SOCIAL AGENDA OF COLONIAL EDUCATION: TEXTBOOK DISCOURSE IN THE MID-

NINETEENTH CENTURY
Author(s): Vikas Gupta
Source: Proceedings of the Indian History Congress , 2007, Vol. 68, Part One (2007), pp.
1112-1123
Published by: Indian History Congress
Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/44147915

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 SOCIAL AGENDA OF COLONIAL
EDUCATION: TEXTBOOK DISCOURSE IN
THE MID-NINETEENTH CENTURY
Vikas Gupta

The role of colonial education is generally explained, either

of its rate of growth among different sections of Indian society
an agency which disseminated colonial modernity;2 or alterna
a mechanism, which ensured the proliferation of the notions of
subjectivity.3 In all these approaches, the only recognized agent has
been the colonial state, and therefore, it is supposed that the curricular
knowledge and the textbooks prescribed to operationalize it represented
the values and visions of colonial bureaucracy alone. However, a
systematic scrutiny of the textbook discourse of mid-nineteenth century
would reveal the absence of any dominant and clear-cut planning on
education on the part of the colonial state. On the contrary, the colonial
education project was marked through and through with ambivalence.4
Therefore, conceiving the existence of any generalized "political agenda
of colonial education" project is very difficult. At best, the colonial
state would have been more concerned to stop the flow of those ideas,
which it perceived to be dangerous for its interests.
Besides the colonial bureaucracy, the world of textbooks was also
shaped or influenced by the perspectives of the native elites and
Christian missionaries. We therefore need to go beyond the colonial
agency and recognize that other social agents also influenced the nature
of curricular knowledge. In order to unearth the perspectives and visions
of these participants, the textbook discourse of mid-nineteenth century
is examined in this essay, because the agency and the vision of Indian
social elites and Christian Missionaries are visible in the deliberations
of the Textbook Committees as well as in the actual contents of the
curricular knowledge. In other words, the analysis of this discourse is
important, since my interest is to probe the "social agenda of colonial
education." However, here the term "social agenda" is not used to
suggest the presence of any generalized or coherent program of
curricular knowledge; rather the paradoxes and biases of colonial
education will be revealed in this essay.
The argument proposed in this essay is that in the atmosphere of
ambivalent attitude of the colonial state and in the presence of varied
participants with their own perspectives and vision, it is naive to think
that colonial education transmitted to the Indian people, the knowledge

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 Modem India 1113

of post-renaissance European enlig

secularism, rationality and scientific
elements were entirely missing in t
fractured character, which was cause
colonial government to "engraft We
learning" and partly by the particip
Christian Missionaries with their ag
curricular knowledge. In other word
knowledge contained the progressive
it at the same time also proved to be
retrogressive, orthodox and divisive
Many textbooks were published
nineteenth centuries by missionaries
and European. Missionaries possibly pr
in India.5 The textbooks recommend
more vigorously in the schools ar
Government regarding religious neut
who thought that the books compile
schools.6

However, it was not just the Missionaries, but the complaints or

resentments with textbooks were expressed from different quarters
around 1870s, sych as school teachers and officials etc. It was argued
that English textbooks frequently made allusions to such ideas, events
and scenes, unfamiliar to the native students. Alternatively, the
vernacular textbooks did not possess the required standard. Many
textbooks were considered offensive, because they contained hurtful
comments about different religions or about certain social groups.
Lieutenant Governor of Punjab in his review of the Educational Report
for 1871-72, therefore, desired most careful attention for the
improvement of the existing textbooks.7
Similarly, there were other people even among the official circles,
who wanted to introduce through textbooks "universal norms of
morality" or they complained of the religious bias in the textbooks.
For example, the discussion on vernacular textbooks was triggered in
1873 with a pamphlet written by a colonial official, John Murdoch,
which attracted official attention. Murdoch's objections were primarily
directed against the vernacular textbooks. He argued that while all
Christian allusions have been struck out of Government schoolbooks,
every inculcation of idolatry is retained. He further complained that
there were some "grossly indecent passages" in the schoolbooks
published by the Government.8

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1114 I HC: Proceedings , 68th Session, 2007

