ghotul activities thereby providing them with knowledge art and beauty
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and protecting them against evil forces, deeds and action.

The life at Ghotul began at nightfall. Where the children were regimented and disciplined through
performance of routine duties and obedience to all the elders in the Ghotul. The elders choose their
partners and stated a prolonged grooming session.
The Murias had a very natural attitude towards sex, which was resting more on individual freedom,
lack of external interference total absence of the sense of guilt, sin and sinning. They belived that when
boys and girls cohabited with the sanctioned code it was one of the cherished aspect of life “hassi ki
nat” i.e. “joking relationship” is the expression used by them to connote the relationship of ‘chelik’ and
motiari.
STRUCTURAL FEATURES OF TRIBAL ECONOMY IN INDIA

India is a land of tribes and castes. The tribes are spread all over the country in different geographic
zones. Among them, there is not only cultural diversity but also economic diversity. Hence, identifying
the common features of tribal economy in India is an uphill task.
L.P. Vidyarthi and B. K. Rai (1976) have identified nine structural features that characterise the
tribal economies in India. They are as under:
i) Forest Based Economy;
ii) Domestic or Familial/mode of Production;
iii) Simple Technology;
iv) Absence of Profit Motive in Exchange;
v) Community: as a Cooperative Unit;
vi) Gift and Ceremonial Exchange;
vii) Periodical Markets;
viii) Interdependence; and
ix) Economic Institution of Dhangar
Let us discuss all these basic features of tribal economy one by one.
i ) Forest Based Economy
Tribal economy is embedded in and revolves around the forest ecology. Not only the tribal economy,
but also the culture and social organisation are interwoven with forests. Forests constitute the major
natural resource base for tribal livelihood in all the tribal regions of the country. Tribals depend on
forests for fulfilling their basic needs. The tribals harness the forest resources with the help of simple
implements without much technological aid from the outer world. They collect edible roots, fruits,
vegetables, flowers, honey, insects, fish, pigeons, hares, pigs, etc,. from the forests for their
consumption. The forest dependence of the tribes in the country differs with their economic typology.
According to Rai (1967) the Birhors of Chotanagpur, Chenchus of Andhra Pradesh, Juangs of Orissa,
Kadars of Kerala, the Paliyars and Paniyars of Tamil Nadu depend on forests for their survival and
sustenance.
ii) Domestic or Familial Mode of Production

Family constitutes the basic unit of consumption as well as production in the tribal economies of India.
In the simple economy of tribals, all the members of the family together form the unit of production
and directly engaged in economic process of production and consumption. The decision-making
processes of allocation of labour, and produce are governed by the familial stipulations. The tribal
household production is mainly geared for fulfilling their consumption needs rather for the market.
Hence, it is appropriate to call tribal economy as subsistence economy. The division of labour in the
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tribal household is based on age and gender. The economic roles of tribals generally depend on the
member’s age and gender. The gendered division of labour is based on the primitive belief that women
are physically weak. The boys and girls are allotted different jobs suited to their age.
iii) Simple Technology
The development of an economy depends upon the level of its technological advancement. Generally,
it is held that technological advancement leads to economic development. Technology, involves the
use of tools and implements in utilisation of natural as well as human resources for productive
purposes. The tools and implements used in the productive and distributive process of tribal economy
are generally crude, simple and indigenously developed without the aid from outside. The simple
technology used by most of the tribes in the country involves tenuous manual labour, and higher
degree of wastage and difficulty, which is appropriate to their subsistence level of production. The
Birhor, a forest hunting tribe use very ordinary knife to procure forest raw materials and make ropes
manually. The hill cultivators such as Ao-Nagas use very ordinary type of axe or a dao for felling the
trees for their shifting cultivation, which requires hard labour. The plough of the Agricultural tribes
such as Munda, Oraon, and Bhil is made of single piece of wood and cannot plough deep.
iv) Absence of Profit Motive in Exchange
Maximisation of profit is the main goal of economic transactions that drives the modern capitalistic
economies. But the profit motive is quite absent in the economic dealings in the tribal economies of
India. Two major institutional factors i.e. the communal nature of tribal economy and absence of
money as a medium of exchange are responsible for this. The mutual obligation and extension of free
labour to the fellow beings result in no significant surplus at all. It is also because the exchange of
goods and services takes place with barter system rather than money. Money as a medium of exchange
is almost absent in the tribal economies of India. Hence, there is no scope for measuring the value of
goods and services and storing the profit generated in the exchange process as wealth for posterity.
v) Community as a Cooperative
Unit Community works as a cooperative unit in tribal societies and economic activities are carried out
in collectively as a group. According to Dalton (1991) the primitive economy is embedded in other
community relationships. Dalton (1991) held that the factors such as low-level technology, small size
of the economy and its relative isolation from outer world contributes to mutual dependence people
sharing many social relationships. In fact, the economic activities of tribal people are embedded in
their neighbourhood, religion, kinship and political relations. In economic interactions, each tribal
village community is considered as cooperative unit. According to Vidhyarthi and Rai (1976) among
the Munda, Oraon, Ho, Santhal, Gond, and Bhil tribes, the villagers have close economic relations.
Most of them engage in common economic activities such as grazing the cattle, working in the shifting
and settled agricultural fields jointly together. Their youth are jointly grazing the cattle and defend
their village together. The adult men and women jointly transplant and harvest paddy in each other’s
fields on a reciprocal basis.
vi) Gift and Ceremonial Exchange
Universally, reciprocal gift giving and hospitality to social intimates plays a vital part in tribal
economies. According to Herskovits (1952) the process of distribution in tribal societies is part of non-
economic relational matrix and takes the form of gift and ceremonial exchange. Each group, whether a
family, a group of kinsmen, communities, villagers, or the tribe as a whole, implies appropriate norm
of reciprocity. Another well-known social anthropologist Malinowski (1922) notes that the whole
tribal life is permeated by a constant give and take. Every ceremony, every legal and customary act is
done to the accompaniment of material gift and counter gift.
Economic anthropologist Dalton (1971) holds that the tribal mode of transaction is that of reciprocity
i.e. material gift and counter gift giving induced by social obligations of kinship. Among the tribes, the
degree or level varies from situation to situation and it is not equal. According to Service (1966) the
mutual obligations vary at three standards, degrees or levels. The levels of reciprocity, according to
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him are general reciprocity, balanced reciprocity, and negative reciprocity. General reciprocity
involves the assistance given and taken back or returned, sharing, hospitality, gifts taken, mutual aid,
and generosity. The expectation of reciprocity is indefinite, and unspecified in terms of quantity,
quality and time. They are left to the convenience and ability of the donor and the recipient. Balanced
reciprocity is the direct exchange and the return and the goods received should be of equal value. The
barter system of exchange of goods and services is the best example of this degree of reciprocity. This
form of reciprocity is considered as more economic, and less personal as compared to the general
reciprocity. Negative reciprocity is an attempt to get something for nothing. The generalised type of
reciprocity can be observed among the agricultural tribes of Munda, Oraon, Gond, etc. At the time of
transplanting paddy, the close and distant relatives come together and help each other. On completion
of this agricultural operation, the invitees are offered with food and drink as hospitality. Balanced
reciprocity has been observed among the number of tribes especially in the case of economic
transactions between the agricultural and artisan tribes.
The agriculturist tribes such as Oraon, Munda, Ho, and Khania get their agricultural implements
manufactured or repaired by the artisan tribe of Lahars who in turn receive a customary annual
payment in kind or cash. The third form of reciprocity i.e. the negative reciprocity observed to be non-
existent among the intra-tribal or inter tribal economic exchange. But it is the feature of exchange
relations between tribals and non-tribals in the weekly markets. The tribals who visit the weekly
market to sell their indigenous produce such as green vegetables, minor forest produce with the non-
tribal businessmen. In return, they practically get nothing for their goods exchanged. In fact, the
economic dealings with non-tribal merchants and moneylenders have contributed to indebtedness,
bonded labour, land alienation and impoverishment among the tribal masses.
vii) Periodical Markets

Market is a major economic institution that regulates as well as facilitates distribution of goods and
services among the people all over the world. Yet, the anthropologists observed the absence of
permanent market in the tribal societies. However, in the tribal areas, periodical markets and the
system of barter exchange play a vital role in the economic life. These periodical markets were weekly,
fortnightly, or biweekly and are widespread in the tribal areas of Andhra Pradesh, Jarkhand, Madhya
Pradesh, Orissa etc. These periodical markets, locally known as Bazar, Hat, Pithia, Shandies, etc.,
generally serve the tribal villages within the radius of 5-10 KMs. and function on a specific place, at
regular intervals of time. In these markets, people of different tribes and caste groups come together
and conduct their business transactions. Now a days, both barter and monetary transactions are
observed to co exist in these market. Prof. Vidhyarthi has observed that the native (locally produced)
goods such as food grains, local hand woven cloths, baskets, etc. are exchanged in the barter mode
while money is used in the transactions of non-native (produced outside tribal area) goods such as salt,
mill clothes, readymade clothes, cosmetics, soaps etc. The periodical markets have significant impact
on the tribal socio-cultural and economic life. They are facilitating cultural interaction among people
of castes and tribes in addition to integration of tribal economy with the national and global economy.
The weekly market plays vital role in integrating the tribal economy with wider national economy. It
promotes innovation, monetisation of tribal economy. According to Sinha, the market is the hub of
economic life in the tribal areas. It serves as a centre of redistribution for resources and material goods
of occupationally diverse communities in the region.
viii) Interdependence
The economic relationship among the tribes is often considered as one of interdependence while the
sprit of competition is almost absent in the tribal economic life. The relationship between tribes, within
tribes, or tribal people and non-tribal people are functionally interdependent. Vidyarthi and Rai(1976)
observe that the economic functional interdependence is similar to the Jajmani system, found among
the Hindu caste groups in most of the regions of the country. Under the Jajmani system each caste
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group, within a village, is expected to give certain standardised service to the people of other castes.
The family head served by an individual known as the Jajman, while the man who performs as Kamin
of Jajman. Economic interdependence among the tribes has been observed in different tribal zones of
the country in variety of ways. This feature of tribal economic interdependence can be better illustrated
with an example from Tamil Nadu observed by well known anthropologist Herskovits (1952).
Herskovits has observed the functional relationship between the four primitive tribal groups in the
Nilgiris, these are the Badaga, the Kota, the Toda and the Kurumba. The artisan Kotas serve the
agriculturist Badaga and pastoral Toda households with pots, knives, iron tools and music receiving in
return food grains from the former and milk products, buffalos etc., from the Todas. The Kurumbas
provide magical and ritual services to the others and in return get food grains, milk products, etc. from
the others.
ix) Economic Institution of Dhangar
Among the agriculturist tribes of India a peculiar economic institution of labour attachment was
observed by the anthropologists. This institution of labour is known as differently among the landed
tribes, facilitates effective utilisation of human labour and land in cultivation. It is called dhangar
among the tribes of Jharkhand while begal among the Bhumijs of West Bengal. Similar institution of
labour attachment and absorption was observed among the Tharus of Tarai area, Khasas of Himalaya
and Rangma Nagas of North East India. In Jharkhand for instance, the big tribal land lords employ a
fellow tribal on a semi-permanent basis for cultivating their land. He is from the same tribe and more
often belongs to the same village. The person so employed is known as Dhangar among the tribes of
the Oraon, Munda, and Ho the prominent tribes of the state.
The Dhangar is generally engaged on an annual basis but this tenure may be prolonged further
depending on the nature of relationship between both the parties. From the day of engagement he is
treated as a family member of the land lord and treated alike. He is regarded more as an assistant rather
than as servant by the land lord’s family. Apart from some annual payment in cash or in kind, the
Dhangar is provided with food and a roof. Interestingly, he can even marry the land owner’s daughter
or sister if he is from a different clan.
ECONOMIC CLASSIFICATION OF TRIBES IN INDIA
The tribes of India subsist on the number of occupations. Interestingly, the economic lives of the tribes
in India exist at different grades. There are significant differences in the pattern of their occupation and
the livelihood options exercised. According to Vidhyarthi and Rai(1976) tribal economies are complex
systems as a tribe generally uses all available means to eke out its subsistence and combines minor
forest produce collection with settled agriculture or shifting cultivation, simple cultivation with food
collection. Yet each tribe has a primary means of survival on this basis some anthropologists have
attempted economic classification of tribes in India.
Vidhyarthi and Rai(1976) have proposed a comprehensive eight fold economic typology of tribes in
India taking into consideration various classifications suggested by the other anthropologists. They are:
i) The forest hunting type;

ii) The hill cultivation or shifting cultivation type;
iii) The plain agriculture type;
iv) The simple artisan type;
v) The pastoral and cattle-herder type;
vi) The folk-artist type;
vii) The agricultural and non-agricultural labour type; and
viii) The skilled, white collar job and traders type;
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Let us briefly examine these eight economic typology of tribes in India:
i) Forest Hunting Type
The livelihood of tribes mainly depends on collection of minor forest produce, hunting of wild animals
and fishing in the shallow waters of the forest. They collect edible roots, tubers, fruits, nuts, flowers,
leaves, fibre, bamboo, honey, wax etc for their subsistence. Most of them hunt deer, hares, monkeys,
birds and fish. They use simple indigenous tools such as digging sticks, iron jungle knives, earthen
wooden or bamboo pots and vessels, bamboo baskets and sticks for food gathering. In hunting, they
employ different types of traps and weapons. The availability and adequacy of food from these sources
differ according to season, cycle, area and the rainfall.
The Rajis in the Himalayan Region, Birhors, the Hill-Khariyas, the Parahiyas, the Birjias and the
Korwas in the Middle India belong to this category. Likewise, the Juangs in Orissa, Hill Maria Gonds
of Bastar, Chenchus, Yanadis, Kadars, Mala Pantarams, Kurumbas, and the Paliyans of South India are
also hunters and food gatherers.
The tribes of this type constitute a small population which is about a thousand. They have simple life
and social organisation and their settlement generally consist of five to 15 huts. In them the family
work as a productive unit and the villagers work as an economic unit at times. Theses tribes are
switching over from forest hunting as a primary source of livelihood to agriculture.
ii) Hill Cultivation or Shifting Cultivation Type

The tribal groups depending on cultivation for livelihood rely on their skills and hard labour in
cultivation. They rely on any of the three types of cultivation for their survival and sustenance. They
are slash- and-burn cultivation with the help of digging sticks; hoe- and- burn cultivation; and terrace
cultivation in the hill areas with the help of natural irrigational sources. The tribes who subsist on the
first two types of hill cultivation in addition to that depend on food gathering and hunting for survival.
Under the shifting cultivation the tribal cultivators switch over from the field which is not productive
enough to new field. They do not cultivate a piece of land for ever as the settled cultivators do. Hill
cultivation is seasonal in nature and widely practiced by the many tribes in North East India, and
Middle India while some in South India also practice the same.
Mizos, Garos, Nagars, Chakmas, etc. in the North East, Malers, Hill Khariyas, Parahiyas and Birjias in
Middle India, Muka Dhoras, Malekudias in South India belong to this economic category of tribes. A
notable proportion of tribal population in India depend on shifting cultivation in India.
According to Government of India over 6 lakh tribal families in the North Eastern states, Orissa,
Andhra Pradesh and Himachal Pradesh practise shifting cultivation on a continuous basis as per the 9th
Five Year Plan period.
The major problems with this type of cultivation are ecological degradation, low productivity and low
standard of living. Hence, the incidence of poverty is very high in the areas where this type of
cultivation is practiced.
iii) The Plain Agriculture Tribes
The predominant occupation of the tribal population in India is that of settled agriculture or plain
agriculture. In its simpler form plain agriculture requires ploughing with a pair of animals. For over
two-thirds of the tribal population in the country settle agriculture is the means of survival. However,
the agriculture as practiced in tribal India is simple, less productive and at the subsistence level. The
tribal cultivators hardly could meet their day to day needs. They cultivate paddy in low lying lands
while in high lands coarse grains, pulses, millets, etc. are cultivated. Their agricultural implements are
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indigenous and locally made. A few use cow dung and modern high yielding varieties, chemical
fertilisers and pesticides in cultivation.
The Khasis and Jaintias of Meghalaya, Khasas and Tharus of Tarai region, Kinnuras, Pangawalas of
Himachal Pradesh region, Bhumij, Koras, Bhuiyas, Santals, Mundas, Oraons, Hos, Kharwars, Baigas,
Gonds in the Middle India, numerous tribes in other regions belong to this category of tribes.
iv) The Simple Artisan Type

In Tribal India a number of tribes depend on crafts and cottage industries for survival. They are
engaged in activities such as basket making, making of iron and wooden tools, spinning and weaving,
metal work, etc. Any tribe belonging to this category specialises in a specific craft. They use simple
tools in their day today work. These tribes are found among the population of other tribes and they
have interdependent relationship with them. They live in mixed tribal villages and generally have no
exclusive villages of their own. They sell their finished products in the periodical markets. They are
engaged in a variety of crafts and art works.
For instance, the Gujjars of Kashmir and Kinnauris of Himachal Pradesh make wooden products. The
Kanjars of Uttar Pradesh make baskets and ropes. The Lohars, Karmalis, Chik-Bariks and Mahalis are
making agricultural implements for agriculturalist tribes. The Kotas of Tamil Nadu are carpenters,
blacksmiths, goldsmiths, and potters all at once.
v) The Pastoral and Cattle Herder Type

Pastoralism involves herding or rearing cattle such as cow, buffalo, sheep, goats, etc. And thus,
pastoralists are those people who completely or partially depend on the cattle rearing for their
subsistence. The Todas of the Nilgiris, the Gujjars, the Bakarwals, Gaddis and Jadhs of Himachal
Pradesh are purely pastoralists. The middle Indian tribes of Negesias are pastoralist to some extent.
The tribes belonging to this type have very less population. The pastoralists in different regions of the
country have adapted themselves to their changing environments in different ways. Some eke out their
living by selling milk and milk products, wool, hair, etc. while others earn by selling livestock.
vi) The Folk-Artist Type

Tribes living on folk arts such as singing and dancing, music barding, acrobatics, conjuring, snake-
charming, etc. belong to this category. These numerically small folk artist tribes depend on the larger
tribes and are found along with them.
The Nats and Saperas in the North India, Mundupattas, and Kelas of Orissa, Pardhans and Ojhas of
Jharkhand, Madarias, Pamulas, Garadis of Andhra Pradesh, etc., are some of the tribes belonging to
this category. For instance, the Nats perform acrobatics, singing, and dancing and subsist on them. On
the other hand, the Kalbelas of Rajasthan, popularly known as Saperas earn primarily their livelihood
on snake charming, dancing, singing and conjuring.
vii) The Agricultural and Non-agricultural Labour Type
There is no single tribe that can be included under the agricultural labour or industrial labour type. Yet,
some of the members of agricultural and artisan tribes have taken the avenues of employment in
agriculture and industries as casual labourers. Agricultural development on the one hand and
industrialisation in the tribal region on the other has contributed to the emergence of these types labour
type among the tribal people in the country. Nearly 20 percent of the ST working population depend
on agricultural wage for survival while 4.4 percent of the tribal work force depends on industrial wage
labour for survival.
The tribal agricultural labourers mostly work in their own locality within a radius of a few kilometres.
On the other hand non-agricultural or industrial labourers work in different industries. Most of the
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industrial labourers are generally seasonal migrants to nearby or distant towns, mines, mills and tea
gardens and work as wage labourers in railway and road construction, forestry, civil work, etc. Some
times they move to these works in distant locations in bands inclusive of both genders. Tribal
agricultural labour was found wherever there was high incidence of indebtedness, and land alienation.
The non-agricultural labour type of tribal households could be located in the states of Jharkhand,
Orissa, West Bengal, and Madhya Pradesh where industrialisation has spread. Interestingly, the
members of the Jharkhand tribes are engaged as labourers in tea gardens of Assam and serve in
forestry, and construction work in Andaman Islands.
viii) The Skilled, White Collar Job and Traders Type

Educational advancement, spread of Christianity, reservation policy of Government of India etc. have
prompted a significant proportion of the members to take of the skilled white collar jobs and trades of
different kinds. Such skilled white collar workers could be found all over the country. Many
individuals and households belonging to the tribes could be observed working in government offices,
hospitals, factories and business enterprises. Some are engaged in business activities.
The Bhotiyas of Indo-Tibetan border, the Valmikis, the Haikers of Andhra Pradesh and a few
individuals from different tribes depend on trade for their sustenance. About 1 percent of the working
population of STs depend on trade.
ECONOMIC CHANGE IN TRIBAL INDIA
Tribal economies in India are in transitions. Their exposures to a number of exogenous factors
contributed to change in them. They adapt to the modern economic forces, acquire economic new
activities, adopt modern technology and means and are geared towards achieving the goal of
development. There are a number of factors that can be attributed to change in the economic structure
and functions of tribes in India. The chief among them are educational expansion, transportation and
communication, Cooperatives and Commercial Banks. In addition to these the Government policy,
programmes and development interventions have also contributed to economic changes.
The following five interrelated processes of economic change are happening among the major tribes in
India in response to forces of modernisation:
i) Occupational Change: Modern Occupations Replacing the Traditional Ones;

ii) Subsistence to Commercialisation;
iii) Market Integration and Commoditisation;
iv) Barter to Monetary Exchange; and
v) Proletarianisation Depeasantisation and Impoverishment;
i) Occupational Change: Modern Occupations Replacing the Tradiational Ones
As we know tribal economies are simple primary producing economies and most of the people depend
on land and forest for their livelihood. In response to the initiatives of Central and State Governments
the tribal people are changing their economic activities. A number of members of tribes also have
taken up modern occupations increasingly. Some of the tribes slowly switch over from their traditional
shifting cultivation to settle cultivation as its less remunerative and ecologically destructive. Some
other tribes who are traditionally hunting are also taking up the practice of cultivation in addition to
their traditional occupation. As we have seen in the previous section, as a consequence of educational
advancement many members of the tribes have taken up white collar jobs. As a consequence of
marginalisation in agriculture some have taken up as agricultural or industrial wage earners.
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ii) Subsistence to Commercialisation

The tribal economies over a long period were stagnant and are of subsistent type. The tribal people’s
production and acquisition of goods and services were concerned with the household consumption.
There was hardly any significant surplus with them. There was no profit motive and motivation for
saving among them. This has changed much in response to their increased interaction with the
nontribal economy. The development of physical infrastructure especially road, transport and
communication facilities in the tribal areas, exposure to agricultural extension agencies etc. have
contributed to the emergence of commercial aptitude among many tribes in India. Now a days many of
them produce crops or acquire goods from the forests for the purpose of selling in the local market.
The cropping patterns in the tribal regions have experienced a shift from food crops primarily meant
for household consumption towards commercial crops such as potatoes, green vegetables, and fruits
which are meant for markets. Vidhyarthi and Rai have observed the sale of minor forest produces like
firewood, tooth sticks, seasonal fruits, broom-grass, kendu leaves by the tribals in the Jharkhand.
iii) Market Integration and Commoditisation
Tribal people were, by and large, out of the ambit of national and global market forces as their
interaction was minimal. But the market forces have penetrated into the tribal areas through the
channels of road, transport, communication as well as agencies of banks, cooperatives, merchants,
money lenders, etc. Increasingly, they are absorbed into the network structure of market. Their day-to-
today economic activities are affected by the market forces. They are affected by the changes in the
price levels. They look at the goods and services as commodities to be sold or purchased. Many of
them have learnt the process of bargaining, selling and purchasing which are akin to the modern
market places.
iv) Barter to Monetary Exchange
Monetisation is one of the major changes that are taking place in the tribal economies of India. It is
simply the process of switch over from traditional barter system of exchange to money based
transactions. Most of the tribes were neither aware nor used money in their economic transaction as a
measure of the value of their goods and services. The tribal people’s interaction with the outer
economy through periodical markets and establishment of cooperative and commercial banks and
institutions have all contributed the spread of money as most popular medium of exchange of goods
and services in the tribal India. Monetisation and market penetration reinforce each other in the tribal
economy.
v) Proletarianisation Depeasantisation and Impoverishment
The above said process of economic modernisation have significant impact on the economic life,
livelihood and living conditions of the people. The economic integration of tribals, market penetration,
commoditisation and commercialisation, have contributed to economic decline of tribes. Economic
decline of tribal people have taken place because many of the tribals have become indebted, alienated
their land, some have become landless and/or bonded labourers. Economic modernisation in the tribal
areas have had contributed to poverty rather economic development in the Tribal India. The non-tribal
money lenders, merchants and at times forest officials have exploited tribals and many times deprived
them of their land and livelihood, though there are constitutional mechanisms for their protection. In
spite of implementation of Ten Five Plans, unfortunately tribals constitute the most economically
marginalised citizens of our democratic republic. Tribal masses and their leaders have responded to
their economic crises in ways of creative movements and struggles. In the wake of new economic
policy the fragile simple tribal economies are increasingly integrated with global economies having far
reaching consequences of the livelihood and living conditions of the people.
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9.1 History of administration of tribal areas, tribal policies, plans,

programmes of tribal development and their implementation
The Tribals are not a homogeneous group. There is a vast diversity within them. They vary from
minuscule communities to large groups and from hunters/gatherers to modern Indians entrapped in the
industrial whirlpool. It is a vivacious diversity of languages and traditions. The Tribal people are,
however. associated with a territory and depend for livelihood on, their habitat. Their very cultural
roots depend on these lands. Therefore they guard their lands zealously. Tribals also have their own
system of governance and dispute redressal.
The British' accepted this fact. But this realisation came to them after mounting a number of
unsuccessful expeditions on Tribal. territories. Harassed by the repeated Tribal rebellions and
uprisings, the British chose to leave them alone and decided not to interfere with their day-to-day
administration. The general laws of the Centre or the Provinces were not extended to these areas in
routine. The Governor was empowered to extend any law with necessary exceptions and modifications
to these areas in his discretion.
Notwithstanding the fact that formally the British power was established in 1858 and, ruling for the
best part of a century, quit the country in 1947, it made its presence felt in varying degrees in different
parts of the country even earlier.
The Permanent Settlement of 1793 introduced the concept of the intermediaries between tribal
landowners and the foreign power. Muttadars, Jagirdars, Thekadars and finally Zamindars were
introduced in tribal areas extending the tentacles of the Company administration. The immediate
implication was that the independent tribal land-owners were converted into land-tenants.
The change was cataclysmic as till that time for tribals, the central state was almost non-existent. the
tribal communities were autonomous and tribal households enjoyed the status of land-owners. Now a
revenue-collecting agency having formidable backing of force, was to bear on them. Secondly, they
were being catapulted from an oral promise-based community-legitimated informal ownership
economy into formal documentation-based authoritarian economy with which they were totally
unfamiliar and in which they could hardly be expected to participate in view of their ignorance and
illiteracy. Their communitarian socio-economic value system was now being overlaid through force by
an imperialist-capitalist politico-economic degrading system. Without any preparation preceding the
transition, it wrought gross distortions in their life and economy. The implications were deep and the
ramifications wide.
Apart from land, forest has been the other cardinal resource of tribal life support system. It is difficult
to aver that the alien conquerors did not understand its significance for tribal life and economy; the
imperialist motivation of enrichment of mother-country was dominant. Even in the present times. there
are numerous tribal communities whose member-families depend for their sustenance to the extent of
50 per cent on forest, the other 50 per cent being farm-derived. In the decades of eighteenth, nineteenth
and early twentieth centuries, the number of tribal villages located in forests would have been many
times what we see to-day. Perhaps, unmindful of or deliberately ignoring it, the new administrators
drafted the first Forest Policy document in 1854 which conferred some rights on tribals.
Their 1894 Forest Policy turned them into "rights and privileges". The post- Independence government
would have been expected to undo the harm and endow tribals with appropriate rights. Surprisingly,
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however, the 12 May 1952 Forest Policy changed the "rights and privileges" to "rights and
concessions". The First Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission 1960-61 (Dhebar
Commission) made the following comment on the 1894 Policy: This conception of regulating the
rights and restricting the privileges affected the tribal people very deeply and was the root cause of the
delicate relations between them and the Forest Department which continue to the present time.
The impact of 1952 Forest Policy promulgated in independent India in the following words: Thus the
tribal who formerly regarded himself as the lord of the forests was through a deliberate process turned
into a subject and placed under the Forest Department. Tribal villages were no longer an essential part
of the forests but were merely on sufferance.
The traditional rights of the tribals were no longer recognized as rights. In 1894, they became "rights
and privileges" and in 1952 they became "rights and concessions" Now they are being regarded as
"concessions". On a consideration of all the aspects of the matter and grievances of the tribals as well
as the difficulties of the Forest Department, inter alia, they recommended that "the policy of 1952
should be reconsidered, and in relation to the rights of the tribals, the government should accept at any
rate the position that obtained before Independence.
The National Forest Policy 1988 calls for protection of the rights and concessions enjoyed by tribals
and other poor people living within and near forests. Notwithstanding the turn-around as per the latest
Policy, most observers feel that the trend of erosion of rights and usages of tribals m over forest has
continued. One contributory factor has been eviction orders issued by the Forest Department from time
to time.
The nineteenth century records repeated brushes by the tribal with the British might on account of the
deep resentment and anger nursed by the indigenous people over gradual dispossession of their basic
life-support system. Of course, they were no match, since the aliens were armed with the superior
weaponry, including fire-power. The clashes be tokened resistance against British interference,
oppression and ham-handedness.
Fight for rights

In their report (1961) Dhebar Commission referred to the 1789. 1801, 1807 and 1808 disturbances in
Chhota Nagpur which were put down with the help of armed forces. They spoke of the great Kol
insurrection of 1831-32 caused by discontent among the tribal people owing to settlement of their land
on non-tribal immigrants from other parts of India, the Santhal rebellion of 1855 caused by the
oppression of money-lenders and rapacious landlords, the Sardar agitation of 1887 and the Birsa
movement of 1895-1900 directed against the Hindu landlords and money-lenders and Christian
missionaries. They recorded Koya Fituris in the Andhra Agency area of 1803, 1862 and 1879, the last
of them in 1922 led by Alluri Sitaram Raju against oppression of Muttadars and petty officials.
Although other uprisings i.e. Rampa rebellion 1803 in East Godavari, the Bastar rising of 1911 and the
civil disobedience by the Kond Malliahs of Orissa and Tana Bhagats rebellion 1913-21 attracted their
attention, it is worth noting that rebellions were fairly widespread across time and space in the country.
For instance, the Koli disturbances in Maharashtra occurred as early as 1784-85, followed by Koli
revolt in 1818. In Assam, Singhpos rebelled in 1825, Mishmis in 1827,Khasi in 1829; Termt Singh
massacred British generals and their Indian sepoys in 1829; in 1835, the Daflas raided British subjects;
in 1842 Lushais raided the British territory of Arakan, Sylhet and defeated the British forces, in 1843
the Singhpos attacked British garrison. Orissa saw three revolts, of Chakra Bisoi, a Kond leader in
1850, of the Juang in 1861 and of Lakshman Naik in 1942. The Bhil tribe participated in revolts of
1809--1828, 1846, 1857-58 in Gujarat. The Bastar tribals rose in 1842 and 1911. There were several
other uprisings tbtowghout the country which have been chronicled and others which have been not.
Thus, it would not be too wide off me mark to say that when the rest of the country was still reeling
under the impact of foreign domination, the tribals were fighting wars for freedom from the foreign
yoke.
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The British response was three-fold:
 To suppress the uprisings through military action,

 To strengthen the administration on the ground and
 To pacify the tribals through redressal of their grievances which were then mainly directed
against Thekedars, Jagirdars, Mahajans, merchants etc. most of their grievances centered
round land and forests and against exploitation, particularly of their women.
This phase can be deemed as the phase of confrontation and conflict. The second phase registered a
dramatic turn in the interrelationship. But this did not occur suddenly. The contact with tribal peoples,
most of whom were tucked away in the interior (in a sense remoter then than now on account of more
difficult communications), was little. By the middle of the nineteenth century, the suzerainty was near
complete and the adventurist-commercial conquerors numbering some mere thousands had settled
down to the sedate business of administering a colony many times the size of home country. Peace
during the latter half of the century was prone to shatter less and the frequency of tribal revolts
declined.
All this while, the impact of the fluid dynamics of the scenario was being internalized by the new alien
rulers as well as the indigenous tribal subjects. Two features call for notice. One that the agitations had
been nearly always "ethnic" in character, that is to say that each originated mostly in the womb of a
single tribe.', Second, that each agitation created a disturbance, deep down in the tribal psychology,
which left an indelible impression on the temperament and character of tribesman shaping his future
attitude and world-view. Post-independent events might have altered the situation somewhat but it
seems to have persisted to an extent even to this day among the tribal mass.
The Chota Nagpur experience

Early on, the colonial rulers realized that the operation of the normal rules for administration of civil
and criminal justice and generally of the regulations of government, in the tracts of the country
comprised in or bordering on the hills and jungles occupied by tribal people, would be inappropriate.
Regulation XIII of 1833 was passed by them with the object of administration of justice of a kind
adapted to the "peculiar customs and prejudices of local tribals in concert with the headman and
diminishing their dependence on the Zamindar". The regulation laid the foundation for the
administrative pattern of tribal areas in the north-east, known as non-regulatory system. Its essence
was a centralized system with a powerful executive for running an administration through simple and
personal procedures acceptable to the people. Yet, in Bihar, general acts passed after 1855 like the
Rent Act, Civil Procedure Code, Stamp Act etc. led to enhancement of rent, eviction of, headmen from
their offices, increased exploitation by money-lenders and other ills. The Santhal felt so racked by
these laws and their ferocious application, that the events culminated in the Santhal Revolt of 1855-56
and 1871. Two regulations were passed: Act XXXIII of 1870 which provided regulations for peace
and good government to Santhal Parganas and Regulation III of 1872 empowering the Lieutenant-
Governor to remove the grievances of the Santhal regarding settlement of land, fixation of rent,
application of customs and usages of the people and limitation of interest on debt. It is of interest to
note that barring fixation of rent, the other three issues i.e. land and its alienation, money-lending and
customary laws are still rife in tribal areas.
With the experience of the insurrections behind them, the area was administered as a non-regulation
area as the colonial government felt that the complicated machinery and laws were not suitable for the
backward tribals. The administrative arrangements were a precursor of the Scheduled Districts Act of
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1874 whereby the local government was empowered to declare in respect of the tracts specified in the
Act what enactments were to be and were not to be enforced and to notify the application, with
modifications or restrictions, if necessary, of any enactment in force at the time in any part of British
India. These tracts were known as scheduled tracts and they included areas in Assam, Rajasthan,
Andaman & Nicobar Islands, Bengal, Santhal Parganas, Chhota Nagpur, some pockets in Maharashtra,
Central Provinces, Madras and some areas in Punjab and United Provinces. The basic policy to be
followed in the scheduled tracts was to protect the interests of the tribal people. In Santhal Parganas,
the government forbade sale and transfer of land either privately or by orders of court. In some areas,
hereditary serfdom was abolished. Exploitation was to be curbed by preventing transfer of rights of
tribals to non-tribals and protecting their rights in land and forest of tribals.
Govt. of India Acts of 1919 and 1935

Subsequent to the Scheduled Districts Act of 1874, the Government of India Act of 1919 categorised
tribal areas into "wholly excluded areas" and "areas with modified exclusion". For the former, the State
legislatures could not enact any law, but for the latter legislators might pass laws which could come
into operation on a date and with such modifications as the Governor General or Governor might
direct. The Government of India Act of 1935 retained the two categories under a slightly different
nomenclature i.e. "excluded areas" and "partially excluded areas". Section 92( 1) thereof reads: " The
executive authority of a province extends to excluded and partially excluded areas therein, but
notwithstanding everything in the Act, no Act of the Federal legislature or the Provincial legislature,
shall apply to an excluded area or a partially excluded area, unless the Governor by public notification
so directs, and the Governor in giving such direction with respect to any Act may direct that the Act
shall in its application to the areas or to any specific part thereof, shall have effect subject to such
modification as he thinks fit ". An order was promulgated specifying the excluded and partially
excluded areas. Some of the provincial governments engaged themselves in working out legislative
measures that could offer protection to tribals particularly in regard to alienation of land and usury.
The constitutional-legal reforms introduced by the colonial administration during the decades
preceding Independence were a response to the momentous popular non-violent movement that the
country was going through as a result of steps taken by the national leadership. Earlier and
contemporaneously, along with the transformation of a conquering power into a colonial
administration, change was occurring among the tribal people. The mode of tribal protest and the
nature of tribal demand were undergoing qualitative transformation. In contrast to the violent uprisings
of the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries, the protest became peaceful and the demands and goals
acquired distinct socio-economic and political content. For example, the Chhota Nagpur Unnati Samaj
established in 1912 'demanded spread of education and reservation for tribals, as well as a sub-state. In
1938, the Adivasi Mahasabha, a political body, came into being, reincarnating itself in 1949 as the
Jharkhand party with the goal of a Jharkhand State. While the mass of tribals was still cloistered and
backward, immiserated and illiterate, the upper stratum were becoming educationally and politically
conscious. Another notable feature was that the Jharkhand movement tended to acquire pan-ethnic
characteristics.
Thakkar and Bardoloi Committees

After attaining freedom, the Constituent Assembly 1946-48 embarked on its labours and set up an
Advisory Committee on fundamental rights, minorities, tribal areas etc. The Committee split up Into
different sub-committees. There were two sub-committees dealing with tribal areas. One headed by
A.V. Thakkar dealt with excluded and partially excluded areas (other than Assam) and the other, the
Gopinath Bardoloi sub-Committee, was concerned with North-East Frontier (Assam) Tribal and
Excluded Areas. So far as the sub-Committee on Central Tribal Areas (the Thakkar sub-committee) is
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concerned, it recommended the adoption of a measure which the Constituent Assembly enacted as the
present Fifth Schedule. It is not difficult to detect in the Fifth Schedule conspicuous shades of its
ancestor, the Scheduled Districts Act 1874. The recommendations of the Bardoloi Committee were
transmuted into the Sixth Schedule. The perspective which informed the Fifth Schedule was
paternalistic, extending the society's and government's shield for protection and promotion of tribal
interests. Continuing the earlier trend, the Governor was charged with special responsibility therefor,
but a Tribes Advisory Council having a majority of ST State legislators was to advise government. For
the tribals of the north-east, the dispensation of the Sixth Schedule provided a self-management
module which goes way towards self-rule at the district tier. We are treating the constitutional
provisions for scheduled tribes in a separate chapter, but it is relevant to record here at least two
provisions. Article 46 meant to guide government policy enjoins on the State to "promote with special
care the educational and economic interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of
the Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, and protect them from social injustice and all forms of
exploitation". This is bolstered by several other provisions, one relating to provision of adequate
finances by the Union Government - Article 275. It is also necessary to add that the major
responsibility for development of Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes has been placed on the Union
Government, as is evident from Articles 275(1), 339(2) and para 3 of the Fifth Schedule.
The first post-Independence phase

It might be appreciated that in the matter of tribal affairs, the perspective and wisdom expressed in the
constitutional provisions rested on the work and experience of not a few notable dedicated souls
quietly at work ...among tribes for their welfare at the instance and inspiration of national leaders like
Mahatma Gandhi and Jawaharlal Nehru. In fact, Gandhiji included welfare of the tribes as one of the
'items in his 14-Point reconstruction programme drawn up in January 1942. Post-independence, the
first phase was a time for soul-searching. Dr. RR. Ambedkar made a powerful contribution to the cause
of Dalit uplift through visionary leadership. Having initiated development module in democratic set-
up, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru enunciated the Panch Sheel (five principles}-of Tribal
Advancement. We have discussed these in detail elsewhere in this Report, Here we cannot help
referring to the first of these to the effect that tribals should be enabled to advance along the lines of
their own genius and imposition of anything on them should be avoided. The Panch Shed-became an
ideological foundation.
Another marked feature of this phase was the appearance of a number of reports on tribal affairs.
Among these were the reports of the Study Team of Social Welfare and Welfare of Backward Classes
July 1959, also known as Renuka Ray Team, the Committee on Special Multi-purpose Tribal Blocks
chaired by Verrier Elwin and the Study Team on Tribal Development Programmes chaired by Shilu
Ao 1969, the First Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission 1961, also known as the
Dhebar Commission. The report of the first Commission should be regarded as a high water-mark of
this phase. It dealt comprehensively with a number of aspects of tribal affairs and development.
Among the salient observations of the Commission were that the planning process was transforming
the situation and important development activities had taken place in the-tields of education, health and
community development. A host of sectors were illumined by the suggestions and recommendations of
the Commission, but one that turned out to be of far-reaching implications related to Article 275 of the
Constitution. In it, the Commission expressed the view that grants under the Article were intended to
supplement the general welfare programmes for the scheduled tribes and that the State Governments
might consider issue of instructions on the lines of Andhra Pradesh Government to all heads of
departments to the effect that 3 per cent of the total provision of each Department should be earmarked
for the welfare of scheduled tribes during the. Third five Year Plan. They also 'added that since a grant
was intended to develop the area, the area's relative under development and problems should be
assessed.
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The point was subsequently emphasized in the 1969 report of the Study Team on Tribal Development
Programmes led by Shilu Ao, chief Minister of Nagaland. In fact, the Team recommended that the
Commission should insist that the general development programmes should take into consideration the
needs of tribals and indicate the directions in which the programmes could benefit the tribal
communities. Adverse notice was taken by the Team of the delay in implementation of the Dhebar
Commission's recommendations worsening the plight of tribals.
Apart from the Committees and Dhebar Commission which put in monumental labours, the
Commissioner for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes was engaged in useful work conveying his
observations and.compients to the Government in his annual reports. On the whole, this phase was
characterized by the observations of such important bodies contemplating on the scenario as it then
was and searching for viable policies, formulations, programmes etc. The tribal masses were in receipt
of small benefits from the backward classes sector of state plan projects and development works,
including the tribal development blocks. The protective laws were being enforced feebly. The 1952
Forest Policy Resolution, the second for the country after 1894 and the first for Independent India,
dealt a grievous blow to tribals. Their traditional rights over forest recognized as such I earlier, were
converted into "rights and concessions" and subsequently info mere "concessions". It was stated that
village communities should not be allowed the use of forest produce "at the cost of national interest".
The Dhebar Commission asked for reversion to pre-Independence position. Orlthe whole, while
through planned socio-economic development effort, the condition of tribal mass was improving
marginally, disparities between tribals and non-tribals were enlarging on social, economic, educational
fronts.
The second post-Independence phase
In the second post-Independence and more or less the contemporary phase, beginning in the decade of
seventies, committees and task forces were at work for evolving strategies and methodologies for
·tribal development. The ideas and suggestions of the fore-runner committees had blazed the trail.
More specifically, the Dhebar Commission's concept of earmarking of funds on Andhra pattern in
proportion to or in excess of tribal population percentage in the state was the core around which other
formulations revolved. The Shilu Ao Team had reinforced it. In the early seventies, the concept gave
birth to the strategy of Tribal sub-Plan (TSP) whose chief ingredients were projectised integrated
multi-sectoral approach pointedly suited to the local tribal communities in identified administrative
units of triba~population concentration with the help of funds pooled from central, state and
institutional organizations. The TSP strategy was launched enthusiastically in the Fifth Plan period and
it has held the ground since. The subsequent main inputs have come from the reports of the Working
Groups appointed by the Planning Commission on the eve of Sixth, Seventh, Eighth and Ninth Plans.
It has been evaluated off and on. Its detailed consideration may be found in a separate chapter devoted
to it.
Policy Approaches to the Tribes
Tribes in India have been living with dignity along with the non-tribal communities since time
immemorial. It is the British government that viewed the tribes from their own perspective and tried to
bring them to their administrative fold. Since then the interest of the state has been directed towards
the tribes and as a result the search for policy measures became a priority among scholars and
administrators for a long time. There are three distinct approaches that mark the state’s policy
approach towards the tribes.These three can be attributed Isolationist approach of Verrier Elwin,
Assimilationist approach of G.S. Ghurye and Integrationist approach of Jawaharlal Nehru.
1. Isolation
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The approach is a legacy of British colonialism and usually described as 'leave tribe untouched'. Major
objective of isolation was to separate tribal population from masses. British adopted deliberate effort
not to develop communication and transportation in hill and forest area occupied by tribes with a view
to plunder their rich resource and property. Tribes were always kept away from rest population.
The isolationist approach is a colonial mindset of divide and rule. In fact, it existed in the colonial
mind much before Verrier Elwin wrote his book on the Baigas. Inner Line Permit Regulation of 1873,
which was extended to the territories of Nagaland, Manipur, Mizoram and Arunachal Pradesh, is
nothing but a strategy of the British administration to keep the tribals isolated.
In 1930s, the idea of isolation came up in academics being pioneered by missionary turned
anthropologist, Verrier Elwin. In 1936, he wrote a detailed account of the primitive tribe called
‘Baigas’ of Bastar district of Chhattisgarh.
Hutton in 1931 talked of the loss of tribal political and cultural autonomy mainly in the North-East. He
opined that this loss was a result of acculturation. Hutton argued that unless we check such changes
taking place, it would be difficult to maintain their identity. His idea came close to Elwin’s idea of
isolation. Indian scholars like S. C. Roy and D. N. Majumdar strongly believed that problems among
the tribals were due to the overexposure to the industrial culture. All the writings of 1930s had the
same view of tribal isolation.
Elwin came up with the idea of creating National Parks or protected areas in which the Baigas and
their neighbouring communities could lead a life of their own without much difficulty. Elwin’s idea
was accepted by the colonial government, which found expression in the Government of India Act of
1935. It decided to create protected and excluded areas for the tribal dominated areas of Bastar of
Chhattisgarh and outsiders were not allowed on the assumption that it might lead to exploitative
consequences. Elwin felt that this was a temporary isolation and was required for the greater good of
the tribe. The British administration realized that administering certain tribal areas caused much more
problem in comparison to the general areas and therefore they should be kept away. Whenever the
British saw the emergence of any tribal uprising, they suppressed it by declaring that area as protected
area. Within these protected areas, attempts to convert the people to Christianity continued.
Anthropologists like G. S. Ghurye criticized the policy of isolation. He found that the policy of
isolation was promoted to ensure adequate revenue generation within the protected land area. Another
criticism against this policy was levelled by S. C. Dube. According to him, it was a deliberate attempt
by the colonial government to create a cleavage between the tribals and non-tribals. Even Gandhi
criticized the British policy of isolation on the grounds that they are spreading separatist tendencies.
The policy of isolation was also criticized vehemently by the famous social worker A. V. Thakkar. He
believed that the policy of isolation supported the academic interests of anthropologists. He said that
this policy helped them in maintaining the distinction between the tribals and non-tribals and thus, they
could academically romanticize the tribes. In fact, Thakkar gave his own approach, which came to be
popularly known as the social workers approach or the policy of assimilation.
Assimilation Theory
G.S. Ghurye advocated Assimilationist approach in the book „The Scheduled Tribes(1959) to highlight
nature and feature of assimilation of Indian tribes into wider Hindu society. He divided Indian tribes
into three sections. First section, according to him, is constituted of Rajgonds and other tribes, who
successfully fought battle and got organised as members of fairly high status within Hindu society.
Second category is constituted by large mass of tribes who partially got Hinduised and came to closer
to Hindus and third section is hill section, which is characterised by greater power of resistance to alien
culture that passed upon their border. According to Ghurye, a large number of tribes in India like
Santal, Munda, Oraon, Kond, Gond and Korku speak language which either belong to Kherwari or
Mundari group of languages or to Dravidian family, and are, more often, different from language of
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plain people with whom they have large number of social intercourse. Languages of latter in most
cases belong to Indo-Aryan family. Many tribes employ Indo-Aryan language of surrounding people in
their routine intercourse. Many of them thus are bi-lingual, having their own mother-tongue and
having more or less acquired language of neighbouring people. There are other tribes, like Baiga, who
have taken up Indo-Aryan tongue of locality in place of their own language, whatever it might have
been. Others like Bhil speak language which is dialect of local language also.
Ghurye finds Hinduism and its assimilative process has helped to various tribes to bring them closer
into Hindu social world. Such process of tribal absorption rather makes them weak and smart or
benumbed under feeling of brokenness. Sections oftribes get assimilated into Hindu fold and they
ushered into an altogether strange social world. Hindu castes at least many of them, have had many
characteristics of tribal society. Tribal sections joining Hindu society developed an internal
organization of caste pattern, and thus regulated and controlled power within them. Many tribal
sections or tribes get smugly settled into Hindu fold. Ghurye is of the view that British broken tribal
solidarity in India by adopting different policies like policy of revenue collection, central police system
and judicial system broken solidarity of tribal society in India. Ghurye observed that tribal people in
India are backward Hindus, differing only in degree from other segments of Hindu society. Their
backwardness is due to their imperfect integration into Hindu society. Tribes of India slowly absorbed
certain Hindu values and life style through continuous and regular contact with Hindus. Due to Hindu
influence tribes have given up liquor drinking, they received education and have changed certain bad
practice and habit and adopted Hinduism as their religion.
Integration Theory
This approach is the middle path. It falls between the other two policies i.e. isolation and assimilation.
This approach argues that some institutions of tribal society should be preserved. The institutions that
are to be isolated are the administrative institutions and no interference from the government should be
tolerated. Institutions that can be assimilated are the ones that do not affect tribal sentiments. The
pioneers of the integration approach were Nehru and Elwin together. Elwin raised a fundamental
question in his article entitled ‘Do We Really Want to Keep them in Zoo’. In this article he countered
the charges, which were levelled against him by the social workers. He explained that the policy of
isolation came up in response to the general breakdown of tribal social fabric. It was the manner in
which the tribals were responding to industrialization. In his work ‘A Philosophy of NEFA’, Nehru in
the preface gave his opinion of integration. Elwin in the book gave the following points as an essence
for the policy of integration.
 Tribal people should be approached with a tribal mindset.

