The Setting of U.S.

Foreign Policy
AN AGE OF INTERDEPENDENCE AND GLOBALIZATION

2023

This very American preeminence has naturally engendered criticism

at home and abroad from observers who have questioned whether
the United States has used its political, economic, and military power
wisely

Abstract
American foreign policy since the Spanish-American War of 1898 has sought to ensure U.S.
supremacy in the Western Hemisphere while at the same time asserting American influence
widely around the globe. Until 1945, U.S. foreign policy makers sought to fashion the United
States into a great power, the equal of the major European nations. During the Cold War era,
the United States surpassed the Europeans and contended with the Soviet Union, the other
so-called super-power, for mastery of world politics. In the decade after the Cold War, it
stood at the apex of an international hierarchy. The men and women in charge U.S. foreign
policy have usually based their statecraft on the idea that the United States is in a unique
position to provide balance and stability to world politics. In an era of increasing economic
and cultural interdependence, or globalization, the wealth, military power, and cultural
diversity of the United States has helped officials promote the idea that the United States
was bound to lead. This very American preeminence has naturally engendered criticism at
home and abroad from observers who have questioned whether the United States has used
its political, economic, and military power wisely.

Scholarcy Synopsis
American foreign policy since the end of World War Two has sought
to balance the interests of the United States with those of other
nations. the U.S.

Since 1900, most officials in charge of setting U.S. foreign policy have consistently sought to
engage the United States deeply in political and economic affairs beyond the water’s edge.
Woodrow Wilson conducted a campaignlike swing through Europe after the First World
War.
Herbert Hoover went to Latin America to show that the United states no longer sought
domination in the hemisphere.
U.S. foreign policy has sought to ensure U.S supremacy in the Western Hemisphere.
In the decade after the Cold War, it stood at the apex of an international hierarchy.
This very American preeminence has naturally engendered criticism.

Scholarcy Highlights
 American foreign policy since the Spanish-American War of 1898 has sought to ensure
U.S supremacy in the Western Hemisphere while at the same time asserting American
influence widely around the globe
 In the decade after the Cold War, it stood at the apex of an international hierarchy
 The men and women in charge U.S foreign policy have usually based their statecraft on
the idea that the United States is in a unique position to provide balance and stability to
world politics
 In an era of increasing economic and cultural interdependence, or globalization, the
wealth, military power, and cultural diversity of the United States has helped officials
promote the idea that the United States was bound to lead
 This very American preeminence has naturally engendered criticism at home and
abroad from observers who have questioned whether the United States has used its
political, economic, and military power wisely
 One of the mainstays of American diplomacy in the nineteenth century, the Monroe
Doctrine, rested on a belief that the United States should have as little as possible to do
with the great power game of nations

Scholarcy Summary

AN AGE OF INTERDEPENDENCE AND GLOBALIZATION

American foreign policy since the Spanish-American War of 1898 has sought to ensure U.S
supremacy in the Western Hemisphere while at the same time asserting American influence
widely around the globe.

Until 1945, U.S foreign policy makers sought to fashion the United States into a great power,
the equal of the major European nations.

During the Cold War era, the United States surpassed the Europeans and contended with
the Soviet Union, the other so-called super-power, for mastery of world politics.

Since 1900, most officials in charge of setting American foreign policy have consistently
sought to engage the United States deeply in political and economic affairs beyond the
water’s edge.

After the end of the Cold War, Deputy Secretary of State Strobe Talbott explained how
globalization demanded even greater involvement of the United States in international
affairs
He noted that “in an increasingly interdependent world, Americans have a stake in how
other countries govern, or misgovern themselves.

This conviction gave a missionary flavor to American diplomacy, irritated Europeans, and
bewildered people in the rest of the world

Government Officials
Who has been in charge of American foreign policy? How have they created it? At the top,
stands the president.

Woodrow Wilson conducted a campaignlike swing through Europe after the First World
War. Herbert Hoover went to Latin America to show that the United States no longer sought
domination in the hemisphere.

From McGeorge Bundy (1961–1965), to Walt Whitman Rostow (1965–1969), to Henry

Kissinger (1969–1975), to Zbigniew Brzezinski (1977–1981), the modern national security
adviser was a college professor with geopolitical inclinations who wanted the United States
to pursue an activist role.

From his original duties as housekeeper of foreign affairs, the national security adviser
became the official who maintained direction in American foreign policy.

Still other professors—Henry Kissinger, Zbigniew Brzezinski, or James Schlesinger—

established solid academic reputations before turning full time to public affairs

FUNDAMENTAL INTERESTS
Regardless of their positions in private life, opinion molders have served the function of
setting limits of acceptable or responsible debate on foreign policy.

One of the mainstays of American diplomacy in the nineteenth century, the Monroe
Doctrine, rested on a belief that the United States should have as little as possible to do with
the great power game of nations.

At the turn of the century, Americans such as Theodore Roosevelt or his secretaries of state,
John Hay and Elihu Root, who advocated making their country a preeminent world power,
did so from two contrary sources.

They reckoned that America’s strength made it equal to European great powers.

Friends, competitors, rivals, and foes all acknowledged, —as Americans had done since
1900—that the United States exercised great influence over the shape of international
relations