 Tribal cultures with special reference to traditional practices and customs must have continuity and
change.
 The economic rights of tribals must be protected and they should be allowed to continue with their
traditional practices.
 The tribal culture should be preserved, integrated and developed.
 Finally, tribals must be united and integrated with the Indian mainstream.
Pandit Nehru, in the Preface, identified five important principles which characterized the essence of
the policy of integration:
(a) People should develop along the lines of their own genius and we should avoid imposing anything
on them. We should try to encourage in every way their own traditional arts and culture.
(b) Tribal rights in land and forests should be respected.
(c) We should try to train and build up a team of their own people to do the work of administration and
development. Some technical personnel from outside will, no doubt, be needed, especially in the
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beginning. But we should avoid introducing too many outsiders in the tribal territory.
(d) We should not over-administer these areas or overwhelm them with a multiplicity of schemes. We
should rather work through, and not in rivalry to, their own social and cultural institutions.
(e) We should judge results, not by statistics or the amount of money spent, but by the quality of
human character that is evolved.
These five principles are popularly called the tribal panchsheel. Elwin in his book demonstrated how
challenging the task before the anthropologist is. Integration involves creating a sense of desire among
the tribals to get united with the Indian mainstream. This is a very problematic area because the Indian
mainstream has not been defined properly. There are religious, linguistic, ethnic, political and regional
factors which hinder such integration. These are all the primordial elements which come in the way of
integration. It was observed by some anthropologists that integration is taking place or can take place
at different levels—at the level of materialism and idealism. According to K. S. Singh, in the Indian
context, integration takes place more in the material aspect than in the ideational one. Among the
scholars who criticized the policy of integration was G. S. Ghurye. He opposed the policy of
integration and said that it was a Western model and was not applicable in the Indian context.
However, in spite of the criticism levelled against integration, it remains the essence of state policy
towards the tribes since independence.
Contemporary Theory
This theory is blend of different world-view of scholars across culture space and territorial boundary. It
also deals with reconstruction and de-construction of tribe. The theory is complex and perplex
admixture of skewed fact and figure about tribal study. Among different scholars of ideological
orientation and contemporary testament, B.S. Guha is of the view that tribal welfare schemes should be
prepared without hampering their social values. Tribal people must have psychological receptivity as
well as ability to understand or absorb the schemes initiated by the government for their overall
development. For formulating development scheme of tribes mere theoretical knowledge on problems
of tribe is not sufficient. Schemes should be prepared by understanding the ground reality of tribal
problems. Guha also denies isolation of tribe from mainstream society. Instead of isolating them from
mainstream people the government policy should be taken in such a manner that tribal development
scheme aims to increase their income through strengthening material aspects of tribal culture through
better utilisation of environmental resources like forest, minerals, flora and fauna, horticulture,
agriculture, animal husbandry, small scale industry based on forest products. Along with these tribal
people should be provided training to improve their ability and skill. Government should narrow gap
of development between tribes and non-tribes and to improve quality of life of tribal people without
disturbing their cultural and ethnic identity. He also suggests for elimination of all sort of exploitation
of tribal people. There should be rapid socioeconomic development of tribal people.
Organisational capacity of tribal people should be built and inner strength should be increased. B.K.
Roy-Barman argues that though government of India has adopted various planand policy for tribal
development but tribes in contemporary India are still backward as earlier. Tribal development scheme
under tribal sub-plan (TSP) is not properly implemented in India. Integrated tribal development
programme (ITDP) is ineffective to improve socio-economic condition and quality of life of tribes. He
observes that majority of tribal areas have remained isolated and backward till date. Despite of
formulation of various schemes by central and state government for tribal development, Indian tribes
are still characterised by low level of skill, training and technology. They are facing problems for
marketing goods they produce by adopting indigenous method. Proper marketing facility is not
provided by government. Tribal land is illegally captured by non-tribes and till now right of land is not
given to them. He further suggests that concept of planning from below needs to be given concrete
shape in tribal area by reformulating integrated tribal development scheme. Nongovernmental
voluntary organisation can make significant contribution for development of tribes. NGOs should take
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part to understand problem of tribal area and should take initiative to resolve their problem. Awareness
programmes for various policies and programme should be started by NGOs in tribal area so that tribal
people become aware of scheme initiated for their development. B.K. Roy Barman criticises tribal
development policy adopted in seventh five year plan. He finds out loopholes of fifth and sixth five
year plans towards tribal development. He is of the view that seventh plan was initiated by government
without rectifying mistake of previous plan period. Moreover government is not evaluating
implementation of policy and programme initiated for tribal development in successive plan period.
Virginius Xaxa in his book “State, Society and Tribe Issues in Post-Colonial India” criticises tribal
policy adopted by Verrier Elwin and G.S. Ghurye. He highlights constitutional provision for tribal
development in India and its impact on contemporary tribal society. His main focus is centered on
issue pertaining to underdevelopment, backwardness, social exclusion of tribes in contemporary India.
He observes despite of constitutional provision, policy and programme adopted by government for
tribal welfare, condition of tribal continues to be deplorable. Land as well as life support system of
tribes are gradually passing to non-tribes through fraudulent transfer, forcible eviction, mortgage, lease
and encroachment. Displacement is another reason for loss of ownership of land. Instead of inclusive
policy adopted by government, tribes are gradually becoming landless, impoverished, alienated and
illiterate as they suffer from numerous health problems due to poor economic condition. To justify his
argument Xaxa says state adopted several measures for inclusion of tribes in large society. Attempt to
build an inclusive society is somehow successful in direction of providing civil and political right to
tribes. Tribes now participate in parliament, state legislature, government service and private sector
undertaking. Reservation policy in education and employment and other development measures helped
tribes to some extent closer to state and wider society.
Government takes various suitable and pro-tribal measures for tribal development but economic right
of tribe particularly their right on land and forest is not protected till date. Their traditional
relationships with land, forest and other kinds of resources have deliberately eroded. This process
started during colonial period and continuing till now. Legislative measure taken by central and the
state governments failed to prevent land alienation, because tribal land are continued to pass from tribe
to non-tribe. To him only legislative and constitutional provisions alone are not adequate to ensure
economic and social right of tribes rather these provisions are to be complemented and supplemented
with effective administrative, infrastructural and financial support. Indian tribes, according to Xaxa
(2012) have been suffering from numerous problems and face adverse inclusion. Poverty,
underdevelopment, unemployment and exploitation form only one sort of problem. Another sort of
problem is pertaining to their right of forest and land, ethnicity, culture, identity, political autonomy
and social mobility. He suggests government to take initiative towards resolving all sorts of problems
in tribal society.
TRIBALS AND GOVERNANCE

Governance provides enabling environment in which decision making and service delivery can be
brought closer to the people. It represents a commitment to democratic institutions, processes and
values in order to ensure economic, political and social security. The centralized structure governance
has failed to address the different tribal issues in one way or the other. On account of its many failures,
the centralized state everywhere has lost a great deal of legitimacy and decentralization is widely
believed to promise a range of benefits (Bardhan, 2002: 3). The public debate and discussion on local
self-government revolved almost entirely around the need to correct the multiple failures of
bureaucratic and centralized apparatus of Indian developmental state-the failure to ensure the efficient
and effective delivery of public services, to effectively provide and maintain key infrastructure
essential for economic growth, to promote equity and to eliminate the multiple deprivations associated
with poverty. Without tribal people’s commitment to policies, it is difficult to implement them. The
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argument for tribal people’s involvement is based on the fact of quality of political participation, and
therefore, the public like itself, will be substantially transformed only when tribal communities
collectively debate and deliberate on issues of common concern and are provided with decision
making powers to effectively address their shared concerns. So, there is a need for the local self-
government for tribal communities, which will not only involve them in the process of governance but
also authorize them to take decision for the development and empowerment of their communities.
Local self-government is essentially the empowerment of the tribal communities by giving them not
only the voice but the power of choice as well in order to shape the development, which they feel as
appropriate to their situation. The major promise of democratic decentralization is that it brings
popular participation and accountability to local governance, and therefore, makes local governance
more responsive to citizen’s desire and more effective in delivering services (Kundu, 1999: 15).
'Scheduled Areas' and 'Tribal Areas'
The framers of the Constitution were conscious of the special need to safeguard the interests of Tribals
and therefore provided specific provisions for their overall socio-political protection from all sources
of exploitation. We all know that the Constitution makes special provisions for sections of people such
as the Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Minorities, and Women etc. In the same way the
Constitution also makes some special provisions based on geographical areas such as Jammu &
Kashmir, Assam, Nagaland, Manipur etc., Schedule V and Schedule VI areas. (We have the general
term Tribal areas and the constitutionally defined term 'Tribal Areas '. The former represents all areas
where the Scheduled Tribes reside in some concentration. But the Constitutional term 'Tribal Areas'
has specific connotations and refers only to some Areas recognised as such in the States of Assam,
Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura).
Scheduled Areas
History
In the wake of tribal rebellions in the nineteenth century, the British became convinced of the
vulnerability of tribal populations in the form of various ‘outsiders’ and assumed the role of paternalist
protectors of tribals against the non-tribal exploiters. This brand of protectionism, however, worked to
justify British presence in tribal areas as the guardian of their interests. Indeed, British policy toward
tribals followed a contradictory path: on the one hand, it advocated protection of these areas through
exclusion from the operation of general laws and on the other hand, it facilitated assimilation with the
larger social structures through the market.
Even prior to the development of a delineation of the characteristic features of a tribe, there existed a
separate system of governance for predominantly tribal areas marked by special legal provisions and
the non-applicability of general laws in these areas. Thus, the creation of distinctive tribal spaces in
legal-administrative terms preceded the classification of specific groups as tribes based on established
criteria. These areas are referred as Scheduled Areas in the post-Independence period. In the
Singhbhum area, for example, the British introduced a system of administration, similar to that already
in place in Ramgarh and Jungle Mahals through Regulation XIII of 1833. Wilkinson’s Rules meant the
withdrawal of regulations in force in other parts of British India and the assignment of all governance
in the district to the Political Agent to the Governor-General. These areas came to be known as Non-
Regulation Provinces and were to be governed by special rules for civil and criminal justice, collection
of land revenue, and so on. In 1874, another law was passed which renamed the non-regulation tracts
as Scheduled Districts and defined their geographical boundaries. In the Northeast region, in addition,
the British put in force the Inner Line Regulation in 1873, as the point beyond which general laws for
the colony would not be applicable and entry of subjects living outside the area was strictly prohibited.
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The separation of these areas continued with the Government of India Act, 1919 which renamed the
Scheduled Tracts as ‘Backward Tracts’ and also distinguished between ‘really backward tracts’
wherein the Governor General was exclusively responsible for law and administration and the
‘backward tracts’ wherein the Governor General could act through local officials. This nomenclature
was altered to ‘wholly excluded areas’ and ‘partially excluded areas’ respectively by the Simon
Commission according to the level of backwardness. The Government of India Act, 1935 followed
from this, stating that the Governor could determine policy directly or through his agents in the tribal
areas and prohibited legislative Council members from asking any questions about the administration
of the excluded areas. Functionaries of the colonial government were, therefore, singularly responsible
for about 15 million people in the sub-continent.
The role of the Agent of the Governor-General in these areas was two-fold: to protect the tribal from
the non-tribal populations and to exert a civilizing influence on them through programmes of reform.
The policy of exclusion came from the belief of the colonial government that their government would
be best for the tribals and that the Indian government would only impose dominant cultural values on
them. Thus, a special class of areas with tribal-majority populations was created, within which a
distinctive legal framework would operate with the following characteristics: rule by district officers
under the governor, simple procedures in dispute settlement, restriction of entry of non-tribals, the
exclusion of these areas from the operation of ordinary laws. One of the primary features of the
Partially Excluded areas was that no general laws would apply to these areas, unless the Governor saw
it fit to apply these legislations.
In the post-1947 period, however, this feature was altered vis-à-vis the Fifth Schedule areas since now
all Central and State laws would automatically apply to tribal areas unless the Governor took the
decision to prevent application or modify/amend the legislation in keeping with the circumstances of
the Scheduled Areas. Rarely do Governors invoke this power leading to a situation where in all
legislations, irrespective of their suitability in Scheduled Areas, are operational without any
amendment or alteration.
At the same time, one of the assumptions behind the creation of these spaces was the idea that the
tribes could not cope with the complexity of representative institutions. The Montagu-Chelmsford
Report which was to later form the basis of the Government of India Act, 1919 even noted that “there
was no political material on which to found political institutions” in these areas.
The demand for political autonomy by tribals was overlooked, despite several ongoing agitations for
political rights. Further, this view neatly separated the related issues of social and economic well-being
and political power. The resultant policies were based on the economic integration of tribals through
development programmes while attempting to ensure that the cultural aspects of their society such as
language and customs were left untouched. This understanding of the tribal question continued into the
post-colonial period. The Constitution of India continued with this system of governance through the
separate, but inter-linked categories of Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Areas.
Similar to Scheduled Tribes, the definition for Scheduled Areas (under the Fifth Schedule of the
Constitution) is “such areas as the President may by order declare to be Scheduled Areas”. The
criterion for the declaration of an area as a Scheduled Area was identified by the first Scheduled Areas
and Scheduled Tribes Commission (Dhebar Commission). The features of such an area were: the
preponderance of tribal population, compactness and reasonable size of the area, under-developed
nature of the area, and marked disparity in the economic standard of the people. Several orders relating
to Scheduled Areas have been passed by the President over the years. The present Scheduled Areas
follows the pattern of the erstwhile Partially Excluded Areas, although more orders regarding
Scheduled Areas have been passed by the President in the post-Independence period. Since 1976, there
have been efforts to ensure that the Scheduled Areas coincide with the Tribal Sub-Plan areas through
several orders, although this task is still not complete.
It is important to reiterate that there are several tribal-populated and tribal-dominant areas across the
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country which are not Scheduled Areas and therefore, are not covered by the protections offered under
the Fifth Schedule. These include tribals living in the nine States of India which have Scheduled Areas
as well as those living outside of these States – for example, in West Bengal, Bihar, Uttar Pradesh,
Uttarakhand, Goa, Tamil Nadu, Kerala, and Karnataka and the Union Territories of Daman and Diu,
Dadra and Nagar Haveli, Lakshadweep, and the Andaman and Nicobar Islands.
For example, the southern region comprising Karnataka, Kerala and Tamil Nadu comprise over five
per cent of the total Scheduled Tribe population. Karnataka alone has 50 recognised tribal groups
within its State boundaries while Tamil Nadu has 37 Scheduled Tribes and Kerala has 36 Scheduled
Tribes. A large proportion of the tribal population of South India belongs to the Nilgiri hills region,
covering all these three States. Although, a survey by the British in 1847 apparently revealed that
about 78 per cent of the people in the Nilgiri plateau region were tribal hunter-gatherers, pastoralists
and shifting cultivators, these areas were never scheduled, possibly due to British economic interests in
the emerging plantation economy. Tribals in this region face serious problems of landlessness, land
alienation, malnutrition, bonded labour, eviction from National Parks and Sanctuaries, as well as
displacement due to mines and hydroelectric projects. However, by and large, discussions around tribal
rights tend to focus on Fifth and Sixth Schedule Areas to the neglect of other nonScheduled regions
with substantial tribal populations.
On the question of Scheduled Areas, the Bhuria Commission (2002-2004) requested the governments
in the various States with sizeable tribal populations to comment on the existing criteria for scheduling
of areas through an assessment of their validity within the contemporary context and through
recommendations that could make the given criteria more specific and precise. For example, it remains
unclear what exactly ‘preponderance’ of tribals means in terms of percentages of the population. There
is also the question of the size of the administrative unit within which ‘preponderance’ is necessary –
at the level of the district or the block or the village. This is an especially important question given that
there has been considerable in-migration of non-tribals to Scheduled Areas as well as non-Scheduled
areas with large tribal populations. This influx has changed the relative population of tribal and non-
tribal communities in the area, often worsening the disparity between the two groups.
Bhuria Commission recommended:
a) that the notification of Scheduled Areas should include villages as well as towns and cities in the
blocks, tehsils and districts, including all forest and revenue lands
b) that all the Integrated Tribal Development Projects (ITDPs), Modified Development Approach
(MADA) pockets included in the Tribal Sub-Plan should be considered for notification as Scheduled
Areas subject to conformity with the established standards.
The parameters for further inclusion of non-Scheduled Areas within the ambit of the Fifth Schedule
must be debated by the central and State Governments and action must be taken in this regard
immediately. The situation wherein a substantial number of Scheduled Tribes reside outside of the
Scheduled Areas needs to be addressed to ensure that tribes are not denied the protections offered by
the Constitution and other legislations pertaining to Scheduled Areas. Given the onslaught of global
market forces on tribal lands, the extension of such provisions is of the utmost importance and
urgency.
Legal and Administrative Framework in Scheduled Areas
The Fifth Schedule under Article 244 (1) of the Constitution contains provisions regarding
administration of Scheduled Areas other than in Northeast India. The provisions of Section 6 of Part C
of the Fifth Schedule of the Constitution are as follows: “Scheduled Areas–
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(1) In this Constitution, the expression "Scheduled Areas" means such areas as the President may by
order declare to be Scheduled Areas.
(2) The President may at any time by order-
(a) direct that the whole or any specified part of a Scheduled Area shall cease to be a Scheduled Area
or a part of such an area;
(aa) increase the area of any Scheduled Area in a State after consultation with the Governor of that
State;
(b) alter, but only by way of rectification of boundaries, any Scheduled Area;
(c) on any alteration of the boundaries of a State or on the admission into the Union or the
establishment of a new State, declare any territory not previously included in any State to be, or to
form part of, a Scheduled Area;
(d) rescind, in relation to any State or States, any order or orders made under this paragraph, and in
consultation with the Governor of the State concerned, make fresh orders redefining the areas which
are to be Scheduled Areas;
and any such order may contain such incidental and consequential provisions as appear to the President
to be necessary and proper, but save as aforesaid, the order made under sub-paragraph (1) of this
paragraph shall not be varied by any subsequent order.”
Criteria for Declaration of Scheduled Areas

Criteria for declaring any area as a “Scheduled Area” under the Fifth Schedule are:
(i) Preponderance of tribal population,
(ii) Compactness and reasonable size of the area,
(iii) A viable administrative entity such as a district, block or taluk, and
(iv) Economic backwardness of the area as compared to the neighbouring areas.
The above criteria for declaration of Scheduled Areas are as such not spelt out in the Constitution, but
have become well established. Coverage of Scheduled Areas
At present, Scheduled Areas have been declared in the States of Andhra Pradesh (including
Telangana), Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Himachal Pradesh, Jharkhand, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra,
Odisha and Rajasthan.
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Laws Applicable to Scheduled Areas
Provisions of Para 5 of Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, relating to role of the Governor of a State,
which has Scheduled Areas, are given below: “
(1) Notwithstanding anything in this Constitution, the Governor may by public notification direct that
any particular Act of Parliament or of the Legislature of the State shall not apply to a Scheduled Area
or any part thereof in the State or shall apply to a Scheduled Area or any part thereof in the State
subject to such exceptions and modifications as he / she may specify in the notification and any
direction given under this sub-paragraph may be given so as to have retrospective effect.
(2) The Governor may make regulations for the peace and good government of any area in a State
which is for the time being a Scheduled Area.
In particular and without prejudice to the generality of the foregoing power, such regulations may—
(a) prohibit or restrict the transfer of land by or among members of the Scheduled Tribes in such area;
(b) regulate the allotment of land to members of the Scheduled Tribes in such area;
(c) regulate the carrying on of business as money-lender by persons who lend money to members of
the Scheduled Tribes in such area.
(3) In making any such regulation as is referred to in sub-paragraph (2) of this paragraph, the Governor
may repeal or amend any Act of Parliament or of the Legislature of the State or any existing law which
is for the time being applicable to the area in question.
(4) All regulations made under this paragraph shall be submitted forthwith to the President and, until
assented to by him, shall have no effect.
(5) No regulation shall be made under this paragraph unless the Governor making the regulation has, in
the case where there is a Tribes Advisory Council for the State, consulted such Council.”
Report by the Governor to the President
In accordance with the provisions of Part A, Para 3 of Fifth Schedule of the Constitution, the Governor
of each State having Scheduled Areas therein shall annually, or whenever so required by the President,
make a report to the President regarding the administration of the Scheduled Areas in that State and the
executive power of the Union shall extend to the giving of directions to the State as to the
administration of the said area.
As per Constitutional provision, States having Scheduled Areas, viz., Andhra Pradesh, Chhattisgarh,
Gujarat, Jharkhand, Himachal Pradesh, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan and
Telangana are required to submit Governor's Report annually.
Over the years, States with Scheduled Areas have developed a framework around which the
Governor’s reports are to be presented. According to the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes
Commission Report (2002-2004), the Governor’s report is expected to contain an objective and
independent assessment of the quality of the administration of Scheduled Areas, the implementation of
protective safeguards for tribals, and the regulations made by the Governor in keeping with his powers
under the Fifth Schedule. It should further cover issues of displacement and rehabilitation, law and
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order problem, tribal protests, atrocities against tribes, and so on. This report is required to be placed
before the TAC for their advice and recommendations. On the basis of this Report, the Union
Government may issue directives to the State Governments for better administration of these areas.
According to the Bhuria Commission Report (2002-2004), at the time of their writing, the States of
Andhra Pradesh and Madhya Pradesh did not send their reports since 1999-2000, while Maharashtra
and Orissa had not sent theirs from 2000-2001 onward. Only Himachal Pradesh has submitted its
report regularly. In more recent years, the Ministry of Tribal Affairs reports that, as of 25.5.2013, it
had received Governor’s Reports for the year 2011-12 only from Gujarat and was still awaiting reports
from the other eight States. Maharashtra had not submitted its report for the previous year 2010-11
either.
Even when the reports are sent regularly, there have been several questions raised regarding the quality
and value of the reports. Critics have pointed out that the reports are repetitive, casually and
haphazardly constructed and tend to borrow heavily from reports of the tribal welfare department,
merely listing out the schemes and programmes for tribal development without even examining their
implementation and efficacy on the ground. Pressing issues such as the impacts of insurgency and
counterinsurgency on tribal populations and displacement by big industry rarely find mention. The
Governor’s Reports offer quantitative rather than qualitative or analytical data about the status of tribal
administration in the concerned States – even the statistical information presented relates to the flow of
development funds to tribal villages and the number of beneficiaries of government welfare schemes.
The reports do not offer an independent assessment of the policies of the State Governments visà-vis
Scheduled Areas and instead seem to uncritically accept government claims of tremendous
achievements with regard to tribal development.
A confidential report sent to the President by the National Commission for Scheduled Tribes (accessed
by Down to Earth magazine in 2013) has also complained of the failure of Governors in performing
their administrative duties to ensure selfgovernance in tribal areas. The National Commission
advocated that Governors be made more accountable with regard to their roles vis-à-vis Scheduled
Areas, namely ensuring the implementation of constitutional provision protecting tribal rights. Most
importantly, the Governor should ensure that all laws which contradict the constitutional protections
for tribals should be repealed or modified in Scheduled Areas. The NCST further recommended that
the Ministry of Tribal Affairs prepare a detailed format for submission of the Governor’s reports which
could include a review of all Central and State laws and their compatibility with Constitutional
provisions for Scheduled Tribes and consultation with the TACs. Other experts have also advocated
the inclusion of an Action Taken Report (ATR) for the previous year in the report of the subsequent
year. Where such regulations have been made, they primarily pertain to control of land alienation and
money lending in tribal areas and do not venture to cover the spectrum of issues that may be covered
under the “peace and good government” of the area. There are several instances in which the Governor
has exercised his powers to make regulations. In Odisha, these regulations have included the Odisha
Scheduled Areas Transfer of Immovable Property (By Scheduled Tribes) Regulation 1956, Odisha
Scheduled Area Money-Lenders Regulation 1967, and the Odisha Schedule Area Debt Relief
Regulation. However, reviews of the implementation of these regulations (as well as similar laws
seeking to stem land alienation and money-lending in tribal areas) points to their failure owing to
excessive dependence on the powerful mainstream bureaucracy unwilling to acknowledge tribal rights
over land and forest. More recently, the Bhuria Commission Report has further recommended the
inclusion of another subject under which the Governor could exercise his powers – for the regulation
of trade and commerce in the Scheduled Areas of the State.
In April 2012, Union Minister for Tribal Affairs, Dr. V. Kishore Chandra Deo requested the Governor
of Andhra Pradesh, Shri. E.S.L Narsimhan, to use his powers under the Fifth Schedule to cancel a
Memorandum of Understanding (MoU) signed by the Government for bauxite mining in Fifth
Schedule areas of Visakhapatnam district. It has also been noted that when Governors do exercise their
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Fifth Schedule powers, it is only on the advice of the Council of Ministers. Activists have complained
that Governors never respond to petitions calling for their intervention in cases of land conflicts,
acquisition for mineral extraction and police atrocities against tribal communities. In order to assist the
Governor in the fulfilment of the Constitutional duties of his/her office, the creation of a special
Governor’s Cell to work specifically on issues pertaining to the Scheduled Tribes has begun in several
States. The governments of Chhattisgarh, Jharkhand, Maharashtra and Rajasthan have informed the
Ministry of Tribal Affairs that they have constituted the Governor’s Cell in their States, although the
details of their functioning are not yet known. The Governor’s Office in Andhra Pradesh has noted that
there is no need for such a cell in the State since the Tribal Welfare department is capable of
performing the same duties. The State of Madhya Pradesh has informed the Ministry that there was no
consensus on the creation of such a cell. According to the Government of Himachal Pradesh, such a
cell has already been formed in their State.
The proposed composition as per the directives of the Ministry of Tribal Affairs in a letter to states
with Scheduled Areas (dated December 8, 2010) is as follows:
1. Secretary (Head)
2. Deputy Secretary’s Level Officer (one Anthropology subject expert)
3. One Law and Constitution expert of Deputy Secretary rank
4. Deputy Director (anthropology subject expert)
5. Research Officer/Section Officer (one) (Research Officer should be subject expert in
Anthropology/Sociology)
6. Two Assistants/Technical Assistants/Legal Assistants
7. Other supporting staff – data entry operator.
The formation of the Governor’s Cell is a longstanding necessity in order for the Governor to properly
carry out the duties of the post vis-à-vis protection of the tribes. It is imperative that the Cell be set up
in all the Fifth Schedule States and that these Cells function independently and conscientiously. Most
importantly, the Cell should be prevented from becoming simply another bureaucratic institution
among many performing its tasks mechanically with little autonomy or interest in tribal affairs.
Tribes Advisory Councils

These Councils have been set up in all the nine States having Scheduled Areas as well as two other
States, West Bengal and Tamil Nadu, both having sizeable tribal populations. As discussed above,
there are several shortcomings inherent in the structure and mandate of the TACs as laid down in the
Constitution.
Firstly, the TACs can only discuss and make recommendations on those issues which are referred to it
by the Governor.
Secondly, it functions only in an advisory capacity and has no power of implementation.
Thirdly, the Councils are not accountable to the tribal population given that they are appointed by the
Governor or the State Government.
A detailed study of the minutes of the meetings of the Tribes Advisory Councils by the Asian
Indigenous and Tribal Peoples’ Network (2012) reveals that the meetings of the Councils are almost
tokenistic and critical issues (such as land alienation) are rarely discussed.
Further, the resolutions of the Councils are not followed up in subsequent meetings and the
implementation of their recommendations is not independently verified.
The issue of the representativeness of the TACs is also a central issue – while three-fourths of the
members are to be tribal MLAs from the concerned State, the non-official, nominated members
include the Chief Minister of the State (often the Chairperson of the TAC) and bureaucrats.
The States’ rules for the appointment of members hold that they shall be appointed, either by the State
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Government (Rajasthan Tribes Advisory Council Rules) or the Governor (Andhra Pradesh TAC Rules
and Jharkhand TAC Rules) with no specifying criteria. It is the State Governments rather than the
Governor which have framed the rules regarding TAC functioning which has led to the near complete
usurpation of these bodies by the political parties in power both in terms of representation within the
Councils as well as the issues that are taken up for discussion.
The Gujarat Tribes Advisory Council Rules, 1960 provides that “No business shall be transacted and
no proposition shall be moved or discussed at any meeting, unless it has been specified in the notice
for convening the meeting.” The Jharkhand Tribes Advisory Council Rules states that only those
matters shall be discussed in the Council which has been referred to the Council by the Governor for
advice.
The Andhra Pradesh TAC (as of 2009) consists of the Minister of Tribal Welfare, Andhra Pradesh
(Chairperson); the Principal Secretary to Government of Andhra Pradesh (TW), Social Welfare
Department (Member); the Director for Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, Government of India
(Member); the Director of Tribal Cultural Research and Training Institute, Hyderabad (Member); the
Commissioner of Tribal Welfare, Government of Andhra Pradesh (Member Secretary); and 15 tribal
MLAs.
The Chhattisgarh TAC (as of 2009)comprises the Chief Minister (Chairperson), the Minister of
Scheduled Tribes and Schedule Caste Development Department (Vice Chairperson); 15 Scheduled
Tribe MLAs (Members); three Members of Parliament (nominated as Members); and Secretary,
Scheduled Tribes and Schedule Caste Development Department, Chhattisgarh government (Secretary).
Clearly then, a large portion of the members are State functionaries and there are few independent
persons with experience and expertise on tribal issues who are nominated to the Council.
Further, the members of the TAC have few powers even in terms of what can be discussed at the
Council meetings. For instance, the Chhattisgarh TAC rules states that, apart from matters referred to it
by the Governor, “No issue shall be taken up for discussion and included in the proceedings and no
proposals shall be passed in a meeting unless the issue has been mentioned in the notice for the
meeting, however, the Chairperson can, using his discretion, permit such issues to be taken up for
proceedings, that he thinks necessary and are in the direction of the motto of the Council at large but
was excluded in the notice.”
The Bhuria Commission Report (2002-04) places on record the dismay of some members of various
State Councils who complain that the State Government do not put any important matters to the
Council for advice. In all these years of its functioning, the TACs have rarely made any significant
policy proposals or recommendations on tribal and developmental issues.
Even when issues are taken up by the TAC, it has been noted that there is rarely any sustained and
consistent engagement with the matter in the form of follow-ups and field visits. As per the minutes of
their meetings, none of the TACs discussed the issue of land alienation among tribals between the
years 2005 and 2011. In the case of the Himachal Pradesh TAC, an excess of items were placed before
the Council for discussion but many seem to have been subject to only a cursory examination and no
decisive conclusions were reached.
For example, the Asian Indigenous and Tribal Peoples’ Network (AITPN) report notes that at the 36th
meeting held on 12 May 2006, 102 items were discussed; 104 items were discussed at the 38th
meeting on 2 August 2007, and 88 items (including 21 follow up items and 67 new items) were
discussed in the 40th meeting held on 15 May 2010. As a result, no single issue or group of issues
could be seriously analysed and few concrete decisions could be made or implemented.
In 2012, the extremely limited powers of agenda-setting within the TAC came to the fore when two
members of the Jharkhand TAC walked out of a Council meeting on the grounds that the Chairman of
the TAC was uninterested in taking up serious problems of the tribal population. The specific matter
which the members protested was land acquisition at Nagri for construction of India Institute of
Management (IIM) and National University for Study and Research in Law. The Chairperson,
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however, did not allow discussion on the subject, stating that it be brought before the Council in
writing first. The Chairperson’s statement was countered by the members on the grounds that several
memorandums had been submitted to the Council already and hence, must be placed for discussion.
There continue to be complaints regarding the legal and actual powers of the Governor with regard to
the TAC as well on the point of issues to be discussed within the Council. While the Constitution holds
that the TAC can hold deliberations on matters referred to it by the Governor, experts have argued over
whether the Governor as the Constitutional head of the State can make this referral on his own
discretion or only on the advice of the Council of Ministers.
Even when serious debate does occur at the TAC, the Council does not follow up on latest
development and implementation on their recommendations. The Andhra Pradesh TAC took up the
matter of the Polavaram project at its meeting in February 2007 and made the following resolutions:
that all landless families to be displaced by the project should be given land in the resettlement areas,
resettlement land should be identified in consultation with tribals, a publicity campaign on the R&R
package should be held in all affected villages, and the TAC members should visit these villages.
Between that meeting and their meeting in March 2011, however, no further inquiry or discussion of
the issue was initiated and the matter seems to have been forgotten entirely.
Since the formation of the first TAC in Andhra Pradesh in 1958 until January 2012, 105 meetings of
the Council have been held. But since 2006, the APTAC has stopped examining the action taken on
decisions made in previous meetings, as was the practice earlier. The concerned departments do not
always submit Action Taken Reports to the TAC and therefore, the earlier decisions and
recommendations of the TACs, even when implemented, are not revisited in subsequent meetings (as
reflected in the minutes). This is true of the Councils in almost all of the States.
Recommendations
The Tribes Advisory Council is an integral part of the administrative structure of the Fifth Schedule.
Currently, the TAC consists of 20 members, of which two-thirds is comprised of elected members in
the State Legislature belonging to the Scheduled Tribes. The rest are nominated members who
generally tend to be government officials working in Ministries and Departments associated with tribal
development.
In this regard,
(i) There needs to be a radical restructuring of the composition of the TAC. Instead of two-thirds
elected members from the State Legislature, this should be restricted to half the members of the TAC.
Moreover, these elected representatives must come from different political parties, rather than only
from the ruling party. The remaining one-half should be comprised of Chairpersons of the district
Panchayat bodies (or chairpersons of the Autonomous Council, wherever established) of the Scheduled
Areas on a rotational basis. (ii) Tribes Advisory Council should be empowered, made active and
responsible for the tribal affairs in the State through the following measures:
 The scope and responsibilities of TAC should be widened to transform it into the Tribes Advisory,
Protective and Developmental Council. Constitutional provisions, laws, policies, and administrative
matters pertaining to the Scheduled Tribes must come under its ambit.
 The tribal development plan of a State and its outlay should be approved by the TAC before it is
placed before the Legislative Assembly.
 In view of the serious responsibility placed on the TAC, it should be made compulsory for the
Council to meet at least four times a year.
 The Tribal Welfare Department should be made accountable to the TAC. It should present its annual
plan, budget and performance report to the TAC and receive its approval for the next year.
 The agenda for the TAC meetings should be prepared through due consultation with the members.
 The Governor should be made responsible for the overall functioning of the TAC.
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THE PROVISIONS OF THE PANCHAYATS (EXTENSION TO THE SCHEDULED AREAS)

ACT, 1996
The Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, also known as PESA
Act, came into effect on 24 December 1996. The notion behind this Act was to extend the 73rd
Constitutional Amendment of 1993 to the Scheduled Areas so as to enable tribal society to assume
control over their own destiny to preserve and conserve their traditional rights over natural resources.
Hence, this Act can be called the modified version of the Amendment.
This Act was applicable for all the states except Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram which come
under the Sixth Scheduled of the Constitution. This recognizes the prevailing traditional practices and
customary laws of the local people besides management and conservation of natural resources through
Gram Panchayat.
As Patnaik (2007) says, “It decentralized existing approaches to forest governance by bringing the
Gram Sabha to center stage and recognized the traditional rights of tribals over ‘community
resources’— meaning land, water, and forests. PESA was important not just because it provided for a
wide range of rights and privileges, but also because it provided a principle as well as a basis for future
law making concerning the tribals”.
This Act encourages the organization of people through Gram Sabha and State. It empowers the Gram
Sabha
(a) to approve the plans, programmes and projects for social and economic development before they
are taken up for implementation by the village panchayat;
(b) to identify beneficiaries of poverty alleviation programmes; and
(c) to give certification of utilization of funds by the panchayats for the above programmes.
These powers make the Gram Sabha a powerful body in implementation of projects for social and
economic development of tribal communities. It also recommends consultation of the concerned
authority in the matter of land alienation and land transfer as is the authority with the recommendatory
power. The Act also stipulates the States to endow panchayats with such powers and authority so as to
work within the institutions of self governance. This paves the way for the state level Panchayat Raj
Act.
The rationale of this exercise is to convert the tribal villages into small units of self-rule. The new
Act, with all its limitations, seems to be the last chance of democratizing governance and
decentralizing power in an effort to encourage the notion of development amenable to local social and
cultural sensitivities. The idea for ‘self-rule’ by tribes has an inherent philosophy that ‘subjects’
themselves as ‘subjects’ can achieve their own development and not as ‘objects’ as has been the case
all along.
A review of the Constitutional provisions gives us an insight into the frame work for tribal welfare,
protection and development. Of these, the provisions in article 244 and 244 (A) under Part X of the
Constitution have some implications for the expression of self-rule among tribes. The Fifth Schedule
[Article 244(1)] has provisions for the administration and control of Scheduled Areas and STs. The
Sixth Schedule [Article 244(2) and 275(1) has provisions for the administration of tribal areas in the
states of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram (Sharma, 2001, pp. 234-253). Tribal self-rule today
can be best described in the PESA Act, 1996. Sharma (1997) explains how the tide has turned in
favour of the people since the Gram Sabha has been made supreme and the State’s supremacy has been
challenged.
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But the success of the new Act will be gauged only if it addresses issues of indebtedness, land-
alienation, poverty, alcoholism, illiteracy, housing, deforestation, industrialization, unemployment,
migration, lack of openness, and exploitation (as in Hasnain, 1983, pp. 73-114).
Prospects of the PESA Act, 1996
It opens up range of prospects for safeguarding and promoting the interest of tribes. Some of the major
prospects are:
(a) The Act has a Constitutional mandate and a binding law to put a legal and moral pressure on the
government and its machinery to implement it.
(b) There is a qualitative change in the very notion of tribal development. There is no more distribution
of funds but a paradigm shift which consists in it is basic assumption that tribal community is
competent “to safeguard and preserve their traditions and customs, their culture identity, community
resources and the customary mode of dispute resolution” [Article 4(d)].
(c) Development is projected as collective. The approval of plans, programmes and projects for social
and economic development [Article 4(e)i] is the responsibility of the entire village.
(d) The idea of empowerment is based on the notion of decentralization. The higher levels of
panchayats do not interfere with the lower.
(e) There is a provision for accountability to monitor all kinds of financial transactions to avoid any
irregularities. The funds are available to Gram Sabha as per the need and for every paisa the panchayat
is accountable to Gram Sabha.
(f) Gram Sabha is supreme and is endowed with the power to have control over water [4(j)] minor
minerals [4(k)], drinks [4(m)i], minor forest produce [4(m)ii], alienation and restoration of tribal land
[4(m)iii], market [4(m)iv], and over the system of debt [Article 4(m)v].
(g) There is recognition of the traditional way of settling disputes. This avoids the bureaucratization of
justice.
(h) Women empowerment gets a boost as the Act ensures one third (33%) of women participation in
the panchayat.
Challenges
The provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996, despite many
provisions, has within its own inbuilt “policy-level struggles” (Sharma, 1997). There is, in the process
of empowerment, a clash of interests. Vested interests at every place either in bureaucracy and political
party or in the village itself try their best to throttle the process of tribes’ empowerment. In the political
and bureaucratic circles the stakes are quite high.
Provisions for direct transactions with government with a view to control exploitation and corruption
hits the bureaucrats, politicians, contractors and petty brokers. Hence, non-cooperation from them is
not quite unexpected. The experience of Bihar is an eye opener in this regard. According to a report by
Mishra (2002, p. 1), within 6 months of its existence after a gap of 23 years, Bihar Panchayat Raj came
under attack from bureaucrats and politicians. At Bihta the B.D.O. allegedly gunned down a mukhia.
Near Sheikhpura, the election of candidates “not backed by a senior Congress leader” led to the killing
of nine political workers, including a mukhia and zila parishad member. In Jehanabad, a pramukh and
the BDO were not in talking terms. Nearly in all Panchayati Raj bodies, the elected bodies were at
loggerheads with bureaucrats or MLAs, MLCs and MPs. After the Panchayati Raj elections that year
there were at least 300 killings related to conflicts in such bodies. There were by polls for over 1,700
Panchayat seats in Bihar including 104 that of mukhias mainly due to the killings of the functionaries
elected in the Panchayat polls.
An analysis of these reporting shows that these are conflicts of interests. A battle between entrenched
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vested interests and new social forces seems to be emerging at the grassroots. Bureaucrats, assumably,
are uncomfortable about the powers of the panchayat. There is also lack of awareness and
understanding among elected functionaries and officials. Anti-social elements are getting elected and
politicians are using them. “The officials do not want to lose their unquestioned power and the elected
functionaries overreact to their newly acquired status” maintains Tej Narayan Singh, who has been
working on Panchayati Raj in Bihar for the last 35 years (Mishra, 2002, p.1).
Polarization and segmentation of village population on the basis of caste, religion and ethnicity defeats
the purpose of the people’s democracy. The politics of majority-minority and antagonism among
various parties will be a hindrance to the development of the village. In the entire country in general
caste, religious and ethnic tensions are on the rise. Prospects of poll violence intimidation, booth
capturing and blood bath in some of the sensitive areas cannot be ruled out. The panchayat elections in
Bihar after 23 years had the same experience.
According to Khan (2002, p. 10), the Bihar panchayat elections for 8,452 panchayats, held in 6 stages
left 100 dead and many injured. At least 588 people with criminal background were elected. Out of 1,
30,563 mukhia posts, criminals occupied more than 500. Police had arrested 40,000 criminals to
control violence. The Government had borrowed 1,15,000 rifles from neighboring states. The
Government had appointed 50,000 police and 57,000 home guards. When police refused to go on duty
for fear of violence, the government ensured each for 10 lakhs.
With the new Panchayat Act, most villagers, especially tribals, hope that their dreams of a dignified
life will be fulfilled. They are hopeful that the new Act will bring them equality and justice. They hope
that their alienated lands will be restored to them. They want to have control over the resources and
their management. They believe that the new Act will provide them a mechanism to be masters of their
own destiny without falling prey to the bureaucratic set up of the government.
The Sixth Schedule

The original Sixth Schedule areas created in 1952 underwent a drastic reorganization in 1971; some
areas were put under newly created States such as Mizoram and Meghalaya which were carved out of
the erstwhile Assam State.
The Sixth Schedule (Article 244 (2) and 275 (1)) provides for administration of Tribal Areas in the
States of Assam, Meghalaya, Tripura and Mizoram through Autonomous District and Regional
Councils endowed with legislative, judicial, and executive powers.
The Sixth Schedule under Article 244 (2) provides for the creation of Autonomous District Councils
(ADC) in an Autonomous District and Regional Councils for autonomous regions. These Councils
have legislative powers on matters relating to:
 allotment, occupation, or the setting apart of land, other than reserved forests, for the purpose of
agricultural or grazing or for residential or other nonagricultural purposes or for any other purpose
likely to promote the interests of the inhabitants of any village or town (Provided that nothing in such
laws shall prevent the compulsory acquisition of any land, whether occupied or unoccupied for public
purpose)
 management of any forest not being a Reserved Forest
 use of any canal or water course for purpose of agriculture
 regulation of the practice of jhum or any other form of shifting cultivation
 establishment of village or town committees or Councils and their powers
 any other matter relating to village or town administration, including village and town police, public
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health and sanitation

 appointment of succession of chiefs or headmen
 inheritance of property
 marriage and divorce
 social custom
The Council has legislative powers over matters such as primary education, dispensaries, markets,
cattle pounds, ferries, fisheries, roads, road transport and waterways. The District Council can regulate
money lending and trading by nonresidents or non-tribal people living in the area. It has the power to
collect taxes and tolls on land, buildings and persons, professions, trades, animals, vehicles, boats,
entry of goods into the local markets, goods carried on ferries, the maintenance of schools,
dispensaries androids. The ADCs can issue licenses and leases for the prospecting and extraction of
minerals and are entitled to get a share of royalties accruing to the State from mineral extraction.
The Sixth Schedule further provides that no Act of the State legislature shall apply to any autonomous
district unless approved by the Council. The Governor of the states under the Sixth Schedule has the
power to decide to either apply or not apply any Act of Parliament or the Legislature in the
autonomous area of Assam, Tripura and Mizoram. Along with this provision, except in Assam, in all
other Scheduled Area of the Northeast region, the President of India has the right to apply or not apply
any Act of Parliament or the Legislature on any matter.
The Councils have judicial powers for trial of offences committed by members of the Scheduled Tribes
in their respective areas of jurisdiction. The District and Regional Councils have been conferred
powers under the Code of Civil Procedure, 1908, and the Code of Criminal Procedure, 1898 for the
trial of certain suits, cases and offences. There is a two-tier system for judicial administration at the
district and village levels. The village Council can hear cases wherein both parties belong to Scheduled
Tribes while the district courts act as a court of appeal.
A District Fund for each Autonomous District and a Regional Fund for each Region has been set up to
channelize all the funds designated for these areas.
The Governor has the power to annul or suspend any act or resolution of a District or Regional Council
which he finds likely to endanger the safety of India or to be prejudicial to public order. The Governor
can suspend the Council and exercise all the powers vested in the Council. However the Governor has
to lay such an order before the State legislature as soon as possible and the order shall, unless revoked
by the legislature, continue for a period of twelve months from the date on which it was made. The
Governor has the power to appoint a Commission at any point of time to examine and report on any
matter relating to the administration of the autonomous districts and regions in the State or may
appoint a Commission to inquire into and report on the administration of autonomous districts and
autonomous regions. Further, the Governor has the power to dissolve a District or a Regional Council
with the recommendation of such a Commission.
Statutory Autonomous Councils
There are also Statutory Autonomous Councils in the States of Assam and Manipur. These have been
established by Acts passed in State Legislative Assembly. These can be categorised under the
following heads:
1. Autonomous District Councils in Assam
2. Hill District Councils in Manipur
1. Statutory Autonomous Councils in Assam
Besides the three (i.e. The North Cachar Hills District, The Karbi Anglong District, The Bodoland
Territorial Area District) Councils of the Sixth Schedule, Assam has many Autonomous Councils
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created by the State Government, some of which are:

1. Rabha Hasong Autonomous Council (RHAC),
2. Lalung (TIWA) Autonomous Council (LAC),
3. Mising Autonomous Council (MAC),
4. Thengal Kachori Hill Autonomous Council, (TKAC)
5. Sonowal Kahari Autonomous Council (SKAC)
6. Deori Autonomous Council (DAC)
The administrative structure of these Councils is patterned on the Autonomous District and Regional
Councils created by the Sixth Schedule. This, however, has added significant confusion in the
administration. There are three authorities operating in parallel in these areas, namely, the Council, the
State departments and the Panchayati Raj. These Councils cover non-contiguous villages. There are
many other communities – both tribals and non-tribals – who have been living before some of these
tribes came. The creation of autonomous tribe-specific councils will:
i) violate Part IX A of the Constitution,
ii) not be inclusive as the dominant tribe will control the AC, and other communities will face real or
perceived discrimination, and
iii) lead to violent inter-ethnic conflicts.
2. Hill District Councils in Manipur

The Autonomous Council of Manipur has been established by the Manipur (Hill Areas) District
Council Act, 1971. According to the Act, all the hill areas of Manipur were to be divided into six
Autonomous Districts, each with a district Council. These Councils are: 1. Chandel Autonomous
District Council,
2. Churachandpur Autonomous District Council,
3. Sadar Hills Autonomous District Council, Kangpokpi
4. Manipur North Autonomous District Council, Senapati
5. Tamenglong Autonomous District Council,
6. Ukhrul Autonomous District Council.
Each district Council has 24 members. Each District Council has an Executive Committee which is
constituted by a Chairman, Vice- Chairman and five other members. The Chairman and the Vice-
chairman of the District Council is the Exofficio Chairman and Vice-Chairman respectively of the
Executive Committee and five other Executive Members shall be nominated by the Chairman from
amongst the Members of the District Council.
These Councils enjoy executive powers under which they are looking after 26 different subjects like
construction, repair and maintenance of roads, bridges, channels and buildings; establishment,
maintenance and management of schools up to Class VIII; establishment, maintenance and
management of dispensaries and Primary Health Sub-Centers, water supply and sanitation schemes;
construction, repair and maintenance of embankments, and the supply, storage and control of water for
agricultural purposes including irrigation schemes, preservation, reclamation and conservation of soil,
animal husbandry and veterinary dispensaries, etc. However, the Manipur District Council Act, 1971
did not confer any legislative powers on the District Council although the Council can recommend
legislations on matters concerning Scheduled Tribes such as the appointment or succession of chiefs,
inheritance of property, marriage and divorce and social customs. The Manipur District Council Act,
1971, also granted financial power to these District Councils. Under these provisions, the Council can
levy taxes on professions, trades and employment, on animals, vehicles and boats, on the entry of
goods into the market for sale and goods carried in ferries, on the maintenance of schools, dispensaries
or roads and any other tax falling under list II of the Seventh Schedule of the Constitution which the
Manipur legislature may, by law, empower the District Council to levy. However, the Council
exercises only nominal judicial power, which lies primarily in the hands of the State Government.
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Scheduled Tribe Development Councils

There are also Tribe Development Councils in parts of the Northeast. These are:
1. Barak Valley Hills Tribe Development Council
2. Amri Karbi Development Council
3. Mech Kachari Development Council
4. Sarania Kachari Development Council
Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council (Leh and Kargil)

Ladakh, a region located in the Northeastern part of the State of Jammu and Kashmir, is a space known
more for its magnificent beauty and inhospitable terrain and less for its strong movements for
autonomy and self-rule. This long-standing demand was partially fulfilled in 1995 with the passing of
the Ladakh Autonomous Hill Development Council Act which allowed for a measure of autonomy
within the Indian State with the Darjeeling Gorkhaland Hill Council set up in 1988 as a model. The
initial demand of some Ladakhi activists was, however, for Union Territory (UT) status which was
denied – although the call for UT status remains a key electoral issue. The passing of the Act marked
the culmination of Ladakhi assertions of autonomy that date back to the 1940s when debates about
acceding to the Indian nation-state were rife but these protests escalated in 1989, under the Ladakhi
Buddhist Association.
The region of Ladakh is divided into two districts: Leh and Kargil. In the course of Ladakhi protests
for autonomy and development, the Indian government granted almost the entire population of Ladakh
Scheduled Tribe status in 1989. A total of eight communities were included within the list of
Scheduled Tribes. According to the 2001 census, among the two districts of Ladakh, Kargil (88.3 per
cent) has the highest proportion of Scheduled Tribes to the total population followed by Leh (82 per
cent). The Bot tribe is the largest tribe in the Leh district while the Balti and Purigpa tribes are
concentrated in Kargil district. Islam is the predominant religion of the STs (86.3 per cent) in the larger
State of Jammu and Kashmir followed by Buddhist (9.3 per cent) and Hindu tribes (4.3 per cent). A
majority of the Gujjar, Bakarwal and Brokpa tribes are Muslim while the Bot are primarily Buddhist
and the Gaddi mainly followers of the Hindu religion. Within the Ladakh region, the Leh district is
largely Buddhist with a substantial Muslim minority and Kargil district is dominated by Shia Muslims
with a Buddhist minority. As part of the 1995 Act, separate Autonomous Councils were to be formed
for the districts of Leh and Kargil.
The powers and functions of the Council include:

 Allotment, use and occupation of land vested in the Council (i.e. all ‘wasteland’, excludes land
classified as forests)
 Formulation and review of progress of development programmes for the district
 Formulation of the budget for the district
 Formulation of guidelines for implementation of schemes at the grassroots level;
 Promotion of languages and culture of the area
 Management of un-demarcated forests and canals or water courses for agriculture;
 Tourism planning, promotion, and development
 Vocational training
 Preservation of the environment and ecology of the area
 Rights to levy and collect local taxes and fees, including on grazing, business, transport,
entertainment, etc. (note, however, that there is no specific mention of tourism, one of the central
planks of the economy).
 Power to hire and fire public servants except for the very highest ranks; all government employees
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(except in the judiciary and police) are “transferred” to the Council, although the government retains
its discretion to recall them.
Clearly, considerable powers have been devolved to the local District Councils which give voice to the
peoples’ longstanding aspirations for powers of autonomous decision-making on questions of cultural
preservation, environmental protection, and development planning. At the same time, there are several
shortcomings in the law itself as well as gaps in its implementation which have resulted in
considerable disenchantment with the working of the Councils over the past twenty years. Some of the
central drawbacks highlighted are:
1. Even though the Council has the power to draw up budgets and development plans, these still
require the approval of the State Government prior to implementation. Further, these plans can only be
formulated within the principles of the National and State-level Five Year Plans. Together, these
impediments imply that centralized structures continue to prevail as the State and National
Governments have the power to reject or amend the Council’s programmes. In the 1997-98 budget, the
Leh Council requested the government for 36 crore rupees in its budget but was only given 27 crores
initially and later an additional five crore which still did not meet its requirements for the year.
2. A large part of the funds for the functioning of the Council flow through the State Government
which has often delayed the release of funds, thus effectively putting a halt to most of the Council’s
activities.
3. Members of the Council are representatives of various mainstream political parties. Therefore, when
members of a particular party form the majority in the Council but are the oppositional party at the
level of the State Government, the Council is side-lined and various obstacles to its functioning are
created by the State administration and the government in power. Thus, the effectiveness of the
Council is shaped by the National and State political interests of the day. The Ladakh region, having a
sparse population and only one Lok Sabha seat, is often viewed as marginal within the framework of
electoral politics and hence, ignored by successive governments at the State and Centre.
4. The Leh Council has also borne witness to struggles between the Council members and the
administrative structure regarding issues of rank, privileges and powers.
5. At the local level, much resentment has arisen from the perceived domination of the Council by
members of the former nobility, elites working with various non-governmental organizations, and
people from Leh town. The latter has occurred even despite attempts to ensure only locals represent the
various constituencies.
Some of the decisions implemented by the Leh Council have not resonated with the local people such
as making it compulsory for school children to wear the traditional dress or enforce building codes in
the area.
6. It has been argued that the structure of the Council further entrenches communal identities through
the creation of separate Councils for the Leh and Kargil districts (on the assumption that territory is
equivalent to community), while ignoring the important linkages between communities as well as
divisions of gender, class, and so on within communities.
The devolution of power does not, therefore, lead to the empowerment of local communities in any
automatic or linear way. The Autonomous Council model in general, does not offer genuine financial
autonomy on which political autonomy can be founded. There is a huge discrepancy between the
formal rules guaranteeing autonomy and the informal workings of autonomy on the ground. The
Councils continue to be heavily dependent on a centralised executive and bureaucratic structure which
hamper smooth and independent working of the Councils. Moreover, the powers given to the Councils
are limited in several respects such that they are transformed into implementation agencies for
development programmes rather than autonomous decision-making bodies. More specifically, the
political economy of Ladakh is such that the local people have become heavily dependent on external
forces on account of the government policies of encouraging tourism and cash cropping, providing
huge agricultural subsidies and rations (Ladakh is also a strategic border area, sharing boundaries with
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both Pakistan and China).

Further, while territorial autonomy is essential, there are dangers that this model may contribute to
discrimination against minority communities through the creation of exclusive spaces for the
numerically dominant community within a region. Even within a single community, as can be seen in
the Ladakh case, the Councils have been captured by elite groups who have often implemented their
own agenda for the region.
Overall Assessment of the Autonomous District Councils under Sixth Schedule
After the creation of full States comprising Sixth Schedule areas – such as in Mizoram and Meghalaya
– some commentators have questioned the need for these provisions. In Meghalaya, the State
Government has held the view that that these Councils ought to stick to their traditional role, which is
to protect tribal culture, land and identity and refrain from engaging in developmental activities. In
many cases, State Governments have deliberately impeded the functioning of the Councils, particularly
through blocking the flow of funds to them.
One of the serious limitations of the Sixth Schedule has been the fact that the powers given to the
Councils to make legislation and implement development programmes have not been matched with the
financial autonomy to follow this through. As a result, ADCs often have to depend on funds from the
Central and State Governments (routed through the State Government) which are often antagonistic
toward the work of the ADC.
Apart from government sources, the Autonomous District Councils receive a small amount from the
collection of taxes and land revenue. In many States, the issue of financial resource allocation has
become a major bone of contention between the State Government and the ADCs. In Meghalaya, even
the salaries of primary school teachers could not be paid regularly because of non-receipt of funds. In
this case, the government claimed to have withheld the funds since the ADC in question, the Khasi
Hills Autonomous District Council, was engaged in corrupt practices.
Further, there is a large gap between the approved budget and the flow of funds from the State
Government to the Council, which adversely affects both the planning and the execution processes.
This is in sharp contrast to arrangements made for Panchayats, which have been provided with their
own Finance Commission which is empowered to periodically review the financial position and lay
down appropriate principles of allocation of resources between the Panchayats and the State.
In Mizoram, the situation is somewhat different since the three ADCs in the State cover only 15 per
cent of State’s population (the dominant majority are Mizos). Thus, these Councils do not receive
sufficient attention from the State Government. The tribal communities have constant frictions, which
adversely affect administration and developmental activities. In fact, between the years 1986 and 2000,
there have been 21 resolutions submitted in the Mizoram Legislative Assembly demanding the
abolition of the Chakma Autonomous District Council.38 The Karbi Anglong ADC was dissolved four
times between 1988 and 1998. Furthermore, the structure of the Sixth Schedule is such that the
autonomy of the ADCs is seriously restricted in several respects. For example, in Meghalaya, the
autonomy of the ADC has been curtailed through the insertion of paragraph 12 A into the Constitution
which states that all legislations passed by the State Government take precedence over those passed by
the Councils.
The powerlessness of the ADC is clear if one examines the issue of regulation of forests – one of the
most important subjects entrusted to the ADC. Following a Supreme Court order in 1995-96 in the
Godavarman case, felling of timber in private forests was banned irrespective of ownership status in
Meghalaya. All forest-related activities could only be carried out as per the Working Plan duly
approved by the Forest Department, thus completely bypassing the jurisdiction of the ADCs.
Many of the functions of the ADCs are being taken over by the State Governments – in Mizoram as
well as the Garo Hills, executive and judicial functions have been taken over by the Deputy
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Commissioner and District Magistrate, thus rendering the ADC redundant. The Commissioners
coordinate development programmes and process legislation, making them extremely powerful at the
district level. All the activities and departments under the control of the Councils as per the provisions
of the Sixth Schedule have not yet been transferred to them and neither have parallel institutions such
as the District Rural Development Agencies (DRDA).
The matters over which the ADCs have powers do not cover the entire gamut of issues pertinent to the
creation of genuine autonomy. Thus, control over primary schools, markets, agriculture, forests and so
on is necessary but not sufficient for tribal groups to preserve their identities and ensure the
development of their districts and regions.
Considerable powers have been handed over to the Governor even in the Sixth Schedule areas which
can impede the autonomous functioning of the ADCs. The Governor has the power to decide whether
laws made by the State Legislature, on matters other than those over which the ADC has legislative
powers, will apply to the Autonomous Districts. The decision regarding applicability of laws made by
Parliament in Sixth Schedule areas is made by the Governor in the case of Assam and the President of
India in the case of other Northeastern states. Moreover, all legislation passed by the ADCs requires
the assent of the Governor to become law. The Governor also has the power to dissolve the ADC.
There is a significant degree of variation in the functions devolved to various Autonomous Councils.
For instance, the Bodoland Territorial Council has more power and departments compared to other
Autonomous Councils of the Northeast, though the latter have been in existence for several decades
more. This situation has resulted in other areas demanding greater powers and autonomy. There is also
no mandatory time limit for the reconstitution of the ADC once it is dissolved, and hence election is
indefinitely postponed. Constitutionally, the Autonomous District Council should have its own
Autonomous Agency, similar to the Election Commission of India or the State Election Commission to
conduct the elections to the Autonomous Councils. But the Rules of 1951 empowered the State
Government to conduct the Council elections through the Hills Area Department of the Assam State
Government, a rule which works against the proper functioning of the Sixth Schedule.
While the Seventy-Third Amendment to the Constitution provides for the reservation of one-third of
all Panchayats seats at all levels for women, the Councils, unlike Panchayats, do not have any
provision for such reservation. In fact, both the Fifth and Sixth Schedules have been silent on the issue
of women’s representation and gender justice. As a result, women are almost completely absent from
the bodies and institutions created under these provisions. It has been found that only the Bodoland
Territorial Council and Autonomous District Councils of Mizoram have a system of reservation of
seats for women, although the proportion of reserved seats is very small. The Autonomous District
Councils of Mizoram have amended their laws relating to Village Council and District Council and
decided to reserve at least one seat in every Village Council for women and two nominated seats of the
District Council for women. Reservation of a certain number of seats for women representatives in the
ADCs must be made mandatory in order to end the exclusion of women from these political
institutions.
Further, while the Sixth Schedule aims to ensure the protection of customs as well as social and
religious practices of tribes, it is necessary to keep in mind the implications of this protection for
gender justice. Even though protecting tribal culture is a vital task and central to the objectives of the
Sixth Schedule, this is not incompatible with equality and fairness.
Another important issue to be addressed is the question of representation of minority groups within the
Councils. Even those groups which are indigenous to the region – such as smaller tribal groups – do
not have any role in the ADCs, a situation which must be rectified. The population composition has
changed everywhere over the decades. This demographic change is no longer reflected in the
representative structure of the ADCs. Unless reviewed comprehensively, the Sixth Schedule could
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become one of the chief sources of future conflicts in the region.

Whereas the Sixth Schedule provisions have many positive features and tribes coming under the
purview have done well, there are certain other structural constraints which have not allowed the
Council to function as effectively as it should have been. Some key constraints as pointed above are
non-transfer of departments to Autonomous Councils, lack of funds available with the Council,
absence of provision for women and smaller tribal groups’ participation in Councils which need to be
suitably addressed to ensure its more vibrant functioning.
On comparing the Fifth and Sixth Schedules, it is apparent that the provisions of the Sixth Schedule
have given greater powers of political autonomy to the tribes of the Northeast, as was the intention of
the Constituent Assembly. On examination of the working of the provisions of the Fifth Schedule, it
has become clear that the institutional mechanisms for the protection of tribes living in Scheduled
Areas have failed to meet its stated goals and is in need of serious review. The Governor as well as the
Tribes Advisory Councils have not been performing their constitutionally assigned roles in spirit and
have failed to adequately represent the interests of tribal communities. However, several clauses of the
Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 and the Forest Rights Act provide
for the enlargement of territorial rights and autonomy for Scheduled Tribes which must be fully
implemented. On the other hand, while the provisions of the Sixth Schedule are extremely
commendable, the workings of the Autonomous Councils, as has been demonstrated above, has been
far from perfect and several aspects of their functioning – most notably, issues of financial and
administrative autonomy, freedom from arbitrary government intervention, checks against ethnic
sectarianism, greater representation for smaller tribes and women, and so on.
A restructuring of these institutional frameworks will go a long way in addressing the inequality,
dispossession and injustice faced by tribal groups since self-governance, protective mechanisms,
political representation and autonomous decision-making are critical components within the project to
improve the socio-economic status of tribes.
Recommendations for V & VI schedule areas improvement
1.During the colonial period, tribal communities inhabited areas were divided into ‘excluded’ and
‘partially excluded’ areas for purpose of administration. Such administrative arrangements have found
continuation in post-independence India in the form of Sixth and Fifth Schedules of the Constitution.
Laws enacted by the Governor-General in Council or Governor in Council were not automatically
applicable in these areas in colonial India unless Governor General or Governor thought otherwise. In
post-Independence India, this legal provision has been continued in Sixth Schedule Areas, but not in
Fifth Schedule Areas. Thus, laws passed by the Parliament or State Legislature are not directly
applicable in Sixth Schedule Areas unless the Governor thinks it desirable. In the Fifth Schedule
Areas, laws passed by these bodies are automatically applicable, unless the Governor thinks it to be not
in the interest and welfare of the tribal communities of the State. There have been laws and policies
passed by the Parliament and State Legislatures such as the Forest Conservation Act, 1980, the
Wildlife Protection Act, 1972, the Panchayat Acts (prior to the passing of the 73rd Amendment in
1992), and so on which have had an adverse and detrimental impact on tribal communities. Yet the
Governors have not exercised their constitutional power towards the protection and welfare of the
tribal communities. This opens up two possibilities:
(i) Laws and policies enacted by the Parliament and State Legislatures should not be automatically
applied in the Fifth Schedule areas (as was the case under colonial rule or as is presently the case in the
Sixth Schedule areas). Its applicability should be made contingent on the discretion of the Governor
who would determine its applicability or non-applicability or applicability with
modifications/amendments on the advice of Tribes Advisory Council and issue a Statement of
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Objectives and Reasons for decisions on both applicability and inapplicability of laws and policies.
(ii) In case the above is untenable, the Governor should be mandated to take the advice of the Tribes
Advisory Council and examine legislations and policies (particularly, though not exclusively, those
pertaining to issues such as forests, land acquisition, conservation, mines and minerals, health and
education) passed by the Parliament or State Legislatures and the implications of the same on tribal
welfare. A mechanism for such examination and action should be clearly stated and established.
2. Actions taken by the Governor for safeguarding the interests of tribal communities should be clearly
mentioned in the annual Governor’s Reports submitted to the President. The Governors must be
mandated to ensure the timely submission of these reports. To this end, the Governor’s office must be
adequately assisted by specially set up competent and dedicated team in the form of Governor’s Cell
for Scheduled Tribes (as has already been initiated in some States).
3. The Tribes Advisory Council is an integral part of the administrative structure of the Fifth Schedule.
Currently, the TAC consists of 20 members, of which two-thirds is comprised of elected members in
the State Legislature belonging to the Scheduled Tribes. The rest are nominated members who
generally tend to be government officials working in Ministries and Departments associated with tribal
development. In this regard,
(i) There needs to be a radical restructuring of the composition of the TAC. Instead of two-thirds
elected members from the State Legislature, this should be restricted to half the members of the TAC.
Moreover, these elected representatives must come from different political parties, rather than only
from the ruling party. The remaining one-half should be comprised of Chairpersons of the district
Panchayat bodies (or chairpersons of the Autonomous Council, wherever established) of the Scheduled
Areas on a rotational basis.
(ii) Tribes Advisory Council should be empowered, made active and responsible for the tribal affairs in
the State through the following measures:
 The scope and responsibilities of TAC should be widened to transform it into the Tribes Advisory,
Protective and Developmental Council. Constitutional provisions, laws, policies, and administrative
matters pertaining to the Scheduled Tribes must come under its ambit.
 The tribal development plan of a State and its outlay should be approved by the TAC before it is
placed before the Legislative Assembly.
 In view of the serious responsibility placed on the TAC, it should be made compulsory for the
Council to meet at least four times a year.
 The Tribal Welfare Department should be made accountable to the TAC. It should present its annual
plan, budget and performance report to the TAC and receive its approval for the next year.
 The agenda for the TAC meetings should be prepared through due consultation with the members.
 The Governor should be made responsible for the overall functioning of the TAC.
4. The provisions of the Sixth Schedule provide considerable space for autonomy and self-governance.
Through the Autonomous Councils, tribals have the opportunity to enact legislations, execute
programmes and adjudicate at a scale larger than their individual villages. Such a provision has helped
tribes of the Northeast to protect their habitat, land, forests, natural resources, culture and identity.
They have not experienced displacement and land alienation on the scale that tribes in ‘mainland’ India
have. In view of these powers of political autonomy, the tribal communities in the Northeast region
have fared much better in respect of socio-economic, educational and health status.
In contrast, the tribes in mainland have fared miserably in all these spheres. Hence, there is an urgent
need for extending the pattern of the Sixth Schedule in the form of Autonomous Councils in the Fifth
Schedule areas as has been provided for in the Provisions of Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas)
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Act, 1996. The specific provision notes that, “the State Legislature shall endeavour to follow the
pattern of the Sixth Schedule to the Constitution while designing the administrative arrangements in
the Panchayats at district levels in the Scheduled Areas”. This pattern would provide tribal areas with
an institutional structure that mediates between the State Government and hamlet-level Gram Sabha.
There are various forms of Autonomous Councils in the Sixth Schedule areas. These are represented
by Meghalaya, Mizoram, Tripura and Assam. On the question of which pattern would best suit the
‘mainland’ tribal regions should be seriously deliberated and worked upon by the States with Fifth
Schedule areas.
5. There are a large number of States wherein tribes form a sizeable population in blocks or villages,
for example, in States like West Bengal, Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Karnataka, Goa, etc. Tribal areas in these
States must be brought under the ambit of Scheduled Areas.
6. There are various impediments to the smooth and inclusive working of the Autonomous Councils in
Sixth Schedule areas which must be addressed. In order to do so, we propose the following:
 Autonomous Councils must be covered under State Finance Commission that is empowered to
review periodically the financial position and lay down appropriate principles of resource distribution
between State and the Autonomous Council. Funding should not be left to arbitrary discretion of the
State Governments.
 The ADC should be reconstituted within six months of its dissolution.
 There should be provision for reservation for tribal women (one-third) as well as smaller tribal
groups in the ADCs and other political institutions.
 Traditional political institutions at the village/hamlet level should be formally recognized by the
State.
TRIBAL DEVELOPMENT STRATEGY AND PROGRAMMES

Tribal Development : Plans and Policies
India is a planned economy. The Five Year Plans are formulated by the Planning Commission to
provide a long term strategic vision for growth and development. These plans after an assessment of
resources of the country set the priorities, provide various approaches and determine the nature of
machinery for implementation of policies and programmes for development. In fact, the Five Years
Plans suggest many schemes and policies. Development of the Scheduled Tribes has been one of the
priorities in the twelve Five Year Plans that have been formulated in India thus far. These Plans seek to
ensure all round development of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes.
Panchasheel Concept of Tribal Development in India:

 Tribals should be allowed to develop according to their own genius.
 Tribal rights in land and forest should be respected.
 Tribal teams should be trained to undertake administration and development without too many
outsiders being inducted.
 Tribal development should not disturb tribal social and cultural institutions.
 The index of tribal development should be the quality of their life but not the money spent.
The Five Year Plans seek to ensure economic development through development of agriculture,
horticulture, forestry, animal husbandry etc. They also promote development of educational facilities,
health care, communication, infrastructure as well as promotion and protection of tribal culture and
their traditional rights.
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First Five year plan [1951-1956]
The First Five Year Plan acknowledges the existence of various approaches for tribal issues and these
approaches depend upon the persons dealing with the tribal issues and problems. The plan rejected the
Policy of Isolation for tribal development. The Plan suggested a policy of Positive Assistance a policy
that will develop tribal national resources, prevent exploitation from outside forces, protection of
religious and social life. The policy also included changes in tribal world through their willing consent
and development of healthy features of tribal life especially tribal arts and crafts.
The Plan suggested that as a development strategy, priority should be given to the development of
economic life of tribals. Some broad areas were identified for the development of the economic life.
These were: communications, water supply, forest economy, agriculture, arts and crafts and education.
The Plan had a vision that the Community Development Programmes (CDP) would ensure agricultural
development of tribal areas.
The First Five Year Plan did not provide any specific policies and schemes for tribal development. The
main programme for development, the Community Development Programme was extended to tribals.
Although the programme was a positive part in the process of tribal development but the benefits of
this effort were generally taken by nontribals living in tribal areas and the administration had a role to
play in that.
In this period government introduced drapery schemes an education and welfare programmes for
providing direct benefits to scheduled tribes were drawn under the state and central sectors for the
economic educational and social progress of this community. The report of scheduled areas and
scheduled tribes commissioners (1960-61) shows that out of the sixteen sectors identified for the
allocation of the amount for education, agriculture radical and public health-were given special
attention for development. An amount of Rs. 3.6 crores was spent on economic upliftment of tribals
and Rs. 6.5 crore towards development of roads and communication in tribal areas some 4000 schools,
653 forest labour cooperatives and 312 multi-purpose cooperatives were set up.
Second five year plan [1956-1961]
The Second Five Year Plan re-emphasized understanding of tribal culture and traditions. The
development programmes may involve certain changes in traditional practices but these can be ensured
through consensus building efforts which will be through goodwill of tribals. The strategy for that
development is involvement of educated tribal youth as welfare workers. The tribal issues and
problems need to be approached ―with sympathy, understanding and knowledge of the social
psychology and needs of tribal communities. The participatory model of development with an
active involvement of tribal people was suggested by the Second Five Year Plan. The development
administration would also mean training of personnel, who would work in these areas, for
understanding tribal needs and problem through tribal research institutes. During the First Plan eight
such institutes were already established.
The Second Plan suggested strengthening them and involving voluntary agencies. The Plan divided the
tribal development programmes under four heads: ―(1) communications (2) education and culture (3)
tribal economy, and (4) health, housing and water supply.
The Second Five Year Plan re-emphasized the tribal rights on forests. It was critical of the role of
forest contractors. It suggested cooperative model for the collection and processing of minor forest
produce. It sought that official integrity is necessary in the cooperative system. In fact, the Second Five
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Year Plan suggested Multi-Purpose Cooperatives. ―Tribal Cooperatives should as far as be possible
multipurpose in character, providing credit, supply of consumer goods and marketing at the same time.
The principle of cooperation has application in almost every field of economic life.
A special strategy for tribal development evolved through the Second Five Year Plan. The problems
that the Community Development Programmes faced were dealt by creating Special Multi-Purpose
Tribal Blocks (SMTB) and forty three such blocks were formed. The strategy involved intensive
implementation of programmes, trained personnel for tribal areas and diversion of loans as subsidies,
etc. The strategy had in it an important role for PRI‘s and voluntary agencies. Some development
works in tribal areas were assigned to them.
To assess the performance of these SMPT Blocks the government of India appointed a committee in
1959 with verrier Elwin, the well known anthropologist as chairman. After Elwin Committer the
Dhebar Commission (1960-61) was appointed to study the whole scale of tribal development.
The Dhebar commission recommendations have gone a long way to strengthen the defensive shell and
giving panchayati Raj a tribal bias. The commission‟s recommendation on planning and development
were more precise for solving the problem of land alienation, indebtedness, promotion of education,
protecting tribal interest in forest and sectoral development. The Dhebar commission also
recommended institution of tribal cultural research and training institutes in states for conducting
training for official and non-official development functionaries and workers taking part in research
studies.
Third Five Year Plan [1961-1969]
During the period of the Second Five Year Plan several committees and study groups reviewed the
development of tribal people such as the Study Team on Social Welfare and Welfare of Backward
Classes, the Committee on Special Multi-Purpose Tribal Blocks and the Central Advisory Board for
Tribal Welfare. In a general broad consensus, these study groups arrived at the conclusion that tribal
areas have remained under-developed and the rest of the country is moving forward. However, the
Third Five Year Plan could not suggest a clear approach for tribal development. The Plan rejected
the Isolation Approach but at the same time it mentioned that ―it would be an error to over
administer these areas in the name of development and in particular to send too many officials and
others to work amongst tribal people. A middle way between these extreme positions should be found.
It was actually a suggestion for the Integration Approach.
The Plan reiterated the approach of the Second Plan which was to develop tribal areas on their own
genius, protection of their art and culture, participation of locals in the administration. Instead of many
small and isolated schemes the Plan emphasized on few programmes that will ensure holistic
development in these areas. The Plan put an emphasis on economic upliftment of tribal areas through
forest economy, cooperatives etc. The equal emphasis was laid on education, health, agriculture and
communication. The Committee on Special Multi-Purpose Tribal Blocks highlighted ineffectiveness
of programmes being implemented through the SMTB‘s. On the recommendation of this committee
Special Multi-Purpose Tribal Blocks were converted into Tribal Development Blocks. The Blocks
were established within those states where there was large tribal population. Later these blocks were
extended to other areas as well. By the end of the Third Five Year Plan there were 489 Tribal
Development Blocks. The financial outlay in Tribal Development Blocks (TDB) was much larger than
the Community Development Blocks. The TDB‘s had the strategy of involvement of locals in the
development process.
The retrospect of the tribal development programme was taken up by a study team under the
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chairmanship of shilo Ao (1969). The team made a review of the steps undertaken for tribal
development during the course of first three five-year plans. The findings of this team had made it well
clear that it was necessary to adopt a flexible policy for tribal development. Although, the
accomplishment under the programme had helped „bringing about psychological change in the outlook
of the tribals‟ it was necessary to have a development policy.
Integrated Tribal Development Agencies/ Integrated Tribal Development Projects
(ITDA/ITDP):
The following are the objectives of ITDA
1. To imbibe useful knowledge among tribals in the improved method of agriculture, veterinary,
industries, forest products, all round tribal development.
2. To identify the tribal and their problems in its area.
3. To prepare projects and initiation of necessary socio- economic surveys.
4. To organize structure and strengthening of administration.
5. To prepare land records.
6. District redemption schemes.
7. Preliminary work on plantation schemes.
8. Execution of minor irrigation schemes.
9. To draw up model plans for investment and production activities to be undertaken by the tribals for
solving their problems.
10. To execute these plans for the benefit of the tribal either directly or through other in coordination
with the existing agencies engaged in this direction in the field, whether private, public or co-
operative, such as the Zilla-Parishad, the Agro-Industries Corporation, Co-operative Banks,
Commercial Banks, Departments of State and Central Government .
11. To review the Progress of the execution of these activities as well as the effectiveness of the
benefits directed towards the tribals.
12. To attain the above main objectives, the agency may Take steps to ensure adequate credit to the
tribals by providing grants to the credit institutions operating in the area to cover any banking risks that
they may be exposed to in financing tribals and by helping them to build up special funds for this
purpose.
13. To provide grants/subsidies to such credit institutions for strengthen the managerial and
supervisory staff.
14. To give such assistance to tribals may be necessary for furthering plans and schemes undertaken or
society. Including grants as the purpose of the supported by the Government.
15. To organize and arrange for providing all facilities to the tribals. Power tillers, rigs, boring
equipment, etc. to be let out to tribals on hire.
16. To render assistance for the development of educational, agricultural, animal husbandry (including
poultry, sheep or goat rearing, piggery and dairy) development programmes for the benefit of tribals.
17. To render assistance for the development of scouting, agricultural talents, sports-games, etc. among
tribals.
18. To undertake directly or through other work programmes such as irrigation, land development,
land reclamation, leveling, bonding, lining, soil conservation, etc. as may be deemed
necessary/beneficial to the tribals.
19. To organize, processing and marketing activities of the agricultural, livestock, dairy, poultry, sheep
and goat rearing, piggery, forest production and ancillary produce of tribals.
20. To assist, strengthen the marketing and processing society’s organizations and individuals.
21. To draw, with the promising negotiable endorse, discount and negotiate of State and Central and
other of exchange, cheques or other accept, make Governments notes, bills, instruments.
22. To invest societies from time and from investment the funds or the money entrusted in the upon
such scrutiny or in such manner as may to time be determined, by the Governing body time to time sell
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or transport such.
23. To purchase, taken and lease, accept as gift, construct or otherwise acquire, any loan of property
whether suitable which may be necessary or useful to the society.
24. To employ directly or indirectly by grants, by other institutions, persons to further the programmes
to be undertaken/supported by the society.
25. To set up or establish any special service such as educational institutions, hostels, ashram schools,
training institutions/centers, dispensaries, laboratory or processing plants, etc. in further of the
socioeconomic interests of the tribals.
26. To sell, lease, exchange and otherwise transfer of any portion of the property of the society.
27. To initiate necessary action and all other such things as may be considered by the society and may
be incidental or to the attainment of these objectives.
Functions and powers of the project officers of ITDA
1. Identification and demarcation of areas of tribal concentration.
2. Identification of primitive pockets for special attention for development under the package
programme.
3. Recognition of more backward communities.
4. Formulation of tribal sub-plan and preparation of Integrated Tribal Development Project Report.
5. To serve as link between the local development officers and the higher authorities.
6. To accord financial sanctions for schemes within his powers.
7. To co-ordinate and supervise all developmental activities in the sub-plan areas.
8. To prepare periodic progress reports of schemes. Implementation of Protective Legislations.
9. To serve as member-secretary of the Advisory Committees on Tribal Development.
Fourth Five year Plan [1969-1974]

The approach of area based development strategy in tribal areas had started through the establishment
of Tribal Development Blocks during the Third Five Year Plan. This strategy was continued in the
Fourth Five Year Plan. The tribals within the Tribal Development Blocks had many benefits and those
tribals who were not covered demanded for the extension of coverage through establishing new Tribal
Development Blocks. However, no extension was done during the Fourth Plan to cover all those areas
that have more than 50% tribal population. In fact, a consolidation strategy was adopted through
extension of the period from 10 to 15 years in the existing Tribal Development Blocks for
development efforts. Besides area based development strategy, some programmes like Small Farmers‘
Development Agency (SFDA), Forestry Schemes and Cash Schemes for Rural Development were
launched for the development of tribal people as the part of Indira Gandhi‘s Garibi Hatao Programme.
In backward areas where the tribal population was concentrated, the Fourth Plan introduced the
Tribal Development Agencies. In all six Tribal Development Agencies were introduced. The purpose
of this administrative set up was that the agencies will look after the problem of tribal population in the
backward areas. It supplemented the Tribal Development Blocks approach. The area that it mainly
emphasized was agriculture and its allied activities.
The Tribal Development Blocks approach was not successfully implemented mainly because
administrative aspects and protective aspects especially forest economy were not properly considered.
Due to financial constraints, it also suffered. The effort to introduce Tribal Development Agencies
could not give any effective supplement to Tribal Development Blocks. The TSB covered all the
aspects of tribal community. The Tribal Development Agency mainly focused on agriculture. The
approach of Tribal Development Blocks like in the Third Plan was continued in the Fourth Plan. This
was reviewed by the Dhebar Commission (Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes Commission) and
Shilu Ao Committee (The Study of Tribal Development Programmes). Both these studies observed
that problem is at the planning and implementation level. They were critical of extending normal or
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standard scheme to tribal areas because these areas were different from other areas. They also
highlighted that diversion of funds and believed that for effective and long term development in tribal
areas a block as a unit for development is not effective. These two study teams and the working of the
Fourth Plan clearly laid a ground for a new approach to the development of tribal areas and tribal
people.
A number of new programmes were introduced, In addition to intensifying programmes, which were
already popular. Land colonization schemes were started and several tribal colonies were established.
Sectoral planning with schematic budget was also inaugurated during this plan period. With the
emphasis the conditions of rural poor, some of the backward tribal regions received greater regard
Individual family‟s programmes were enclosed and new programmes of the Tribal Development
Agencies (TDA) were taken up by the Ministry of Agriculture. Six TDAs were started in the country
in which two started in Madhya Pradesh.
Fifth Five year Plan [1974-1978]
In this plan, three categories, namely: 1. Area of tribal concentration, 2. Primitive tribal groups (PTGs)
3. Dispersed tribals, were given attention.
The fundamental approach towards tribal development adopted in the fifth plan was to key out larger
areas of tribal concentration which included the scheduled Areas, Contiguous Tribal Development
blocks and other backward regions having 50 percent tribal concentration. All such blocks in the states
were brought under a separate Tribal Sub-Plan.
The tribal sub-plan had two objectives:
1. Promotion of development activities to enhance the standard of living of tribals.
2. Provision of legal and administrative support for tribals.
The TSP laid underline an accountability, non-divertability and utilization of alloted funds for the
welfare and development of tribals. This period also marked the beginning of group based programmes
like large-sized Agricultural Multipurpose Cooperative Societies (LAMPS) in order to contribute the
tribals in to cooperative movement and eliminate money lenders, forest contractors and middlemen.
TRIBAL SUB-PLAN
The Tribal Sub Plan strategy was developed by an Expert Committee set up by the Ministry of
Education and Social Welfare in 1972 under the Chairmanship of Prof. S. C. Dube for the rapid socio-
economic development of tribal people and was adopted for the first time in the Fifth Five Year Plan.
The strategy adopted continues till this day.
The Sub-Plan is not a scheme, it represents a new approach. The strategy clearly spells out the problem
of tribal development into two parts —
(a) that of areas of having more than 50 percent tribal concentration, and the Scheduled Areas, and
(b) that of areas with dispersed tribal population. Besides these two categories, primitive tribal
communities at pre-agricultural level of technology were identified as a special group.
The strategy for areas of tribal concentration culminated in the concept of Sub Plan for these areas.
The broad objectives of the TSP are as follows:

 Substantial reduction in poverty and un-employment.
 Creation of productive assets in favour of Scheduled Tribes to sustain the growth likely to
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accrue through development efforts.

 Human resource development of the Scheduled Tribes by providing adequate educational and
health services, and
 Provision of physical and financial security against all types of exploitation and oppression.
The strategy of Sub-Plan as follows: -

Prevention of Exploitation: Integrated credit-cum-marketing services covering marketing of
agricultural and minor forest produce, supply of inputs and essential consumer commodities, credit for
production purposes as also for consumption and social needs etc., will have to be set up. Redemption
of past debts through legislative and executive measures will have to be taken up. Programmes for
prevention of land alienation, restoration of lands already alienated, termination of practices like
bonded labour etc., will need special attention.
Development of Tribal Economy: The development of agriculture will be given the highest priority.
Generation of Employment Opportunities: Opportunities for better utilisation of available
manpower should be created through programmes horticulture, animal husbandry, piggery and cottage
industries.
Provision of Basic Infra-structure: Growth Centres, communication net work, schools, rural health
centres, marketing and credit organisations and rural electrification will have to be planned keeping in
view of the local situation.
The Planning Commission has issued guidelines for preparing Sub-Plans.

The following are the major steps in the preparation of a Sub-Plan:-
(i) Identification and Demarcation of Area of Tribal Concentration The identification of talukas/tehsils,
blocks with 50 per cent of tribal concentration in addition to the Scheduled Areas. From these, suitable
planning areas will have to be carried out at macro, meso and micro levels. Micro areas could normally
coincide with development blocks. Meso areas could be coterminus with district/sub division/tehsils.
The planning function at macro level will include overall planning and detailed project formulation for
rural electrification, major and medium irrigation projects, arterial roads, apex cooperative
organisations etc. At the micro level, planning for social services, minimum needs programme, minor
irrigation, agricultural extension, and household industries could be undertaken. In the meso level
higher education, medium irrigation, training etc., could be included.
(ii) Identification of Socio-cultural Barriers and Promoters of Change and Development For this aspect
the following information will be collected for the formulation of a realistic development plan: - (a) the
Socio-cultural characteristic of the tribal communities. (b) nature of physio-geographical conditions.
(c) level of development of tribal areas in general and of the tribal people in particular. (d) the pattern
and practice pertaining to various production activities of the tribal and non-tribal people. (e) pattern of
ownership of means of production; and (f) legal framework particularly in respect of land ownership,
land tenure and transfer.
(iii) Assessment of Potentialities, Special Problems and Felt Needs of the Tribal Area
Essential Features of the Sub-Plan

The following are the essential features: -
(i) Total as against sectoral approach to the problems of the tribal area;
(ii) Evolving a suitable frame for development of these areas.
(iii) Accepting the uniqueness of the problem of each viable area and community and formulation of
programmes with reference to it.
(iv) Major thrust of development to be provided by the general sector.
(v) Substantial supplementation of State's effort by the Union Government.
(vi) Reconstructing the Administrative and Institutional Frame.
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Funding of TSP
Funds for tribal development under TSP are sourced from:
i) State Plans;
ii) The Special area programmes of Special Central Assistance (SCA) to Tribal Sub Plan (TSP) and
Grant under Article 275 (1) of the Constitution, as also the funds under the other Schemes of the
Ministry;
iii) Sectoral programmes of Central Ministries/ Departments; and
iv) Institutional Finance
shortcomings
The TSP strategy specially implemented for Scheduled Tribes has not yielded desired results. As per
the Sub-Plan approach, the Central Government is required to ensure that out of its total Plan budget,
at least 8.6 percent (as per 2011 Census) is earmarked for the development of Scheduled Tribes in the
Union Budget. But, the decline in the budget allocations for TSP in proportion to the Scheduled Tribe
population is a cause for serious concern. This anomaly has to be seriously addressed. The State
governments have also not earmarked adequate funds for Scheduled Tribes.
As per guidelines issued by the Planning Commission, the Tribal Sub Plan funds are to be non-
divertible and non-lapsable. But, most of the funds meant for TSP have been diverted to other sectors
and purposes, and some of them have also been lapsed due to their improper utilization or failure of
administrative machinery.
In addition to the problems of physical access, the absence of functionaries of line departments and
language of communication are serious barriers. As a result, this money allocated for the tribal
population, lapses and is, in effect, transferred to non-tribal people, in the subsequent financial year.
Further, the per-capita cost of infrastructure for tribal areas is higher than the rest of the population,
because tribal population is dispersed, often in remote hamlets and in hilly, inaccessible areas. The
problem has been exacerbated by (a) continuous presence of extremist groups, which prevent the
implementation of basic programs like health, education, livelihood, in certain instances and (b) large
scale displacement on account of irrigation, mining and other projects, as well as declaration of their
habitats as reserve forests and wild life sanctuaries. Another reason for increased outlays under Plan
schemes not translating into better outcomes for Scheduled Tribe population is that the delivery system
of public goods and services has remained weak.
The utilization of funds under the Centrally Sponsored Schemes (CSS) in the social sector, livelihood
schemes and access to goods and services in the field, were to be facilitated by the State Governments
through appropriate institutional arrangements. These included Integrated Tribal Development Projects
(ITDP) or Integrated Tribal Development Authorities (ITDA) in areas, which are generally contiguous
areas of the size of at least tehsil/block, in which the ST population is 50 percent or more; development
was also focused on MADA pockets which have 50 percent or more ST population with a minimum
population of 10000; and clusters which are identified pockets having at least 50 percent population
with a minimum population of 5000. At the time of their initial identification and establishment, the
ITDAs / ITDPs were sound institutions, but over time States did not pay enough attention for
maintaining and strengthening their institutional capabilities, providing manpower and modern
infrastructure.
On the part of the Union Government, the focus on these institutions was lost, particularly since 1990s,
as these were considered State government institutions, which was not the case. In contrast, the
DRDAs continued to be stronger, partly because the budget for Rural Development went up manifold,
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while that for tribals under Article 275(1) stagnated or declined in real terms. As a result,
ITDAs/ITDPs have not been able to grow to the desired level. Thus, even as several scheme-specific
bodies at district level, including DRDAs, have become stronger over the years, ITDAs have become
weak in most of the States. (One exception is Andhra Pradesh). As a consequence, the absorption of
funds available under various CSS schemes and the efficiency in utilization of funds has been low.
Sixth Five Year Plan [1980-1985]

In this plan, it was noticed that recognized areas of tribal concentration out side the tribal sub-plan area
were still left out of the tribal sub-plan strategy. It was therefore decided during the sixth plan that
clusters (villages) having a minimum of 10,000 tribal population of which of least 50 percent are
scheduled tribes, should be sculptured for intensive integrated development and modified area
development approach (MADA) under the tribal sub-plan.
A definite target of 50 % percent of the scheduled tribal families to cross the poverty line was acquired
during the sixth plan for the first time.
The objective of MADA was to empower at least 50 of ST families, amounting to nearly 470 million
to cross the poverty line. Substantial at achievements during this plan period were as follows:
1. Establishment of 245 MADA pockets and 72 primitive tribal projects.
2. About 200,000 hectares of tribal land was brought under soil conservation.
3. Electrification of 9000 tribal villages.
4. Drinking water supply to cover over 80,000 villages.
Under this plan, a total of 75 percent of the tribal population was covered.
Seventh Five Year Plan [1985-1990]

In the seventh plan the target remained to be a mix of area-cum-family development. For this plan
period (1985-90) about 40 lakhs scheduled tribe families under the poverty line were targeted to be
rendered economic assistance. By the end of 1987-88, a total 184 ITDPs were functioning. The ITDPs
areas covered 313.21 lakh tribal populations16.
The main attainments of this plan period were as follows:-
1. Establishment of Tribal Cooperative Marketing Development Federation (TRIFED) in 1987 as a
supreme body for state Tribal Development Cooperative Corporations. The Primary task of the
TRIFED was to provide remunerative prices for the forest and agriculture produces of tribals.
2. Expansion of educational development schemes for scheduled tribes.
3. Formation of the National Scheduled Caste and Scheduled Tribal Finance and Development
Corporation (NSFDC) in 1989 with the objective of credit support for employment generation.
By the end of 7th plan, 184 Integrated Tribal Development Plans were functional covering over 314
lakhs tribal population.
Tribal Cooperative Marketing Development Federation of India Ltd. (TRIFED)
The Tribal Cooperative Marketing Development Federation of India Limited known as TRIFED was
set up by the Government of India, in the year 1987, as an apex level Cooperative Federation with the
following broad objectives:
(i) To organize and plan the growth and development of natural products collected by tribals;
(ii) To strive to ensure higher earning and larger employment opportunities of the tribal population;
(iii) To ensure full utilization of natural products by improving their marketability;
(iv) To boost up the economic and commercial viability of the TDCCs, FDCs and other State level
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agencies;
(v) To arrange finances for its activities;
(vi) To identify items of Minor Forest Produce (MFP) in different States/and promote their marketing.
The basic mandate of TRIFED was to bring about socio-economic development of tribals of the
country by institutionalizing the trade of natural products grown/ collected by them and providing
marketing support to State Tribal Development Cooperative Corporations (STDCCs), State Forest
Development Corporations (STDCs) and other State level Agencies engaged in procurement of such
products from tribals to ensure fair prices and stop their exploitation by middlemen/ unscrupulous
traders.
Large area multipurpose cooperative societies (LAMPS)

The collection and sale of minor forest products such as honey, tender leaves, amla fruit, soapnut,
lichen, tree gums etc., . had been a subsidiary occupation of tribal communities right from the Pre-
British period. As shifting cultivation and hunting were banned and the tribals got pushed into a
monetised exchange economy, their dependence on minor forest products for income increased, even
as their access to forests declined. But they were at the mercy of middlemen and MFP contractors, who
controlled access to markets, or forests, or both.
The Bawa Committee recommended that LAMPS should be organised in tribal areas on the lines of
Farmers' Service Societies (FSS) providing a package of services such as credit for production and
consumption needs, technical guidance for agriculture and arranging for marketing of their produce.
LAMPS as instruments of tribal development were being organised in India since 1974. Even before
Bawa committee recommendations, some cooperative societies on these lines were formed in some
states particularly since the First Five Year Plan. They were called 'Forest Labour Contract Societies'
and also 'Labour Contact Multipurpose Societies'. They had as their main objective collection and sale
of minor forest produces and catering to the credit and marketing needs of the tribal people. But the
recommendations of the Bawa Committee gave new impetus to the organisation of LAMPS as they
enumerated the broad objectives with which the LAMPS have to be established and the direction in
which they have to grow. By 1989, 2912 LAMPS had been established across the country. Out of this
more than 80 percent of the societies were in the five states of Madhya Pradesh, Bihar, Maharashtra,
Rajasthan and Orissa that have large tribal population.
The broad objectives with which the LAMPS have been organised are as follows:
1) Promotion of subsidy-cum-loan production scheme in the fields of agriculture, horticulture, animal

husbandry, irrigation, forestry, cottage and village industries.
2) Liberating the tribals from the clutches of money lenders through supply of production and
consumption credit.
3) Purchase from tribals their surplus agricultural produce and forest produce.
4) Supply of essential commodities and agricultural inputs to tribal people.
The LAMPS is a bigger society especially designed for tribal regions. These bigger units were formed
by assimilating all the scattered varieties of primary credit, consumer and other co-operative societies
working in the area of block or in many cases even a bigger market place under a tribal development
project. In a large number of areas new LAMPS were organised at the block level.
The Bawa Committee had proposed setting up of state level tribal development co-operative
Corporations/Federations. The primary level societies were to be affiliated to the apex corporations for
getting organisational and financial support for their marketing, supply and distributional functions. In
accordance with these recommendations states such as Andhra Pradesh, Bihar, Madhya Pradesh,
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Maharashtra, Manipur, Rajasthan, Orissa and West Bengal have established Tribal Development
Corporations/Federations.
Co-operative institutions to cater to the needs exclusively of tribal areas have much relevance. The
history of man as a social being begins in small tribal groups. It is generally said that if co-operation
has to succeed it has to first succeed among tribals. Because the very way of tribals' life is based on
leadership and participation. Since tribals are at a loss to avail credit facilities and to procure
necessaries of life and to have a suitable avenue to sell their products, creation of Large-sized Adivasi
Multipurpose cooperative Societies to cater to the needs of those people under one roof has acquired
greater relevance.
Eighth Five year Plan [1992-1997]

The major targets and strategies of this plan were make the tribal sub-plan strategies more result-
oriented and deliberate special schemes were formulated during this period for the educational
development of the scheduled tribes, particularly in the field of women education and reducing the
drop-out rates among the ST students at primary level. It also aimed at providing economic assistance
to the tribals to upgrade the productivity level to take above the poverty line and to make grow the
economic and educational infrastructure. Thus, efforts were intensified to bridge the gap between the
levels of development of STs and other marginalised sections of the society.
During this plan in the panchayati (extension to the scheduled Area) act, 1996 (PESA) was passed to
enable and empower tribal society to have control over there own destiny preserve and conserve their
traditional rights over natural resources18.
The eighth year plan conceived the following:
1. Collection and marketing of Minor Forest Produce (MFP) through TRIFED and STCC.
2. A, new policy on minor forest produces in relation to scheduled tribes to be articulated,
3. The review of the functioning of diverse cooperative institutions including LAMPS.
It laid significance on elimination of exploitation and ommission of rights of tribals land alienation,
non-payment of minimum wages.
Ninth Five Year Plan [1997-2002]
The ninth plan aimed to empower the Scheduled tribes by creating an enabling socio-economically
conductive environment for them to workout them rights freely, enjoy their privileges and lead a life of
self-confidence and dignity, at par with the rest of society. Hence, a major shift was visualized in this
period so as to envisage their advancement through a process of empowerment. This process
essentially encompassed there essential components, i.e.
Social justice,
Economic empowerment,
Social empowerment.
In a nutshell, the plan laid stress on reliance creation through quality education and strengthening
infrastructure and resources of the tribal sub-plan areas. Besides the debuting of the Sarva Shiksha
Abhiyan, the main achievements of this plan period were as follows:-
1. An outlay of Rs. 16792.69lakhs towards tribal area development, integrated waste land development
project in TSP areas and assistance to tribal families by launching income generation schemes.
2. Funds were provides for improvement of infrastructure such as roads, staff quarters, education and
hostel facilities, community centres, drinking water facility, rural electrification and irrigation projects.
3. The National Scheduled Tribes Financial and Development Corporation (NSTFDC) was set up for
financing economically viable projects for scheduled tribes19.
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Tenth Five year Plan [2002-2007]

This plan concentrated on tracking the unresolved issues and problems on a time bound basis. The
National scheduled tribes finance and development corporation (NSPFDC) was set up in 2001 under
which 14.64 lakh STs benefited. The tribal cooperative marketing development federation of India Ltd
(TRIFED) provides marketing assistance and remunerative prices to STs for collecting minor forest
produces (MEP) and surplus agricultural produces in order to defend them from exploitative private
traders and middlemen20.
In order to render focused attention to the survival, protection and development of primitive tribal
groups (PTUs) a special scheme launched in 1998-99, was implemented during this plan to put up
tribal specific service and support including housing, land, agriculture inputs, cattle rearing, health,
nutritional services and income generating programmes. Scheduled tribes and other traditional forest
Dwellers (Recognition of forest right) Act, 2006 was enacted revive the traditional forest right of the
tribal people.
Eleventh Five year plan [2007-2012]
This plan does not make special plan for STs. It rather continues the existing schemes and programmes
of the previous plans that were addressed at the socio-economic development of the tribal population
through an „Area based approach.‟ The deportment of Elementary education and literacy and higher
education in states have a arrangement for special incentives for ST students which include test books,
uniforms, abolition of tuition fees and so on. Special focus is also yielded to ST students under the
District Primary Education Programme (DPEP), Kasturba Gandhi Balika Vidyalaya, Mid-day meal
programme, National talent search scheme, post-Matric scholarships are open to all ST students whose
parents annual income is up to one lakh rupees, to facilitate students to follow professional courses.
This plan also encourages tribal languages through text books and appointment of tribal teachers who
were well skilled in the tribal language. This plan recommends looking after the socio-cultural
discrimination faced by disadvantaged groups. It promotes health care of the tribal people and setting
up Auxiliary Nursing Midwifery (ANM) training centers in tribal blocks under housing schemes of the
plan embraces the Adim Jati for tribal and primitive tribal groups and housing schemes for ST
families22.
Finally this plan has laid stresses on poverty eradication in rural and tribal areas which focuses on
sustainable development, education, employment access to forest resources and agricultural production
and subsidies.
Twelfth Five year plan [2012-2017]
The approach of this five year plan is to achieve Overall improvement in the socio-economic
conditions of the Scheduled Tribes. Government started focus on administrative strengthening of the
implementation of programmes or schemes in the tribal areas. Administration adopt a clear cut policy
with regard to positive of officials in respected positions fixity of their tenure and incentivizing these
officials for having rendered their services in those areas for a prescribed period. Implementation of
schemes must be monitored closely at prescribed periodicity. Some important issues like land
acquisition of tribal land to be addressed as required under PESA and displaced tribal population to be
resettled and rehabilitated23. The scheme of vocational training centers in tribal is to upgrade the skills
of the tribal youth in various traditional/modern vocations depending upon their educational
qualification present economic trends and market potential.
In this five year plan tribal Affairs Ministry operates the schemes of Grant-in-aid to voluntary
organizations working for the welfare of STs, to NGOs for running 10 or more bedded hospitals and
mobile dispensaries in tribal area. To ensure for extension of benefits covered under MGNREGA in
tribal blocks government focuses on effective monitoring. Social audits and their reviews should be
conducted.
In this plan government introduced the entrepreneurship among tribal youngsters through startup and
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stand up programme. Government intends the research, information, Mass education and tribal
festivals to promote tribal culture, capacity building and awareness generation. In keeping with the
objective of more exclusive growth steps are taking to reform the schedule Tribal Sub-Plan (TSP).
This new plan proposes a sit of key implementation measures to stretchy. The TSP planning process
like early marking of funds from the total plan outlays well in advance of commencement of the
financial year. To ensure effective institutional framework for implementation at the state level, there
will be on apex body headed by chief minister and designated nodal deportment which will appraise
the TSP plan for the state.
The concept of PTGs (Primitive Tribal Groups), their distribution, special programmes for their
development
The Primitive Tribal Groups (PTGs) is not a Constitutional category different from the Scheduled
Tribes. It is a category within the Scheduled Tribe category. The distinction between the Primitive
Tribal Groups (PTGs) and the Scheduled Tribes is a matter of degree of development.
The term ‘PTG’ was thus introduced in the year 1961 to define most “primitive tribal groups” as per
the recommendations of the Dhebar committee and special provisions were drafted for these
communities.
The Shilu Ao Committee constituted by the Planning Commission in 1969 had observed that the
impact of planned ‘change and development’ has not been uniform in all the tribal communities.
Within the Scheduled Tribes, conditions of some of the communities have not improved. They
remained extremely backward and some of them continued to be in the primitive food gathering stage.
Primitive tribe is an administrative category used for those Scheduled Tribe communities who were
identified as more isolated from the wider community and who maintain a distinctive cultural identity.
These hunting, food-gathering, and some agricultural communities, have been identified as less
acculturated tribes among the tribal population groups and that is why they are in need of special
programmes for their sustainable development. In these communities, the development indicators are
most vulnerable. Understandably, these groups are more vulnerable to hunger, starvation, malnutrition,
and poor health. However, the term of PTG was substituted by PVTG (Particularly Vulnerable
Tribal Group) by Government of India from 2009.
One of the most critical issues to be addressed with regard to PVTGs is their perceived ‘primitivism’
and ‘backwardness’ evident in official discourse. Although, the term ‘Primitive Tribal Groups’ was
replaced by ‘Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups’ in 2006, the highly derogatory term ‘primitive’
continues to be used by the government, media and NGOs. For instance, a look at the website of the
Andaman and Nicobar administration on vulnerable tribal groups of the islands reveals the continued
use of colonial depictions of tribes as ‘primitive’ and ‘hostile’. On the Shompens, it is noted that
“Shompens have been visiting the settlers and they are gradually shaking off their shyness and
indifferent attitude towards the civilized people”. It is essential for government bodies to shed
assumptions of tribal backwardness and savagery. Moreover, even though it is imagined that PVTGs
have lacked contact with other social groups and have to be protected from outside intrusion, it must
be noted that these groups have had long histories of contact and change and it is precisely these
exploitative encounters, which have contributed to their contemporary condition. Stereotyping of
PVTGs as ‘backward’ presumes a linear trajectory of development and progress and devalues the
culture and traditions of these communities with devastating effects.
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It must be noted that all tribes in the list of PVTGs have not been granted Scheduled Tribe (ST) status.
For example, the Abujh Maria has only recently been granted ST status in the State of Chhattisgarh
even though they have been in the PVTG list earlier. The rationale behind inclusion and exclusion
must be made clear and all discrepancies must be immediately addressed. Further, of the States with
PVTGs, Kerala, Karnataka, Tamil Nadu, Uttar Pradesh and West Bengal do not have Scheduled Areas,
thereby increasing the vulnerability of these tribes, who lack the protections and rights offered by the
Fifth Schedule and the Provisions of Panchayat (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996.
Identification of PVTGs
Government of India during 5th Five Year Plan period has adopted the term PTGs (Primitive Tribal
Groups) from among the scheduled tribal communities for the purpose of classification and
identification of a tribe or a section of a tribe basing upon the following criteria. How These Groups
were so Identified
 Those tribal groups that still practiced hunting or food gathering as primary mode of economy
for survival or those living in pre-agricultural economies.
 Those groups experiencing zero or negative population growth and were on the verge of
extinction.
 Those groups that had low literacy levels.
 Those groups that do not have a script and written language and rely mostly on oral knowledge
systems.
After a systematic mapping of different tribal groups in each state, a procedure was adopted by which
each state was to make recommendations for the demarcation of these groups on the basis of the
criteria of vulnerability listed. The expert committee appointed by the central government accepted
some of these recommendations and few were rejected. Consequently, by the end of the fifth five-year
plan Government of India had notified 52 communities among the existing tribal groups as ‘PTG’. The
sixth five-year plan added another 20 on the basis of recommendations made by the respective state
governments. Subsequently, two more groups were added in the seventh five-year plan and only one
more was added in the eighth five-year plan. The total number of PVTGs now went to 75. Since then
no other group has been added to the list. There are now 75 Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups
(PVTGs) who are distributed in 14 undivided States and 1 (one) Union Territory of Andaman and
Nicober Islands as given below. As per the Annual report (2001-2002), Govt. of India, Ministry of
Tribal Affairs, the PVTGs number about 1.36 million, which account for 2% of the total S.T.
population of India. The list of PVTGs, their number in different States and Union Territory of India in
descending order has been shown below
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Scheme for the Development of PVTGs
Due to extreme backwardness and vulnerability, priority is required to be accorded for the protection
and development of PVTGs and checking the declining trend of their population. Therefore, it
becomes necessary to allocate adequate funds from Central Sector/Centrally Sponsored and State Plan
schemes for the socio-economic development of PVTGs. In 1998-99, a separate 100% Centrally
Sponsored for exclusive development of PVTGs was started. Based on the knowledge and experiences
gathered in implementation of the scheme, it has been revised with effect from 17.09.2019 to make it
more effective.
Scope
The scheme covers 75 identified Particularly Vulnerable Tribal Groups. The scheme is very flexible
and it enables every State to focus on a wide range of developmental activities for PVTGs, viz.,
housing, land distribution, land development, agricultural growth, cattle development, connectivity,
installation of non-conventional sources of energy for lighting purpose, social security or any other
innovative activity meant for the comprehensive socio-economic development of PVTGs. The funds
under this scheme are made available for those activities which are very crucial for the survival,
protection and development of PVTGs and are not speci? cally catered to by any other scheme of State
or Central Government or by guidelines governing the utilization of funds under Special Central
Assistance to Tribal Sub-Scheme and Grants-in-Aid under Article 275(1) of the Constitution. The
general principle of convergence of funds, function and functionaries also applies.
Implementation of the Scheme

The Conservation-Cum-Development (CCD) Plans are to be prepared by the State Governments and
Union Territory of Andaman & Nicobar Islands for five years by adopting habitat development
approach on the basis of data obtained from baseline or other surveys conducted by them, and are
approved by the Project Appraisal Committee of the Ministry. The State Governments / UT
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Administration are to ensure proportionate flow of financial resources for all PVTGs in their State.
Duplication of intervention in same area has to be avoided. The delivery mechanism has to be
strengthened through innovative plans and procedures.
Examination and approval of the CCD/Annual Plans
A Project Appraisal Committee (PAC) of the Ministry, headed by Secretary, Tribal Affairs
examines the CCD / Annual Plan proposals of the State Govt./UT Administration and approves
funding for relevant activities.
During 2020-21 (upto 31.12.2020), funds have been released to 13 States, viz. Andhra Pradesh,
Chhattisgarh, Gujarat, Jharkhand, Karnataka, Madhya Pradesh, Maharashtra, Odisha, Rajasthan, Tamil
Nadu, Telangana, Tripura and Uttar Pradesh for undertaking various projects on the basis of decision
taken by the Project Appraisal Committee (PAC).
State Governments are required to furnish a schedule of activities to be undertaken and the timeframe
for their continuance or completion so that progress of the project can be monitored efficiently. They
are also required to ensure that at the field level, proper delivery mechanism is put in place and the
CCD/Annual Plans are implemented under the supervision of a Committee constituted by the State
Government for the purpose. Implementing Agency
The scheme is implemented in accordance with CCD/Annual Plans prepared by the State/UT through
various agencies of the State Government/UT Administration like Integrated Tribal Development
Projects (ITDPs)/Integrated Tribal Development Agencies (ITDAs) and Tribal Research Institutes
(TRIs).
Pattern of funding
It is a 100% Centrally Sponsored Scheme. The funds are generally released to States in one or more
instalments in accordance with the annual programme proposed for a particular financial year in the
CCD Plan.
Monitoring & Evaluation
The implementation of the Scheme is required to be monitored by the officials of the Ministry and/or
such independent agencies as may be appointed by the Ministry of Tribal Affairs from time to time for
the purpose. The Ministry reserves the right to prescribe formats or guidelines for improving
monitoring of progress at any time. At the end of each financial year, the State Governments/UT
Administration are required to submit a progress report in the prescribed format to the Ministry of
Tribal Affairs. They have been asked to conduct baseline survey for assessing the population of
PVTGs residing in the States/UTs. The scheme has been evaluated by Indian Institute of Public
Administration (IIPA) and KPMG for NITI Aayog.
The major recommendations are as under:
• All the States should constitute Micro Plan projects under CCD Plan with emphasis not only
development of infrastructure but also on strengthening the traditional livelihood and skill
development. The CCD Plans should have a long-term view of 3 to 5 years.
• Provision of drinking water and sanitation, creation of irrigation infrastructure and connectivity of
PVTG habitation with all weather roads.
• Relaxation of norms for construction of Sub Centres, Primary Health Centres and Community Health
Centres for the PVTG communities.
• Issue of Caste Certificates with a provision to mention that the individual belongs to PVTG
community in a Mission mode.
• Implementation of MSP to MFP scheme in PVTG areas to ensure a fair price for the forest produces.
• Recognition of Habitation rights under the provisions of Forest Right Act, 2006.
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Role of N.G.O.s in tribal development

A study by the World Bank (1991) defines nongovernmental organizations as “private organizations
that pursue activities to relieve suffering, promote the interest of the poor, protect the environment,
provide basic social services or undertake community development.”
The nongovernmental organizations implies the following:

(a) the nongovernment organizations are private organizations which undertake highly diverse
development /empowerment and protection activities in the society.
(b) The nongovernment organizations are nonprofit organizations;
(c)The nongovernment organizations are value based, thus voluntary charitable as well as service
organizations.
Types of Nongovernmental Organizations
The functions of NGOs are varied in accordance with the programmes they undertake. Keeping in
view the various activities, NGOs may be classified into the following.
1. Charity NGOs
2. Relief and Rehabilitation NGOs
3. Service Providing NGOs
4. Economic Development NGOs
5. Social Development NGOs
6. Empowerment NGOs
7. Network NGOs
8. Support NGOs
9. National, Local and International NGOs
It has been recognized that the task of the development of Scheduled Tribes cannot be achieved by
Government efforts only. The role of voluntary or nongovernmental organizations, with their local
roots and sense of service has become increasingly important. They supplement the efforts of the State
in ensuring that the benefits reach to large number of populations. In certain cases, it is the voluntary
organizations who are in better position to implement the schemes of the Government in a more
efficient and objective manner than the Government itself. This is primarily attributable to the highly
committed and dedicated human resources that are available to some voluntary organizations.
Even before the independence, some voluntary organisations had started working towards the
development of the tribals in central India. Bihar was one of the earliest states to have addressed the
issues of the tribals by the voluntary organisations. As early as 1940 a voluntary organisation named
Seva Kendra was started under the keen supervision of our first President, Dr. Rajendra Prasad, in
Ranchi. This institution worked towards raising funds and preparing a body of dedicated volunteers to
bring about socio-economic upliftment of the tribals in the interior areas. Later its name changed to
Adimjati Seva Mandal. Some other early voluntary organisations working in this direction were
Paharia Seva Mandal, Akhil Bhartiya Vanvasi Kalyan Ashram, Adimjati Sevak Sangh, and Ram
Krishna Mission. Like these voluntary organisations, some tribals themselves organised some
voluntary organisations like ‘Sadahar’ among the Santal. Similar organisations were also started
among the Munda and Oraon tribes also.
Voluntary action and NGOs play a role in the development of tribal areas supplementing governmental
efforts, especially in generating awareness and capacity building among the tribes so as to improve
their economic status so that they can lead a dignified life. NGOs and voluntary agencies cannot only
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hold the institutions accountable to the people to bridge the gap between development programmes and
the tribes, but it can also act as an effective instrument in facilitating tribal access to facilities and
services. There is also a need to involve NGOs working in the tribal areas in promoting effective
implementation of the tribal development programmes.
NGO and Tribal Development
The inability as well as the failure of the government provides the NGO a fertile ground to work upon.
The role of the Voluntary or Non-Governmental Organization, with their local roots and sense of
service has become increasingly important in the arena of the development of the tribals in our
country. The NGOs can contribute to the tribals on a positive note in the field of education, health,
employment generation, livelihood security, relief and rehabilitation, activism, protecting their
tradition, art, culture, environment etc. They try to protect the indigenous knowledge base of the tribals
which are either ignored or exploited. We all know that the tribals have keys to the biologically diverse
areas. The tribal homeland is the hub of natural resources like oil, minerals, silvicultural and other
biotic objects, which are the important factors of production. These hubs make the tribal and
indigenous territories targets of the greed of the global hegemons and their compradors that are
extending their tentacles to squeeze the resources as much as possible.
The globalized economy has depleted the resources beyond repair. The tribal territories have become
arenas of the global 'free' market economy and there is a gradual process of monopolization of
resources by the dominant economic forces. (Bhaskar 2006:79) This exploitation has alarmed the tribal
and indigenous elites, tribal leaders and a large number of tribal commoners who are conscious of this
emerging global scenario and getting agitated by the same. The rise of such political consciousness
among the marginalised socio-political category that constitutes four percent of the global population
has a considerable implication for the geo-politics of the 21 century. Moreover, the invasion of tribal
areas by Multi national Corporations were accompanied by migrant populations, big townships,
tertiary sectors like trade and related activities, new forms of economic activity, large scale destruction
which displaced and pushed the tribals into fringes.
Problems of Nongovernment Organizations in Tribal Development/Empowerment:

Some of the important problems faced by the NGOs in fulfilling the task of tribal development include
the following.
(A) Many NGOs always face the problem of craeting confidence and trust among their target groups
like tribal population in many parts of India. It was reported that the tribal people view the entry of
NGOs into their society and economy as well as geography as encroachment on tribal purity, tribal
sanctity and tribal social integration. Thus the NGOs should on priority basis engage themselves in
confidence building activity in the tribal areas.
(B) The tribal people are affected very adversely by the resettlement and rehabilitation programme of
the tribes except the NGOs to work as their spokesman. In this vision of the tribes there is an idea of
problem solving capability embodied in the NGOs. In many instances the NGOs are not able to solve
the problems by acting as an intermediary between the State and the tribal population. Under such a
situation the tribal people lose confidence in the ability of the NGOs in addressing their development
as well as empowerment problems.
(C) The NGOs are agencies of advocacy only, thus they work as intermediaries between the tribal
people and the State and its bureaucracy. Thus the NGOs are placed in very suitable situation of
effectively intermediating between the two stakeholders namely the government and the tribal
population. Thus in reality NGOs should have appropriate skills and leadership for organizing the
negotiations for resolving the conflicts and problems if any.
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(D) The NGOs are regularly confronted with the problems of mobilizing financial resources and highly
motivated and trained volunteers in social work. These two are the internal problems of the NGOs.
Thus it is necessary that the NGOs develop a suitable vision and formulate strategies to finance as well
as mobilize man power for effective continuous implementation of their programmes.
(E) The integrity of the NGOs is increasingly questioned in India in the recent past. This is an
important public reaction about voluntary social work which should stand the social auditing.
Therefore the NGOs should keep their records openly accessible and transparency on one hand and
allow for target group people participation in the activities of the NGOs.
Problems of Tribes on Account of Nongovernment Organizations Entry:

There are a few important problems for tribal people on account of the entry of NGOs. Some of them
may be briefly stated as under;
(a) So far there is no involvement or participation of tribal people in the tribal development planning
and implementation attempted by both the State machinery and the NGOs. Both the State and NGOs
prescribe the solutions for the tribal backwardness and exploitation instead of allowing participation by
the tribal people. It is essential that the tribal people are consulted and heard before designing and
formulating as well as implementing tribal development/ empowerment programmes. The tribal people
are not ignorant neither they are not incapable to articulate their felt needs.
(b) In States like Mandya Pradesh, Bihar, Jharkhand, Odissa and Andhra Pradesh many NGOs have
misused the grants- in aid provided by the government of India and state government on one hand and
charity or donations provided by foreign donors on the on the other hand. This is revealed by the
several Annual Reports of the Parliamentary Committees and also audit reports. This is a kind of
bureaucratic corruption. This problem has to be addressed urgently.
(c) The NGOs are neither involved nor consulted in the tribal resettlement and rehabilitation
programmes. This important programme so far is planned and implement by all alone by the State
forest department. There are many loopholes and limitations in the planning and implementation of
programmes in all Indian States. Therefore it is necessary to shift emphasis of NGOs advocacy to
participation on one hand and tribal people themselves on the other hand.
(d) It was found in North- Eastern States that many NGOs are found in advocating and organizing the
religious conversion programmes in favor of Christianity. This religious conversion activity of the
NGOs is seriously criticized by the Hindu religious and Charity organizations. This is leading towards
increasing conflicts between the Hindu and Christian religious and Charity NGOs.
Established Voluntary Agencies (EVAs):

An effort was also made by the Tribal Ministry to identify voluntary organizations/non-governmental
organizations which have an all India character and are known for their selfless service and remarkable
achievements in uplifting the deprived sections of society and place them in a separate category for
sanction of their projects and relaxation of certain terms and conditions relating to the release of annual
grants. The Ministry has accordingly categorized a few organizations as “Established Voluntary
Agencies (EVAs)”. These are as follows:
1. Ramakrishna Mission and its affiliated organizations.
2. Akhil Bharatiya Vanavasi Kalyan Ashram and its affiliated organizations.
3. Bharat Sevashram Sangha and its affiliated organizations.
4. Bharatiya Adimjati Sevak Sangh and its affiliated organizations.
5. Seva Bharati and its affiliated organizations.
6. Vidya Bharati and their affiliated organizations.
7. Swami Vivekananda Youth Movement, H.D.Kote Taluk Mysore District,Karnataka.
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8. Deen Dayal Shodh Sansthan, New Delhi.

9. Servants of India Society, Pune, Maharashtra.
10. Rastriya Seva Samiti, Andhra Pradesh.
11. Vivekananda Girijana Kalyan Kendra, B.R. Hills Yallandur Taluk, Karnataka.
12. Akhil Bharatiya Dayanand Sevashram Sangh, New Delhi.
13. DAV Managing Committee, New Delhi.
14. Vinoba Niketan, Kerala.
Schemes in the Voluntary Sector:

There are Two ongoing schemes of the Ministry, which are open to the participation of
voluntary/nongovernmental organizations. These schemes are:
1. Grant-in-aid to Voluntary Organizations working for the welfare of Scheduled Tribes
2. Strengthening education among ST girls in low literacy districts (erstwhile scheme of educational
complex in low literacy pockets for development of women’s literacy in tribal areas).
The 'Grant-in-Aid to Voluntary Organizations.
The prime objective of the scheme is to enhance the reach of welfare schemes of Government and fill
the gaps in service deficient tribal areas, in the sectors such as education and health, through the efforts
of Voluntary Organizations, and to provide an environment for socio-economic upliftment and overall
development of the Scheduled Tribes (STs). Any other innovative activity having direct impact on the
socio-economic development or livelihood generation of STs may also be considered through
voluntary efforts.
The Scheme is a Central Sector Scheme. Grants are provided to the eligible NonGovernmental
Organizations / Autonomous Societies for the categories of projects prescribed in the revised scheme
on an application (in prescribed format) duly recommended by the multi-disciplinary State Level
Committee of the concerned State Government / UT Administration. Application and essential
documents are required to be submitted as per time-schedule prescribed in the revised scheme. Funds
are generally provided to the extent of 90% by the Government. The Voluntary Organization is
expected to bear the remaining 10% as contribution. from its own resources. However, the extent of
assistance under the scheme is 100% for those projects being implemented in Scheduled Areas.
Role of NGO s -Case study- Chenchus
Chenchus—A Brief Background

The first description of the Chenchus is found in the Ferishta’s History of Dekkan (Scott, 1794), which
describes the people of Nallamalai as on 1694. But it did not mention the name Chenchu. They
predominantly inhabit in the Nallamalai hills and the forest of Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, and
Rangareddy districts of Telangana and Kurnool, Prakasam, and Guntur districts of Andhra Pradesh.
Haimendorf (1943) opines that the Chenchus “are not only racially but also culturally survivals of most
ancient India” (p. 4). They are identified as a PVTG in 1975.
Role of NGOs
There are many NGOs working for the well-being of Chenchus. They create awareness about
persistent problems and act as agents of change. Red Cross Society, Department for International
Development (DFID), Sakthi, Conservation of Nature Through Rural Awakening (CONARE), Centre
for People’s Forestry (CPF), Nice Foundation, Nandi Foundation, Nallamalai Foundation, Andhra
Pradesh Right to Eyesight Society (APRESS), L V Prasad Eye Institute (LVPEI), Andhra Pradesh
Child Right Society (APCRS), Child Care Organization, Vanavasi Kalyani Parishad, Pragati Rural
Education and Development Organization, Sangha Mitra Seva Samithi and Seva Bharati, CONARE,
and Centre for Human Resource Development (CHRD) are few organizations doing significant work
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for the development of Chenchus. Few of these NGOs are working independently and others are
engaged in collaborative work with another NGO or government organization. The work of the NGOs
for the development of Chenchu community is discussed under the following components: educational
development, health care, livelihood enhancement, vocational training and women empowerment,
agricultural development, economic development, development and religious promotion,
environmental protection, awareness programs on rights and privileges, and legal support.
Education
Education is very important for the development of any community. It is very essential for the
development of tribal communities too. The efforts were made by the Government of Madras and the
Government of Hyderabad in this direction before the independence. A school was established in
1904- 1905 by the then British government to impart formal education for the Chenchus (Thurston,
1909). An educational superintendent was appointed during the year 1917. Another school was
established by the forest department in the year 1918 in Bairluty Gudem (a Chenchu hamlet) of
Kurnool district (Mohanty, 2004). After independence, many schools were established in the Chenchu
territory. The year 1972 is a landmark in this regard. A separate Integrated Tribal Development
Agency (ITDA) was established for the administration of the Chenchus. Many schools were
established, but a majority are primary or upper primary schools. There is a gradual increase in the
number of school going children in the recent years. The ITDA has established different types of
schools. But there is no significant growth in the literacy rate despite having more than a hundred years
of history for the institutional establishment of education.
According to Census 2011, the total literacy rate is 40.6% out of which 47.3% male and 34.0% female
are literates (Ministry of Tribal Affairs, 2013). The NGOs are playing an important role in motivating
the Chenchus to send their children to the schools. Vanavasi Kalyan Parishad (VKP) is working for the
educational upliftment of the Chenchus. In fact, its prime motive is cultural restoration and preventing
the religious conversions or promoting Hinduism among the Chenchus. But it is managing a hostel for
the Chenchus in Achampet of Mahabubnagar district, Telangana. The hostel accommodates 150
students. It is serving as a home for the children from third class to Intermediate. The organization
provides food and shelter at free of cost.
Infrastructure Leasing & Financial Services Limited (IL&FS) is working for the promotion of better
educational standards in schools under the name Education and Technology Services (ETS). ETS has
joined hands with the government to promote quality education in rural areas. This organization has
adopted an Ashram School at Appaipally of Mahabubnagar district. The prime beneficiaries of this
program are the students from Chenchu community. This organization conducts two programs known
as Learning Enhancement Programme (LEP) and Quality Improvement Programme (QIP). As part of
the program, the NGO has supplied toolkits and illustrative learning material for the school. The
learning materials are very innovative and easy to learn, but they are in English. The teachers are not
very receptive to new materials because of the problem of the medium of language. The organization
did not train the teachers. The teachers discarded the learning materials without making any effort to
use them in the teaching-learning process. As a result, an innovative initiative ended in failure.
Health Programs
The Chenchus in the interior forest depends on the traditional medical system. But the Chenchus in the
plain areas use the medical facilities of the government. The efforts made by the government to
provide medical facilities in the vicinity of the Chenchus. There are 43 primary health centers
established in Mahabubnagar, Nalgonda, and Rangareddy districts of Telangana and Prakasam,
Guntur, and Kurnool districts of Andhra Pradesh. ITDA established the system of community health
volunteers, at least one in every Chenchu hamlet. Their duty is to report the cases to a nearest health
center and provide basic medication or first aid to the ill person. They should continuously engage in
awareness creation with the help of ITDA on health and hygiene. These efforts have been escalated
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with the participation of NGOs in the health development of the Chenchus.

Red Cross Society, Nice Foundation, LVPEI, and DFID in Collaboration with Andhra Pradesh Right
to Eye Sight Society (APRESS) are playing a vital role by offering better health care services to the
Chenchus.
All these organizations periodically organize the health camps in the Chenchu hamlets. Red Cross
society under its rural health program conducts health camps very frequently. The mobile dispensary
of Indian Red Cross Society with a doctor and three paramedical staff visits the Chenchu hamlets at
least once in a month. They conduct health checkups and supply medicines to the Chenchus at free of
cost. The organization maintains the health cards of the Chenchu students of Ashram schools. The Red
Cross Society and Nice foundation organize medical camps even in the hamlets in the core areas of the
forest. Seva Bharati organization provides health services for the Chenchus of Kurnool district with its
mobile dispensaries.
DFID and APRES conduct cataract operations and lend medical help pertaining to eye care in
collaboration with ITDA. They have done 4,378 cataract operations in the ITDA administered region
for the Chenchus as well as for the poor people from other communities. The medical help rendered by
these organizations is very significant. LVPEI organizes eye care health camps in the schools. They
offer free treatment for the minor eye problems of the children and supply spectacles. They offer
treatment for the major illness at a 50% subsidy at their institute in Hyderabad, Telangana.
Conclusion
NGOs with profound knowledge about the community adopt a culturally sensitive approach to bring
the desired change. Such approach builds a trustworthy relationship with the people. This is
fundamental to educate the people on the expected outcomes of an intervention. The volunteers of
NGOs live with the prospective beneficiaries and interact with them in formal and informal situations.
This makes them reliable and helps to execute the programs successfully. However, all the NGOs are
not successful. A major drawback of such NGOs is found in the execution of the programs. In the
collaborative projects, it was found that the targets of the government organization forces grassroots
organizations to adopt short-term methods with no considerable follow-up activities. But the
acceptance to any program by the tribal communities takes a longer time. The successful programs are
also facing challenges in sustaining their results due to lack of follow-up. The inconsistency in funding
and lack of trained and committed staff are other constraints. Some cases also suggest that there is
widespread suspicion on the activities of few NGOs. Either the people or the statutory mechanisms
suspect them. Such mistrust of any stakeholder may lead to the defeat of the purpose of an
organization. Although it is difficult in some cases to convince all the stakeholders, it is the
responsibility of the NGOs to be transparent and to convince people on their activities. They should
also act as a bridge between the government organization and the people by playing an active
advocacy role. This would be helpful not only for the people but also to the NGO for the successful
implementation of the programs.
NGOs are undoubtedly acting as a safety net and playing a vital role in the development of tribal
communities. They do not have magical powers to solve all the problems, but they can effectively
work as catalysts in the development process.
CASE STUDY-NGO Samata
A social justice organization working for the rights of the tribal “Adivasi” people of Andhra Pradesh,
India and for the protection of the natural resources and ecology of the Eastern Ghats (hills).
Samata started working in a small tribal hamlet in 1987 with a group of tribal and rural youth, to
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mobilize tribal communities against exploitation by outsiders and by government.

In the unprecedented case of Samata vs. State of Andhra Pradesh Judgment,1997, popularly known as
the Samata Judgment, the Supreme Court of India, delivered an authoritative decision in favour of the
right to livelihood of the tribals inhabiting the scheduled areas of the country.
The Samata Judgment is an outcome of sustained people’s struggle to safeguard their land, resources
and livelihood in tribal belts of Andhra Pradesh. The judgement had ramification across the country.
The petitioning organisation, “Samata” had been working for the rights of the people for several years
and had filed the case to overcome the hurdles created by the State to acknowledge and deliver on
issues of fundamental human rights.
Owing to such whimsical decisions by the government ignoring the rights and resources of the people,
Samata took up the fight for the rights of adivasi communities who would be displaced and affected by
private mining companies. A PIL was filed in the High Court of Andhra Pradesh in 1993 on the
grounds that the government was also a ‘person’ and hence does not have power to grant leases in a
scheduled area to non-tribals. After sustained struggle for four years, the Supreme Court in July 1997,
delivered the landmark Samata Judgment.
6.2 Problems of the tribal Communities — land alienation,

poverty, indebtedness, low literacy, poor educational
facilities, unemployment, underemployment, health and
nutrition.
The fast-changing socio-economic factors have been negatively impacting the tribals. The
development model adopted by India, and also by many countries, has led to the alienation of the lands
of the tribal communities leading to loss of resources, thereby causing displacement, migration and
impoverishment. This also has an impact on their health and population. Further, it also has its bearing
on their education. All these have their compound effect on the tribal culture, language or dialect,
indigenous knowledge and oral tradition, thus affecting their identity.
Land alienation
Anthropologists like Haimendorf (1946, 1976), Verrier Elwin (1943,1957), S.C. Dube (1955), Roy
Burman (1986), and several others who studied individual tribes and problems of tribes in general
have examined the problem of land alienation in the tribal tracts in India. Reports of the
Commissioners of Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes from 1950 onwards also dealt with the
problem of land alienation in specific tracts inhabited by the tribes in India. In addition, international
Labour organisation (1961), united Nations international agricultural organisation (1992), the study
teams, working groups appointed by planning and department of rural development (1988)
commission from 1961 onwards also studied the problem of land alienation among the tribals in India.
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All these researches have shown:

(a) that the problem of land alienation in the states has been of varying degrees,
(b) that the land alienation affected about 30-55 per cent of the tribal households,
(c) that the incidence of land alienation is more in areas natural resources and where there are
possibilities of increased agricultural production and
(d) that about 80 per cent of land was alienated to the non-tribals.
Causes of land alienation:

The causes of land alienation are mainly five:
(i) One of the causes of land alienation is tribal indebtedness.
In the preindependence period, the British introduced market economy raised land revenue and sale of
forest produce in the tribal tracts. Market economy created cash economy. Increase in land revenue
became a burden to the tribal households. Sale of forest produce brought contact with contractors. All
these made the tribals to depend more and more on money to meet their economic and socio-religious
needs. Knowing the needs and the miserable conditions of the tribals, the non-tribals like traders,
merchants and money-lenders entered the tribal areas. They lent money to the tribals at exorbitant rates
of interest after accepting the tribal land as security. The tribals could not repay the loans. As a
consequence, they had to part with their lands.
(ii) Another reason for land alienation is the opening of the tribal areas in the wake of the development
process and setting up of various irrigation, power, industrial and mining projects. Establishment of
such projects displaced the tribals and forced them to alienate their land to the government.
(iii) The third reason for land alienation is the introduction of commercial orientation of land as a
resource and a substantial increase in the pressure on the land. The non-tribals who settled in the tribal
areas purchased the lands from the tribals who were in need of disposing the lands.
(iv) The fourth reason is the defective system of land records. The system of maintaining land records
also varied considerably. In some states the tribal areas were covered by regular settlement operations,
and some rough and ready records were prepared on the basis of individual estimates without detail
survey and is some others, a system of revenue based on the number of ploughs or family units was
introduced as a criterion for determining the quantum of land utilised. Nevertheless, the tribals
continued to clear the forest land for agriculture and there were considerable diversions between the
records maintained by the authority and the actual holdings. In the absence of a regular land settlement
system or up to date records of land rights, the tribals were at the mercy of the petty revenue officers,
Forest Departments and the landlords.
(v) Finally, the simple nature, illiteracy and ignorance of the tribals could not take advantage of debt
regulation acts and their legal remedies. The money lenders insisted on security for issuing loans to the
tribals. As the tribals have no other form of security, they pledge a portion of their lands to the person
giving loans and allow him to enjoy the benefits of that portion of land. But the trader or money lender
of feudal land lord is not satisfied with this. He manipulates the figures related to the principal amount
and interest to be paid by the tribal. The repayable amount becomes burdensome to the tribal. During
this period, however, the money lender enjoys the benefits of the land deposited with him by the tribal
towards the security. Finally, when the money lender confirms that the tribal cannot repay the
accumulated loan amount he starts insisting upon tribal settling the loan amount immediately by
selling the land to him. The troubles of the tribals do not end by selling the land to the money lender or
trader or feudal land lord. The tribals are forced to work as labourers in the farms which were once
their own to repay the remaining debt. This process sometimes continues from one generation to
another.
Methods of land alienation:
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The following are the main forms of land alienation:

i) Manipulation of Land Records
ii) Benami Transfers
iii) Mortgaging of Lands
iv) Encroachment
v) Concubinage or marital alliance
vi) Fictious adoption
Manipulation of Land Records

Manipulation of land records is the first and foremost form of land alienation. The unsatisfactory state
of land records in the initial stages and settlement operations and also in the period following regular
settlement operations contributed to the problem of land alienation among tribals.
Benami Transfers
This is another form of land among tribals. Study teams and working groups appointed by Planning
Commission reported this form alienation. The report of the study team of the Union Home Ministry
(1975) pointed out “that large scale of ownership of the adivasis lands are being allowed to go out of
hands through illegal and benami transactions, collusive civil proceeding et. in which land remains to
be in the name of the original owners who are reduced to the level of share croppers”. Another report
of the working group on Tribal Development appointed by the Planning Commission also states that
“Inspite of the protective measures to restore alienated land to tribals, it still reported to be taking
place. It appears that in cases these are caused because of Benami transactions”.
Mortgaging of Lands
The third form land alienation is mortgaging of lands or leasing of lands. To raise loans for various
needs the tribals have to give their land or gold security. For many tribals only land was the security
which mortgaged to money lenders or land lords.
Encroachment
This is another form or mode of dispossessing the tribals of their lands this method is adopted by the
new entrants in all places where there were no proper land records. Bribing the patwari for
manipulating the date of settlement of land dispute, ante-dating are the methods employed to claim the
tribal lands.
Concubinage or Marital Alliance
Another form of land alienation is concubinage or marital alliance which has on a large scale in the
alienation of lands from the tribals. Nontribal purchased fertile lands and registered them on the names
of tribal women whom they kept as mistresses.
Fictitious Adoption
Fictitious adoption of the non-tribals by the tribals another form of land alienation which is prevalent
in few parts of India. “Acquisition of lands in the names of non-tribal boys who become tribals
overnight after execution of the bogus adoption deeds in the name of a tribal is another method used by
non-tribals to grab tribal lands.” The slackness in the implementation of the restrictive provisions and
also the socio-economic factors has been identified by S.N. Dubey and Muria as the causes of land
alienation. “Some relief to the tribals threatened by non-tribal land grabbers was subsequently
provided by the amendments of the Land Transfer Regulation 1959, enacted in 1970 and 1971, which
prohibit all transfer of land in scheduled areas, not only from tribal but even from non-tribal to non-
tribal, by providing for conducting Suo moto enquiries into non-tribal occupations of lands in tribal
areas and for restoration of such land to the tribal owners if the non-tribal is an illegal occupant and by
prohibiting attachment of tribal in execution of money decrees”.
Legislative measures for protection of tribes:
Consequent the National Policy on tribals which envisaged protection and integration of tribals,
several protective legislations were passed in different states imposing restrictions on land transfers for
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the elimination of exploitation of tribals. Different State Governments have enacted laws which cover
the alienation of tribal lands, protection from money lenders, debt relief and liberation from bonded
labour. The following laws were enacted in states having tribal concentrations:
1. The Assam land Revenue Regulation Act, 1964.
2. In Bihar the Scheduled Area Regulation, 1969 which provides protection to the Scheduled Tribes
against the alienation of their land and against exploitation by money lenders.
3. The Gujarat State Government by a notification issued in April 1961, under Sec.73-A of the
Bombay Land Revenue Code 1879 prohibited the transfer of occupancies held by the tribal cultivators
in Scheduled Areas.
4. Under the Kerala Arable Forest Land Assignment Rules 1970.
5. Madhya Pradesh Land Revenue Code 1959.
6. Maharashtra Land Revenue Laws.
7. The Orissa Scheduled Area Transfer of Immovable Property Regulation 1956.
8. The Rajasthan Tenancy Act 1955.
9. West Bengal Land Reform Act 1971.
Deficiencies in laws and remedial measures:

Land alienation has been caused either due to inadequate legal provisions or lack of implementation of
the existing legal provisions. Some of the inadequacies noticed in various land laws are as follows:
i) In some states legal provisions are applicable only to Scheduled Tribes living in Scheduled Areas or
Notified areas. In Maharashtra and Bihar, the laws are applicable to Scheduled Areas and in Assam to
the tribal belts only and not to other areas.
ii) There is a wide disparity in the application of limitation period. In states like Rajasthan, Andhra
Pradesh and Tripura a general limitation period of 12 years is allowed in cases of alienation of the
tribal land. If it is found inadequate and may be increase to 30 years as is done in some like Orissa.
iii) Absence of provision for initiating Suo moto action by the administrative authorities for detection
and restoration of the alienated land without waiting for the tribal owner to take initiative in the matter
is also responsible for slow detection of such cases. Provisions for Suo moto action, Maharashtra,
Gujarat and Madhya Pradesh.
iv) For the purposes of land alienation, the law of evidence may be suitably amended to give primacy
to oral evidence over the documentary evidence.
v) In Scheduled areas it should be the responsibility of the non-tribals to prove that the land been
acquired in accordance with the provisions of the law as in Madhya Pradesh, Orissa and Andhra
Pradesh.
vi) The term “transfer” should be comprehensive so as to include illegal and benami transfers of land.
vii) No tribal should allowed to transfer, surrender or abandon ownership or interest in his immovable
property in favour of a non-tribal. Such a provision already exists in the states of Madhya Pradesh,
Orissa, Maharasthra, Andhra Pradesh and Gujarat.
viii) The state laws should be reviewed to restrict the judicial intervention at the High Court level.
There should be a provision, in order, to curtail the period of litigation, that no stay order could be
brought by a higher court against the order of a lower court restoring the land to tribal holders. The
number of appeals should be restricted to one only. The jurisdiction, of Civil Courts over the tribal
land should be barred, where it has not already been so done.
ix) The State laws have no provisions to deal with cases of occupation of the tribal land through deceit
and force. Such cases are generally dealt with under the provisions of the Indian Penal Code which is a
timetaking process. Executive courts may be set up on the pattern of provisions made in the Bonded
Labour Abolition Act, 1976 and empowered to try such cases. Punitive provisions should be made for
dealing with those found guilty. Provisions may also be made for summary eviction of those who have
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taken possession of tribal land. Repeated offenders may be booked under preventive detention laws.
x) The state laws do not prescribe any time limit within which the order of the competent authority to
restore the land to the tribals should be enforced. Many orders thus remain unexecuted for a long time
and it defeats the purpose for which they were issued. Specific time limit not exceeding 3 months may
be fixed for restoration of land to the tribals. The responsibility of the execution of such orders may be
specifically assigned to the district collector or to any other specific officer.
xi) Some states do not have clear provisions in their laws to deal with cases where pucca and
substantial structures have been erected on the alienated land prior to their restoration to the tribal
owners. The loophole provides further opportunities to the transferee to move other criminal and civil
to preventing demolition of structures. In order to prevent such unnecessary litigation, laws should be
enacted which would provide demolition, laws should be enacted which would provide demolition of
such structures it they are not substantial or for taking them over by the Government on nominal
compensation to be fixed by the court if they are substantial. No separate order for demolition would
be necessary and no court should entertain proceedings on this ground.
xii) In some states, laws pertaining to protection or tribal land form alienation are conflicting and
contradictory. The non-tribals have taken advantage of the lacuna to validate their claims to the tribal
land. Such incongruous provisions are often allowed to prevail by courts also. It may, therefore, be
specifically provided by each state that the protectionist provisions relating to tribal interest in land
would prevail over any provisions to the contrary in any other law in force.
xiii) In tribal areas, in case of dispute about ownership of land between a tribal and a non-tribal, it
should always be presumed that land belongs to the tribal unless proved otherwise. The proof should
be provided by the non-tribal. In such cases the law should provide for summary disposal of cases by
mobile courts and the action to restore land should follow immediately after the issue of the order. In
case of appeal or revision being field, the disputed land until disposal of the case should remain in
possession of the Government who would be competent to lease it out to the tribal. No stay order
should be passes by any higher court against the restoration of land to the owner.
xiv) No provision exits are present to regulate transfer of land from tribals to tribals. In order to protect
the interest of the poor tribals it is necessary to have some provisions to regulate intra-tribal transfer of
land also.
xv) The protective provisions have been relaxed in respect of tribal lands mortgaged to Scheduled
Banks and financial institutions. This has been done with a view to extended credit facilities to the
tribal landowner, the financial institution has power to dispose of his land to realize the dues. Thus, the
tribal land is ultimately alienating in many cases to the non-tribals. It is, therefore, necessary to make
provisions for restricting transfer of such land to buy such land, the Government may purchase the land
and allot it to the landless tribals.
xvi) Despite provisions against transfer of tribal land to the non-tribals, the registering authorities
continue to register documents of transfer of such land without verification of the land record. In order
to ensure that the protective provisions pertaining to alienation of tribal land are not violated, Indian
Registration Act needs to be amended to provide for verification of the land records by the registering
authority of the state before registering any land transfer document.
xvii) Many states provided for transfer of tribal land to the non-tribals with the permission of the
collector. This power is often exercised by subordinate officers on behalf of the collector, and it has
been misused by both to legitimise tribal land alienation. Therefore, no authority should be permitted
to authorize transfer of the tribal land to the nontribals. In case of distress sale of the tribal land, the
Government should purchase it at fair price and distribute it among the landless tribals. There are such
provisions in West Bengal.
xviii) There is no provision in the state laws which empowers a State Government to remove doubts
and difficulties in the implementation of the protective laws. General provisions may be made
empowering the state to issue guidelines for implementation of the protective provisions.
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xix) There is no provision for a state being made a compulsory party in all proceedings involving tribal
land in any state laws. The tribal, due to poverty, is not able to fight long-drawn litigation. In such
cases the State should be made a compulsory party so that the Government pleader could defend the
tribal interest. This is the most effective way of defending tribal interests and should be provided in all
the state laws.
xx) Protective provisions should be made where they do not already exist, as for example, in Tamil
Nadu. In case of Karnataka, the protective land laws apply only to the land assigned by the state
Government to the landless tribals. It should be extended to cover all tribal lands. In case of Kerala,
though the protective laws were enacted in 1975, it has been made applicable form 1982 only. This has
adversely affected the tribal interest. It should be made effective from the data enactment.
xxi) In Scheduled Area right of pre-emption should be given to the tribals to purchase the land of a
non-tribal it the letter wishes to dispose it off and restriction be placed on persons from outside the
district from acquiring such land. Provisions for Government purchasing such land for distribution
may be made.
Poverty
Condition of unsufficient means of livelihood is called poverty and family living in this condition is
called ―poor family. In this way, poverty is a problem of acute economic disparity but, really it is a
social cultural problem because in India. Poverty relates with unequal distribution of economic means
of livelihood, caste system and culture. Basic reasons of poverty reside in social, economic, cultural
layer of society. Hence poverty is a structural problem. Poor families are included in last layer of
society and they are considered as end layer or marginal people.
The measurement of poverty is called poverty line‖ people living below poverty line are considered
poor. According to Prof. Rohit Shukla, is situation arising out from insufficient nutrition or want of
essential things sustainable for life if line indicating the amount for living, residing and maintaining his
efficiency by which one can purchase food to which can give the needed calorie is called ―Poverty
line‖ and a person who expenses less amount is called poor.
Problem of Poverty among tribes
According to Elvin committee of 1960 the main problem of tribes is poverty. During 1973-74, 55% of
India‘s population were poor. While during 1977-78, 72% people among tribes were poor. During
1987-88, 40% people of its population were poor. According to 2001-02 survey, more than 26%
people are poor. This statistical data shows that, rate of poor people in tribes is more than total poor
persons in India.
Main Reasons of Poverty among tribes
1. Illiteracy
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In tribes formal education given in school-colleges is considered useless, vain and time wasting. So,
illiteracy sustains in them. Tribes do not accept need of latest education, having in traditional and
backward condition. Hence they remain unknown from rights and chances.
2. Partnership of Children in Professional Activities
Bhil tribes of Vaghvadla and Dadhela village of santrampur taluka join their children in economic
activities – labour, farming with them from their childhood. So these children do not go to school for
education and work with their parents their attitude is to use their children in economic activities of
family instead of sending them to school even though primary education is free. Moreover
responsibility of little problems and sisters is also on their shoulders, so they can not get education and
want of education they can do service/business. As a result, they have to face less income and poverty.
3. Backwardness in Farming
Farming of tribes is backward. Facility of irrigation is not sufficient land is not so fertile, use of
technology is less, so have to work hard, and reward is less.
4. Alchoholism
Alchoholism is a part of tribes culture and it is one of the reasons and result of poverty. Bhil people use
alcoholic widely. They take alcohol at social and religions events. They take alcohol made from
Mahuda and Tadi.
5. Attitude of Fatalism
Attitude of fatalism is seen in tribes which keeps them poor. They do not believe in try.
6. High Birth rate
Due to high birth rate, under the pressure of increase of population, problem of poverty is seen.
Indebtedness
Chronic indebtedness is a major problem of almost all tribes in India. May be with the exception of a
few tribal states in the North East, indebtedness has forced the tribes to fall into the clutches of
moneylenders. Though there is no absolutely reliable anthropological data, one can make a statement
with some degree of confidence that the problem was not there till the second half of 19th century.
Causes of indebtedness:
(i) Loss of tribal rights with respect to land and forests
(ii) Low yield from traditional agricultural practices
(iii) Low income from agricultural and other traditional occupations.
(iv) Poor exploitation of resources.
(v) Monetisation of the economy
(vi) Shift in consumption patterns. (More often consumption of unnecessary goods for which they have
to pay in cash)
(vii) Heavy expenditure of life cycles rituals
(viii) Carrying out Panchayat penalties and fines
(ix) Ignorance and illiteracy; and
(x) Exploitation by money-lenders.
Unfortunately, due to their ignorance and low literacy the money-lenders have exploited them. The
money-lender’s methods are simple and convenient-no sureties, no guarantors no filling up of forms,
etc. All that a tribal has to do is to put his thumb impression on plain paper or on a written stamp
paper, which he cannot read. He may, without knowing, mortgage his land.
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Dr. Sachindra Narayan who studied the Sauria Paharia, records in detail the cases with which the
Mahajans (money lenders) exploit the Saurias. During the period from November to February, which
is the agricultural season for the Sauria Paharias, Mahajans are a common sight. Normally they charge
50% interest on cash loans and 100% on loans given in kind. It is common for the Mahajans to take
grains from Saurias at current market grains in a locally made wooden measre(Paila) which is neither
uniform nor standardised. The price of the grain is deducted from the amounts to be repaid. The
Paharia also are aware that once they go to a Mahajan for loans they cannot come out of his clutches
easily. They do not understand his system of accounting; but even then, the Mahajan continue to be
popular. This state of affairs was recorded by Sachindra Narayan in 1986. In Maharasthra and Tripura,
some of the poor tribes take seeds on loan for sowing and return thrice or even four times the quantity
borrowed (the system is called Palemod). Thus, the tribals may Surrender a major portion of their
harvest. Even the Planning Commission recognised the magnitude of this problem it said in one of its
reports, “no programme of economic development is likely to have any impact on the tribal economy
unless vigorous measures are taken to rescue the tribal from the clutches of the moneylenders”.
Consequences of indebtedness: The unfortunate consequences of Indebtedness are
(i) Land alienation and transfer of land to non-tribals.
(ii) Bonded and unpaid labour
(iii) Sale of girls and women in prostitution; and
(iv) Chronic venereal diseases.
Remedial Measures
The Fifth Scheduled enables the governor of a state to regulate moneylenders’ business in scheduled
areas. Various state governments have passed laws in this regard. Some of the important laws passed
by different states to control and curb money lending are:
1. The Bihar State Scheduled areas Money lenders Regulation, 1985.
2. The Andhra Pradesh State Scheduled Area Money-lenders.
3. The Assam Money lenders Regulation 1968
4. The Kerala Money Lending Act, 1958
5. The Orissa Money lender (Application of certain Provisions) regulation, 1950.
6. Rajasthan Sagro System Abolition Act,1961.
Inspite of the statutory Provisions for regulating the activities of the moneylenders, there has been no
improvement in the situation. The planning Commission report on tribal development programmes
point out that due to:
(a) Lack of will and commitment on the part of state governments;
(b) Non-enforcement or weak enforcement of the penal provisions
(c) Inadequate use application of the protective provisions of the Fifth Scheduled,’ The tribals continue
to be exploited by the moneylenders.
Bonded Labour
The Bonded Labour System (Abolition) Act, 1976 was official acknowledgement of the existence of a
form of forced labour which had both traditional and economic roots. Since then, there have been some
efforts at ending this system of exploitative labour and relationships in bondage. The law provides for
identification, release and rehabilitation of bonded labourers as well as punishment for employers of
bonded labour.
The study done for the Planning Commission reports that 83 percent of the rehabilitated bonded
labourers belong to Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes. 43.6 percent of the rehabilitated bonded
labourers belong to Scheduled Tribes. Indebtedness has been cited as the main reason for landing in
bondage, and 70.7 percent of those surveyed gave loan as the main reason for bondage and 92.3
percent of those who did take the loan, did so for “consumption/food”.
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There are several emerging studies that indicate that this practice of bondage continues to exist,
particularly in tribal dominated districts. Yanadis in Nellore districts in Andhra Pradesh, Irulas in
Tiruvallur, Cuddalore and Vellore in Tamil Nadu, the Sahariyas in Baran districts of Rajasthan,
Shivpuri in Madhya Pradesh and Lalitpur and Banda in Uttar Pradesh are among the tribal
communities among whom extreme conditions of inhuman bondage can be found. Landlords in these
areas are often politically powerful and have no trouble evading criminal processes initiated against
them in this context.
In 2013, the Government of India acknowledged the continuing prevalence of bonded labour in the
country and identified ten districts, including Gaya in Bihar, Bastar and Kondagaon in Chhattisgarh,
Prakasam and Chittoor in Andhra Pradesh, Kanchipuram and Vellore in Tamil Nadu, Bolangir in
Odisha and Gumla in Jharkhand. What this campaign has thrown up are repeated traces of modern day
forms of bondage.
There is a close relationship between trafficking and bonded labour that recent reports reveal. In
February 2014, a newsmagazine published its report after travelling to hamlets in Narayanpur and
Kanker districts of Chhattisgarh. The report speaks of tribal women being lured by promises,
sometimes of work and sometimes of other journeys. Official records, it says, show that 9000 girls
have gone missing from Chhattisgarh in the past ten years. These are complaints that have been
registered with the police, most of which are from Raipur. The report says that the government claims
that the police have traced the whereabouts of 8000 girls, while a 1000 remain missing. Activists warn
that the figure of missing girls could be closer to 90,000.
Placement agencies and local agents active in the region send them to become exploited labour in
factories in Andhra Pradesh, Tamil Nadu, Delhi, Mumbai and other parts of Maharashtra. While there
are some reports of the agents being arrested for human trafficking, there are no indications of any
action being initiated in the factories and workplaces, who are using the labour of the girls.
There are capacities created by the law for state governments to protect the workforce that travels from
their state to another state from exploitation. The Inter-state Migrant Workmen (Regulation of
Employment and Conditions of Service) Act, 1979 has been on the statute books since 1979. This law
enables the government of a state from where workers migrate to reach into state where they are taken
for work. In 1990 the Supreme Court made it easier for the officers of the state from where workers
migrate to protect the workers from exploitation: "This is a beneficial legislation for satisfying the
provisions of the Constitution and the obligation in international agreements to which India is a party.
We do not think there can be any valid justification for not permitting the officers of the Originating
State to hold appropriate enquiries in the Recipient State in regard to persons of the Originating State
working as migrant labour in the Recipient State. ... We make a direction that to implement the
provisions of the Act of 1979 ... every State and Union Territory in India would be obliged to permit
officers of originating States of migrant labour for holding appropriate inquiries within the limits of the
Recipient States for enforcement of the statute and no Recipient State shall place any embargo or
hindrance in such process.”
The study submitted to the Planning Commission reports that 95.2 percent of those surveyed said that
it was the help provided by the state government that had helped them come out of bondage. It is
without doubt that the intervention of state government is imperative in preventing human trafficking,
practices of bonded labour and protection against exploitation of persons and communities migrating
outside the state.
It would be trite to say that it is persons in various states of poverty who become susceptible to these
forms of exploitation. The bonded labour law, and an acknowledgement of the prevalence of bonded
labour has been around for close to 40 years. That this practice has not abated, that modern forms of
slave-like practices have emerged, and that there is a preponderance of Scheduled Tribes, along with
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Scheduled castes in the population that makes up bonded labour is inexcusable. Dealing with this
issue, while not adversely affecting the right of the free movement of all persons, is a matter that needs
to be urgently attended to.
Low literacy, Poor educational facilities

The STs are at different levels of socio-economic and educational development. Scheduled Tribes
consist of diverse groups of people whose life styles, customs, practices and languages differ
considerably, not only from that of the general population but also from one another. The problems of
education of the ST children vary from area to area and tribe to tribe. The presence of STs, who are
historically deprived both socially and educationally, makes the educational situation quite complex.
In the colonial period, they did not make use of the educational opportunities that colonialism
provided. The low educational achievements of STs that we encounter today are totally inconsonant
with the fact that this group was recently debarred from traditional knowledge or learning. It is,
therefore, not surprising that in India today, the State does not care enough about the literacy of these
groups and these groups themselves have also not developed a powerful drive to force the State to
provide better educational services.
As per Census figures, literacy rate for STs in India improved from 47.1% in 2001 to 59% in 2011.
Among ST males, literacy rate increased from 59.2% to 68.5% and among ST females, literacy rate
increased from 34.8% to 49.4% during the same period. Literacy rate for the total population has
increased from 64.8% in 2001 to 73% in 2011. There is agap of about 14 percentage points in literacy
rate of STs as compared to the all India literacy rate. Gaps in literacy rates of STs as compared to the
all India in respect of persons, males and females for the years 1991, 2001 & 2011, show progressive
decline.
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SCHEDULED TRIBES AND EDUCATION

Scheduled tribes in India occupy the lowest rung in the educational ladder. The need to improve
literacy and education levels has been identified by various policy makers, academicians and social
activists as the priority area for action to improve the overall status of the tribals in India. This is
because education has the affirmative contribution towards building tribal life. Education is a potent
tool for the emancipation and empowerment of tribals. The greatest single factor which can incredibly
improve the status of tribals in Indian society is education. It is primarily regarded as the
instrumentality for improving the condition of backward and the elevation of the backward is seen as
one of the most important social product of education (Galanter, 1984: 58). It is indispensable that
education enables tribals not only to gain more knowledge about the world but helps them to get status,
positive self esteem, and self confidence , necessary courage and inner strength to face challenges in
life. Apparently, it also facilitates them to procure a job and supplement the income of family and
achieve social status. It is a cornerstone of tribals’ empowerment because it enables them to respond to
opportunities, to challenge their traditional roles and to change their lives (Mohanty, 2003: 93).
Education is also looked upon as an investment in human resources for income generation in any
community in the sense that in a primarily agricultural community build up a member of a family
capable of earning income from sources other than agriculture.
The role of education is not just limited to giving young people access to jobs and a descent living
wage. The admission of disadvantaged groups to education and training programme is the part of the
wider concern of promoting the educational processes throughout one’s life, the indispensable
condition not only for a durable integration for a job market, but also for full and active citizenship.
Moreover in most cases, education helps to eradicate the transmission of poverty from one generation
to the next (Sujatha, 1999: 11). Education is regarded as an integral part of the empowerment process
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(Xaxa, 2001). Empowerment of the tribal community means capacitating tribal communities to secure
access and control of their land, forest and water resources (Xaxa, 2005: 1368-1369) as well as to
sustain and promote viable alternatives for security of their livelihoods. Empowerment, thus, is an
interactive process whereby tribal communities are enabled to participate actively in local governance-
decision-making that affects their own life situation. In other words, the positive impact of education
can be summarized in the following ways: Education facilitates the processes, which will enable tribal
to:
 Develop an analytical capacity for assessing their external and internal environment impacting
on their own communities;
 Develop confidence and capacity to articulate their interests and perspective thereby
participating in decision making processes leading to better governance;
 Develop skills to initiate local relevant alternatives to improve livelihoods and challenge
external pressures;
 Value self and community history with a critical appreciation of traditional knowledge
systems.
Exploring the other dimension, modern education can also have negative impact on tribal societies.
The negative dimension of education is based on the fact of complexities that are associated with the
entire process of educational development. Education has different connotations on tribal society based
on the respective social context. It is closely linked with the process of modernization in response to
the conservative tribal society in India. The negative impact of education on the tribals is based on the
way in which the present educational system in India has been structured and operated. Its design has
an urban middle class orientation that has imposed on the entire State both in terms of structure and
content. As tribal communities of India are ‘closed’ in nature, their culture, tradition and value system
clash with modern culture and values that are the outcome of the present educational system. There is a
wide gap in terms of the concepts and value systems that tribal children learn in their environment
through socialization process and what they are expected to learn in school curricula. Stated otherwise,
tribal children find a complete disconnect between what they see in their socio-cultural environment
and what they learn in schools. Consequently, they become disinterested and drop-out. This
demonstrates their apathy towards modern educational system.
Causes of slow progress in tribal literacy: Main Causes of slow Progress in Literacy
1. Poverty of the parents.

2. Contents of education
3. Inadequate educational institution and supporting services.
4. Absenteeism,
5. Medium of institution, and
6. Education policy.
1. Poverty of the Parents.

For the poverty-ridden parents, education of their children is luxury which they can hardly afford. The
children assist their parents in earning their livelihood. Grown-up children also took after the younger
ones when the parents go out for work either as cultivators or as labourers. Absence of child care
centres, crèches, Balwadis etc., in the remote tribal areas, also has to share the blame for depriving the
children of the poor parents of the facility of education.
2. Contents of Education
The curriculum of education for the tribals has to be carefully evolved. It has to take into consideration
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the socio-cultural milieu of the Scheduled Tribes. Presently the general contents of education have
been extended to the tribal areas which in many cases are not relevant, particularly at the primary
stage.
3. Inadequate Educational Institution and Supporting Services.
The tribal areas suffer from inadequacy of educational institutions, boarding and lodging facilities.
Even where centres have been opened, about 40 per cent of them are without buildings. The supporting
services, such as the incentives in terms of scholarships, book banks, etc., are very insignificant and
generally do not attract the children.
4. Absenteeism
In the tribal areas the problem of absenteeism of the teachers is one of the important factors affecting
the education. They generally remain absent for days together due to absence of supervision over them
and also due to lack of dedication to the cause of education of the tribals. The children and also the
parents, cannot afford to waste their time and generally apt to drop out from the schools.
5. Medium of Instruction
For the tribals the medium of instruction in the schools is a difficult problem. Even after 40 years of
Independence we have not been able to provide education to the tribals in their mother tongue. The
tribal children are not generally able to follow the lessons given to them in the school in the language
which is totally to them. The tribals, undoubtedly, form linguistic minority groups and are entitled to
facility of instruction in their mother tongue at the primary school stage. Article 350 (A) of the
Constitution specifically provides for adequate facilities for instruction in mother tongue at the primary
stage of education to children belonging to linguistic minority groups. The President has also been
vested with the power of issuing directives to any state for this purpose.
Contemporary Concerns in Tribal Education

Educating the tribal children has been a challenge for the Government for various socio-cultural,
economic, geographical and administrative reasons. For example, the literacy rate of tribal people has
been lower than the entire population. During the period, 1961 to 2011, the gap in literacy rate between
Scheduled Tribes and the whole population increased from 19.8 percent in 1961 to 27.2 percent in
1981 and has declined to 14.6 percent in 2011. The gap can be said to be persisting in the trend
analysis. If the Northeast areas are excluded, the gap in the literacy rate between tribal and overall
population is fairly high. However, contemporary concerns on tribal education are more complex than
mere literacy. Absenteeism of teachers in schools in remote areas has increased. Left Wing Extremism
and inter-ethnic violence has resulted in further absenteeism and there is a need to adopt different
strategies for addressing these issues. Security of children, particularly girls, has become a concern in
many locations. Aspiration for higher education has led the government to institute scholarships for
tribal students, but the uptake has been low due to weak education at primary and secondary levels that
create disadvantages for higher education. This is particularly so, in the case of Science, Medicine, and
Engineering streams.
Incidence of High Dropout Rates
Dropout rates among the tribal students, particularly at the secondary and senior secondary stages, are
very high. With dropout rates97 of 73 per cent at Class X, 84 per cent at Class XI and 86 per cent at
Class XII, higher education also suffers. No detention policy, before and after the RTE Act, does not
allow students from the tribal community to acquire basic skills in Three Rs (Reading, Writing and
Arithmetic). Lack of such basic skills in language and arithmetic creates huge barriers for their further
studies. This absence of background education is also a cause of dropouts. Therefore, the policy of
non-detention needs a review. The policy of work education at the primary and vocational education at
the secondary and senior secondary level needs further integration and strengthening. Vacations in the
tribal schools should be realigned with the local festivals. Long duration summer vacation happens to
be critical period for mass dropouts not only in tribal areas, but also in all rural areas. This period
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should be gainfully utilized for conducting remedial classes, special coaching and skill development.
Institutions of ITDAs/ITDPs and micro projects support to the tribal schools should be strengthened to
prevent dropouts.
No-detention Policy
The committee was unanimous that while the no-detention policy was just and fair on paper, in
practice, it has had deleterious effect on education of children. Children who are unable to acquire
basic concepts in language and numerical ability, will be at a disadvantage at higher levels. We
recommend that this policy should be reviewed and certainly should be taken out of RTE Act, 2009.
When the student, teachers, or the parents of the student request for retention of a child to enable
him/her to acquire skills to move to the next class, he/she should be retained.
Shortage of ‘Quality’ Teachers
In the 1950s and the ‘60s, Ashram Schools at primary level were introduced in tribal habitations. The
number of teachers per school was below the present RTE norms, but many of the students remained
in school, and it is reflected in the increase in literacy rate of the Scheduled Tribes in following
decades. Over time, the absenteeism of teachers increased and small schools became ineffective.
Owing to paucity of trained teachers, learning achievement levels of tribal students remain low. A
realistic projection should be made for the requirement of teachers for TSP areas for the next ten years.
Additional capacity should be created in existing teacher training institutions. New teacher training
institutions should be opened in the TSP areas to meet the full requirement of qualified and trained
teachers. The curriculum for the training should be drawn up very carefully taking into account the
socio-cultural milieu, tribal ethos, language etc. Further, it should also meet the present day needs like
computer science, Information and Communication Technology (ICT) in education, etc. The dearth of
teachers fulfilling the eligibility criteria set out under the RTE Act is an impediment to achieving the
right to education in tribal areas. For addressing the current crisis of absence of teachers in tribal areas,
special efforts need to be made to produce more teachers who have qualified the Teachers Ability Test.
This must be done on an emergency basis. In the interregnum, teachers appointed in educational
institutions must be given a term within which they qualify the Teachers Eligibility Test, and facilities
be provided to assist them in taking this test, including training courses and access to materials.
Language Barriers for the Tribal Students
Most of the tribal communities in India have their own mother tongue. But in most of the States,
official/regional languages are used for classroom teaching and these are not understood by the tribal
children at primary level of schooling. In the Vision 2020 document, there was an acknowledgement
that Multi-Lingual Education (MLE) was necessary, in view of the low tribal literacy, high rates of
dropouts and low learning achievements of the tribal children. The Model of Primers in the Tribal
language were first developed in Odisha in 1996. Subsequently, several pilot projects involving
material production and training, aimed at promoting multilingualism in the classrooms were launched
in Odisha, Andhra Pradesh and Assam. The design of the Primer of Odisha has some aspects which
should be noted for replication. One side of the text was in local script but used tribal language. The
other side of the script was in local language and script. The student learnt the script because he/she
understood the content. The teacher understood the tribal language because he/she could read in a
known script. The contents were about local trees and fruits, local folk tales and festivals. Some of the
text was also about functional literacy such as clean drinking water and common institutions.
However, this initiative was not carried forward with change of personnel at the helm of Education
Departments.
Involvement of Panchayats and Community in Education
A study has documented the criticality of involvement of parents and community in the education of
tribal girl children. The study has also documented the unique perception of tribal parents on modern
education. For success of the educational interventions, involvement of community through the
Panchayati Raj Institutions needs to be institutionalized. Information on various schemes, benefits and
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beneficiaries should be provided to the Gram Sabhas and Gram Panchayats, which would create
transparency. This will help create demand for scholarships and access to higher education, because of
wide dissemination of information. Involvement of community members in school activities would
reduce the social distance between the school and the community and would help in checking
dropouts. Social audit by Gram Sabha will, for example, improve attendance of teachers, quality of
food served in schools and delay in supply of text books.
Education for Displaced and Dispersed Tribals
Special arrangements for schooling facilities for the children of displaced tribal population residing in
urban centres needs to be institutionalized through creation of special tribal agencies in the urban
areas. They should be established under the Department of Tribal Affairs of the State Government,
utilizing the TSP/SSA grants. Similarly, for the dispersed tribal population, special interventions, such
as transport facilities for the children, should be provided to cater to their educational needs. Many of
these people have been forcibly evicted by land acquisition and, therefore, the project for which they
were displaced should have funded for their rehabilitation, including educational facilities at the
resettlement sites.
Education of Nomadic Tribes
Nomadic tribes are constantly mobile depending on the climate, occupations and livelihood
opportunities. For instance, the Bakkarwals and Gujjars of Jammu and Kashmir, move to higher
altitudes in summers and return to lower altitudes in winters. While residential schools have been set
up for children in lower altitudes, the younger children (Class I to V) travel along with their parents
and do not stay in these schools. Therefore, these children miss out on primary level schooling. Hence,
this issue must be addressed through a special mass contact program for creating awareness about the
need for schooling and long term benefits. The region also borders the Line of Control and hence they
are exposed to violence. The Department of Tribal Affairs also has to ensure that there are female
wardens for girl students in residential schools and the space is not violated by armed men. Similar
action is required for other Nomadic Tribes. The basic principles are:
(a) The residential schools should be where the weather is least harsh,
(b) there should be special security for the children, including girl children for whom there should be
women wardens,
(c) the parents of students should be brought to these institutions so that they are informed about the
education, and quality of life, of their children,
(d) there should be proactive efforts by Tribal Affairs officials of the State to approach every family to
help them make an informed choice to send their children to the schools, (e) the holidays for these
schools should be fixed in such a way that the children can meet their family, when the family returns
to the place where they celebrate festivals, weddings, etc.
Recommendations
1. The purpose of education anywhere, including in tribal areas, should be to provide chidren with an
understanding of the environment and society in which they live and to endow them with the capability
to earn a livelihood in the local society and, for those who have the desire and ability, in the national
job market.
2. There is a marked gender gap with respect to education in tribal society. This is reflected in the
disparity in literacy levels, drop-out rates and enrolment in higher education. Hence, there is a need for
greater gender focus and social mobilization to encourage education of girls. The State must develop
certain mechanisms to this effect.
3. Since the educational scenario in tribal areas is marked by poor infrastructure, providing adequate
infrastructure, such as classrooms, teachers and teaching aids as well as basic facilities like electricity,
water, boundary walls and toilets is absolutely essential for the proper functioning of these schools and
from the perspective of security and safety of children.
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4. In view of the deteriorating condition of elementary education in tribal areas, where Sarva Siksha
Abhiyan has hardly been of help, recourse should be taken to the Right of Children to Free and
Compulsory Education Act, 2009 which provides for compulsory enrolment of all children between
the age group 6 to 14, re-enrolment of those who have dropped out with the facility of special coaching
for admission in a class appropriate to his or her age, and admission of a child in a neighbouring school
of his or her choice. The Act should be stringently implemented.
5. Keeping in view the difficulties of adjusting to a new cultural environment, teachers for schools in
the tribal regions should be recruited locally. Along with the teaching staff, the administrative staff
dealing with tribal education should have regular orientation courses to appreciate tribal culture and
way of life. To facilitate such training, the centers of training should be located in the tribal areas.
There should be a separate cadre of teaching and administrative staff, who will serve among the tribal
schools over the long run.
6. New teacher training institutions should be opened in the TSP areas to meet the full requirement of
qualified and trained teachers. The curriculum for the training should be drawn up very carefully,
taking into account the sociocultural milieu, tribal ethos, language etc.
7. The dearth of teachers fulfilling the eligibility criteria set out under the RTE Act is an impediment to
achieving the right to education in tribal areas. For addressing the current crisis of absence of teachers
in tribal areas, special efforts need to be made to produce more teachers who have qualified the
Teachers Ability Test. This must be done on an emergency basis. In the interregnum, teachers
appointed in educational institutions must be given a term within which they qualify the Teachers
Eligibility Test, and facilities be provided to assist them in taking this test, including training, courses
and access to materials.
8. The State Governments should develop a policy for multilingual education, so that early learning is
conducted in the local language.
9. The experiment with the Model Primer developed in Odisha and other similar ventures may be
worked upon in TSP areas and in tribal languages in other states as well.
10. Inclusion of local culture, folklore and history in the curriculum can help in building confidence of
tribal children and enhance the relevance of education in their lives. Music and dance are a central part
of tribal life. Therefore, storytelling, theatre, painting, music and dance performances should be
promoted. Similarly, sports such as football, archery and other popular local sports are extremely
beneficial and therapeutic for children, and should be promoted.
11. Recognizing that the tribal people have certain cultural ‘genius’, different aspects of ‘indigenous
knowledge’ should be documented, researched and promoted. For developing better understanding of
the tribal cultures and their promotion, there should be appropriate number of tribal cultural academies
in regional centres. An important step in this direction is teaching tribal history and culture in schools
for both tribal and non-tribal children.
12. To address the problem of low representation of the tribals in higher education, it is necessary to
refurbish primary and secondary school education through special coaching. 13. Institutions of
ITDAs/ITDPs and micro-projects support to the tribal schools should be strengthened for prevention of
dropouts.
14. The policy of no-detention needs a review. When the student, teachers, or parents of the student
request for retention of a child to enable him/her to acquire skills to move to the next class, he/she
should be retained.
15. In light of the harsh terrain of tribal inhabitations, norms concerning distance and Pupil-Teacher
Ratio, at all levels of school education, should be reviewed.
16. The policy of vocational education at the secondary and senior secondary level needs further
integration and strengthening.
17. There is a marked absence of quality secondary and higher secondary schools in tribal areas. The
Government needs to establish well-run residential schools such as Jawahar Navodaya Vidyalayas
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closer to the habitations (within a radius of ten kilometres) up to Class XII. These schools must
provide comprehensive facilities for marginalized children including quality education, health care and
academic support classes.
18. Residential schools should be set up specifically for Nomadic Tribes. The basic principles are: (a)
The residential schools should be in places where the weather is least harsh, (b) there should be special
security for the children, including girl children for whom there should be women wardens, (c) the
parents of students should be brought to these institutions so that they are informed about the
education, and quality of life, of their children, (d) there should be proactive efforts by Tribal Affairs
officials of the State to approach every family to help them make an informed choice to send their
children to the schools, (e) the holidays for these schools should be fixed in such a way that the
children can meet their family, when the family returns to the place where they celebrate festivals,
weddings, etc.
19. In residential schools, which are often in the news for incidents of sexual abuse of students, strong
mechanisms should be put in place to protect the students from abuse, neglect, exploitation and
violence.
20. There is a need to recognise the adverse impact of violence on children’s education. No schools or
areas in the immediate vicinity of schools should be occupied by security forces or the police, as has
been the case in conflict zones in tribal areas. Demilitarisation of schools is vital in order to restore
schools as a place of safety, security and scholarship for students.
21. Involvement of community in educational interventions through the Panchayati Raj Institutions
needs to be institutionalized. Information on various schemes and benefits to beneficiaries should be
provided to the Gram Sabhas and Gram Panchayats, which would create transparency and increase
awareness about their entitlements.
22. There is a need for regular social audits to monitor the functioning of schools. To this end, a
monitoring committee at the block level for primary and middle schools and district level for high and
higher secondary schools should be set up.
23. Most of the educational ‘missions’ do not reach the tribal areas and where they do reach, they are
too rare to have any significant impact. The State educational machinery is largely responsible for this
situation. There should be proper accountability of the State educational administration to end the
longstanding stagnation in education in tribal areas.
Unemployment, Underemployment
MAJOR OCCUPATION
The majority of tribal populations, (about 80 percent) work in agricultural sector, mostly as cultivators,
marginal formers and agricultural labourers. A small segment is engaged in industrial sector as factory
workers while further smaller segments like the Todas of Nilgiri Hills, Tamil Nadu, Bhotias of Sub-
Himalayan region, Uttar Pradesh and Gaddias and Bakarewals of Jammu and Kashmir are cattle
herders; some are artisans such as Mahalis of West Bengal;Asur and Agaria of Bihar and Madhya
Pradesh are iron smelters and blacksmiths while about seventy small tribal communities mostly located
in southern India are forgathers and hunters. Of late, a growing number of tribal people have joined the
ranks of migrant agricultural labour and unskilled workers engaged in construction works. In between
the total tribal population, a microscopic minority of educated tribals are either government employees
or professionals such as doctors, entrepreneurs, teachers, etc. Thus, poverty and impoverishment is
their lot (Hasnain 1991). The following section presents different occupational categories among tribal
group.
In a study on traditional economic activities pursued by the tribes of India, Vidyarthi and Rai, have
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delineated the following categories:
i) Hunting, ii) Hill-cultivation, iii) Plain agriculture, iv) Simple artisan, v) Pastoral and cattle-herding,
vi) Folk-artists, and vii) Agricultural and non-agricultural labour.
Traditional tribal economy was largely a combination of several types of activities. For example, hill
cultivators and plain agriculturists, were also occasionally hunting and gathering to supplement their
income. Similarly, pastoralists were engaged in agriculture to meet their basic food requirements.
Therefore, the above typology of economy is only indicative of the main activities.
Labour Force Participation Rate (LFPR)

As per the Periodic Labour Force Survey (PLFS) 2018-19, conducted by National Statistical Office,
MoSPI, the Labour Force Participation Rate(LFPRs) (in per cent) in usual status (ps+ss) among
persons belonging to different social groups during 2018-19 are given in Table 4.15. LFPR (in per
cent) according to usual status (ps+ss) for ST and all social groups in PLFS 2018-19 has been shown in
Graph 4.8.
Unemployment Rate (UR)

The unemployment rate signifies the proportion of persons who are available for work, but did not get
work during the reference period. UR (in percent) in usual status (ps+ss) among persons belonging to
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different social groups during 2018-19 is presented in Table 4.17.
Health and Nutrition

Health is a multifaceted aspects and has been defined by WHO as “a state of complete physical, mental
and social well- being and is not merely the absence of disease or infirmity”.
Tribes have their understanding of health and illness which is closely intertwined with their culture,
tradition and environment. Their classification and categorisation of health and illness are closely
associated with their social structure. Health and illness, in tribal societies, is not an isolated category
but explained in the social context. Thus, an understanding of society and its culture becomes
imperative for a holistic understanding of tribal health and illness.
So there is an urgent need to understand the concept of health among tribes and their traditional
knowledge and health seeking behaviour. The health seeking behaviour of the tribal groups is
associated with their beliefs, customs and practices. Health status of different communities particularly
the tribal group is influenced by their way of life including their social and economic conditions,
nutrition and living conditions, dietary habits, taboos and superstitions, etc.
HEALTH STATUS OF THE TRIBAL
The tribal groups in India inhabit widely varying ecological and geo-climatic conditions (hills, forests,
deserts, etc.) and are at different stages of social, cultural and economic development process. The
scheduled tribes differ considerably from one another in their biological characteristics, language,
cultural practices and beliefs, and in their socio-economic characteristics. The health of these tribal
groups is a function of the interaction between socio-cultural practices, genetic characteristics and the
environmental conditions (Basu, 1996). The overall health status of the tribal community is dependent
upon the effects of environment in which they live, genetic characteristics, cultural patterns and the
lifestyles of the tribal groups, health care delivery service in tribal areas, and their detached attitude
largely accepting the modern health care services at the initial stages of the disease.
The problems of tribal health cannot be studied in isolation from the general population of India. Tribal
suffer from the same diseases as others with marked preponderance of infective over degenerative
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diseases. The tribals who have remained isolated will soon be exposed to the rapid pace of
development and industrialization in our country (Tiwari S.C., 1994). The general health problems of
the tribal resemble those of the rural and underprivileged sections of our society. These comprise
malnutrition, anaemia, parasitic infections like diarrhoeal and respiratory disorders. The life of the
tribal is so affected with these disorders, right from birth that the average life expectancy is much
lower in contrast with the national average of 58-50 years (Verma C Ishwar 1994).
Basu (1996) suggested that there is an urgent need for initiating area specific, group specific, health
need specific, action research studies among the tribal communities in India so that the health oriented
action research studies ultimately help the authorities in formulating effective need based health care
strategies among various tribal groups in India. Widespread poverty, illiteracy, malnutrition, non-
availability of safe drinking water and sanitary living conditions, poor maternal and child health
service, ineffective coverage of national health programmes and consanguineous marriages have been
found to affect the health status of the tribal adversely and also responsible for some of the specific
illnesses including genetic disorders. Unfortunately, proper health services are not available in many of
the tribal areas. Understandably, the common beliefs, customs and practices connected with health and
disease influence their choice of treatment methods. The inadequate nature of facilities in many tribal
areas, lack of respect in the staff manning these facilities for the indigenous culture and further
inadequate attention towards these patients is often responsible for the non-acceptance and distrust of
the tribal towards the modern medicine.
It has been found that certain states like Madhya Pradesh, Orissa, Rajasthan, Gujarat, Assam and in
some other areas, certain diseases like goitre, yaws, malaria and guinea-worm are endemic
(Government of India, 1989). Primitive tribal groups of India have special health problems because of
their ignorance, unhygienic conditions, and lack of health education and non-availability of health care
facilities in their habitation areas. There is general agreement that the health status of the tribal
population in India is very poor and many scholars have tried to establish this with the help of
morbidity, mortality and health statistics. The low health status of tribal community in general is
closely linked with factors such as their poverty, illiteracy, lack of infrastructure facilities for medical
care in the area where they inhabit. The gradual encroachment by the modern society on the natural
resources of the tribal and depleting them of their habitat and exposing them to the apparently alien
modern acculturation is a continuing stress which could result in a variety of health problems both
mental and physical. Therefore in order to have a better understanding of tribal health let’s discuss the
tribal concept of health and perception of disease and disease causation along with the health problems
and dimensions.
1. Population size: Total fertility rate in Scheduled Tribe population, though reduced to 3.12, is still
above the replacement level. During 2001 to 2011, the Scheduled Tribes population in India has
annually increased by 2.12 percent, constituting 8.6 percent of the total population of India in 2011,
amounting to about 10 crores in absolute number. Health of the ten crores vulnerable people should
become an important national concern. At the same time negative Scheduled Tribe population growth
in Nagaland and in the Great Andamanese tribe in Andaman & Nicobar is a concern.
2. The mortality indicators of Scheduled Tribe population have certainly improved during the past
decades. However, these are significantly worse than of the general population. A comparison on a few
important child mortality indicators is as follows:
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The infant and child mortality rates (most likely to be underestimates) in the Scheduled Tribes have
shown improvement but slower than in the total population, with the result that these rates in
Scheduled Tribes are higher by about one third than in the other population. Moreover, these show a
huge variation between the states, and are particularly high in 7 states.
3. The life expectancy at birth in the Scheduled Tribe population was 61 years, several years less than
in the general population in 2001. It is a commentary on the national data systems that updated
information on life expectancy in tribal population is not available.
Concept of Health and Perception of Disease
The tribal belief of causation of disease can be broadly categorized into two areas. They are strong
believers of natural theory of diseases. According to them when man falls out of harmony with nature,
he suffers from illnesses and becomes susceptible to diseases and accidents. Hence there are the rituals
to restore balance and harmony with nature.
Treatment is influenced by the cause of sickness perceived by the group. The tribals have some
scientific knowledge, learnt through traditional experience. This knowledge is part of their socio-
cultural religious system. The treatment procedure amongst the tribals can be broadly divided into
preventive and curative methods. The preventive procedures include use of charms, amulets, animal
sacrifice propitiations of disease seeking spirits, worship of God-belief in protective function of rituals.
The curative practices include first worship of deities and spirits. To the tribals religion and medicine
are not separate. It has also been found that some tribals practice their traditional system along with
western system of medicine, if available.
Although the concept of well-being and the notion of the disease varies between different tribal
groups, yet in tribal habitat, a person is usually considered to be afflicted with some diseases if he/she
is incapable of doing the routine work which is usually being expected to be carried out by that
individual in the society, i.e. incapacitation from work is the universal index of poor health. Thus the
concept of ill health becomes functional one and not clinical. This is precisely the reason among many
tribal groups, e.g. Kutia Kondha, Muria, Madia, Bhattra, Halba, Jaunsari, Santal, Lodha, Kharia, Bhil,
Rathwa, Mina, Jatapu, Saora, Pando, Khairwar, Oraon, Munda, Kinnauras, Dhodias and among many
others; symptoms such as pains and ache, weakness, scabies, prolonged cough, mild fever, wounds,
etc. are not taken seriously as symptoms of disease.
A tribal in general, hardly makes a distinction in the magnitude of fever. However, within the limits if
their own respective worldview, most of the tribal societies have definite means for identifying and
classifying various kinds of aliments and diseases. It may be worth while to state that at least one
component of health is universally seen among the tribal societies, and that is, committing or omitting
certain acts, in other words breach of trust is thought to bring upon some kind of affliction on the
individual or a family as a whole. Measles, tuberculosis, diarrhea, cholera are some such diseases
where individual’s action may cause some concern to the family, clan or the village. Interestingly the
causation of such disease is independent of the sanitary condition of the community/individuals. The
fate of the individuals and the community depends on their relationship with unseen force, which
intervenes in human affairs. If human beings offend them, the mystical power punish by causing
sickness, death or other natural calamities. The tribal people believe in the presence of benevolent and
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malevolent spirits, the former playing a protective role, while the latter are considered being
responsible for causing disease and epidemics.
It is common observation across the tribal culture that the ancestral spirits play important role in the
prosperity and protection of the family. And they have to be properly honored for otherwise they will
bring wrath on family members. These spirits are believed to bring a state of physical, mental and
social well-being to the members of the family. There are many spirits who are feared because of their
power to afflict people by bringing a number of diseases. The role of the spirits, ghosts and deities in
the tribal life in the causation and treatment of diseases is so important that the local tribal people have
to seek the help of traditional diviners, medicine men, sorcerers (Sirha, Gunia, Bhua, Jani, Bhopa,
Ojha, Pujari etc.) for appeasing, controlling or driving away the disease causing agents. The frequency
of worshipping or getting in touch with malevolent spirits is more common because of their immediate
effect on day-to-day life. Studies indicates that the tribals in Bastar, Phulbani, Mayurbhanj,
Sundergarh, Panchmahals, Purulia, Dumka, Dehradun, Gadchiroli, Barmer, Valsad, Kinnaur, and
Udaipur practices offering through sacrifice for health related purposes is very common among them.
However, it is important for us to know that the tribal scene in India does not present a uniform canvas
in terms of beliefs and health seeking behaviour. Broadly speaking, about four different strata of the
tribal population have been discerned. As per the strata their belief system and concept of health and
disease do differ. For example on top of the strata is the acculturates layer who have adopted more or
less the way of life of non-tribal sections forming the upper crust of the society. They have traveled the
farthest from their original tribal habitat. The second are the settled tribes’ agriculturist in the fringe
plains who have come quite some way from the tribal highlander; being no longer isolated they are in
the process of transformation. Tribal from the North Eastern parts of India can be categorized in these
two strata because of their lifestyles and belief system. They are much more advanced than the other
tribes in India in terms of their understanding towards health and disease causation. The third category
is that of the highlanders who, having hardly shifted from their habitat, have undergone little
transformation and may still practice shifting cultivation. The last category is of the still isolated
backward groups, including the so-called “primitive groups”, who are encrusted in their original
habitat, having little exposure and, consequently have preserved their original socio-economic-cultural
traits. The four-fold classification does not represent any rigid or water tight compartments, but is
meant merely for the sake of comprehension of the scenario in a very general way.
Dimensions of Tribal Health in India
The culture of the community determines the health behaviour of the community in general and
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individual members in particular. The health behaviour of the individual is closely linked to the way he
or she perceives various health problems along with access to various health care institutions. Primitive
tribal group in India have special health problem and genetic abnormalities like sickle cell anemia, G-
6-PD red cell enzyme deficiency and STD. Insanitary condition, ignorance, lack of personal hygiene
and inadequate health education are the main factors responsible for a majority of health problems.
Some of the problems indicated by investigations in tribal areas include:
(a) Endemic diseases like malaria, introduced from outside or otherwise like TB, influenza, dysentery,
high infant mortality and malnutrition. These diseases also reflect that there can be the possibility of
HIV infection as TB and STD are found in great number among tribals.
(b) Venereal disease include abortion, inbreeding, addiction to opium, custom of eating tubers of
DIOSCERA (may cause sterility as it contain substances used in oral contraception).
(c) Nutrition, anemia is a major problem for women in India and more so in rural and tribal belt.
Anemia lowers resistance to fatigue, affects working capacity under conditions of stress and increases
susceptibility to other diseases. Tribal diets are generally grossly deficient in calcium, vitamin A, B, C
riboflavin and animal protein.
Similarly crude birth practices were found to exist in some tribal groups like Khurias, Gonds, Santals,
Kutia Khondhs of Orissa etc. More than 90 percent of deliveries are conducted at home attended by
elderly ladies of the household. No specific precautions are observed at the time of conducting
deliveries, which resulted in an increased susceptibility to various infections. These practices also
increased the risk of mother to child transmission of disease like HIV/AIDS. Sexually transmitted
diseases are most prevalent diseases in the tribal areas. Malnutrition was common and greatly affected
the ability to resist infection, leading to chronic illness and the post weaning period leading to
permanent brain impairment. A high incidence of malnutrition was observed in primitive tribal groups
in Phulbani, Koraput and Sundergarh districts of Orissa and also among Bhils and Garasia of
Rajasthan and Padars, Rabrig and Charans of Gujarat and Bondas of Orissa.
The diseases prevalent in tribal areas can be broadly classified into following categories:
A) Malnutrition – Low birth weight, under-nutrition of children, lower body size of adults, anemia,
iron and vitamin A and B deficiency.
B) Maternal and child health problems – higher IMR, U5MR, neonatal mortality, acute respiratory
infections, and diarrhea.
C) Communicable diseases – malaria, filaria, tuberculosis, leprosy, skin infections, sexually
transmitted diseases, HIV, typhoid, cholera, diarrheal diseases, hepatitis, and viral fevers.
D) Accidents and injuries – including the burns, falls, animal bites, snake bites, violence due to
conflicts, and more recently, motor cycle accidents.
E) High consumption of alcohol and tobacco in most areas and of drugs in the Northeast region.
F) Hereditary diseases such as the Hemoglobinopathies (Sickle Cell) and G-6 PD deficiency.
G) Mental health problems – especially in the areas affected by conflicts.
H) Speciality problems – especially the orthopedic and surgical problems, gynecological problems,
oro-dental problems and eye problems.
I) Non-communicable illnesses – hypertension, stroke, diabetes, and cancers.
Generally, we may conclude, that the Scheduled Tribes in India suffer predominantly from:
A) The diseases of underdevelopment (malnutrition, communicable diseases, maternal and child health
problems),
B) Diseases, particularly common in Scheduled Tribe population (Sickle cell disease, animal bites,
accidents) and
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C) Diseases of modernity (hypertension, high consumption of alcohol and tobacco, stress).
FACTORS INFLUENCING HEALTH AND NUTRITION OF THE TRIBAL

India is a signatory to the Alma Ata World Health Organisation (WHO) declaration of 1978 and
committed to attaining the goal of “Health for All” through primary health care approach. However it
seems to be a distant dream seeing the present health scenario of the country. Therefore it is necessary
to realize how complex the subject is. Overall, an average Indian’s health is inferior to his western and
many Asian counterparts. The health of the average present day tribal is poorer. Time was when tribal
was considered synonymous with a healthy human being. Some writers have dubbed this idea as a
myth. However, in order to proceed to examine the health of the tribal communities, it is well to
recognize it as a product of complex inter-play of several forces and factors some of which can be spelt
out as:
Physical Environment
Physical environments, has a profound impact on health in multiple ways. In the case of tribal
communities it has more importance as they have a direct and meaningful relationship with nature.
They also derive their means of subsistence from primary sectors like land and forest. They are
dependent on the raw, natural resource provided by nature in their surroundings. But, today, such
balance with nature is not very common. By and large, ecosystems have suffered degradation
impairing their viability to support rising population of the tribal communities, mainly on account of
depredations of some non-tribal sections. This factor is of importance and has been contended with.
Socio-Economic State
Next to availability of resources is the factor of socio economic organization of a group. It has been
observed that relations within a tribal group, particularly a village community, have generally been
permeated by principle of equity tending towards a socialistic order, ensuring minimal nutritional
levels for all members. Tribal societies have often taken care of the weak and the destitute. Instances
have been cited where the entire village production of grains etc. was distributed among the members.
Such communitarian organizational-cum-distributive practices have been withering under the impact
of the current individualistic-capitalistic trends.
Nutritional Availability and Dietary Habits
Within the framework of availability of food and nutrition, we must take note of social heritage and
dietary habits of tribals. As in respect of any other society tribal diet is regulated by certain norms and
traditions. For instance, the Saora of Orissa regards drinking milk as taboo. Under the influence of the
caste society, some communities have turned vegetarian like the Tana Bhagat of Bihar and certain
Gonds of Chattisgarh. Nevertheless, a large number of tribal communities are eclectic in their
approach to food which is derived from farm i.e. agricultural products, as well as forest, catering to
both plant and animal nutrition. The unfortunate fact today is that there has been depletion of both
tribal agricultural land and forest. Despite legal and administrative measures, a sizeable percentage of
his land has slipped away from the tribal. Further, it is well known that deforestation after
independence has taken place on a big scale and, for this reason and otherwise, there has been large
scale destruction of wild life. Shrinking of these resources has had devastatingly poisonous and
depleting effect on availability of food for the tribal. Further there has been curtailment in the nutrition
which went into the tribal human system through homemade alcoholic beverages. In overall result,
social and medical scientists have reported high incidence of nutritional deficiency among vulnerable
segments viz. infants, children, pregnant women, nursing mothers.
Genetic Disease and Disorders
There are two genetic disorders, namely sickle cell anaemia and G-6-PD deficiency found to occur in
high frequencies in Scheduled Tribe populations in Indian subcontinent. Both male and female were
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equally affected in the case of sickle cell anaemia whereas males were more affected than females in
G-6-PD deficiency cases. The sickle cell disease was found in 72 district of Central, Western and
Southern India. There were more than 35 tribal population groups showing a frequency of more than
19 percent. The inter-linkage of some genetic characteristics with the environment, specific disease
endemicity and therapeutic problems, has to be understood. It appears that some degree of
documentation of the nature and extent of inbreeding among some tribal communities has been done,
but many more tribal groups need yet to be studied.
Tribal Medicine The tribal systems of medicine, broadly speaking, depend on herbal and
psychosomatic lines of treatment. Inadequate attention was given to tribal medicine. Prejudice should
not cloud our approach. There is a need to delve into them for two reasons. One to gain access to the
knowledge which this section of humanity possesses and make the best used of it to their advantage for
health care and development. Second, in the light of the international protocol seeking to take away
this knowledge for profit, it is important to retrieve and preserve tribal medicine. Hence, intensive and
extensive research should be taken up in tribal medicine to open up new frontiers. Health Delivery
Systems The design of the health delivery systems in the tribal areas needs to conform to the socio-
economic conditions, morbidity patterns, demographic patterns, terrain and climate, and other
indicators like nutrition status, life expectancy, disability rates, and alcoholism etc. It should not be just
a replica of what obtains in the other rural areas of the country. Preventive approaches should be given
priority over the curative approaches due to lack of infrastructure and specialized technology.
Immunization programmes for infants and children and various other prophylactic programmes can
pay rich dividend. Secondly, the type of health care personnel required needs consideration. Cultural
differences demand posting of the right type; inhospitable condition of the tribal areas drive away the
usual run of medical and para-medical staff. As a result health institutions remain unmanned along
with drugs and equipment in short supply.
DIET AND NUTRITIONAL STATUS OF THE TRIBAL

Health is an important aspect of development and nutrition plays a central role in determination of
health and well-being of individuals and affects growth and development through out the life cycle.
Nutritional status of the tribal depends on the consumption of food in relation to the needs that
influences the eco system in which they live (Mohapatra and Das, 1990). The health problems of the
tribals are profoundly influenced by interplay of socio-cultural and economic factors, which are quite
distressing. Hence, it is necessary to understand the food habits of the tribals in view of their
subsistence economy, social isolation and food insecurity. Their natural habitat renders them
vulnerable to a host of astringent unsanitary living conditions, wide spread poverty, illiteracy,
ignorance, absence of safe drinking water, lack of personal hygiene and health education, poor
utilization of maternal and child health services and ineffective coverage of health services. A
considerable proportion suffers from malnutrition such as protein-energy and deficiencies of iron,
vitamin A and iodine (Roa et al., 1989; Bulliya et al., 2002). Their common superstitious beliefs,
customs, practice and taboos connected with health and disease intimately related to treatment of
diseases that affect the morbidity and mortality. Maternal and child care is largely neglected, which is
reflected in terms of high infant mortality and maternal mortality rates (Kumar et al., 1991). Malaria,
meningitis, unspecified fevers, diarrhea, respiratory infections and neonatal tetanus takes a heavy toll
(Basu et al., 1993).
A larger number suffers from various communicable diseases like leprosy, tuberculosis, and venereal
disease transmitted through contact with non-tribals (Swain, et al., 1990). Worm infestations are high
due to semi starvation, inferior food and unhygienic food habits, which in turn affect nutritional status.
The acute food insecurity feature is commonly characterized with malnourishment, vulnerability and
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poor socio economic condition. It is reported that more than half of the tribal population is not
consuming the recommended requirement (Patel, 1985). Their diets are grossly deficient in animal
protein, fats and vital nutrients like calcium, iron, riboflavin and vitamin A.
Besides scarcity of food, they have superstitions and misconceptions regarding food in spite of all
sufferings and starvations. Further extremes of magico-religious beliefs and taboos tend to aggravate
the nutritional problems. A high prevalence of malnutrition is reported in primitive tribal groups such
as Lanjia Saura, Kutia Kondh, and Paudi Bhuiyan. Protein-energy-malnutrition and iron and vitamin
deficiencies are widely prevalent among preschool children. High rate of micronutrient deficiency is
documented for adolescent girls, pregnant women and lactating mothers (Rao et al., 1989;
Vijayaraghavan et al., 1997). Owing to hard work along with poor quality of food, females suffer from
different ailments since their early age and survival tasks, which result in inevitable neglect and
adverse affect on health during infancy.
Measure of Nutrition Status
Malnutrition has been defined (Jetliffe, 1966) as a pathological state resulting from relative or absolute
deficiency or excess of one or more essential nutrients, this state being clinically manifested or
detected only by biochemical, anthropometric or physiological tests.
Clinical examination of individuals is an important practical method of assessing the nutritional status
of an individual and a community. The method is based on examination for changes, believed to be
related to inadequate nutrition, that can be seen or felt in superficial epithelial tissues, specially the
skin, eyes, hair and buccal mucosa, or in organs near the surface of the body, such as the parotids and
the thyroid glands. Occasionally this may be supplemented in the field by certain physical tests with or
without instrumental aids, such as the testing of the ankle jerk. This method has the advantage as it is
relatively inexpensive as neither elaborate field equipment nor a costly laboratory is required. Though
the method is simple but it has its own limitations (Jetliffe, 1966).
Age and body weight largely determine the nutrient requirements of an individual. Body weight and
heights of children reflect their status of health and growth rate, while adult weight and height
represent what can be attained by an individual with normal growth. Height unlike weight, once gained
cannot be lost as weight is not affected by chronic malnutrition. The nutritional goal of any country
would be to provide adequate nutrition and health support to its population so that they attain their full
genetic potential in growth and development. Anthropometric measurement (Vijayaraghavan, Singh
and Swaminathan, 1971) of Indian children up to 14 years belonging to well-to-do groups have shown
that they grow at rates similar to those of children in the developed countries. Malnutrition in children
in the tropics is important not only because it is common but also because it highlights important
relationships between infection, immunity and nutrition which are of universal application.
All malnourished children show reduced growth and muscle protein deficiency. Two ‘polar’ types of
protein energy malnutrition (PEM) are recognized, they are Marasmus and Kwashiorkor, but many
children have a mixed clinical picture (Cowen and Heap, 1993).
Marusmus occurs in infant aged under 1 year when maternal milk supply is interrupted by death or
illness and in older children in time of famine. The child has clearly lost muscle and subcutaneous fat.
The skin is dry and wrinkled and there is no peripheral oedema. The hair is thin and dry. Body
temperature is low. The child looks anxious but moves less than normal and may be hungry, but vomit
any foods offered. Such children are susceptible to diarrhoeal and respiratory infections, trachoma and
vitamin A deficiency.
Children with Kwashiorkor are usually aged 18 months to 4 years and have been weaned from the
mother’s breast. Muscle loss occurs but subcutaneous fat is preserved, and there is obvious peripheral
oedema. The hair is dry, straight and depigmented. The skin is scaly and glistening, peeling and hyper
pigmented, especially on the legs. The abdomen is distended and the liver enlarged. The child is
fractious and irritable and often has diarrhea. Clinical vitamin A deficiency may be present.
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Children with mixed ‘marasmic kwashiorkor’ have a varied picture with muscle loss, oedema and
damaged skin (Cowen and Heap, 1993). The diagnosis of the malnutrition syndrome is primarily
clinical. Anthropometric documentation is essential for the individual child and for the study of the
community. Body weight on a centile chart is a measure of current nutritional status. Allowing for the
presence of oedema; body length or height indicates previous progress in growth. Children with
kwashiorkor have low serum albumin, potassium, zinc, magnesium and calcium levels and low blood
sugar, and may be anaemic with defective blood clotting.
The treatment of marasmus requires the provision of adequate nutrients appropriate to the age of the
child, with powder or cow’s milk as the basis, involving the mother if possible at all stages. The
management of kwashiorkor is more complicated. Clinical dehydration at present should be treated
with oral rehydration solution. Adequate intake of protein and calories require frequent feeds of a
mixture of skimmed milk, vegetable oil and sugar (sucrose or glucose), followed by cereals, pulses,
rice, eggs and meat or fish according to availability. Supplement of potassium and magnesium and
vitamin A are important early treatment and should be followed with additional iron, folic acid and B
vitamins. Children with kwashiorkor may also have tuberculosis and malaria may also complicate
convalescence (Cowen and Heap, 1993).
Prevention of childhood malnutrition in a community depends on :
 Adequate community food supplies;
 Education of mothers in the use of nutritious foods which are cheap and available in their
community; and
 Primary health care programmes including monitoring of child development, treatment of or
immunization against common infections, provision of vitamin A supplements.
In India, prevention of childhood malnutrition is not possible at the present situation because of the
extremely inadequate infrastructure facilities for health care in rural India, where the people are poor
and there are no adequate food supplies in interior villages, parents are illiterate, primary health centres
are almost non-existent in the village.
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HEALTH STRATEGIES
Tribal groups of India have specific problems, some of those are built-in problems of these
communities and some are imposed upon them which jeopardize their overall development and
progress inclusive of their health, therefore, the health care delivery system should be such designed
for each specific needs and problems by bringing their personal involvement. NGOs working for the
development and welfare of the tribal, collaboration of Voluntary Organisation/NGOs should be
secured to integrate and co-ordinate their activities and services with the health development plan of
the Government for the tribal population. The following strategies may be actively followed by NGO
functionaries for the health development of the tribal population:
a) Socio-Cultural and Environment Awareness
- Formulation of realistic development plans based on needs of specific tribal group
- Adequate understanding of socio-cultural background of different tribal groups, perception of
diseases, their beliefs and taboos, study of health culture at micro level. Positive tribal cultural values,
traditional skills should be encouraged and to be inducted to mainstream of life.
- In most of the tribal communities, there are a number of folklores related to health. Documentation of
folklores available in different socio-cultural systems may provide the model for appropriate health
and sanitary practices in a given eco-system.
- Identification of indigenous herbs for medicinal use and their preservation and documentation in the
light of the TRIPS agreement. - Development of ethno-botanical and ethno-zoological museum at the
divisional headquarters, collection, preservation and display. - Efforts on sanitation, personal hygiene,
provision of safe drinking water, dispelling the misbeliefs and taboos, magico-religious practices etc.,
awareness of hazards of consanguineous marriages.
b) Nutrition
- Development of horticulture with emphasis on local fruits.
- Introduction of Integrated Child Development Scheme (ICDS) in all blocks (basically strengthening
the existing Government resources).
- Development of poultry and fisheries.
- Study of nutritional status and physical growth.
c) Maternal and Child Health
- Hundred per cent immunization of mothers and children with special emphasis on measles
vaccination.
- Strengthening the services of the existing health programmes related to mother and child health and
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ensuring the services are accessible and available.

- Distribution of Vitamin A.
- Oral rehydration therapy and education.
d) Genetic Disorders
- To hold training camps of medical staff for awareness of genetic disorders and marriage counseling.
- Training of laboratory technicians in the technique of simple genetic tests like sickling, G-6-PD
enzyme deficiency etc.
- Screening of villages for sicklers and G-6-PD deficient individuals, identified persons can be tattooed
with dot marks.
e) Health education
- Chapters on horticulture, poultry, immunization, common diseases, genetic disorders, ORS, hygiene,
sex education etc. may be included in the Middle and High school syllabus.
- Distribution of leaflets and playing of audio and, where possible, video cassettes preferably in local
dialects in weekly markets, ghotuls, schools etc.
- Development of effective communication strategies on health education and health care among tribal
groups.
f) Training
- Organisation of short term orientation courses on tribal culture for health workers at district and sub-
divisional headquarters.
- Identification of traditional health practitioners and their training in public health.
- Training of tribal girls as nurses, midwives to generate better response.
- Strengthening of tribal research institutes which may serve as base laboratories.
g) Other Measures
- In difficult tribal/hilly areas, Mobile health teams should be formed to provide professional services
for medical care and research and collect health information.
- In tribal areas, “Haats” (weekly market centres) are the focal point of activity. Each “Haat” should be
provided with a Primary Health Centre (PHC).
- As some Primitive tribal Groups are reported to be stagnant or declining, efforts should be made to
delineate the causative factors.
Public Health Service to Scheduled Tribe population
Public Health Service to Scheduled Tribe population is one of the weakest links. It suffers from several
handicaps.
i) It is often inappropriate for the needs in the Scheduled Areas, being a rubber stamp version of the
national model primarily designed for the non-tribal areas. It does not take into account the different
belief system, different disease burden and health care needs as well as the difficulties in delivering
health care in a geographically scattered, culturally different population surrounded by forests and
other natural forces. It is surprising that no serious thought was earlier given to design a public health
care plan for Scheduled Areas. ii) The other major difficulty in delivering public health care to tribal
population is the lack of health care human resource that is willing, trained and equipped to work in
Scheduled Areas. There is a shortage, – vacancy, absenteeism or half-heartedness of doctors, nurses,
technicians and managers in public health care system in Scheduled Areas.
iii) Though buildings are built and health care institutions created in the form of health sub-centers,
PHCs and CHCs, they often remain dysfunctional resulting in poor delivery of health care. This is
further compounded by inadequate monitoring, poor quality of reporting, and accountability.
iv) Factors such as unfriendly behavior of the staff, language barrier, large distances, poor transport,
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low literacy and low health care seeking, lead to lower utilization of the existing health care
institutions in Scheduled Areas.
v) Access to hospital care for all ailments remains very low in tribal areas.
Thus, the public health care system in Scheduled Areas is characterized by low output, low quality and
low outcome delivery system often targeting wrong priorities. Restructuring and strengthening this
should be one of the highest priorities for the Ministries of Health and Family Welfare in states and at
the Centre.
Recommendations
1. The first principle of any policy or program for tribal people is participation. Tribal people as a
population segment are not politically very vocal. However, they have different geographical, social,
economic and cultural environments, different kind of health cultures and health care needs. Hence
their views and priorities must get due place in any health care program, meant for them. We suggest
making use of three types of existing institutional mechanisms to improve the programs.
 Tribal Health Assembly: From the Gram Sabhas at village level, upto the national level, Tribal
Health Assemblies should be annually organized in which the people (at the level of village) or their
representatives (at the higher levels) participate. For instance, such a ‘Tribal Health Assembly’ is
annually organized for the past 15 years by an NGO, SEARCH, in Gadchiroli district (Maharashtra)
for three purposes, a) to listen to the health problems and priorities of the people, b) to get approval for
the proposed health solutions and activities, c) to get their feedback on ongoing activities. This can
serve as a model at the local level in other Scheduled Areas. At least one Gram Sabha meeting
annually should be exclusively dedicated to the purpose of health and related subjects.
 Tribal Health Councils: These should be constituted by including elected representatives, NGOs,
experts and government officers for the purpose of planning and monitoring of programs. Such
councils should be constituted at the block or ITDP level, district, state and national level. These
should be empowered to shape the health plans and monitor implementation. These sub-committees of
Panchayat level, district level and Zilla Parishad could function as Tribal Health Councils.
 Tribes Advisory Councils at the state level: These Councils should approve the health plans prepared
by the Tribal Health Councils, and to review the performance of implementation.
2. In view of the enormous diversity among nearly 700 tribes in India, the second principle to be
followed is of area specific and tribe-sensitive local planning. The PESA provides an institutional basis
for this. The three institutional mechanisms suggested above, when created and made operational at the
block, district and state level, will allow local planning.
3. Social determinants of health – literacy, income, water, sanitation, fuel, food security and dietary
diversity, gender sensitivity, transport and connectivity – play very important role in determining the
health outcomes. Hence, inter-sectoral coordination for improvement in other sectors is as important, if
not more, as health care. Some specific suggestions for improving health are:
 The construction of drainage system, village sanitation infrastructure, personal toilets and the
environmental measures to control mosquitobreeding can be included in the MGNREGA scheme and
completed on priority basis in Scheduled Areas.
 To reduce the household use of unclean fuels and biomass burning, the solar energy, especially the
solar cooker, water heaters and lights be promoted in Scheduled Areas. This will also help save trees.
 Improving nutrition of children, adolescents and pregnant and lactating women is critical for the
Scheduled Tribes population. The nutrition awareness and feeding programs in the Scheduled Areas
can be better implemented in collaboration with the National Rural Livelihood Mission and the
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women’s saving groups in the villages.

 Health and income available for family will show improvement by controlling alcohol and tobacco.
4. Empowerment of the Scheduled Tribe people is another cardinal principle. Building their
capabilities to care for their health is the long term solution far superior to a perpetual dependence.
This however does not mean that the government or the rest of the society can abdicate their
responsibility towards tribal people. But this responsibility can be better served in long run by building
local capacity. In other words, instead of ‘giving’ health care, the policy should be to build ‘capacity to
care for health’. This principle should guide in planning health care – especially in the choice of who
will provide health care, where, when and how.
5. To bridge the scientific knowledge gap of centuries, health care for Scheduled Areas should give
paramount importance to spreading ‘health literacy’ by way of mass educational methods, folk media,
modern media and school curriculum. Enormous scope exists for communication in local dialects and
for the use of technology.
6. A large number of Scheduled Tribe children and youth – more than one crore – are currently in
schools. This provides a great opportunity – both for improving their health and for imparting health
related knowledge and practices. Schools, including the primary schools, middle schools, high schools,
ashram shalas and also the Anganwadis should become the Primary Health Knowledge Centers.
7. Special attention should be given to women, children, old and disabled people in the Scheduled
Tribe population as these are the most vulnerable.
8. Traditional healers and Dais play an important role in the indigenous health care. Instead of
alienating or rejecting them, a sensitive way of including them or getting their cooperation in health
care, must be explored. Traditional herbal medicines should be protected through community
ownership. The ownership and intellectual property rights of tribal community over their own herbal
medicines and practices should be ensured.
9. Apart from the physical distance, a huge cultural distance separates the tribal population from
others. Health care delivery to the Scheduled Tribe population should be culture-sensitive and in the
local language in order to overcome this distance.
10. Health care delivery system for Scheduled Areas must keep as its guiding principle the Chinese
axiom – How far can a mother walk on foot with a sick baby? Health care must be available within
that distance. This, for the tribal communities living in forests, means health care must be available in
their village/hamlet. Sixty years of failure should teach us that health care from outside is not a feasible
solution. The design of health care in Scheduled Areas should be such that major share of health
promotion and prevention and a sizable proportion of curative care is generated and provided within
the village or hamlet.
11. In light of these principles and in view of the common disease pattern and needs listed earlier in the
conclusions section, we recommend that the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare should redesign
the primary and secondary health care services in Scheduled Areas. The new pattern should not be
enforced as a top-down, vertical, uniform national program, but should provide a framework for local
planning with local participation. Thus, the ‘Tribal Health Plan’ will have three feature: one, a process
framework about ‘how’ to prepare the local plan, which will be in the form of guidelines on
mechanisms; second, a series of locally developed need-based contents of the plan and third, a design
or structure of the health care system to deliver such services in all Scheduled Areas. This ‘Tribal
Health Plan’ should become an essential feature of the National Health Mission and of the Tribal Sub
Plan. The goals and monitoring indicators of this plan will be different than the regular MIS of the
NHM.
12. Human Resource for Health: The well-known difficulties in deploying doctors, nurses and other
technical personnel from outside into Scheduled Areas have made the problem of human resources the
Achilles’ heel of health care in Scheduled Areas. We recommend that, instead of making futile efforts
to import unwilling and unstable personnel from outside, the most feasible and effective long term
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solution will be to select, train and deploy local Scheduled Tribe candidates. This should be done at the
following levels:
 The Accredited Social Health Activists (ASHAs) and Anganwadi workers – from the same village or
the hamlet.
 The ANMs and paramedic workers – from the same block.
 The doctors and public health program managers – to a large extent, from the same district.
The candidates must be local, belong to Scheduled Tribes, be fluent in local tribal dialects, be selected
on merit and should be committed to serve in the local Scheduled Area for at least ten years. The
ASHA workers, Anganwadi workers and ANMs will continue to be the mainstay of health care in rural
and tribal areas. Due to the physical isolation of tribal communities, compounded by a lack of doctors,
it will be pragmatic to train, equip and empower the three ‘As’ – ASHA workers, Anganwadi workers
and ANMs – in tribal areas to a higher level.
Since the selection for medical education is through a statewide and all India competitive process, the
local Scheduled Tribe candidates may not get selected. Hence, we recommend that separate Medical
Colleges for Tribal Areas be opened in selected scheduled districts, one college per three million
Scheduled Tribe population in the state. All seats are to be reserved for such committed Scheduled
Tribe candidates, to be selected from the respective Scheduled Areas, depending on the population and
need for doctors in each Scheduled Area. The aim should be to provide, in ten years, the required
number of appropriately trained doctors to serve in these areas. The High Level Expert Group (HLEG)
on Universal Health Care, appointed by the Planning Commission, in its report (2011), has
recommended that the District Knowledge and Training Centers be developed and made into medical
colleges attached to district hospitals, and nearly 187 new medical colleges should be opened in the
country, especially in undeveloped regions. These recommendations can be used to open Medical
Colleges for Tribal Areas. Approximately 30 new medical colleges for tribal areas, each with 60 seats
per year, will be able to produce nationally about 1800 new doctors per year, selected from, trained
and legally committed to work in the Scheduled Area of their origin. The Medical Education for Tribal
Areas (META) should be, to some extent, different from the regular MBBS, and hence, should not
entirely follow the curriculum of the Medical Council of India. Besides the regular medical
curriculum, some modifications are necessary such as:
i) knowledge of and sensitivity towards tribal culture and language,
ii) methods of communication
iii) training and management of a health team,
iv) competencies in preventing and managing health problems common among the Scheduled Tribe
population by way of clinical, outreach and public health approaches,
v) collaboration with other sectors of development affecting health, eg. sanitation, nutrition, education,
forestry.
If necessary, the MCI recognition for this degree may not be sought, or a new degree different than
MBBS be created, with legal permission to function as a doctor in Scheduled Areas.
13. Addiction has serious effects on the socio-economic fabric of tribal society. It affects not only
health but also productivity, family economy, social harmony and ultimately, development. Hence,
i) the Excise Policy for Scheduled Areas, approved by the Ministry of Home Affairs, Government of
India, in 1976 and accepted by the states, should be implemented effectively,
ii) the availability and consumption of tobacco and drugs should be severely controlled and
iii) the availability and use of alcohol and tobacco products among the Scheduled Tribe population,
and the implementation of control policies by the states, should be monitored on selected indicators.
These efforts should become a critical part of the Tribal Sub-Plan.
14. The TSP budget, in proportion to the Scheduled Tribe population, should be an additional input
and not a substitute to the regular budget for routine activities of the Health Department in Scheduled
Areas. At least ten percent of the total TSP budget should be committed to the health sector, the Tribal
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Health Plan in the Scheduled Areas, in addition to the regular health budget for these areas.
15. Data on the Scheduled Tribe population is a basic ingredient for planning, monitoring and
evaluating health programs in Scheduled Areas. All national data systems – the Census, SRS, NFHS,
NSSO, and DLHS – should be asked to plan for and generate Scheduled Tribe-specific estimates on
health indicators at the district level and above. One percent of the total budget for the Scheduled Tribe
population (TSP) should be allocated to the generation of reliable, timely, and relevant segregated data
on Scheduled Tribes population, from the local to national level. This will provide the crucial
instrument – the facts – necessary to guide program managers, policy makers and the Scheduled Tribe
population itself. Towards this, the specific measures recommended are –
 Construction of a composite Tribal Development Index (TDI)
 Construction of a composite Tribal Health Index (THI) including the indicators on health status,
determinants and health care.
 Ranking of 151 districts with more than 25 percent Scheduled Tribes population and of states on
these indices.
 Creation of a high power national body under the Ministry of Health and Family Welfare to facilitate
the commissioning and collection of relevant data and monitoring of the indices and progress. This
body should complete the work through the various existing agencies/surveys such SRS, NSSO,
NFHS, DLHS, AHS, NNMB, the TRTIs in the states, the ICMR institutes network on tribal health,
and finally, the health ministries in the states. Necessary administrative and financial authority should
be provided to this body. Broadly, one percent of the total health budget for tribal areas (the regular
health budget for Scheduled Areas, including the health component in the TSP) should be devoted for
this purpose.
16. Research: From the public health point of view, certain aspects of tribal health need research.
These are:
 Epidemiology, disease patterns and mortality rates in Scheduled Areas
 Traditional belief systems and practices, and effective communication methods
 Tribal healing systems
 Methods of health care delivery in Scheduled Areas. The AYUSH (Ayurveda, Yoga, Unani, Siddha,
and Homeopathy) department and the Indian Council of Medical Research should incorporate these
into their scope of working.
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REPORT OF THE EXPERT COMMITTEE ON TRIBAL HEALTH
summary
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6.3 Developmental projects and their impact on tribal

displacement and problems of rehabilitation. Development of
forest policy and tribals. Impact of urbanization and
industrialization on tribal populations
Developmental projects and their impact on tribal displacement and

problems of rehabilitation.
Development projects are one of the main causes of tribal land alienation, for example the National
Highway that changed the scene completely. The land used for the bypass near Guwahati, including
the Games Village, was once the basis for tribal livelihood. Several tribes, especially the Karbi, Tiwa
and Garo were earlier found in sizeable numbers in these areas. Dubious means were used by the State
and contractors to lure the original occupants to part with their land. Karbis in and around Ganeshpur-
Dispur area lived off the land that was fertile and yielded abundant fruit. This fertile area today has
been privatised and lost forever.
One of the major implications of such economic model driven development work is involuntary
displacement of rural and tribal population across India.
Development induced displacement means forcing the communities and individuals out of their homes,
often also their homelands, for purpose of economic development (Kelly, 2010). Displacement is
resultant of the government process to acquire vast tracts of land or divert common property resources
for construction of dams, infrastructure development, mining and industry, Special Economic Zone
(SEZ), etc.
Extent of Displacement
Data regarding Displaced Persons and Project Affected Persons
The Centre has not maintained either district-wise or State-wise data of Community wise Displaced
Persons/Project-affected persons or their rehabilitation and resettlement, which is symptomatic of the
States’ disregard for the adverse impact of displacement on various communities.
The narrow definition of displaced person to mean ‘a person who due to loss of home has to be
resettled’ and only landowners to be compensated has led to exclusion of project-affected persons
(PAPs), who were deprived of their livelihood base, displaced from community land and socio-cultural
and environmental resources.
Fernandes and Paranjype estimated that the number of people displaced due to dams, mines, wildlife
sanctuaries, industries during the first four decades of independence was about 21 million and as per
Government sources at least 75 percent have not been rehabilitated. Mahapatra pegs the number at 25
million people from 1947–1999.
Walter Fernandes, by updating data and by extrapolation based on available studies and case studies in
States, where comprehensive studies have not been done, estimated that there were about 60 million
DPs/PAPs, since independence to 2000. It was also estimated that 20 per cent were Dalits and another
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20 per cent from other rural poor communities, like fisher-folk and quarry workers. Researchers
suggest that around 25 per cent of India’s tribals become DP or PAP at least once, because their
regions are rich in natural resource. In absence of official data the Planning Commission report quotes
the estimate 60 million DPs/PAPs arrived at by researchers.
The Expert Group on Prevention of Alienation of Tribal Land and its Restoration set up by the
Government of India estimates that, of the total displaced due to development projects, 47 per cent are
tribal population.
Displacement and Tribal Situation: Before and After
From Self-sufficient Tribal Communities to Marginalization and Impoverishment
The traditional livelihood systems of tribal people based on shifting cultivation and collection of non-
timber forest produce was rendered sustainable, by a level and pattern of utilization of land and forest
resources, which ensured their self-generating capacity. Later, they took to settled agriculture and their
livelihood system provided for a nutritionally balanced food consumption basket that was rooted in
both subsistence and conservation ethics. The traditional livelihood system was based on customary
rights of tribal communities over land and forests, which was also an ‘extensive’ system of production.
The ‘common pool’ of resources supported customary rights and prevented the intensification of
production, in the interest of conserving and sustaining the long-term productivity of livelihood
resources. The customary rights of tribal people over livelihood resources and their territorial
sovereignty (in so far as land was territory, not property) came in to conflict with the forces of
‘modernisation’ and the development process in which they were not participants. In keeping with the
politico-economic policies of the country, large projects, which came up in tribal areas rich in hydro
and mineral resources, encroached on tribal people’s ancestral lands and thereby displaced them.
In order to take measures against the socio-economic deterioration of displaced tribal people, it is
important to understand the extent of displacement-induced impoverishment. Displacement is
marginalisation, not merely economic deprival. Therefore, in defining impoverishment, it is necessary
to go beyond the economic factor and it is incorrect to calculate losses and gains on the basis of
monetary income alone or to conclude that the status of the DPs improves after displacement, because
their monetary income rises. In making an assessment, it would not be right to ignore the fact that
before displacement, most DPs/PAPs belonged to the non-monetised informal economy and often
depended on the CPRs or services to the village as a community.
Before displacement, the DPs/PAPs were poor, but it is due to deprival of their livelihood that they
experience deterioration of their economic status. This dispossession is accompanied with
environmental degradation, which is a basic additional factor causing impoverishment. The decision to
alienate their resources is without their consent; they are not compensated and rehabilitated, resulting
in their subordination. This marginalization leads to low self-esteem. The sustainable tribal culture that
had ensured renewal and equal distribution of resources is weakened, leading to shortage of resources.
The tragedy is that for sheer survival, the tribal DPs/PAPs are forced to ‘make a transition from
constructive to destructive dependence on the same resources’. This causes great psychological stress.
Factors that accentuate loss faced by tribal people

Researchers have identified certain characteristics of tribal society that aggravate the impact of
involuntary displacement, they are:
 Land for tribes is a source of livelihood and source of identity, ethnicity and cultural distinction.
Thus, the loss of land plays havoc with the lives of the displaced tribal communities. Under R&R
programmes, land is not replaced and there is no reconstitution of livelihoods. Loss of their cultural
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space and identity leads to cultural impoverishment, which is not addressed.

 Dependence on forests for food in the form of shifting cultivation, fruits and flowers, small game,
tubers; for medicines, fodder, material for house building; raw material for traditional art and crafts;
income by selling firewood, leaf-plates, fruits etc. This loss, due to displacement is not compensated
and affects food security.
 Lack of proper legal recognition of tribes over the forest land and hill tracts compounds the problem,
when it comes to the question of compensation.
 Lack of social relations outside the closely-knit kin-centered society. Displacement leads to
disruption in family life and to loss of social network.
 The land rights structure in tribal societies is altogether different from what it is in other societies.
Tribal communities do not confer any individual rights in a legal sense. The community rights they
confer are the utilitarian rights on nature but not the proprietary rights which attract the provisions of
compensatory measures. Many a time, displaced tribal people were deprived of compensation and
rehabilitation benefits as per the Land Acquisition Act, 1894 because they did not possess any legal
documents to prove their ownership right on the land they occupy and earn their livelihood from.
Contrast in coping mechanism: Vulnerability of the tribal displaced

Other social groups are in better position to benefit from R&R programmes. For example, about 88
percent of land acquired for the National Aluminium Corporation at Angul, a non-tribal district in
Odisha, in the mid-1980s was private. Its owners, who mainly belonged to a dominant and influential
social group were paid Rs 62,000 per hectare. At Damanjodi in Koraput district, 60 per cent of the land
acquired for the company's second unit that same year was Common Property Resource, belonging to
tribal population. No compensation was paid for it, because community owned resource/land was
considered as State’s property. For the little private land they owned, tribal families were paid an
average of Rs 6,700 per hectare, a totally inadequate sum to start a new life. Another example is that of
Maharashtra Irrigation Project on Krishna River in Satara district, where 75 per cent of households
affected belonged to the influential Maratha community, who used political clout to obtain facilities
under R&R.
Research studies show that the displaced tribals cope with their loss and changed conditions better than
Dalits and other weaker sections as long as they are allowed to continue to live in their traditional
habitat, as they have honed skills for the management of their habitat. It is when they are forced to
migrate or are resettled outside their territory that they are not able to adjust and operate in an alien
territory and new society. The tribal way of life centers on their community. This extends from support
in basic agrarian work to solidarity in times of trouble. Any displacement and scattered rehabilitation
will destroy this collective welfare system that binds them together.
Deterioration in Quality of life of Tribal DPs/ PAPs after displacement and Resettlement
Impact of Losses without Recompense
Researchers such as Fernandes, Parasuraman, Mahapatra, Tripathy, Alex Ekka, Mohammad Asif,
Lancy Lobo, Das, Rao to name a few, based on their extensive research and field work, have brought
out the stark reality of displacement without provision of alternative land and reconstitution of
livelihood, causing impoverishment of the displaced. Many DPs/PAPs are forced to migrate. For
example, the findings of the Ombudsmen appointed by the Supreme Court revealed that, about 30,000
people working for construction of facilities in abject conditions for the Asian Games in New Delhi in
1982, were people who had lost their livelihood due to deforestation by industry or had been displaced
by Hirakud dam and other projects.
In the context of Cernea’s eight fold risks, empirical evidence collected by researchers shows that the
DPs/PAPs in India, 40 per cent of whom belonged to tribal communities, experienced landlessness,
joblessness, homelessness, marginalization, food insecurity, increased morbidity and mortality, loss of
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Common Property Resources and social disarticulation. Apart from land and forest, access to CPRs
like wells, ponds and grazing grounds has been diminished by development projects, adversely
affecting tribal occupations such as cattle rearing. Further, empirical evidence shows that the
reconstruction aspect of the ‘Impoverishment risks and livelihood Model’ of Cernea has been totally
neglected, due to absence of a legally mandated provision for alternative land and livelihood and
Resettlement and Rehabilitation Framework as well as poor management of R&R. All this led to
impoverishment of the displaced.
Indian researchers have also included the risks caused by loss of education and loss of access to public
facilities. Empirical evidence points to the existence of resettlement sites without basic facilities such
as schools. In fact, migrants lose access to public facilities as they are not recognized in their new
place of work. The process of land acquisition and the completion of the project take years. During this
period, development works are not taken up in the region, adversely affecting project-affected people.
The following case studies highlight the deterioration in the quality of life of tribal people after
displacement and the process of impoverishment.
1) The Heavy Engineering Corporation Ltd. established in Hatia, Ranchi district, Jharkhand, in the
early 1960s is an example of the adverse impact of displacement on tribal communities. In addition,
excess land was acquired in the name of ‘public purpose’ – a total of 7,748.80 acres, including 6,356
acres of private land was acquired for the purpose of constructing factories, township, railways, dams,
etc. but about 2,600 acres of land was not utilised. There was complete displacement of 13 villages and
partial displacement of 22 villages. Out of the 3090 families displaced, 2274 families belonged to the
Oraon and Munda tribes. According to an evaluation report carried out by the State Government Tribal
Research Institute, Ranchi, in 1993, ten to twenty decimals land was given to the displaced for
homestead. Some of the displaced were compensated with land, but these were wastelands. As against
the assurance by the State Government and the Project Authorities before land acquisition that a job
would be given to each displaced family, in actual fact, one job was given to 4-5 families clubbed
together. The normal practice of the Government was to pay prevailing market rate, which was
calculated as an average of registered sale prices of land of similar quality and location in the
preceding three or five years. However, most land transactions are grossly undervalued to evade
registration fees. As a result, compensation ranged from Rs. 7360 per acre to Rs.3200 per acre. Most of
the displaced, who were not used to handling money, frittered away their cash compensation in a very
short time. Before displacement, the displaced families owned land and were engaged in agriculture
and animal husbandry activities, which provided them enough food grain and basic necessities. After
displacement, they lost their capital resource - land linked to food security. There was no attempt to
reconstitute livelihoods. Consequently, displaced families did not have enough food grain to feed
themselves through the year. Post displacement, a majority of the families faced unemployment,
poverty and distress. The evaluation report concludes by pointing out that, from poor, but self-
sufficient and selfrespecting members of a community, the displaced families had been reduced to
daily wage labourers, moving from place to place in search of work.1
2) In a study on mining and displacement problems in Odisha, it has been found that about 8117
families from 1446 villages were displaced, due to development projects in the period 1950-1993. 199
The aftermath of development induced displacement is that landlessness takes the form of downward
mobility from large to medium land holders from medium/small to marginal farmers, and from
small/marginal farmers to landless. Among mining-displaced families, 16.7 percent of tribal people
and 13 percent of Dalit-displaced, became landless against 3.6 percent of the general castes. Another
study shows that people displaced by mining lost their land and were forced to become wage labourers
in mines, but later due to mechanization, they were the first ones to lose their jobs and become
completely impoverished.
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3) An evaluation of the condition of tribal oustees of Mahi Bajaj Sagar Project, Rajasthan, twenty
years after their displacement (which took place in the 1970s), shows that the quality of facilities in the
resettlement colonies were poor, with no proper provision for schooling, which adversely affected the
education of children. It was observed that the displaced had limited skills and low levels of literacy
and were unable to utilize compensation money properly. Since they were primarily agriculturists, they
had very little knowledge of running a business or providing a service and in absence of a
rehabilitation plan to address the needs of education and training, the deprived tribal people were
unable to find alternative livelihood. The displaced who could not get possession of allotted
agricultural land were forced to lead subsistence lives on encroached land with many of them forced to
migrate to nearby towns as low skilled labourers after Kharif season.
Loss of status of women after displacement

Women in tribal societies, have a relative equal status on par with their men when compared with
neighbouring caste societies. Prior to displacement, women belonging to the project-affected villages
were actively participating in household work, such as cooking, child rearing and collecting of Non-
Timber Forest Produce (NTFP) and firewood. However, in resettlement colonies, adverse conditions
force adult and young women to go out in search of work with a view to earn and support their
families, due to loss of permanent income sources of land and forest. Parasuraman discusses the impact
of displacement on the social and economic condition of women by different development projects,
where it was found that loss of access to traditional sources of livelihood, land, forest, river, pasture,
cattle, etc. marginalizes women in the labour force. It is only when land and other sources are replaced
that women at least partially regain their economic status. Under R&R policies, there is marked gender
disparity as women members of the family such as adult unmarried daughters, widows, deserted
divorcees have not been considered as a separate family. Women are traumatized due to loss of
resources and break up of family and social networks and there is no strategy to address these adverse
impacts.
Traditionally, tribal areas had a better sex-ratio than urban areas, but now, there is a decline in the sex
ratio of tribal women in areas around development projects and areas facing degradation of CPR
forests in Jharkhand.2 This is disquieting, as it reflects the drop in status of women in the tribal
community.
Deterioration of health
Almost all the R&R colonies lack proper public health facilities, protected drinking water, marketing
and transportation. Due to unhygienic conditions, health is a major problem of displaced tribal people,
who are affected by various diseases such as malaria, typhoid, viral fevers, diarrhoea, cholera, skin
diseases and jaundice. In mining projects, resettlement sites are situated close to mining operations,
which result in respiratory diseases. Ill-health causes them to spend most of their earnings towards
allopathic medical treatment, due to non-availability of herbal medicines.
Disregard for Right to Livelihood: Adverse integration
Planning Commission Five Year Plan documents, NFHS and NSSO data clearly reveal that, over the
years, there have been poor human development indicators in regions with high concentration of tribal
people. As a consequence of poverty, illiteracy and lack of skills, tribal people have not been able to
take advantage of employment opportunities created by development projects. The State and the
corporate sector have neglected investment in skill/technical training of developmentinduced-displaced
tribal communities. There was no provision or attempt to provide jobs or livelihood opportunities, as
emphasis was on monetary compensation. Moreover, research studies also show that, due to neglect of
children and youth by not providing them with education and skills, they are worse-off when the head
of the family retires as they have lost their land which was passed on from generation to generation.
Diverse research studies have revealed lack of basic civic amenities in rehabilitation sites, absence of
land or poor quality of land settled, and lack of employment avenues, results in stark decrease in
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standard of living after displacement and forces the displaced to migrate. Research studies show many
have been forced to take up menial jobs and have become drifting agricultural and industrial migrant
labourers. The work is commonly poorly paid and insecure and it affects their self- esteem and
identity, but they are forced to take up such work for survival. Development Projects have failed to
create employment opportunities for Tribal DPs/PAPs instead it has led to unemployment and forced
migration.
Occupational change
An analysis of decadal changes in access to cultivated land among Scheduled Tribes of four States
with substantial tribal population, namely Chhattisgarh, Madhya Pradesh, Andhra Pradesh and
Jharkhand, indicates increasing landlessness amongst tribal households. The percentage of marginal
holdings below one hectare has shown a marked increase in all the four States. This indicates that
medium-size land holdings are getting fragmented. It is significant that Chhattisgarh and Madhya
Pradesh have the highest rate of diversion of forest lands for non-forest purposes, e.g. mining. In
Madhya Pradesh (including Chhattisgarh), landlessness has increased by 23.1 percent between 2001
and 2011, and in Jharkhand by 8.2 percent between 2005 and 2011. Even though there is a general all-
India increase in the total work participation rate for Scheduled Tribes, it is largely the result of
increasing rates of marginal rural and urban work, especially among tribal women. The numbers of
tribal cultivators has declined by more than 10 percent in the four states, except Odisha where rate of
decline is less than the all India average. The rate of decline of female cultivators in several areas is
higher than males, which shows that female-headed households are more vulnerable. In the States of
Odisha and Jharkhand, there is a sharp rise in male and female rural ‘other workers’ due to mining and
construction work in rural areas. Thus, the occupational status of Scheduled Tribes is now changing
from farmer to rural and urban worker.208 This calls for a comprehensive strategy encompassing the
following: restoring tribal land, preventing land alienation, giving priority to Scheduled Tribes in
settlement of ceiling surplus and wasteland, support to small and marginal tribal farmers for taking up
high-value horticulture etc., and skill development to reap the benefits of growth in labour-intensive
manufacturing sector.
Impoverishment of Tribal DPs/PAPs adds to problem of alleviating poverty
The loss of land and CPR resources without adequate recompense has led to pauperization of tribal
DPs/PAPs, adding to the problem of poverty in the country. The poverty ratios for Scheduled Tribes
are significantly higher as compared to general population in the year 1999-2000. As against 27 per
cent of all population living below the poverty line in the rural areas, 45.86 per cent of Scheduled
Tribe population lived below the poverty line. There are large variations in the proportion of ST
population living below the poverty line across the States. The Twelfth Plan Document Volume III
(‘Social Inclusion’, pg.229) states that, during the period, 1993-94 to 2004-05, the share of ST among
the poor in the country increased from 15.83 to 20.49 per cent. It is ironic that ‘development’ projects
have added to the problem of unemployment and poverty in tribal regions.
Decline in Percentage of Tribal Population: Loss of identity

Development projects, which have displaced tribal people, have opened up tribal areas, leading to
influx of people from outside the tribal region seeking employment in industry, mines, transport,
Government service, trade and commerce, etc. This has resulted in increasing urbanization of tribal
areas and the large influx of immigrants from outside gathered the benefits from development, while
on the other hand, the condition of tribal people became worse. Consequently, the percentage of tribal
population in these areas declined. For example, in Bihar, the percentage of tribal population declined
from10.7 percent in 1951 to 7.66 percent in 1981. In Dhanbad district, the decline was from 15.65
percent in 1951 to 9.12 percent in 1981; similarly, in Santhal Pargana, the decline was from 44.6
percent to 36.80 percent during the same period. This trend continues in Jharkhand in recent decades,
as observed in Ranchi district (falling from 43.56 percent in 1991 to 35.76 percent in 2011). Decrease
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in proportion of tribal population is evident in urbanized areas as well as rural districts, where
involuntary displacement and forced migration have occurred and where urbanization and
development has led to inflow of outsiders.
Tribal people find themselves placed in a subordinate position to outsiders in their own homeland and
have developed a negative identity. Tribal society is egalitarian, but they now have to deal with a
hierarchical and exploitative society. Tribal people faced with influx of immigrants, fear loss of
identity, land, destruction of forests, jobs and losing political control.
Recommendations
1. Serious effort is required by the State to minimize displacement. There should be a rights- based
approach to comprehensive rehabilitation for socio-economic reconstitution of victims of development,
including for the backlog of displaced.
2. The problem is with the expansive interpretation that has been given to the doctrine of ‘eminent
domain’ by political and managerial elites. In this context, it is essential that the whole process of
displacement should be democratic and rights of tribal communities to say ‘no’ to acquisition of their
land and to access and manage forests and other CPRs, be recognised.
3. The new legislation, ‘The Right To Fair Compensation and Transparency in Land Acquisition,
Rehabilitation And Resettlement Act, 2013, is progressive in the sense that it is the first to legally
mandate rehabilitation of PAPs. However, it fails to address the need for minimizing of acquisition of
land and resources. This is not surprising, since the objective of the Act, which seeks to address
concerns of those whose livelihoods are affected, simultaneously aims at facilitating land acquisition
for industrialization and urbanization. This is in keeping with the broader liberalization policies. Such
policies will result in more displacement in Central India for mining and in the Northeast for dams.
 The 2013 Act already has a provision for safeguarding food security and states that multi-crop
irrigated land will not be acquired, except as a last resort measure. Further, the State Government is to
set limits on the acquisition of such land under this law. States are also required to set a limit on the
area of agricultural land that can be acquired in any given district. However, there is no mention of the
need to protect tribal land and community resources. Hence, a suitable provision is required to be
incorporated in the Act, to safeguard tribal land and community resources in Scheduled Areas and
disallow acquisition by a non-tribal, including private companies.
 The definition of ‘public purpose’ in the new law is very wide and will only lead to greater
acquisition and displacement in Scheduled Areas. The exercise of ‘eminent domain’ and definition of
‘public purpose’ should be severely limited.
 Government agencies acquiring land with the ultimate purpose to transfer it to private companies for
stated public purpose, should be kept outside the ambit of the new law, as the Public-Private
Partnership mode of acquiring land is simply a backdoor method of alienating land in violation of the
Constitutional provision to prohibit or restrict transfer of tribal land to non-tribals in Scheduled Areas.
 It is recommended that, as directed in the landmark Samatha judgment and the PESA Act, every
Gram Sabha should have the power to prevent alienation of tribal land and further that minerals should
be exploited by tribal people themselves. The stringent provisions of the amended Andhra Pradesh
Scheduled Areas Land Transfer Regulation, 1959, should be adopted by other States, particularly the
provision that facilitates the formation of Registered Scheduled Tribe Co-operative Societies, which
could take up mining activities in Scheduled Areas. By doing so, the Samatha Judgment would hold
good for all States with Scheduled Areas. It should be the responsibility of the State to facilitate the
formation of cooperatives of tribal people for the above purpose.
 Gram Sabha consent should be mandatory for acquisition of land by the Government for its own use
as well.
 The Act does not have a provision to the effect that exploitation of natural resources in Scheduled
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Areas must be with the consent of the Gram Sabha. This should be rectified.
4. In the interest of weaker sections such as tribal communities, the threshold should be kept very low
and R&R provisions of the new law should apply to all cases.
5. There is plenty of unutilized tribal land available with Central/State/PSUs, and Central/State
Governments which is not being used for the purpose for which it was acquired. Governments should
be legally mandated to return such land to the original landowner/successors or use the same for
resettlement of displaced tribals. This should not be left to the discretion of the State Government. One
example of this is of HEC, Hatia, Ranchi, where excess tribal land had been acquired and people are
agitating for the return of the land, but the State wishes to utilize it for other purposes. In such cases,
land should be returned to the original displaced families.
6. There has been inadequate recognition at the policy level that land represents an inalienable
resource, passed on from generation to generation in tribal communities, who otherwise have no
education and skill development. Studies have documented that those DPs who got jobs in lieu of land
and whose children did not receive education or training were worse off after the job-holder retired
from service. It is recommended that the objective of R&R should be to ensure that the socio-economic
status of tribal DPs/PAPs after displacement, should improve positively rather than deteriorate further.
Loss of land and CPR can be compensated only by proper R&R which envisages restoration of
livelihoods, health and education facilities and skill development for the whole family and community
of tribal DPs/PAPs. There should be provision of ‘land for land’, in acquisition of tribal lands.
Compensatory land provided must be made cultivable with irrigation and agricultural inputs.
Rehabilitation should be treated as a continuous process to be monitored by the Project Authority and
State until the alternative livelihood becomes economically viable. They must be given a stake in the
assets and economic activities being created on their acquired land and CPRs (for example, land in
command area, irrigation of tribal land in the vicinity, jobs in industries, or shops/jobs in industrial
projects/townships). An expanding economy, particularly expanding labour-intensive manufacturing
sector together with adequate emphasis on health, education and skill development, hold the key to
humane R&R.
7. The 2013 Act is weak in matters relating to skill development and provision for livelihood for
DPs/PAPs. During a meeting between the HLC and representatives of displaced tribal people in
Bastar, Chhattisgarh, anger was expressed at the non-fulfillment of promises to give jobs to the
educated displaced persons. They were unhappy with the cash allowance being given in lieu of jobs.
The official response, that there were not enough jobs to accommodate all displaced people, did not
satisfy the aggrieved parties. A sum of two thousand rupees per month per family as annuity for 20
years, with appropriate index for inflation in lieu of jobs, as stipulated in the new Act, is too low.
Clearly, more has to be done for skill development and creation of alternative livelihoods. One of the
ways to ensure that jobs are provided to displaced people, including tribal families, is to create a State
level/National-level Virtual Employment Exchange with complete data of age, sex, educational
qualifications, and skill-set of persons displaced in the past, present and in near future, for providing
them employment and/or preparing them for employment/self-employment. Global best practices
could be studied for providing alternative livelihoods, which could include imaginative self-
employment schemes with backward and forward linkages to be provided by Project Authorities.
8. Research studies stress that gross undervaluation of losses, replacement value of loss and costs of
resettlement, has led to inadequate financing of R&R and externalization of costs of R&R to the
displaced and the future generations. The new law has expanded the definition of ‘displaced’ to
include project-affected persons; however, care has to be taken to ensure that all genuine cases are
included and compensation is properly computed.
 In computing losses, it has to be recognized that there are instances of tribal DPs who do not have
documents to support their genuine claim but who base their ownership rights on oral tradition. Such
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claims should not be rejected.

 Forest rights have been covered under the Forest Rights Act, but other CPRs such as Government
land and Panchayat land has not been covered by any legislation. This needs to be rectified. Moreover,
survey by Government is incomplete – as a consequence, community land is recorded as Government
land and tribal communities, primarily tribes who practice shifting cultivation on such land, are denied
compensation. This problem needs to be addressed by measures to include such cases under R&R
provision.
 Women require special consideration and affirmative action. Widows and unmarried adult daughters
should be recognized as a separate unit.
 The principle for working out land compensation has been spelt out. For all other assets,
compensation should be based on replacement value or net present value of assets lost/destroyed.
 While preparing the project cost estimates, the full cost for R&R should be included, and no attempt
should be made to reduce costs for a favourable cost-benefit ratio.
 The rehabilitation package and process should take into account, the cultural displacement, and loss
of customs and tradition. For tribal people, their strength is their community, and therefore, it is
imperative that they be resettled and rehabilitated as a community, if they so desire.
 Infrastructural amenities to be provided in the resettlement area have been mentioned in the new law,
but provision of banking facilities has been missed out. With primary emphasis on monetary
compensation, it is essential that displaced tribals, who may not have experience in handling money
and understanding of the monetary economy, should be advised on handling their cash compensation.
Banking facilities should made available for keeping their money safe and credit facilities should be
provided by the State (to avoid exploitation by moneylenders).
9. Land and water sources polluted by industrial and mining projects in tribal regions require attention
and the onus for taking corrective measures should be on the Project Authorities. The schemes of the
Government could be utilized to treat polluted land and water resources of tribal people.
10. The role of the Governor is crucial for protecting land, community assets, culture and traditional
institutions of tribal people and to ensure that they are treated fairly. This role extends to ensuring
socio-economic reconstitution of tribal DPs/PAPs. This raises the issue of suitability of persons who
occupy the important position of Governor and other offices, such as Commissioners, Deputy
Commissioners and District Magistrates, in Scheduled Areas. It is imperative that the antecedents and
experience of persons be taken into consideration by the Government to check whether they can
protect the interest of tribal communities and are suitable for such appointments, in view of the special
role assigned to them in such States.
11. Implementation of the new law will be difficult in the absence of resettlement and rehabilitation
capacities in the local administration, local community and corporate entities. It is essential that the
State and corporate sector create such capacity by introducing professional training and orientation
courses for following the best R&R practices worldwide and replicating them in the Indian situation.
Offering tribal people monetary compensation and making promises without attendant capacity to
deliver on them will not resolve the impasse that has brought land acquisition to a standstill. Sporadic
attempts by instruments of the State to use force to acquire land is unethical and unacceptable. Only a
genuine and bonafide effort at comprehensive and pragmatic R&R can persuade tribal people to part
with their land.
12. The new legislation lays considerable emphasis on consultation and consent of Gram Sabhas. It is
essential that the State be vigilant through adequate monitoring mechanisms for ensuring that consent
is obtained freely and every displaced person gets adequate and comprehensive R&R in lieu of
land/livelihoods lost. The State must put in place a system to collect disaggregated data of DPs/PAPs
for all social groups. Oversight mechanisms must be created at the District, State and Central levels,
comprising officials and non-officials with proven competence, integrity and commitment to public
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good. There is a view that, though the new legislation has been enacted by the Centre, R&R is a State
subject, which should continue. However, the Centre has a responsibility along with the states to
ensure comprehensive R&R. The Central Government should decide on the monitoring mechanism to
be put in place. One possibility is to establish an Authority/nodal agency with a multidisciplinary team
under the Ministry of Land Resources.
13. In view of the large-scale discontent among displaced tribal people regarding poor R&R, a High-
Level Fact-finding Committee/Enquiry Committee should be set up to investigate the quality of R&R
in all medium and major development projects undertaken in the last fifty years in Scheduled Areas
and tribal-dominated districts of States without Scheduled Areas. This Committee should be mandated
to suggest ways and means to deliver justice to the displaced families, who have not received any
proper rehabilitation. This is essential, in view of the fact that, the new law has not taken cognizance of
the backlog of displaced people, a majority of whom are tribal people.
14. Myriad grassroot movements against exploitation of tribal people and other weaker sections hold
the key to greater socio-economic justice. It would be desirable if the State recognizes this and engages
with democratic grassroot movements, instead of crushing these movements.
15. Tribal people who have been displaced by conflict in Chhattisgarh and the Northeast should be
rehabilitated by the State Government in their villages and provided facilities of housing, safe drinking
water, health and education, skill development, electricity supply, irrigation facilities, and agricultural
inputs. It is for the State to take preventive action and ensure safety and prevent tribal land alienation
in such areas. During a visit of HLC to Assam, civil society groups and representatives of Autonomous
Tribal Councils emphasized that influx of outsiders was a real threat to the tribal communities. They
also alleged that inter-tribal conflict was being instigated by outsiders. It is the responsibility of the
State Government to take measures to prevent such conflicts.
16. Under the ‘Coal Bearing Areas (Acquisition and Development) Act, 1957, pattas/legal titles for
houses allotted in resettlement sites are not issued to the displaced. As a result, the displaced lose their
identity and are unable to access public facilities provided by the local administration, thereby facing
difficulty in obtaining Caste/Tribe certificates. Further, there is no provision for payment of
compensation before taking possession of land. The provision for returning land to original
landholders post-mining is rarely complied with. Clearly, there is a need to make amendments in the
Act.
17. Development projects have opened up tribal areas leading to influx of people from outside the
tribal region, seeking employment in various sectors. All this has resulted in increasing urbanization of
tribal areas and immigrants, rather than tribals, have benefited from this. Consequently, the percentage
of tribal population in some Scheduled Areas has declined, although historically, these areas were
almost exclusively occupied by tribal people. Hence, it is recommended that there should be no
reduction in the areas declared to be Scheduled Areas as this will harm the interests of already
deprived tribal communities by diminishing their space and their resources. Rather, the representation
of tribal communities should be enhanced and strengthened in the politico-administrative institutions
within Scheduled Areas.
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Development of forest policy and tribals

Anthropologists have always been concerned with the relationship between the people they studied and
the natural environment. Since the late nineteenth century, the first professional anthropologists
focused their research on indigenous people who were directly dependent on natural resources for their
survival. In Indian context, the indigenous people/tribals and forests are inseparable phenomenon and,
in general, public understanding of both is almost synonymous. The tribals are described as ‘Vanvasi’,
means forest dwellers, clearly suggesting the relationship between the tribals and forests.
Overwhelming majority of the tribals stay in or adjacent to the forest areas, and most of the forest areas
in our country fall in the tribal regions and tribal districts.
The close relationship of tribal people with the forest was described by Elwin (1963) in a poetic yet
accurate manner:
To a vast number of the tribal people the forest is their well-loved home, their livelihood, their very
existence. It gives them food—fruits of all kinds, edible leaves, honey, nourishing roots, wild game
and fish. It provides them with material to build their homes and to practice their arts. By exploiting its
products they can supplement their meagre income. It keeps them warm with its fuel and cool with its
grateful shade. Their religion leads them to believe that there are many spirits living in the trees. There
are special sacrifices to the forest gods; in many places offerings are made to a tree before it is cut, and
there are usually ceremonies before and after hunting. Tribal folk-tales often speak about the relations
of human beings and the sylvan spirits and it is striking to see how in many of the myths and legends
the deep sense of identity with the forest is emphasized.…From time immemorial until comparatively
recently the tribal people have enjoyed the freedom to use the forest and hunt its animals and this has
given them a conviction, which remains even today in their hearts that the forest belongs to them.
This happy state of affairs for the tribal people was not to last forever, however. From about the middle
of the 19th century, people from outside began to move into the forest, lured by its wealth of natural
resources, and the colonial government, sensing the commercial potential of forests, gradually
extended its authority over them in the name of scientific management.
Forest Policies under the Rule of British Crown:
British administrators in the 19th century viewed vast tracts of Indian forests as impediments to the
prosperity of the colonial exchequer, as these lands could otherwise be utilized as revenue-yielding
property (Pathak 1994). Thus, forests were rapidly razed to the ground both for revenue earned from
timber supplies and for maximizing land revenue by putting the cleared tracts into cultivation (Guha
1994). The growing ship-building industries in England in the 1800s and the expansion of the railway
network in India in the 1850s further spurred the demand for timber, leading to rapid deforestation.
The risks inherent in unregulated logging were noted by some imperial officials, and they created the
Forest Department to protect and govern the use of forests. They pointed out that continued
exploitation of forests would severely impair the potential of forest stock to yield timber, and they
advocated insulating forests from the pressure of local use. This concern led in 1855 Lord Dalhousie,
the then Governor-General of India, to proclaim a forest policy for the first time, which asserted
imperial ownership over forests and emphasised their regulated use for the imperial requirements:
‘timber standing on State forest was State property and private individuals had no rights or claims over
it’ (Chaudhry, 1984). To consolidate and implement this policy, Dr. Dietrich Brandis was appointed
as the first Inspector-General of Forests in 1864, and the first Indian Forest Act (IFA) was drafted in
1865.
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The Forest Act of 1865:

This act was first attempt in the direction of regulation of forest produces by the forest dwellers and
asserting the State monopoly over the forest. The state was empowered to declare any land covered
with tree as forest and to regulate it by notification, provided that such notification should not abridge
or affect any existing rights of individuals or communities (sec.2).
Thus, socially regulated practices of the forest people were to be restrained by law. So, the customary
‘rights’ of using forest products were transformed as ‘privileges’.
The Act was applicable only to forests under the control of the Government and no provisions were
made to cover private forests (Kulkarni,l 987).
Subsequently in 1866, the Forest Department (FD) of India was created, and the Indian Forest service
(IFS) was organized to exercise exclusive rights to exploitation of the existing forests.
Its chief duties were to develop the large timber forests such as the Sal forest of ‘Dudh’ and ‘Deodar’
forest of Himalayas and the forests of the Western Ghats (Randhwa, 1984). Later as their needs started
mounting, the British repealed the earlier Act and introduced a new Indian Forest Act in 1878.
Forest Act in 1865

With this Act the British Government acquired the right to declare any forest as Government forest.
Under this act, the Forest resources were brought under the control of State.
This Act was more comprehensive than the previous and extended state’s authority over the forests.
This act divided forest into three parts namely reserved forests, protected forests and village forests.
The Act tightened the government’s control on forest by prohibiting certain activities like trespassing
or pasturing of cattle (Husnain, 2009).
But this was not applicable to neighbouring forests where right was still in the hands of communities.
Through this legislation, by one stroke of the executive pen, obliterate centuries of customary use of
the forest by rural populations all over India.
Thus, when the Colonial State asserted control over woodlands, which had earlier been in the hands of
local communities and provided to work these forests for commercial timber production, it intervened
in the day to day life of the Indian villages to an unprecedented degree (Prasad, 2011).
Reserved Forest Act 1878 came into operation in most of the British province in India. For the first
time through this act, the Forests were classified into
 Reserved Forests,
 Protected Forests and
 Village forests defining degrees of control over them.
With this Act, for the first time the Government acquired rights to take over forests from tribals and
declare them as reserve forests, subject to certain conditions.
‘Reserved’ and ‘Protected’ and paved for some sort of conservation, though again with vested interests
to serve the purpose of the Imperial Administration.
It also, for the first time, laid down rules to impose levy on timber, then almost the only source of
profit. Further certain practices were listed as offences and forest officials acquired magisterial powers
to arrest a person without a warrant, if a “reasonable suspicion exists”.
The Forest Department (FD) took over forest under its control restricting the rights of the tribals and
forest users from their traditional customary rights in the guise of reserving forests. The Government
acquired further powers by amendments made in this Act in 1890 and 1891.
Meanwhile, the Madras Presidency promulgated its own Act, the Madras Forest Act, in 1882, similar
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to the Central Act. Subsequently, several forest Acts were initiated, by and large, curtailed the rights of
the tribals and other forest users.
The efforts to recognise forestry as land use was distinctly different from agriculture and earmarking
for such land use made through the first forest policy of 1894.
Forest Policy Resolution-1894:

The first forest policy envisaged the supremacy of the State’s interest over the people’s interest. The
sole objective of the policy was administration of the state forests for public benefit but it imposed
restrictions on the inhabitants of the forest and neighbourhood of the forests.
It was also made clear that the forests were to be managed on commercial lines as a source of revenue.
For the implementation of the policy, forests were broadly classified into following four categories:
(i) Forests, the preservation of which was essential on climatic or physical grounds;
(ii) Forests which afford supply of valuable timber for commercial purposes;
(iii) Minor forests:
(iv) Pasture land.
The policy gave maximum importance to the revenue aspect of forests and commercialised supply of
major forest produce needed in order to comply with the general forest needs of the country. The
policy did more “harm than good” to the tribals. It was detrimental “to the economic position of the
tribals through ignorance and neglected of their rights and customs”.
The commercial value of the forest has prompted the British Government to restrict the community use
of the forest. This helped the British to augment their revenue but in the process the rights of the
tribals has been curtailed severely. Consequently, this colonial forest policy not only alienated them
from forest but seized their forest rights (Bahrgava, 2002). This policy has made the forest officials
to come in the scene and claimed the authority to limit and regulate the traditional tribal rights over the
forests (Husnain, 2009).
This policy’s major objective of Timber production had nothing for the local people, since the policy
provided only for State ownership and regulation. This Policy paved way for legislation and the
process of settlement of rights that followed the reservation of forest areas. The Policy provided for
State ownership and regulation but very little for the local communities. After four more amendments
to the earlier Acts, eventually the British Government announced a new comprehensive legislation in
1927.
Forest Act-1927:
The India Forest Act of 1878 was amended in the past by different Acts of local Governments. It was
later on replaced by a very comprehensive Act called the Indian Forest Act, 1927. It further envisaged
the importance of conservation and restricted the forest use further during the colonial period.
This has not only further regulated the people’s right over forest but also codified all the practices of
the forest officials. The forest officials, who played crucial role at the grass-root level, had direct
interaction with the communities. They were very authoritative and used their power arbitrarily and
played havoc with the lives of tribal people. Their coercive behaviour and abuse of power forced many
tribals to leave their native places.
The Act deleted the reference to communities' rights over forests, which were made in the 1878 Act.
Persons were expected to put in their claims over forest lands and forest produce before the Forest
Settlement Officer who was to enquire into their claims.
This Act has put some control on the shifting cultivation, which was considered as biggest reason of
forest depletion, with certain special provisions.
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The gravest consequence of colonial forestry working on commercial and imperial interest was
dwindling of customary rights as well as the decline in traditional conservation and management
systems. The restriction of communal ownership of forests by the State severely destabilized the
subsistence economy of the forest people. It forced many communities to change their occupation.
As Sengupta(1988) observed to compensate for the loss of source of livelihood tribals have been
forced to explore alternative avenues of engagements. So, in the colonial period the legal and policy
instruments transferred the right over forests from communities’ hand to government’s hand. The
common property had become the state property and alienation of village communities from forest was
begun. In 1935, Forest was transferred from the union to state list according to Government of India
Act, 1935. This authority of the state over the forest produces continued even after Independence.
The State has appropriated large areas of Schedule V (tribal majority) area lands as State forests,
without recognising customary rights, particularly of shifting cultivators. The forest policies led to the
appropriation of extensive areas of tribals land with the objective of increasing and maintaining ‘forest
cover’, and imposed restrictions on their use. The official claim has been that the tribals are
responsible for forest degradation but this is highly contested both by the tribals and by sociological-
historical-anthropological studies.
There is found to be a strong relationship between tenurial and livelihood security and environmental
sustainability, which contrasts with the results of the FD views of ‘managing’ people for conservation
objectives without taking their livelihoods or tenure into account. There have been several tribal
revolts against these processes of tribal ancestral lands being appropriated by the FD in many parts of
the country.
The Indian Forest Act, 1927, incorporated some of the guidelines of the 1894 policy. But the essential
classification of reserved, protected and village forests remained as it was. In terms of degree of
Government control, reserved forests are virtually Government forests where the Government can
settle, transfer or commute the rights of communities. In protected forests, the rights were recorded and
regulated, which the Government could not commute. In the village forests all rights were allowed
completely and no control was exercised.
The Government acquired more powers in classified reserved forests in which a time limit was set to
settle the claims of the natives. It acquired the right to charge a levy not only on timber but also on
other forest produce, both in Government and other forests.
The number of listed offences was increased and they were made non-cognizable with a punishment
up to six-months jail term or fine up to Rs. 500/- or both. The practice of shifting cultivation was
brought under the purview of the State Government subject to its control, restriction and abolition.
The prohibition of jhum in the Forest Act of 1927 led to an acute sense of deprivation among tribal
communities, violating, as Guha puts it, “the aboriginals’ notion of property wherein forests and forest
produce belonged to the community, every member of which had a prescriptive right to harvest what
they needed” (Guha 1994).
When a forest settlement officer of the Forest Department decided to take over a forest as reserve or
protected forest, the officer gave 3 months’ notice to the communities to contest this decision. If
communities failed to respond and file a claim within this period, the forest was vested in the state, and
communities lost any user-rights that they had. The official procedures for the settlement of claims and
the demarcation of the forest boundaries were written in a way that was ostensibly favorable toward
local communities. But in practice, the communities could not benefit from such processes because of
their illiteracy and marginal social status. Their lack of capacity to negotiate effectively excluded them
from benefiting from the complicated rules of notice, appeal, and settlement. As a result, most
communities were physically displaced without appropriate compensation (Poffenberger and Singh
1996). Moreover, the local highcaste elite and landowning households exploited to their personal
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advantage the limited access to forests that the communities had.
In 1935, the Government of India Act brought the subject of forests under the jurisdiction of provincial
legislatures. But it should be remembered that the Acts and regulations of the Governments did not
cover all the forests. The private forests owned by zamindars and the forests on princely States were
exempted from them.
POST- COLONIAL FOREST POLICIES
The early post-colonial Government forest policies were not different from the colonial ones. The
National Forest Policy of 1952 also had not considered the needs of local people. In fact, its aim was to
supply timber for the industrial needs. In other words, commercialisation of forest was emphasised,
like the colonial regime, at the cost of the local people. The forest policies of colonial India continued
into the postcolonial period, as exemplified by the National Forest Policy of 1952, which further
reinforced the right of the state to exclusive control over forest protection, production, and
management. Just as the fulfillment of imperial needs was the priority of colonial forest policy, the
demands of commercial industry became the cornerstone of postcolonial forest policy. While
communities were excluded from using forests, many industries were granted raw materials at
extremely low prices. Large tracts of forests were diverted for agriculture, hydroelectric projects, and
other development projects in the years after independence. It is estimated that between 1950 and
1980, the rate of diversion of forests to sites of commercial industries was about 150,000 ha per year
(Saigal et al. 2002).
National Forest Policy of 1952:

The first post independence forest policy was formulated in 1952 with a realisation of ‘maximum
annual revenue from the forests’ in the nation making. This belied all hopes of tribal people by higher
regulation on their rights over the forest resources. It followed the lines of colonial policy makers but it
went beyond in infringing on the privileges of the tribals.
The private forests of tribals that were not touched in the old policy were subjected to controls under
the new one. Free grazing was recognised under the old policy but a fee was imposed on it in the new
one.
A concession is given relating to shifting cultivation, by the provision that should be curbed not by
coercion as earlier but by persuasion. So the ‘rights’ which were converted to ‘privileges’ in the
colonial periods were turned to ‘concession’ in this policy.
New policy withdrew the right over forestland for cultivation which was provided by the colonial
predecessor and it also started controlling the private forests which was totally under the control of the
tribals in colonial period. the old policy didn't touch free grazing in forests. The new policy sought to
bring it under control. Fees were introduced and grazing was to be kept to the minimum.
The forest policy of 1952 of free India was considered worse than its colonial predecessor policy of
1894, particularly for the indigenous people (Reddy 1995).
To analyse the Forest policy and its impact on the tribals of India, The President of India constituted a
commission under the chairmanship of U.N. Dhebar. The Scheduled area and Schedule tribe
commission emphasized the importance of forests in the life of the tribal people in providing them
with all kinds of food, wild game and fish, wood for construction of houses and even income from the
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sale of forest produce besides fuel and criticised the gradual extension of Government authority over
forests to the detriment of tribal life and economy.
It also noted the gradual changes in the rights of the tribal communities over the forests and its
transformation from ‘rights’ and ‘privileges’ in 1894, then ‘rights’ and ‘concession’ in 1952 and
thereafter it remained as concession. The Commission recommended that the policy of 1952 should
be reconsidered and tribals should be allowed to cultivate forest lands. Their requirements for grazing
and shifting cultivation should be conceded. It also noted responsibilities of forest officials.
The Recommendation of National Commission on Agriculture, 1976:
The recommendation made by the 'National Commission on Agriculture' (NCA), 1976 was disastrous
from tribal’s point of view. It recommended a drastic reduction in the people’s right’s over the forest
and forest produce and advocated the commercialisation of forest at all cost ignoring the sustenance of
forest people derived from the forests.
The Commission recommended the regularisation of forest dwellers’ rights over forest produce and
stated, “the production of industrial wood should be the raison d’être for the existence of forests.
Actually it is in this value that many other values that have been claimed or caressed for forests so far
can be absorbed’’(NCA 1976).
Report opt the extreme conservationist approach towards the forest and forest products and considered
tribals and forest dwellers as destructive agents. The local people were considered as destructors of the
forest as they extract natural resources at free of cost and contribute less in the maintenance of the
forests. It recommended strengthening the forest legislation by changing the forest policy and bringing
an uniform forest laws so that incompatibility in forest laws among the states is removed and there is
no multiplicity of legally sanctioned authorities concerned with forestry matters.
It also recommended that functionally all forest lands should be classified into protected forests,
productive forests and social forests. In 1976, the Forests subject was brought into concurrent list
through the 42nd Constitutional Amendment empowering centre to make laws.
Forest Draft Bill-1980:
Based on the recommendations of the NCA (1976) provisions were made in a bill to reduce people's
rights over forestlands and produce. The Government was empowered to declare any land, what so
ever, to be forestland.
The Act prohibited the state governments from declaring any reserve forest or any portion as
unreserved and also from allotting any forestland for any purpose without prior permission of the
central government, and also made special provisions against the rights of the forest people. So, the
central government reserved all rights over forest and forest produce with it. This bill later passed by
parliament and became an Act.
Committee on Forests and Tribals:

To achieve a co-ordinated policy, the Government of India constituted a Committee in 1980 to suggest
guidelines for the re-orientation of forest policy to serve the forest economy under the chairmanship of
Dr. B.K. Roy Burman, an eminent Anthropologist. Committee submitted its report in 1982 with
emphasise on the importance of forest in the tribal life.
Committee noted that tribals rely on forest for not only their basic needs viz. fuel, fodder and wood but
they also earn one third of their income from sale of minor forest products. The committee felt that a
national forest policy should recognise the importance and positive role of the inhabitants in the
maintaining forests which was only long-run solution to question of afforestation, preservation,
production and management of lands (Burman Committee report, 1982).
Since the committee was more focused on the tribal economy it more emphasised on the forest
industry and minor forest products but also gave valuable inputs on the importance of forest in tribal
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life. The committee pointed out that the benefit should flow to the tribal people through the forestry
conservation programmes and recognition of their forestry skills. The Policy-makers should consider
the individual, community as well as national interests angles during the policy formulation and the
basic need of the tribals should not be hampered during formulation as well as implementation.
Later, in 1985, the Department of Forest was transferred from the Ministry of Agriculture to the newly
constituted Ministry of Environment and Forests which drafted the National Forests Policy Resolutions
approved by Parliament in December 1988.
New Forest Policy, 1988

The new forest policy was adopted on December 7, 1988. It can be termed as the first attempt on the
part of the government to completely change its attitude towards forests and tribal. The policy accepts
the important role of tribal regarding forest protection and management.
Basic Objectives.
The basic objectives that should govern the National Forest Policy include ‘the requirements of
fuelwood, fodder, minor forest produce and small timber of the rural and tribal populations, along with
the maintenance of environmental stability conserving natural heritage etc. the policy also recognises
the need to encourage efficient utilisation of forest produce and maximise substitution of wood.
The essential of forest management clearly mention that ‘Provision of sufficient fodder, fuel and
pasture especially in areas adjoining forest, is necessary.’ It further adds that “the programmes of
afforestation should be intensified with special emphasis on augmenting fuelwood production to meet
the requirement of the rural people” Ownership Rights over Tress
The policy suggests the village and community lands which are not required for other productive uses,
should be taken up for the development of tree crops and fodder resources.
More important is the fact that the revenue generated through such programmes will belong to the
panchayats where the lands are vested in them. In case of individuals, particularly from the weaker
sections such as tribals, landless labour etc., certain ownership rights over trees are to be created
subject to appropriate regulations where beneficiaries would be entitled to usufruct and would in turn
be responsible for their security and maintenance.
Rights and Concessions: The document accepts the fact that the life of tribals revolves around forests.
Therefore, “The rights and concessions enjoyed by them should be fully protected.” It asserts further
that “the holders of customary rights and concessions in forest areas should be motivated to identify
themselves with the protection and development of forests”.
Also, for the first time has the policy mentioned that to relieve the existing pressure on forests
substitution of wood needs to be taken resource to. Use of fuel-efficient chullas and stall-feeding of
cattle too have been taken into consideration.
Tribal People and Forests: Having regard to the symbolic relationship between the tribal people and
forests, policy emphasises that “the primary task of all agencies responsible for forest management is
that they should associate the tribal people closely in the protection, regeneration and development of
forest as well as provide gainful employment to people living in and around the forests.” Forest-based
Industries.
The policy states that “as far as possible, a forest-based industry should raise the raw material needed
for meeting its own requirements”. It does not forget to add that, “The fuel, fodder and timber
requirements of the local people should not be sacrificed.” It also sees to it that the forest-based
industries not only provide employment to local people on priority but also involve them fully in
raising trees and raw material. The policy statement contains many more valuable suggestions
regarding forestry education, conservation programmes, training centres for farmers etc,
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Joint Forest Management (JFM) programme
The National Forest Policy 1988 calls for "creating a massive people's movement with the involvement
of women" for achieving its basic objectives. The Ministry of Environment and Forests has reported
that it has issued guidelines to all State Governments and VTs for protection, regeneration and
development of degraded forests with the involvement of village communities constituted under Joint
Forest Management (JFM) programme.
According to the MOEF, joint forest management is a management strategy under which the State
Forest Department and the village community enter into an agreement to jointly protect and manage
forest-land adjoining villages and to share responsibilities and benefits. The village community is
represented through an institution specifically formed for the purpose. Commonly, it is referred to as
the joint management forest committee (JFMC) or forest protection committee (FPC) registered under
the Societies Registration Act 1860. The FPC takes responsibility of protecting forest patches from
fire, grazing and illegal harvesting. In return, it gets greater access to forest produce and share in
income earned from those forest patches. FPCs federate together to form forest development agencies
(FDAs) at the territorial/wild life forest division level, and they also are registered societies.
The MOEF has focused on JFM to achieve the national target of 33% tree cover by 2012. Other
existing schemes have been merged into National Afforestation Programme to be implemented
through the JFM. The National Afforestation Programme is a Central Sector scheme for which money
is said to flow directly from Central Government to implementing agencies in the field, basically the
forest development agencies. 56. Appropriate resolutions have been passed by 27 states and UTs
resulting in management of 16.67 million hectares of forest land by 7,271 JFM communities
throughout the country, as on 1.5.2003. The Ministry expect improvement in the socio-economic status
of the forest-dwellers through their labour oriented participation in afforestation and other forestry
activities, alongside protection of forests, carried through JFM.
The Tenth Five Year Plan (2002-2007) document of the Planning Commission states that one of the
resolutions of JFM relates to the use of indigenous capacity and legal knowledge about different
aspects of conservation, development and use of forests. It emphasizes that rural people, particularly
women and tribal communities, have an intimate knowledge of species, their growth characteristics,
utility, medicinal value etc. and it should be utilized under JFM for the benefit of the community.
Some major problems in the JFM area are that though the village forest committees may be
registered under Societies Registration Act 1860, they have no legal and statutory basis and, further,
their relationship with the Gram Sabhas and Panchayats is either absent or vague and tenuous. They
are viewed to function as "parallel bodies", despite the fact that standing committees of Panchayats for
subjects ranging from planning, construction, administration to welfare, education, water management
are built in the Panchayat system. During discussion, the Ministry of Environment and Forest stated
that the State Governments had been requested to consider the matter and issue suitable guidelines. We
feel this is a subject which merits consideration at the Central level for counsel to the States and UTs.
In the Scheduled Areas, the difficulty is further compounded by the fact that the JFM does not take
into account the Provisions of the Panchayats (Extension to the Scheduled Areas) Act 1996. As per
section 4(m)(ii) of the Act, the Gram Sabha and the Panchayat are to be endowed with the ownership
of minor forest produce by the State legislation. Some states have adopted this provision in their state
law, but JFM committees do not seem to take much cognizance of it. In fact, the opposing views over
ownership of minor forest produce as belonging to the Forest Department and Panchayat Gram Sabha
have created confusion and mistrust in the minds of the people.
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As mentioned, JFM does not have statutory status, whereas PESA Act has. It is incumbent that the
JFM bodies should function within the canopy of the Panchayat system. In other words, the forest
committee should function as one arm of the panchayat. The entire JFM structure in the Scheduled
Areas needs to be recast in the light of the PESA Act and the unique milieu of these areas.
The biggest drawback of the JFM, however, is that committees of this system are not able to function
autonomously, since their stewardship rests with the Forest Department. The Forest Department
controls the purse-strings. It is essential the JFM committees exercise genuine autonomy to be able to
take decisions in the interest of the people and their environment. For the purpose, they should be
converted into community forest management committees and devolved funds appropriately. Further.,
having formulated the programme, they should implement them and be accountable to the people. The
officials of the Forest Department should (a) function as their technical advisers and (b) monitor the
programmes.
The government of Andhra Pradesh has reported that Joint Forest Management has since been
transformed into Community Forest Management in the state with considerable freedom. According to
them social forestry has been a successful programme in the state meeting the requirements of fuel and
industrial pulp, wood, small timber particularly through Subabul planting.
The state of Himachal Pradesh has reported a marked shift in forests management, with forestry in
shifting its focus to become people-centered. They feel that the introduction of social forestry schemes
viz. Sanjhi Van Yojna and formation of FDAs in this direction.
The government of Karnataka have issued guidelines governing the pattern of sharing, involvement of
the stake-holders etc. for village forest committees.
Institutionalisation at grass-root level has thrown up new challenges in intervillage and intra-village
relations on the one hand, enhancing expectations of the people on the other. The first problem is
recognition of long-time tribal occupants of land within forest. With divergent aims, how are the
present JFM bodies treating them? Are they to be displaced on account of the professed objective of
JFM of afforestation, as is happening in Andhra Pradesh? It is iniquitous. The second relates to
accessibility, of forest related to village proximity, and denial of forest benefits on account of distance
of villages from the managed forest. Thirdly, power equations within the nominated JFM committees,
weighted in favour of the influential and the powerful. Fourthly, plain male domination. Fifthly, an
area of concern, which we have voiced elsewhere too, the growing multiplicity of organizations; both
in the field and at the state level,. leading to confusion, obfuscation and wastage.
In brief, innovations are needed to address issues of equity (displacement, poverty and landlessness),
conflict resolution (particularly inter-village, may be _-village), social inclusion (women, tribal
occupants of forest lands).
A movement by social and human right activists was started which considered Rights of the tribals
over local resources as sacrosanct and nonnegotiable and a move was initiated to secure Constitutional
recognition for these rights. These movements along with Bhuria Committee’s recommendation forced
government to amend in Vth schedule and known as the Panchayats Extension to Schedule Areas
(PESA), 1996. It decentralized existing approaches to forest governance by bringing the Gram Sabha
at centre stage and recognized the traditional rights of tribals over “community resources”—meaning
land, water, and forests. PESA was important not just because it provided for a wide range of rights
and privileges, but also because it provided a principle as well as a basis for future law making
concerning the tribals (Patnaik, 2007).
Scheduled Tribes and Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act
2006:
Indian forest laws enacted in the 19th and 20th centuries treated forest dwellers and other traditional
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forest users and especially their farming practices such as shifting cultivation as a threat to forest
ecology. The new recognition of forest dwellers as “integral to the very survival and sustainability of
the forest ecosystem” is a crucial policy reversal compared with previous forest laws, as the new law
makes them the custodians of forests and their ecology. The FRA guarantees their livelihood, food
security, and forest rights and recognizes their rights to ancestral lands, tenure security, and access to
forests and forest produce. Associated with these rights are their responsibilities, namely, sustainable
use of forests, conservation of biodiversity, and sustenance of ecological balance.
The reference to “historical injustice” to forest dwellers during the colonial and postcolonial periods
sends a powerful political message to all state governments in India. Its operational implication is that
the new law cannot accomplish significant improvements in the status of forest dwellers unless a
constructive political and administrative dialogue is continued at the state level to take urgent and
comprehensive actions to implement it. Also needed is a campaign to raise public awareness. Indian
society at large must see the validity of forest dwellers’ customary rights to earn their livelihood and
sustain their cultural identities through the legally recognized relationship between them and their
ancestral lands.
FEATURES OF ACT
1.Rights of Forest Dwellers
various rights of forest dwellers can be classified into four broad types.
Land rights
No forest dweller can claim user rights over any forest land that he or she was not cultivating before 13
December 2005 and is not cultivating at present. Those who are cultivating such land but do not have
documents to prove continuous land use can claim up to 4 hectares if they cultivate the land
themselves only for their livelihood. Those who possess government leases for forest land can claim
user rights even if the land was taken by the Forest Department or is the subject of a dispute between
the Forest Department and the Revenue Department. However, if those lands are reconferred on an
individual, a household, or a community, they cannot be sold or transferred to anyone except by
inheritance.
User rights
The FRA restores the forest dwellers’ right to collect minor forest produce such as edible herbs and
medicinal plants. But the forest dwellers cannot fell trees for sale. They are allowed to take timber
from forests only for household use. The law also recognizes the use of grazing grounds and water
bodies by nomadic or pastoralist communities.
Right to protect and conserve

Until the FRA was enacted in 2006, only the Forest Department was entrusted with the duty of
protecting forests. This legislation for the first time gives forest-dwelling communities the right to
protect and manage the forest in which they live. It authorizes forest dwellers to conserve community
forest resources by giving the community a general power to protect wildlife and forests. This is vital,
as thousands of forest dweller communities are trying to protect their forests and wildlife against
threats from forest mafias, industries, and land grabbers, most of whom operate in connivance with the
Forest Department.
Relief and development.

The FRA guarantees a right to get rehabilitated in case of illegal eviction or forced displacement and
also to receive basic amenities, subject to the restrictions imposed to protect forests. The FRA states in
section 4(1) that, “notwithstanding anything contained in any other law for the time being in force, and
subject to the provisions of this Act, the Central Government hereby recognizes and vests forest rights
in (a) the forest dwelling Scheduled Tribes in States or areas of States where they are declared as
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Scheduled Tribes in respects of all forest rights mentioned in section 3, (b) the other traditional forest
dwellers in respect of all forest rights mentioned in section 3.” This is a powerful and unambiguous
recognition of rights of forest dwellers and an unreserved vesting of such rights on them.
2.“Free, Prior, Informed Consent” and Conservation
The FRA prescribes that all future creations of “inviolate” conservation zones and curtailment of rights
in protected areas shall require the “free, prior, and informed consent” of tribal people who live on
such land. It also emphasizes that all forestlands—irrespective of location and category— that have
traditionally been used by tribal communities will henceforth be treated as “community forest
resources” and says that forest dwellers can act decisively in conserving such resources. What is most
important, the FRA says that recognized rights of forest dwellers include conservation of forests and
biodiversity (section 5).
The FRA empowers holders of forest rights and their gram sabhas to
• protect the wildlife, forest, and its biodiversity;
• ensure that adjoining catchment areas, water sources, and other ecological sensitive areas are
adequately protected;
• ensure that habitats of forest-dwelling scheduled tribes and other traditional forest dwellers are
preserved from any form of destructive practices affecting their cultural and natural heritage;
• ensure that the decisions taken in the gram sabha to regulate access to community forest resources
and stop any activity that adversely affects the wild animals, forest, biodiversity, and natural heritage
are complied with.
The legislation recognizes both the individual and collective rights of forest dwellers to forests that
provide them livelihood and cultural identity
IMPLEMENTATION AND SHORTCOMINGS
1.The past twenty years have been dramatic in the changes in the economy, and in the effect that
economic policy has had on tribal communities. This has also been the period when laws, notably the
Provisions of Panchayats (Extension to Scheduled Areas) Act, 1996 and the Scheduled Tribes and
Other Traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act, 2006, have been enacted which
recognize autonomy and rights of tribal communities.
2. The implementation of these laws is, however, sputtering and reluctant. The FRA framework
includes provisions for: (i) recognition and vesting of rights (towards a secure tenure and
livelihood/food security of the Scheduled Tribes and Other traditional forest dwellers), (ii) protection
of the rights till the recognition and vesting process is completed, and (iii) control over forests of the
local community and the Gram Sabhas. This framework, however, is missing from the process adopted
for implementation of the law and the implementation structure does not have the necessary
mechanisms and the vision to realize the objectives of the law. What is needed foremost is to
strengthen the institutional system to support the process of implementation, including strengthening of
the Gram Sabhas and FRCs, streamlining functioning of the sub-divisional and district level
committees, strengthening the functioning of the state level monitoring committees and a dedicated
structure within the nodal ministry (Ministry Of Tribal Affairs).
3. The implementation of the community forest rights has hardly taken off. It needs to have a clear
mechanism and plan for recognition of various community forest rights and rights of vulnerable
communities such as PVTGs and pastoralist communities.
4. The implementation of the protective provisions in the law and the process of recognition and
assertion of forest rights is so far largely affected (obstructed) by contradictory processes like:
diversion of forest land which, among other things, is displacing Scheduled Tribes/OTFDs and
alienating their rights, displacement from the protected areas and Tiger Reserves, and displacement
due to intervention by the Forest Department through forceful plantation in the forest lands. While the
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protective clause under FRA is meant to prevent such cases of violation of forest rights, the
implementation process has almost entirely ignored the protective parts of the law.
5. The democratic structure in forests with the Gram Sabhas as laid out in the FRA faces great
resistance from the current forest regime and the various forestry institutions and programs
implemented by the Forest Department and the MoEF. In the Joint Forest Management program, for
instance, the operation of working plans are found to be obstructing the process of assertion of rights
by the Gram Sabhas. It is necessary to remodel the entire structure of forest administration, the Forest
Department, the MoEF and its programs to complement and enable the control and management of
forests by Gram Sabhas and local communities.
6. The changed paradigm has not yet permeated administration, and projects and plans continue to
approach forests as the exclusive domain of the state. This is resulting in multiple ways and situations
in which the laws are subverted, and the rights of tribal communities denied. The exception to linear
projects and the decisions of the Cabinet Committee on Investment illustrate the point. Such deliberate
flouting of the law currently has no penalties attaching to it. Such penalties that will deter the
breaching of the FRA need to be introduced.
7. The FRA mandates the representation of women in Gram Sabha and in the other tiers prescribed by
the law. Effective participation has, however, been elusive. Given the close relationship between
forests, forest produce and women’s lives, there is work to be done to turn this around.
8. The difference between states of poverty and of vulnerability has been explored in the context of
PVTGs. Access to resources in forests makes a difference in the extent of their vulnerability. Where
there has been a depletion of forest cover, and the emphasis is on timber trees, the effect is to add to
the vulnerability of PVTGs. Where, on the other hand, the resources are safeguarded and the
community has access, the ability to prevent nutritional distress can be augmented.
9. Displacement for creating Tiger Reserves and Elephant Corridors take away from the provisions that
recognize that tribals need to be asked to be displaced only if co-existence is impossible and with
Gram Sabha consent. The resettlement experience of those displaced speaks to continued
marginalization of affected communities. This is a common tale, and that is the way it has largely been
through the years. Even where the decision to displace is taken reasonably and according to the process
prescribed, the inability displayed in effecting rehabilitation has to be acknowledged. There is an
urgent need to review the ability of administrators who are responsible for rehabilitation, and for
revising the rehabilitation process. Failed rehabilitation has consequences that have been ignored for
far too long.
Impact of urbanization and industrialization on tribal populations
For Anthropological purpose, Industrialization implies to the socio-economic changes arising out of
industrial mode of economic production. Anthropologists inquire the impact of industrial economy on
traditional subsistence economy and how it transcends the other aspect of culture. The early
anthropologists have paid scant attention to the process of Industrialization as an economic activity
affecting life of simple non-industrialized people. The Industrial Anthropology has developed as a
field of inquiry in recent time and has directed its focus upon various dimensions of social cultural
realities within the industrial set up. This field has extended its research priorties on studies of work
culture in industry, labour relation and trade unions, issues of human resources and class dynamics in
industry. The second important aspect is to study the impact of industry on external realties of society
and culture. What kind of changes it brings to the traditional societies and whether these impacts have
been positive or negative for the people.
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According to L. P. Vidyarthi (1970): Industrialisation is the effective and radical process of culture
change in which there is transformation of non-industrial people into industrial workers. It is an
important phase in socio-economic development seeking to increase, improve and diversify productive
capacities and to raise levels and standard of living
Anthropologists have taken considerable interest in the study of industrialization as socio-cultural

process and its impact upon the tribal population. The industrial anthropology as a specialization
emphasizes the first hand fieldwork tradition to grasp the complexity of industrial life.
Martin Oraon wrote one of the earliest papers titled “A tribal People in industrial setting in India”
in the book Structure and Change in Indian Society (1958) edited by Milton Singer to highlight the
impact of industrial setup in Jamshedpur and its impact upon Santal people. In this study he deals with
economic issues like labour recruitment and cultural issues like religion and marriage affected by
industry. He later on published a book length inquiry The Santal: A tribal in Search of Great Tradition
(1965) to discuss his findings in detail. This anthropological study also covers a historical depth of 60
years since establishment of TISCO in 1907 and gives detailed account of assimilation process
impacting the tribal life.
A M Kurup (1961, 63) in his studies of Parasia Coal Mines of Madhya Pradesh reflected on the
changing economy of tribal because of Industrializationin the area. In two papers (1961, 63) he
discussed the socio-cultural condition of Gond people of Madhya Pradesh working in coal mines. The
papers also reflect upon the loss of moral values and tradition culture in industrial labourers.
T R Sharma (1960, 1962) in his papers dealt with the labour issues like absentessim in factory of
tribal workers. This study is interesting because it has studied the workers motivation and alienation.
The study has identified that establishment of TISCO has uprooted 18 villages of Bhumij, Hos Santals
and Hindus. However these people have been accommodated in newly established Bastees of mix
population. These Bastees have attracted migrant workers tribal and non- tribal from neighbouring
district and states as well. The study highlights the disintegration of cultural life, forest ecology and
agricultural economy.
A K Das and H N Banerjee made a study Impact of Industrialisation on the life of the Tribals of West
Bengal (1962) in the areas of Bengal where heavy industries like Chittaranjan Locomotive, Hindustan
Cable Factory and Durgapur steel plant have displaced Santal and other communities. A K Das and H
N Banerjee in a further studies Impact of Tea Industry on the life of the Tribals of West Bengal (1964)
Tribal they have discussed their findings under economic social and psychological impacts of the tea
industry on the tribal labourers in four medium sized tea estates of North Bengal Region. These early
studies set the trend for future work in industrial anthropology.
Prof. L P Vidhyarthi pioneered the study of Industrial complexes in middile India at anthropology
department of Ranchi University and many of his students took initiative to study and restudy the
industrial Growth in Tribal dominated Chota Nagpur Region. This region was one of the areas which
showed industrial potential as early as 1856 when the British started coal mining in Jharia, Bokaro,
Karnpura and Dhanbad region. Several PhD were produced in Ranchi University Anthropology
department which dealt with the impact of industrialization on tribal and village people of those days
Bihar. The study of Heavy Electric Corporation in Ranchi (Vidhyarthi, 1970; P K Roy, 1974; G N
Chaudhury, 1978) Patrartu Industrial Complex( R Singh, 1966), Bokaro steel city (Jayant Sarkar 1970;
AC Mishra, 1981), Jamsedpur Steel City, Jharia Coalfield ( G R sharma,1971)were prominent among
them.
Vidhyarthi in his study of HEC industrial complex described the situation in terms of “changing style
of life” from rural to urban, homogenous to hetrogenous. He identifies that initially when industrial
project took up the tribal have to face several difficulty of displacement but after establishment of firm
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they have discovered economic opportunity and hope for urban industrial life. Reufel a German
Research Scholar studied the impact of Rourkela on tribals for his doctoral thesis at University of
Bonn was associated with the department during this period.
P K Das Gupta (1964) studied the nature of displacement by Chittaranjan Locomotive Works. He
identified that 330 santhal families were displaced from 6 villages and resettled with very small patch
of land for making huts. Agricultural Lands were not provided. Many of displaced tribal settled
themselves back into the industrial area and started living in labour jhuggees to find work with
contractors. They were not employed by the CLW directly.
Choudhury N C & P K Das Gupta (1970) conducted a preliminary survey of iron ore mines like
noamundi, Barajmda, and Gua of Singhbhum Region of Jharkhand. It was found that the major labour
forces in mines were Ho tribals of the region. Both men and women work in mines and they formed a
small work unit of husband wife or brother sister to carry out difficult and unsafe work in mines. The
tribals adopted dual economy of industrial work in mines and of agricultural work in field to support
their families.
P K Das Gupta published a book “Impact of Industrialization on Tribal life of South Bihar 1978) from
AnSI. The book discussed the role of Chaibasa Cement Work, Jhinkpanion the Ho Tribal of
Singhbhum area of present day Jharkhand. The majority of labour force composed of Ho people. He
has called his village of inquiry “Industrial Village” from where the labourer has migrated to
“Industrial town”. The migration from egalitarian tribe village to multi caste town put them in the
lower stratum of society. He has observed that villagers have taken up the opportunity to go beyond
subsistence production and engage in vegetable gardening for town market. Many of the daily
commuters divide their time between field and factory. He also highlighted the lack of educated Ho
members who can take top jobs in the factory and are confined to the unskilled and semiskilled work.
Naskar and Das Gupta studied the Bison Horn Maria of Bailadila mine in Bastar region of
Chattishgarh and found similar impacts on tribal labourers in mines. Das Gupta and Ali took a very
interesting study of migrant laboureres from Chotta Nagpur and Madhya Pradesh in the tea plantation
industry of North Bengal. The work force constituted mixed ethnic identity and the traditional identity
was maintained through rules of commensality and adherence to own dialects.
Anthropological Survey of India also gave its attention to Industrialization and few studies were
published in relation to industrialization of tribals in Bengal. Sukumar Banerjee in his study Impact of
Industrialization on the tribal population of Jharia-Raniganj Coal field Areas has given detailed
account of Santal community affected and incorporated by collieries. The data discuss the division of
labour inside factory and contribution made by Santhals in different kind of work. He classified the
tribal workers as daily commuters, original inhabitants and migrants depending upon their mobility.
B K Roy Burman conducted a study on Rourkela Steel plant of Orissa. He conducted a survey of tribal
economy and assessed the deployment of tribals in industrial sector. He described the challenges of
resettlement of tribal that were displaced because of steel plant.
ARN Srivastava in his book Tribal Encounter with Industry: A case Study from Central India (1990),
has studied Bailadila Mining Complex in Chhattisgarh for understanding the impact of mining in areas.
The study was conducted under a project of ministry of home affairs to assess the impact of mines on
tribal economy. The report detailed the census and household economy data and the impact it bears
because of industrial growth in the region.
Gerard Heuze a French scholar who did his fieldwork in 1986-87 in the Dhanbad colleries published
Workers of another World: Miners the Countryside and Coalfields in Dhanbad (1989/96). This book is
dedicated ethnographic work which attempts to highlight the life of mine workers in and out of mine in
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Marxist wane. It problematizes the labour as important aspect of mining ethnography and revolves
around workers struggle within the mine establishments.
IMPACT ON TRIBE
The studies in industrialization have largely discussed the hope for positive changes in tribal life.
These studies mostly focused upon the industrial benefits of mining projects on tribal communities,
who needed to be developed to be fully integrated in main stream India. The studies highlighted the
problems of displaced but the intent was to look at the changing dynamics of tribal economy which
will ultimately bring the prosperity in the tribal areas. However the anthropological studies also
highlighted the disorganization of tribal life and negative impacts of industrialization. We can
highlight the following impacts of industrialization from these studies:
Economic changes: The tribal economy has largely been affected by industrial growth in the form of
them being pulled to unskilled labour work to industries. Some scholars have emphasized the
compulsion on part of tribals to take these jobs for getting money. The monetized economy has change
the consumption pattern and materialistic possessions of tribal communities. The dependence on
agriculture has decreased to considerable extent. There is tendency towards the cultivation of
vegetables and collection of forest produce for selling at the markets nearby industrial towns.
Socio-cultural impacts: The family value has changed. The religious rituals have also been
compromised. Some of the industrial workers living in town have become attracted to Christianity.
Tribal women have also suffered lots of problems because of industrial growth.
Industrialization bas led to changes in attitude and behaviour as per to the demand to the situation and
atmosphere. They have also changed their behaviour towards non-tribal people and now they mix
freely with them. As they usually remain with nontribals for several hours in factories as well as in
colonies, there are many instances of marriages between the tribals and the non-tribals. This type of
marriage alliance indicates the exchange of gene flow with their neighbouring population. Not only
this but the industrialization has also influenced their religion as well as family. Most of the families
are now nuclear.
Because of industrialization. the tribals of some areas are almost indistinguishable from the Hindu
villagers. The Oraon for example, have forgotten their past traditions (Sachidananda, 1970). The Gond
of some areas have become, a part of society as a caste.
The Mundas have begun to loose faith in the power of Bongas (Sachidananda, 1979). The Bhumjs
exhibit cast like characteristics (Sinha, 1965). In 1961. as many as 72 percent of the tribals of Bihar got
themselves as enumerated as Hindus (Census RepOrt. 1968: 2). More than 11.8 per cent of the tribals
were Christians (Census. 1980). Only 20 percent of them considered their religion as of tribal Many
settled agricultural tribes have adopted Hindu religious beliefs and practices.
The process of industrialization and technological revolution has been regularly debated in the social
scientific forums. Some treated industrialization as negative, causing constant damage to tribal cultural
heritage and create. an identity crisis.
According to Srivastava ( 1979) tribal have not benefited by industrialization though the non-tribals
have. This has led to another conflict between tribals and nontribals. Similar observations have been
made by Sachidanand ( 1969) Sharma (1974) and Mandal and Sahoo (1992).
According to Vidyarthi (1964) industrialization is the major cause of detribalization. He also states that
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industrialization gives an opportunity to tribal population to get assimilated into urban industrial
civilization.
In short it may be said that the rapid industrialization bad brought about a complete disintegration of
the preindustrial culture which was characterized by forest ecology and homogenous folk life. These
traditional tribal communities who had so far depended solely on agriculture and forest products as
means of livelihood. are now facing the challenge of machine technology, which demand not only a
c.han.ge in an economic pursuit, but a total reorientation of their socio-religious life.
Migration from Rural to Urban-Industrial Centre:

The migration of tribal from rural area to urbanindustrial centre was important change. The advent of
industry brought township with it. Many tribals kept living in the industrial land in jhuggees even after
being evacuated. The life in jhuggees was pitiable though tribal were forced to live nearby settlements
to work in industry. Some tribals also migrated from one industrial site to other along with their
contractors and a situation of bounded industrial labourer existed.
Exploitation as labour class in industry: The tribal mostly got job as labourere and have been paid
less wages by contractors. The sense of alienation prevailed in industrial set up and tribals felt
demotivated to work for industry. The exploitation of labourers by contractors has been reported in
several studies.
Displacement from land: The industrialization has been one of the primary reasons for the
displacement of the tribals from their land. The loss of land means loss of livelihood. Tribal economy
has largely been dependent upon land based activities. There is no accurate data that how many tribal
has been displaced because of industrial growth but studies mentioned above have highlighted the
dispossession of land and poor rehabilitation and resettlement policies towards tribal. Most of the
studies have given primary attention to the problem of displacements but voices against
industrialization have never been documented. The studies have mostly outlined the lacunae in
resettlement policies and remedies have been suggested for smooth displacement strategy.
Environmental hazards:
The establishment of large industries have also brought certain environmental hazards, which are
affect-man, animal, and plants. Emitting pollutants into the air, releasing of effluents in to the water
and dumping of solid wasters in the open grounds are common environmental hazards in the industrial
projects.
Radiation Hazards : It was noted that villages located near the UCIL (Uranium Corporation of India
Limited) have high rate of abortions as well as disturbance in menstrual cycle.
INDUSTRIALIZATION AND AFTER

The industrialization as process has changed itself in its form. The industrialization is entering into the
era of globalization. The industries which were largely public sector undertakings are now mostly
privatized. The liberalization of economy has opened the gate for foreign based corporations to operate
in country. The government has affirmative policy of reservation in jobs, but private sector
undertakings are not incorporating 7.5%reservation policy in recruitment of tribals. The nature of
industrial work is very much transformed and service based industries are on the rise in different part
of country. The IT and BPO sector are on the growth and many of manufacturing industries in India
are struggling to sustain its economic viability. The sociologist Denial Bell has called the new service
based industrial society as Post –Industrial society. The post –industrial situation is posing other kind
of dilemma for tribal people of India. The educated tribal are getting jobs in these industries at the cost
of migration from homeland to urban spaces like Delhi, Bangalore and Mumbai. Present movement of
tribals to urban industrial centre is different from industries reaching to tribal areas.
Then there are scholars who have highlighted the negative impact of industrial growth on local
environments. The agenda of industrial waste and industrial pollution is echoing from every industrial
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center. The world is facing unprecedented challenges of industry-induced environmental change. The
industrial production processes are spilling hazardous gas, sewage, and several non-decomposable
wastes polluting air, water and food. The industrial waste management practices and promises are
unsustainable and unreliable. The anthropologist Kim Fortune who studied Bhopal Gas Disaster calls
this phase as late industrialism. She advocates for different ethnographic approach to deal with
emergent complexities of late industrialism. Tribal people who were always at the receiving end of
industrial challenges with very little benefit accruing to them are now disillusioned by promises of
industrial growth. The tribals empowered by global network of civil society and indigenous
consciousness are challenging any new industrial projects in their area. This has become possible
because of increased awareness of industrial damage caused to local economy and ecology. The civil
society has played prominent role in providing forums to the tribals to raise their concern against
industries. The Government has made it mandatory to conduct Environmental Impact Assessment and
Social Impact Assessment before acquiring land for industrial project. The corporates have also taken
several initiatives to amend policies and practices for sustainable industrial growth. The GoI has
reformed laws to protect the interest of tribals in land and forest.
However to increase the job opportunity and economic progress the GoI has also identified SEZ for
creating industrial hub. This would be interesting to find out how many SEZ directly impacts the tribal
population. The most important thing to understand is that most of the industrialization in India has
been designed under the aspiration of larger political economy to benefit the whole country as a nation
which will also integrate the tribals in its fold. However this policy has largely resulted into
marginalization of tribals further. The tribal directed industrial planning has never been part of GoI
strategy. The issues of tribal rights to the natural resources have become prominent in the tribal belts
and people have started to oppose the forced industrialization in the regions. The tribal communities
are challenging the industries for better compensation and job opportunities and sometimes even for no
industrialization at all. Felix Padel and Samarendra Das wrote Out of this Earth (2011) on issues of
Bauxite mining project in Odisha is best example of tribal challenge to further industrialization in the
area.
Thus the nature of tribe industry encounter has changed drastically over the years. The expectation of
industry led growth has not been fulfilled and there is strong protest of any new industrial project in
tribal areas. Very few tribal elites have benefitted from industrialization and majority of tribal
communities are at the receiving end of industrial blow to the local ecology and economy.
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7.1 Problems of exploitation and deprivation of Scheduled

Castes, Scheduled Tribes and Other Backward Classes.
Constitutional safeguards for Scheduled Tribes and
Scheduled Castes.
SCHEDULED CASTES
The Scheduled Castes occupy the bottom most rung of the social ladder. They from the majority of the
“backward” or “depressed” classes. The terms “Scheduled Castes” signifies those groups of people
who were out of the caste system or the Varna hierarchy in the past. They comprise the bulk of
“untouchables” or “untouchable castes”. These groups or castes have been discriminated against by the
superior castes through the ages and they never had any kind of social acceptance from the majority of
the people who belonged to the upper the top most position in the social, political or economic field, as
a group. Their low social position continues even now though lot of measures have been taken to make
them equal with others.
Term “Scheduled Castes”

The term “Scheduled Castes” is a politico-legal one. It was introduced by the British. It was first
coined by the “Simon Commission” in 1928 and then “Government of India Act, 1935 “listed” out or
scheduled a few of the castes as the most inferior ones which required some special attention. This list
of castes was designated as “Scheduled Castes”. When India became independent, this term was
adopted by the Constitution for the purpose of providing them some special facilities and constitutional
guarantees.
No Precise Definition for the Term “Scheduled Castes”
The term “Scheduled Castes” is nowhere defined in the Constitution with State governments to notify
by an order, the castes, races and tribes which can deemed as “Scheduled Castes”.
Attempts towards a Definition
Sociologist have tried to define the term in their own way. We may consider here the definitions of Dr.
Majumdar and Dr. Ghurye.
1 Dr. D. N. Majumdar uses the term “Scheduled Castes to refer mainly to the untouchable castes. He
defines: “The untouchable castes are those who suffer from various social and political disabilities
many of which are traditionally prescribed and socially enforced by higher castes.”
2. Dr. G.S. Ghurye: Scheduled castes are those groups which are named in the Scheduled Caste Order
in force time to time.
3. In spite words, the term can be defined this way: The term Scheduled Castes which comprises of the
bulk of the “untouchable castes”, included all those groups which are subject to some disabilities in
major fields of life-social, religious, educational, economic and political.
Example for SCs: C.B. Mamoria has listed the following castes as the most important castes that come
under the category of “untouchables”- Chamar, Khatilk, Regar, Pasi, Kori. Dom, Dhobi, Dusadh,
Balai, Mochi, Meghwal, Od, Bagdi, Bhuiya. Some Scheduled Caste Groups of Karnataka: Adi-
Karnataka, Adi-Dravida, Holeya, Holer, Karama, Moger, Mundala, Madiga, Bhovi, etc.
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All the SCs are not Untouchables

It should be noted that all the Scheduled Caste are not untouchables. The list of Scheduled Castes also
includes some “touchable” castes. Almost about 80% of the Scheduled Caste are “untouchables”
suffering from various kinds of disabilities. However, people in general use the terms “Scheduled
Castes”, “Untouchables”, “Harijans”, “Dalits”, “depressed classes” in more or less the same way
without making any difference between them.
Numerical Strength and Distribution of the SCs.
The 2011 census recorded nearly 20.14 crore people belonging to various scheduled castes in the
country. As per the 2001 census, the number was 16.66 crore. The Dalit population showed a decadal
growth of 20.8%, whereas India's population grew 17.7% during the same period. Dalits form around
16.6% of India's population. There are around 9.79 crore women among the total SC population, and
the sex ratio works out to 946 females per 1000 males. Though UP has the largest chunk of the total
SC population, Punjab has the largest share of dalits in its population at 31.9%. Himachal Pradesh and
West Bengal follow Punjab with 25.2% and 23.5%. In Tamil Nadu, dalits account for about 18% of the
population. Nagaland, Lakshadweep and Andaman and Nicobar Islands have no scheduled castes
among their population. Four states account for nearly half of the country's dalit population, reveals the
2011 census. Uttar Pradesh stands first with 20.5% of the total scheduled caste (SC) population,
followed by West Bengal with 10.7%. Bihar with 8.2% and Tamil Nadu with 7.2 % come third and
fourth.
UNTOUCHABILITY
Introduction People who constitute the bottom most palace in the Indian social stratification system are
often regard as “untouchables”. All of them come under the category of what our Constitution calls the
“Scheduled Castes”. The word “untouchable” applies to the despised and degraded section of the
Hindu population. According to Dr. D.N. Majumdar, “the untouchable castes are those who suffer
from various social and political disabilities many of which are traditionally prescribed and socially
enforced by higher castes.” In fact, he uses the term Scheduled Castes to refer mainly to the
untouchable castes. In simple words, “untouchables” are those who occupy the bottom most place in
the society and have been subjected to various social, cultural and other kinds of disabilities and
exploitation for their very touch is regarded as contaminating or polluting the higher caste people.
Meaning of Untouchability: Untouchability is a mass phenomenon of group prejudices and
discrimination affecting about 140 million people. It is an ignoble practice associated with the Indian
caste system. Untouchability is a practice in which some lower caste people are kept at a distance.
Defined of social equality and made to suffer from some disabilities for their touch is considered to be
contaminating or polluting the higher caste people. The practice of untouchability is a stigma to the
Indian society. It is an age old practice and has its roots deep down in our social and religious system.
Gandhiji regarded this practice as “a leper wound in the whole body of Hindu politic”. He even
considered it “the hatefullest expression of caste”. He carried on a campaign against it throughout his
life. Though the practice of untouchability in one form or another has been there in many other
countries of the world, it has taken its ugliest shape in India. Millions of the people have suffered from
it and the suffering still continue though with less intensity.
Some Ancient References to “Untouchable” Castes.
The untouchable castes were called by different names such as chandalas, panchamas, svapachas,
antyajas, atishudras, etc, during the early days. Vedic literature also males a mention of some “impure”
groups which were there as early as in 800 B.C. People born of the prohibited “Pratiloma” marriage
belonged to that category and were called “Chandalas”, Svapacha” and so on. Manu was of the opinion
that the progeny of the hated Pratiloma union would become chandalas or untouchables. In the Vedic
literature, we find the mention of chandalas as an ethnic group originating from inter-breeding of a
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higher caste or varna female and lower caste or varna male. In simple words, the chandalas who were
regarded as “untouchables” were children of the most hated union of a Brahmin female with a Shudra
male.
Criteria of Untouchability
Untouchability in the Indian context has become hereditary. If a person is regarded or branded as
“untouchable” for some reason or the other, not only he would remain throughout his life as
“untouchable” but his children also would become “untouchable”. Still should be remembered that
untouchability did not and does not arise by birth alone. Persons become “outcastes” and
“untouchables” by being guilty of certain acts that amount to grave sins. Untouchability indicates not
only a low place in the caste hierarchy together with the existence of social and religious disabilities
but also a low economic position as well. Most of the scheduled castes are considered to be
untouchables. As C.B. Mamoria has cited, according to 1931 Census report, if a caste suffers from the
following restrictions, it any be termed as an “untouchable” caste.
(i) Inability to be served by twice born or clean Brahmins.
(ii) Inability to be served by barbers, water carriers, tailors, hoteliers, etc. who serve caste Hindus.
(iii) Inability to serve water to the caste Hindus.
(iv) Inability to enter Hindu temples.
(v) Inability to use public conveniences such as wells, schools.
(vi) Inability to dissociate oneself from a despised occupation.
Untouchability within Untouchable

Castes Certain anomalies are found among the so called “untouchable” castes. D.N. Majumdar [1948]
summarised the position of the depressed [untouchable] caste in 1940s in the following way. These
castes are not depressed in all states; the same caste may be “depressed” in one but may not suffer
from any social or political disability in another. In Madhya Pradesh the same caste has different social
rights and disabilities even in adjacent districts. The disabilities are more rigid where the depressed
castes are numerically small and fewer or on the decline, than where they are numerically strong.
Where the castes are all of the same ethnic stock or largely so, social disabilities are not numerous and
are usually confined to those whose function is considered degrading. Where the higher castes are in a
minority and the depressed castes constitute the majority, the degree of ceremonial pollution observed
is quite less and often we find few disabilities attached to the inferior castes. Individual members of the
depressed castes who have succeeded in life and who are wealthy and own property have been
admitted to a higher social status.
Gradations Among Untouchables.
“It is not to be imagined that within the circle of untouchability for instance, there are no sub-
gradations and all untouchables are equal among themselves”. (1) Mahatma Gandhiji himself wrote:
“All the various graders of untouchables are untouchable among themselves, each superior grade
considering the inferior grade as polluting as the highest class of the caste-Hindus regard the worst
grade of untouchables.” Example: A Chamar thinks that he would be polluted by coming into physical
contact with a Dom or a Bhangi. Untouchable castes such as Bhuyar, Byar, Khatik and Majhwar are
very particular in keeping the caste they consider “untouchables” at a distance. According to Sir Blunt,
“Eleven castes will not touch a Bhangi, seventeen will not touch a Chamar, ten will not touch a
Dhakar, six will not touch a Dhobi or a Dom.” It is said that in Tamil Nadu alone there are not less
than 80 subdivisions, those at the top considering the less fortunate of their own brothers as
untouchables.
PROBLEMS AND DIABILITIES OF UNTOUCHABLE CASTES

Majority of the castes that come under the category of “Scheduled castes” are regarded as
“untouchables”. These untouchable castes have been suffering from various disabilities throughout the
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history. After independence, the practice of untouchability was declared unconstitutional, but the fact
is that it still exists. The suffering of the untouchables has not come to an end. This problem cannot be
solved an act of legislation. According to Dr. Majumdar, “the untouchable castes are those who suffer
from various social and political disabilities, many of which are traditionally prescribed and socially
enforced by the higher castes. Thus, if he whole bases of untouchability are not destroyed, a simple
provision for its legal status will bear scanty fruits.” The “untouchable” caste have been suffering from
various social, religious, legal, political educational, economic and other disabilities. For centuries,
they were denied political representation, legal rights, civic facilities, educational privileges and
economic opportunities. During the British rule also, no proper attention was paid to uplift the
untouchables to relive them from their bondages. Even today they are not completely free from the
problem which made them to suffer for centuries. These problems can be grouped into three main
categories.
(i) social problems (ii) economic problems and (iii) political problems.
1. Social Problems and Disabilities

The untouchable castes have suffered for centuries from a number of social problems and disabilities
among which the following may be noted.
(i) Lowest Status in the Social Hierarchy
In the caste hierarchy the untouchable castes are ascribed the lowest status. They are considered to be
“unholy”, “inferior” and ‘low’ and are looked down upon by the other castes. They have been
suffering from the stigma of ‘untouchability’. Their very touch is considered to be polluting by the
higher caste people. Hence, they have been subject to exploitation and humiliation. They have been
treated as the servants of the other caste people. The untouchable castes have always served the other
castes, but the attitude of other castes is of total indifference and contempt. They were kept at a
distance from other caste people. In some instances, even the exact distance which an upper caste man
was expected to keep between himself and the “untouchables” was specified. During the early times,
they were branded as “Panchamas, Antyajas, Svapachas. Atishudras, Chandalas, Avarnas” etc. and
were given the bottom most place in society. The distinction that arose between Aryans and Anaryas
centuries ago culminated in the practice of untouchability. Anaryas were branded as “dasas” or
servants and kept at a distance. They were not given any good position in the army, politics and public
life, but made to follow “unclean” occupations such as scavenging, removing human waste and dead
animals, tanning, shoemaking, spinning, washing clothes, barbering, supplying water and so on. The
physical touch of these people following “unclean” occupations was considered enough to pollute the
so called upper caste [varna] people. Thus, the so called ‘untouchables’ were not only kept at a
distance but also denied of various civic facilities. Several disabilities were attributed to them.
(ii) Civic Disabilities
For a long time, the untouchable castes were not allowed to use public places and avail of civic
facilities such as-village wells, ponds, temples, hostels, hotels, schools, hospitals, lecture halls,
dharmashalas, etc. They were forced to live on the outskirts of the towns and villages during the early
days. Even today they are segregated from others spatially. They were not allowed to enter the houses
of the higher castes. They were allowed to work as labourers during construction or repair, storing
grains, etc. but later the houses were imposed on the mode of construction of their or cow dung. In
South India, restrictions were imposed on the mode of construction of their houses, types of dress and
patterns of their ornamentation. Some lower caste people were not allowed to carry umbrellas, to wear
shoes or golden ornaments and to milk cows. They were prohibited from covering the upper part of
their body. The services of barbers, washer men and tailors were refused to them. In the court of
justice, they had to shout from the pointed distance and take their change of being heard.
(iii) Educational Disabilities
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The untouchables were forbidden from taking up to education during the early days. Sanskrit was
denied to them. Public schools and other educational institutions were closed for them. Even today
majority of them are illiterate and ignorant.
(iv) Religious Disabilities
The untouchables also suffer from religious disabilities even today. They are allowed to temples in
many places. Even after the successful campaign of Dr. Ambedkar demanding the untouchables right
to enter the Kalaram temple at Nasik in 1930, things have not improved much. The Brahmins who
offer their priestly services to some lower castes, are not prepared to officiate the ceremonies of the
‘untouchable’ castes. They Vedic mantras which are considered to be purer, could not be listened to
and chanted by the untouchables because of the taboos. They were only permitted to make use of the
upanishadic mantras which are considered to be less pure and more secular. Burial grounds were also
denied to them in many places. However, things have started improving radically in these especially
after 1990s.
2. Economic Problems and Disabilities
The untouchables are economically and have been suffering from various economic disabilities also.
(i) No Right of Landed Property Ownership
For centuries the untouchables were not allowed to have land business of their own. It is only their
ownership to the property has become recognised. The propertied people are comparatively less among
them. Majority of them depend upon agriculture but only a few of them [hardly 28%] own land.
(ii) Selection of Occupations Limited
The caste system imposes restrictions on the occupational choice of the members. The occupational
choice was very much limited for the untouchables. They were not allowed to take up to occupations
which were reserved for the upper caste people. They were forced to stick on to the traditional inferior
occupations such as curing hides, removing the human wastes, sweeping, scavenging, oil grinding,
spinning, tanning, shoe-making, leather works, carrying the dead animals, etc. These occupations were
regarded as “degraded” and “inferior”.
(iii) Landless Labourers: Majority of untouchable are today working as landless labourers. More than
90% of the agricultural labours in India belong to the depressed classes which include the Scheduled
Caste Tribes. More than 52% of the Scheduled Caste workers in rural areas are agricultural labourers.
A large number of SC families are in debts. Their indebtedness is increasing day by day. The SCs are
economically exploited by the upper caste people. Even today they are lowest paid workers. Some of
them continue to suffer as bonded labourers at the hands of the other higher caste people. The
untouchables constituted 90% of the total number of the bonded labourers found in India, according to
a recent survey report. It is also observed that a large number of atrocities are committed against the
untouchables because of economic reasons. Though jobs are reserved for them in government
department due to lack of eligibility they are not able to get into them.
3. Political Disabilities: The untouchable hardly participates in the political matters for centuries.
They were not given any place in politics, administration and the general governance of the country.
They were not allowed to hold any public post. Political right and representation were denied to them.
Under the British rule, they were given been the right to vote for the first time. After independence,
equal political opportunities and rights have been provided for the SCs also. Politically, the SCs are yet
to become a decisive force. The untouchable or the SCs living in the city are trying to organise
themselves in the form of “Dalit Sangharsha Samithi” and such other organisation to fight for their
rights. But the vast mass of rural SCs are totally unorganised. Political parties such as “The Republican
Party of India”, started by Dr. Ambedkar, “Dalit Panthers’ Party” [or 1970s], “Bahujana Samajavadi
Party” [BSP of 1980s] are no doubt mobilising the SCs but so far they have not been able to form a
“dalit lobby” or “Harijan lobby” at the national level except in some pockets. Their political influence
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is mostly localised. Their total influence in the Indian politics is, so far, not very much impressive.
4. Problem of Atrocities Against Untouchables [SCs]
Another problem confronting the untouchables is that lot of atrocities are being committed against
them. In fact, such atrocities are on the increase even now. In some states serve caste conflicts are
taking place and in many instances the targets of attack are the SCs. Bihar is notorious for caste
conflicts. Bihar has sheltered several “Jat senas” which take a leading role in caste conflicts. For
example, Bhoomi Sena of Kurmis, Lorik Sena of Yadavs, Brahmarshi and Ranvir Sena of the
Bhumihars, Ganga Sena of the Brahmins, and the Kunwar Sena of the Rajputs, represent such jati
senas. Further, there are also the Naxal groups of Maoist Communist Centre {MCC} which normally
consist of people who belong to communities of the Yadavs, Koeris, and the Paswans. These jati senas
and Naxal groups organised mass murder in the past. The reason for these murders was a long-standing
conflict between upper caste landowners and landless dalit farmers. The National Commission of the
SCs and STs have also been regularly reporting an increase in the number of atrocities against the SCs.
The central and the State governments are also seriously concerned with these crimes.
BACKWARD CLASSES
The term “backward classes” has not been defined properly either by the social scientists or by the
constitution-makers. The backward classes are a large mixed category of persons with boundaries that
are both unclear and elastic. They seem to comprise roughly one-third of the total population of the
country. They consist of three main categories- the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and the
“Other Backward Classes.” The Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes are comparatively better
defined and they form roughly 22% of the total population according to the 1971 Census. The “Other
Backward classes” is a residual category. Their position is highly ambiguous it is not possible to given
an exact statement of their numbers.
Definition of Backward classes
Though the term “Backward Classes” is popularly used by social scientists it is not defined properly.
Still for our purpose of study we may define it in the following way:
1. Justice K. Subba Rao, former Chief Justice of India, defined “backward classes” as “an ascertainable
and identifiable group of persons based on caste, religion, race, language, occupation and such others,
with definite characteristic of backwardness in various aspects of human existence-social, cultural,
economic, political and such others.”
2. Generally the word “backward classes” is defined as those social groups or classes or castes which
are characterised by low literacy and lack of education, poverty, exploitation of labour, non-
representation in services and untouchability.
3. In simple words, the term “backward classes” can be defined as a social category which consists of
all the socially, educationally, economically and politically backward groups, castes and tribes.
Description of the Backward classes

The Backward Classes Commission in its Report [1956] described the Backward Classes consisting of
the following groups:
1. Those who suffer from the stigma of untouchability or near untouchability. These groups are
classified as Scheduled Castes[SC]
2. Those tribes who are not yet sufficiently assimilated into the mainstream of the national life. These
groups are classified as Scheduled Tribes [ST].
3. Those tribes who, due to long neglect, have been forced to commit crime. These tribes were
previously known as criminal tribes [before 1953] and are presently called Denotified Tribes or Ex-
Criminal Tribes.
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4. “Other Backward Classes” [OBCs] consist of the following groups or communities: (a) Those
nomads who have no occupation of a fixed habitation and are given to mimicry begging, jugglery,
dancing, etc.
(b) Communities consisting largely of agricultural or landless labourers,
(c) Communities consisting largely of tenants without occupancy rights those with insecure land
tenure,
(d) Communities consisting of a large percentage of small land owners with uneconomic holdings,
(e) Communities engaged in cattle breeding, sheep breeding or fishing on small scale,
(f) Artisan and occupational classes without security of employment and whose traditional occupations
have ceased to be remunerative,
(g) Communities, the majority of whose people do not have sufficient education and therefore have not
secured adequate representation in Government services.
(h) Social groups from among Muslims, Christians and Sikhs who are still backward socially and
educationally and educationally, and
(i) Communities not occupying positions in social hierarchy. Of the four major groups that constitute
the “backward classes”, the third category of group [denotified tribes] is normally included in the 2nd
category of STs. Hence, for all practical purposes, the “backward classes” normally consist of the
following three major category of groups: (i) SCs, (ii) STs, and (iii) OBCs. About the SCs and STs, we
have already dealt with them separately. The third category of OBCs may thus be analysed here.
Indian Constitution Concept of OBCs The third major category of “backward classes” consists of a
large number of educationally and economically backward people. Though the term “backward
classes” has not been defined by the Indian Constitution the characteristic of backwardness is
described here and three and also sometimes the categories are mentioned.
• Article 15(4) speaks of the socially and educationally backward class.
• Article 16(4) uses the term “backward class” and speaks of inadequate representation in services.
• Article 45 mentions free and compulsory education.
• Article 46 mentions the weaker sections of the people and includes the expression “the Scheduled
Castes and Scheduled Tribes.”
• Article 340 empowers the State to investigate the condition of the Backward Classes and to help
them by grants, etc. Thus, the Constitution has accepted the following elements of backwardness;
illiteracy and lack of education, poverty, exploitation of labour, non-representation in services and
untouchability.
RESERVATION POLICY
MANDAL COMMISSION
Criteria of Backwardness: Reservation facility has been provided for people who are considered to be
backward. But how is the backwardness of a community decided? Mandal Commission gave 11
criteria for determining social and educational backwardness. In the social and economic indicators,
there were four criteria each, while in the educational indicators, there were three criteria. Thus, in
total there were 11 indicators. These 11 indicators or criteria which fall into three categories are
mentioned below.
A Social Criteria:
1. Social backwardness as considered by others.
2. Dependence mainly on manual labour for live livelihood.
3. Marriage of 25% girls and 10% boys in rural areas, and of 10 girls and 5%boys in urban area below
17 years.
4. Female work Participation 25% above the State average.
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B. Educational Criteria.
5. Children between 5 and 15 years never attending school 25% above the State average. 6. Students
drop-out rate 25% above the State average.
7. Matriculation rate 25%below the State average.
C. Economic Criteria.
8. Average value of family assets 25%below the State average.
9. Families living in kachcha houses 25% above the State average.
10. Sources of drinking water beyond 500 meters for more than 50% of the families.
11. Consumption loans by households 25% above the State average. Weightage Given to Each
Category of Criteria.
The above mentioned 11 criteria were differently weighted. Social criteria were given a weightage of 3
points each, educational criteria 2 points each, and the economic criteria one point each. Thus the total
value was 22[4X3+3X2+4X1=22] points. Any caste getting more than 50% of the points, that is, 11
points, was counted as backward.
Reservation for the OBCs Among the Non-Hindus.

Mandal Commission extended the reservation facility to the OBCs among the non-Hindus. The above
mentioned 11 criteria are mostly applied to the case of Hindus communities, including the tribes, to
decide their backwardness. Some other criteria are adopted for determining the OBCs among the non-
Hindus. All untouchables converted to non-Hindu religions are considered as OBCs. If a non Hindu
community continued its traditional occupation, and if that occupation qualified a Hindu community to
be as backward as backward, then the non-Hindu community would be included among the OBCs.
ARGUMENTS FOR AND AGAINST RESERVATIONS OF BACKWARD CLASSES.
The National Front Government’s [1980-90] sudden announcement of accepting the recommendations
of Mandal Commission’s Report in August 1990 evoked widespread resentments and supports
throughout the nation. This announcement of Prime Minister V.P. Singh was described as a political
decision. The student community in particular protested against it very sharply in North India.
Spontaneous agitations took place in several places of the nation. During mid-September and mid-
October 1990 more than 160 young people attempted to commit suicide as a mark of their protest
against the unjustifiable reservations policy. However, not single political party openly protested the
government’s reservation policy. Mandal Commission’s recommendations which formed the primary
bases of the reservation policy, have both positive and negative aspects. The recommendations were
warmly welcomed in some circles they were strongly opposed in some other circles. Arguments both
in favour of the recommendations and against them have been advanced. Let us now consider these
arguments.
Merits of Reservation
1. Providing Justice to All: Reservation policy is likely to satisfy and uplift all those weaker sections of
the society which were discontented and had suffered injustice and insults for decades. If fundamental
rights are to be guaranteed to all, then they are to be guaranteed to the weaker sections also.
Reservations one of the means of guaranteeing such an equality. Competition becomes just only when
participants are equal.
2. Reservations are not Made on Caste Basis alone: It is wrong to say that reservation are made only on
the basis of caste and hence such a policy is likely to perpetuate casteism. For Example, Rajputs in
Bihar are not included in the list of backward classes whereas Rajputs in Gujarat are included;
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similarly, the Yadavs of Bihar and U.P. are included but not the Yadavs of Haryana; Patels of Gujarat
are not included but Patels of Bihar are in the list. Reservations are made on the basis of educational
and economic backwardness also. Further, to remove inequalities of caste, actions on caste line are
necessary. Upper castes monopolised the privileges and high-income occupations for centuries. To
remedy this situation, jobs must be preferentially allotted to the backwards and admissions for them in
educations institutions must be provided, until parity is restored.
3. Economic Factors as a Criterion will Help Only the Poor among the Forwards: A poor member of a
forward community will definitely fare better than the poor among the SCs. STs and OBCs. This is
quite natural because the forwards are mostly literate and are in touch with the latest developments.
Further, they are in regular social contact with the other forwards who have already progressed.
Possessing upper caste culture helps them to be at ease with the ways of those who judge merit.
4. Merit will not Become a Casuality: The argument that reservation policy damages the principle of
merit is untenable. If merit were to be sole factor for providing opportunities to the people, then the
country should have progressed a lot with the leadership of the “so called merited” people.
Administration by the “meritorious” for the last 45 years has been unable to implement land reforms
and programmes to remove untouchability and backward among the masses of india. They have no
right to speak about merit.
5. Influence of Caste is Present in the Current Product: Reservation is sought not to compensate for the
past wrong, but for removing the injustice in the present dispensation, where the forward castes
continue to grab all the privileges. The handicaps experienced by the SCs, STs and OBCs are nothing
but the accumulated effect of exploitation at the hands of the upper caste people who reserved all the
privileges for themselves.
6. Lower Castes do not have Benefits of Connections which the Upper Castes have: Proper socio-
economic and political connections are an important asset among the forward castes. Because of such
connections even the poorest among the upper caste are able to get benefits without much socio-
economic connections.
7. Reservations is to be Made Meaningful Through other Efforts: It is unscientific to believe that
reservation alone can bring about widespread changes among all the members of the backward classes.
On the contrary, various other measures such as the spread of education, increase in infrastructure
facilities in the areas where the SCs, STs and OBCs live, are very much necessary. Reservation facility
is to be supplemented through other efforts.
8. Social Benefits of Reservation do Spread Very Rapidly: Various studies and observations have
revealed that even though only a few families are going to be benefited directly out of reservation, the
social benefits of the reservations are going to spread very rapidly. It means reservations facility can
create a new awareness, self confidence, courageousness, adventurous spirit and self respect among the
backward caste/classes.
Demerits of Reservation or Arguments Against it
1. Gross Neglect of Merit: One of the most widely criticised aspects of reservation policy is that it
affects very badly the merit. Candidates are to be recruited for jobs and admission is to be made to the
educational institutions on merit basis. This required in the interest of the concerned agencies,
disciplines, individuals and also in the larger interest of the nation. Neglect of the principle of merit
will bring down efficiency and lower the morale of the meritorious. This double effect is dangerous for
national growth and development. As Guha [1990] has pointed out reservation “mortgages the future
of india”
2. Provision of Reservations is an Insult to the Fundamental Rights and Equality of Opportunities: The
Constitution should treat the people in India on equal terms. But reservation provides some special
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treatments for some sections of the society which is unfair. As the fundamental rights, have an
overriding power, reservation should not be allowed to stand in their way.
3. Providing Compensation for the Past Injustice is Meaningless: It is true that some sections of the
Indian society were treated very inhumanly and were exploited in various ways. But those exploited
are dead and gone. Causing injustice to the forward castes in the present generation will not restore the
losses of the past generations of the backward castes.
4. Reservation Causes Great Injustice to the Forward Castes and Classes: It is very unfair to do
injustice to one section of the society in order to assure justice to another section. Reservation thus
does great injustice to the forward castes. The forward castes have given their own contribution to the
march of society. Their members are also prepared to put forth efforts to help the nation to take a big
leap towards progress. Denying them an equal opportunity is not only injustice but also unfair.
5. Poverty and Economic Criteria Should be the Basis of Reservation: Reservation is required for the
people who are genuinely poor. Irrespectively of the caste, class, region or sex to which they belong,
must be assured of help through reservation. If reservation is given in this way it can regarded as just
and appropriate. By the present reservation policy benefits only a small elite fringe among the lower
castes.
6. Reservation Contributes to the Perpetuation of Caste: Modern independent India visualises a
casteless society. Attempts to provide reservation on the basis of caste will only enhance the
importance of caste and increase the caste mindedness and “caste patriotism”. Reservation policy will
only lead to the reversal of historical cycle by enlivening the caste. In other words, reservation will
create a backward moving society.
7. Removal of Corruption should be our First Priority, but not Reservation: From the point of view of
national development what is more important is an honest administration, and not an administration by
the inefficient and meritless people. Reservation will only add to the corruption because people try
their level through all possible means to reap the benefits of reservation.
8. There are other Better Solutions to the Progress of Backward Classes: It is wrong to think that
reservation is the master-fixer of solutions to the problems of backward classes. Social and educational
backwardness is mostly due to the habits and attitudes of the people. These could be changed through
the spread of education including what can be called a “cultural revolution”.
9. Reservation is only a Political Game and nothing else: The haste with which the reservation policy
came to be introduced during V.P. Singh’s administration itself makes it evident that it is more a
political gimmick than a considered scheme for the amelioration of the problems of the backward
classes. Political parties and their leaders wanted to create a permanent “vote-bank” through the
implementation of the reservation policy.
10. Fear Experienced by the SCs and STs: Reservation policy has vertically divided the Hindu
population into “forward communities” and “backward communities”. It has fanned the fire of
animosity, ill-will, jealously, contempt and hatred between these two communities. Instances of
clashes and conflicts between the two have been on the increase ever since the policy of reservation
came into force. Hence, it has created terror and horror in the minds of the poor SCs , STs and OBCs.
Further, clashes between the backward caste on the hand, and SCs on the other, have also increased.
Continuous attack on some sections of SCs by the backward caste communities in Bihar can be sited
here as examples.
Conclusion
The policy of reservation has a great implication for the Indian society. It has…..set in motion
processes that are capable of transforming a hierarchical society into an egalitarian one. The caste
system effectively restricted privileges for a few upper castes and enforced difficult menial labour on
the lowest castes. Reservation and other aspects of positive discrimination have virtually put a
limitation on the actual monopoly of the forward castes on legislation, government, administration and
education. The SCs, STs and OBCs have now greater fortunes to occupy positions in the legislature,
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posts in the administration, and seats in educational institutions. Reservation is an attempt to provide
enough opportunities to the neglected sections of the Indian society to take tendency to be normally
distributed and evenly shared by all human groups. Therefore, for the development of the nation’s
economy, society, and polity, the best from all sections of the population, including the SCs, STs, and
OBC, should be encouraged to particulate in national life”. We are now living in an age of growing
liberalisation and globalisation. In the growing liberalisation of the economy, the role of the
government, including regulation, is decreasing. More liberty is given to the people and to the men of
talents. In this age, “more talent of all sections, forward, backward and others, can be more usefully
marked in the private sector producing more by more and for more.”
Constitutional safeguards for Scheduled Tribes and Scheduled Castes.

The Constitution of India is the fundamental law of the country, which came into effect on January 26,
1950. It enunciates the foundational principles of governance; establishes the basic structure of
Government; defines the powers, functions and interrelationship of various administrative organs; and
regulates the relationship between citizens and the State. It is the conscience of the nation.
The Constitution of India guarantees development of the STs and SCs. The idea of ST/SC
development in the Constitution may seem to be confined to economic domain. However, various
provisions made for the deprived groups, particularly for STs and SCs, do offer measures, which are
holistic in nature. These can be categorized in terms of social, economic, political, gender, legal, and
human rights domains.
The constitutional provisions for STs can be categorised into five categories, viz.
1. Educational and Cultural Rights
2. Social Rights
3. Economic Rights
4. Political Rights
5. Service/Employment Rights
Educational and Cultural Rights

Following Articles of the Constitution provide educational and cultural safeguards for the Scheduled
Tribes
Article 15 (4) It empowers the State to make any special provision for the advancement of any
socially and educationally backward classes of citizens or for SCs and STs.
In Article 16 (4) also the term 'backward classes' is used as a generic term and comprises various
categories of backward classes, viz. Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes, Other Backward Classes, and
Denotified Communities.
Article 29 It provides for protection of interests of minorities which includes STs
Article 46 It states that "The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic
interests of the weaker sections of the people, and in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the
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Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation".
Article 347 It makes special provision relating to language spoken by a section of the population of a
state which includes the languages of the Scheduled Tribes as well. Article 350 It provides for use of
their language in representations for redress of their grievance and also the right to conserve distinct
language, script or culture.
Article 350 A It provides for instruction in their mother tongue at primary stage of education.
Article 350 B It provides for special officer for linguistic minorities.
Social Rights
The social safeguards include the following.
Article 23 It prohibits traffic in human beings and begging and other similar forms of forced labour
and provides that any contravention of this provision shall be an offence punishable in accordance with
law. Though it does not specifically mention Scheduled Tribes it includes them as well.
Article 24 It forbids child labour. It provides that no child below the age of 14 years shall be
employed to work in any factory or mine or engaged in any other hazardous employment. Since
substantial portion of child-labour engaged in hazardous jobs belong to weaker sections including the
Scheduled Tribes it has great significance to these groups.
Economic Rights
The provisions of Articles 23, 24 and 46 mentioned above also form part of the economic safeguards
for the Scheduled Tribes, among others.
In addition to the above, Article 244 states that the provisions of Fifth Schedule shall apply to the
administration and control of the Scheduled Areas and Scheduled Tribes in any State other than the
states of Assam, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Tripura. These States are covered under Sixth Schedule,
under Clause (2) of this
Article 275 It provides for Grants in-Aid to the specified States (STs and SAs) as covered under Fifth
and Sixth Schedules of the Constitution.
Political Rights
There are adequate constitutional safeguards such as the following, among others, that protect and
promote the political interests of the Scheduled Tribes.
Article 164 (1) It makes a special provision for Tribal Affairs Ministers in the States of Bihar, Madhya
Pradesh and Orissa.
Article 243 It provides for reservation of seats in Panchayats.
Article 330 It provides for reservation of seats for STs in Lok Sabha.
Article 334 It originally laid down that the provisions relating to the reservation of seats for SCs/STs in
the Lok Sabha and State Vidhan Sabhas (and the representation of the Anglo-Indian community in the
Lok Sabha and the State Vidhan Sabhas) would cease to have effect on the expiration of a period of ten
years from the commencement of the Constitution. This Article has been amended five times,
extending the said period by ten years on each occasion.
Article 337 It provides for reservation of seats for STs in State Legislatures. Article 371 It makes
special provisions for protection of the Schedule Tribes in different States including those in the North-
East region.
Service/Employment Rights
Following Articles provide for reservation for STs in Government employment.
Article 16 (4) It empowers the State to make "any provision for the reservation in appointments or
posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion of the State, is not adequately
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represented in the services under the State". It includes STs as well.

Article 16 (4A) It provides that nothing in this Article shall prevent the State from making any
provision for reservation in matters of promotion, "with consequent seniority" to any class or classes of
posts in the services under the State in favour of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes which,
in the opinion of the State, are not adequately represented in the services under the State.
Article 16 (4B) It specifies that nothing in this Article shall prevent the State from considering any
unfilled vacancies of a year which are reserved for being filled up in that year in accordance with any
provision for reservation made under clause (4) or clause (4A) as a separate class of vacancies to be
filled up in any succeeding year or years and such class of vacancies shall not be considered together
with the vacancies of the year in which they are being filled up for determining the ceiling of fifty
percent reservation on total number of vacancies of that year.
Article 320 (4) It provides that nothing in clause (3) shall require a Public Service Commission to be
consulted as respects the manner in which any provision under Article 16(4A) may be made or the
manner in which effect may be given to the provisions of Article 335.
Article 335 It mentions that the claims of the members of the Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled
Tribes shall be taken into consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of
administration, in making the appointments to services. Provided that nothing in this Article shall
prevent in making of any provision in favour of members of SCs and STs for relaxation in qualifying
marks in any examination or lowering [he standards of evaluation, for reservation in matters of
promotion to any class or classes of services or posts in connection with affairs of the Union or of a
State (Added by the Constitutional 82nd Amendment Act, 2000). The constitutional safeguards
presented above are not exhaustive and other specific provisions related to many other specific
contexts as are available will also apply for protection and promotion of their interests.
Constitutional Amendment Acts for Empowerment of STs
Fifty-First Constitutional Amendment Act, 1984

51st Constitutional Amendment Act provided for the reservation of seats in the Lok Sabha for STs in
Meghalaya, Arunachal Pradesh, Nagaland and Mizoram as well as in the Legislative Assemblies of
Meghalaya and Nagaland.
Fifty-Seven Amendment Act, 1987
57th Constitutional Amendment Act of 1987 provided the reserved seats for the STs in the Legislative
Assemblies of the states of Arunachal Pradesh, Meghalaya, Mizoram and Nagaland.
Sixty-Fifth Amendment Act, 1990
The Act provided for the establishment of a multi-member National Commission for SCs/STs in the
place of a Special Officer for SCs/STs.
Seventy-Second Amendment Act, 1992
This Act provided for reservation of seats for the STs in the Legislative Assemblies of Tripura.
Seventy-Seventh Amendment Act, 1995
The Act provided for reservation in promotions in government jobs for SCs/STs.
Eighty-Second Amendment Act, 2000
The Act provided for making of any provision in favour of the SCs/STs for relaxation in qualifying
marks in any examination or lowering the standards of evaluation, for reservation in matters of
promotion to the public services of the centre and the states. Eight-Third Amendment Act, 2000
The Act provided that no reservation in Panchayats need be made for SCs in Anunachal Pradesh. The
total population of the state is tribal and there are no SCs. Ninety-Third Amendment Act, 2005 The
Act empowered the state to make special provisions for the socially and educationally backward
classes or the SCs or STs in educational institutions including private educational institutions (Whether
aided or unaided by the state), except the minority educational institutions (Clause (5) in Article 15).
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The Supreme Court declared that reservation in private, unaided educational institutions was
unconstitutional.
PROVISIONS RELATING TO SCs
Definition and Specification of SCs

XVI. Special Provisions relating to certain classes
Article 341
Scheduled Castes –
(1) The President may with respect to any State or Union Territory, and where it is a State, after
consultation with the Governor thereof, by public notification, specify the castes, races or tribes or
parts of or groups within castes, races or tribes which shall for the purposes of this Constitution be
deemed to be Scheduled Castes in relation to that State or Union Territory, as the case may be.
(2) Parliament may by law include in or exclude from the list of Scheduled Castes specified in a
notification issued under clause (1) any caste, race or tribe or part of or group within any caste, race or
tribe, but save as aforesaid a notification issued under the said clause shall not be varied by any
subsequent notification.
Article 366
Definitions – In this Constitution, unless the context otherwise requires, the following expressions
have the meanings hereby respectively assigned to them, that is to say – * * * * * (24) "Scheduled
Castes" means such castes, races or tribes or parts of or groups within such castes, races or tribes as are
deemed under article 341 to be Scheduled Castes for the purposes of this Constitution;
Social
Article 15(4) Nothing in this article or in clause ( 2 ) of Article 29 shall prevent the State from making
any special provision for the advancement of any socially and educationally backward classes of
citizens or for the Scheduled Castes
Article 16(4) Nothing in this article shall prevent the State from making any provision for the
reservation of appointments or posts in favour of any backward class of citizens which, in the opinion
of the State, is not adequately represented in the services under the State
Article 17 Untouchability is abolished and its practice in any for is forbidden. The enforcement of any
disability arising out of untouchability shall be an offence punishable in accordance with the law.
Article 23 Prohibition of traffic in human beings and forced labour
Article 29-Protection of interests of minorities (1) Any section of the citizens residing in the territory
of India or any part thereof having a distinct language, script or culture of its own shall have the right
to conserve the same (2) No citizen shall be denied admission into any educational institution
maintained by the State or receiving aid out of State funds on grounds only of religion, race, caste,
language or any of them
Educational
Article 46 Promotion of educational and economic interests of Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes
and other weaker sections The State shall promote with special care the educational and economic
interests of the weaker sections of the people, and, in particular, of the Scheduled Castes and the
Scheduled Tribes, and shall protect them from social injustice and all forms of exploitation
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Economical
Article 335-Claims of Scheduled Castes to services and posts The claims of the members of the
Scheduled Castes shall be taken into consideration, consistently with the maintenance of efficiency of
administration, in the making of appointments to services and posts in connection with the affairs of
the Union or of a State
Political
Article 243 D Seats shall be reserved for the Scheduled Castes in every Panchayat and the number of
seats so reserved shall bear, as nearly as may be, the same proportion to the, total number of seats to be
filled by direct election in that Panchayat as the population of the Scheduled Castes in that Panchayat
area bears to the total population of that area and such seats may be allotted by rotation to different
constituencies in a Panchayat
Article 243 T Seats shall be reserved for the Scheduled Castes in every Municipality and the number
of seats so reserved shall bear, as nearly as may be, the same proportion to the total number of seats to
be filled by direct election in that Municipality as the population of the Scheduled Castes in the
Municipal area or of the Scheduled Tribes in the Municipal area bears to the total population of that
area and such seats may be allotted by rotation to different constituencies in a Municipality Not less
than one third of the total number of seats reserved under clause ( 1 ) shall be reserved for women
belonging to the Scheduled Castes The offices of Chairpersons in the Municipalities shall be reserved
for the Scheduled Castes, the Scheduled Tribes and women in such manner as the Legislature of a
State may, by law, provide
Article 330 Reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes in the House of the People
Article 332 Reservation of seats for Scheduled Castes in the Legislative Assemblies of the States
Article 334 Reservation of seats and special representation to cease after sixty years Originally the
reservation for seats in scheduled castes and scheduled tribes in Lok Sabha and State assemblies was
up to 1960. But it was successively amended by 8th, 23rd, 45th , 62nd, 79th and 95th amendment of
the constitution's article 334 to extend this period of reservation.
Article 338-National Commission for Scheduled Castes There shall be a Commission for the
Scheduled Castes to be known as the National Commission for the Scheduled Castes.
SC & ST (PREVENTION OF ATROCITIES) ACT, 1989

The Scheduled Castes and the Scheduled Tribes (Prevention of Atrocities) Act, 1989 was promulgated
to prevent the offences of atrocities against the members of the SCs & STs, to provide for Special
Courts for the trial of such offences, and for the relief and rehabilitation of the victims of such
offences. The important aspect of this Act is that the punishment for committing atrocities on STs and
SCs is applicable to anyone who is not a member of a SC or ST. Some of the areas of atrocities on STs
and SCs demanding a stringent punishment can be highlighted here in terms of the following:
Dehumanizing Treatment/Humiliation
 Forcing a member of SC or ST to drink or eat any inedible or obnoxious substance;

 Acts with intent to cause injury, insult or annoyance to any member of SC or ST by dumping
excreta, waste matter, carcasses or any other obnoxious substance in his premises or
neighborhood;
 Forcibly removing clothes from the person of a member of SC or ST or parading him naked or
with painted face or body or committing any similar act which is derogatory to human dignity.
False Accusation
 Instituting false, malicious or vexatious suit or criminal or other legal proceedings against a
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member of SC or ST;
 Giving or fabricating false evidence intending thereby to cause any member of SC or ST to be
convicted of an offence which is capital by the law;
 Giving or fabricating false evidence intending thereby to cause, any member of SC or ST to be
convicted of an offence which is not capital but punishable with imprisonment for a term of
seven years or upwards.
False Information
 Giving any false or frivolous information to any public servant and thereby causing
such public servant to use his lawful power to the injury or annoyance of a member of
SC or ST.
Forced Dispossession
 Wrongfully occupying or cultivating any land owned by, or allotted to, or notified by
any competent authority to be allotted to, a member of SC or ST or getting the land
allotted to him transferred;
 Wrongfully dispossessing a member of a SC or ST from his land or premises or
interfering with the enjoyment of his rights over any land, premises or water;
 Forcing or causing a member of SC or ST to leave his house, village or other place of
residence.
Physical Torture
 Assaulting or using force to any woman belonging to SC or ST with intent to
dishonour or outrage her modesty;
 Being in a position to dominate the will of a woman belonging to a SC or ST and
using that position to exploit her sexually to which she would not have otherwise
agreed.
Deprivation of Rights
 Forcing or intimidating a member of SC or ST not to vote or vote to a particular
candidate or to vote in a manner other than that provided by law;
 Contaminating the water of any spring, reservoir or any other source ordinarily used
by members of SC or ST so as to render it less fit for the purpose for which it is
ordinarily used;
 Denying a member of SC or ST any customary right of passage to a place of public
resort or obstructing such member so as to prevent him from using or having access to
a place of public resort to which other members of public or any section thereof have a
right to use or access to.
Destruction of Property
 Committing mischief by fire or any explosive substance intending to cause or knowing
it to be likely that he will thereby cause damage to any property belonging to a
member of SC or ST;
 Committing mischief by the fire or any explosive substance intending to cause or
knowing it to be likely that he will thereby cause destruction of any building which is
ordinarily used as a place of worship or as a place for human dwelling or as a place for
custody of the property by a member of SC or ST.
Forced Labour
 Compelling or enticing a member of SC or ST to do beggar or other similar forms of
forced or bonded labour other than any compulsory service for public purposes
imposed by Government.
193
CONTACT
ANTHROGURU
Legal/Administrative Negligence
 Committing any offence under the Indian Penal Code (45 of 1860) punishable with
imprisonment for a term of ten years or more against a person or property on the
ground that such person is a member of SC or ST or such property belongs to such
member, shall be punishable with imprisonment for life and with fine;
 Knowingly or having reason to believe that an offence has been committed under this
chapter, causes any evidence of the commission of that offence to disappear with the
intention of screening the offender from legal punishment, or with that intention gives
any information respecting the offence which he knows or believes to be false, shall be
punishable with the punishment provided for that offence;
 Being a public servant, committing any offence under this section, shall be punishable
with imprisonment for a term which shall not be less than one year but which may
extend to the punishment provided for that offence;
 Willfully neglecting of duties by a public servant required to be performed by him
who is not a member of the SC or ST, resulting in the harm of STs and SCs.
194
CONTACT

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ANTHROGURU

ANTHROPOLOGY MENTORSHIP MATERIAL

SYLLABUS FOR THE WEEK

6.1 Tribal situation in India:

6.2 Problems of the tribal Communities:

9.1 History of administration of tribal areas:

Beginning of Tribal Studies in India

Stages in Tribal Studies

1. Formative phase (1774-1919)

The British government appointed a large number of scholarly-oriented British administrators in

 G. Campbell, 1866: The Ethnology of India

Present Trends in Tribal Studies

Interest of Government Organizations (GOs) and Non-Government Organizations (NGOs)

Applied and Action Research

There are a few more works on the subject

APPROACHES TO STUDY THE TRIBES

Human Rights Approach

CONCEPTS AND CATEGORIES OF TRIBES

Colonial Origin of the Term ‘Tribe’

‘Tribe’ as a Colonial Construct in India

Tribe as a Stage of Evolution

Tribe as a segmentary society:

Tribes as transitional society:

Origin of the Term Tribe and its Evolution in India

Characterizing Indian Tribes

Today, in India, the term ‘tribe’ is used to mean:

Certain Special System of Recruiting Workers’.

‘Indigenous’ and ‘Tribe’ Distinguished

Elements of tribal people include:

Elements of indigenous people include:

Tribal People versus Indigenous People

Argument for the Tribes as Indigenous People

Argument against Tribes as Indigenous People

absorption and differentiation, it is impossible to say who came first.

De-notified Tribes/Ex-criminal Tribes

Who are the people who took to crimes as a source of livelihoods?

1) Nomadic groups who have taken to criminal life

Why did people take to crimes?

Repeal of this Act:

6.1 Tribal situation in India – Bio-genetic variability,

TRIBAL LANGUAGES IN INDIA

The Indo-Aryan Tribal Languages

Tibeto-Burman Tribal Language

Dravidian Tribal Language

Austro-Asiatic Tribal Language

Socio-economic characteristics of tribal populations

SOCIAL SYSTEM OF TRIBES

Units of Tribal Social Systems

1. Group of Tribes Designated by Common Name

Schema of Social Organizations

DIFFERENT NAMES OF YOUTH DORMITORIES IN DIFFERENT TRIBES

CHARACTERISTICS OF YOUTH DORMITORY

Based on the vies of different scholars we delineate following characteristics

FUNCTIONS OF YOUTH DORMITORY

WEAKENING OF THE INSTITUTION OF YOUTH DORMITORY

Some of the important causes have been specified as below:

Case study- Ghotul

and protecting them against evil forces, deeds and action.

STRUCTURAL FEATURES OF TRIBAL ECONOMY IN INDIA

i ) Forest Based Economy

ii) Domestic or Familial Mode of Production

vii) Periodical Markets

ECONOMIC CLASSIFICATION OF TRIBES IN INDIA