Against the backdrop of these complaints and responses,

Government ordered a general revision of the books in 1873.9 The
resolution of 1873 had originally emphasized the difficulty of the
students in comprehending the foreign ideas, which allegedly the
textbooks supplied. The revision was publicly ordered from this point
of view. However, at the same time, a confidential Demi-official
communication was also made to the Local Government and
Administrations, calling their special attention to the fact that
the books contained "objectionable" and "indecent" passages an
was ordered to expunge all these.10 The term "objectionable" r
to religious grounds and the word "indecent" to moral objection
implications were confirmed by the entire discourse arou
revision, because the actual focus of the participants was on the re
representations. It implies that the actual motive of this revis
the presence of objectionable passages on religious ground
textbooks; and the reference to the "difficulty of student's
comprehending the foreign ideas" was merely statement. Thu
an official attempt to cope up with the competing pressures p
by the policy of religious non-interference and neutrality, w
become important for the Government after the 'mutiny' of 1
A letter from Dr. Murdoch, submitting a copy of his pamphlet
referred to the Committee for The Revision of English, Telu
Tamil Schoolbooks in the Madras Presidency, through the Dire
public Instruction. The Textbook Committee after detailed in
denied Murdoch's allegations largely on two grounds. The
argument against Murdoch's charges was very technical, name
all those books which he had referred to in his pamphlet we
prescribed by the Madras Textbook Committee. Either these te
were prescribed by the Calcutta or Madras universities, or th
not included in any such list of the approved textbooks and still r
in use.11 The Committee was thus trying to free its hands by ref
to the distinction between the textbooks approved by it and t
books in use.

Secondly, the Madras Textbook Committee denied any

discrimination against Christianity. Its argument was that contrary to
Murdon's allegation, several of the textbooks were full of allusions to
Christianity, for instance Chamber's Moral Class Book , the Supplement
to the Fourth Book , and Morris's History of India of India. It opined
that for every allusion in Government schoolbooks to the deities and
doctrines of Hinduism, "there are probably ten allusions to the history
and tenets of Christianity, and that, if there are some incidental
references to idolatry in some of the textbooks, there are also most

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 Modem India lll^

violent denunciations of it in others,

There were many allusions to the Bib
Vernacular Reading Books which had
Department.13 While denying Mu
committee thus admitted to the presenc
especially in the English textbooks and
reading material.
Murdoch's Note of Dissent to the textbook committee is also
revealing. Since the Committee was rejecting merely on the technical
grounds whatever Murdoch had argued about textbooks, therefore, he
refused to sign the report and wrote a note of descent. He argued that
technical grounds especially the distinctions between various kinds of
textbooks, which have been mentioned above, are not sufficient to deny
the charges made in the pamphlet. The Textbook Committee had pointed
to the existence of Christian allusions in the textbooks to counter-argue
Murdoch. In turn, Murdoch cited in his note of dissent many examples
to suggest that even these allusions to Christianity - somehow left in
the textbooks - were also hurtful, because some of these did not show
enough respect to Jesus Christ and his religion, and others were incorrect
on the grounds of Scripture and geology.14
Moreover, he questioned the policy of religious neutrality, because
in his view, neutrality does not mean that even those religious tenets
would be excluded from the textbooks, which are otherwise universally
accepted.15 Murdoch cited examples of a few allusions to Christianity,
which did not show enough respect to the religion of Christ. But at the
same time, like many others, he presented idolatry as an essential evil
in Hinduism, without considering the fact that it would also be hurtful
for a large number of Hindus. Although Murdoch was not arguing for
the free play of Missionaries; he was certainly anxious to maintain
Christian ethics in the textbooks in the name of "universal norms of
morality".
Another way of looking at the influence of Missionaries on the
textbooks is to examine their works on history. Generally in the surveys
of the scholarship of the colonial period on the writing of Indian history,
one thing does not receive sufficient recognition, namely the writings
of Missionaries on the subject. This becomes more important, if we
keep in mind the fact that the Indians came in contact with Western
ideas through the writings of Missionaries, because they were playing
important role in the preparation of educational material. Other
educational works of colonial scholars would have been restricted to a
few selected readers, while these popular tracts or textbooks compiled
by Missionaries had wider circulation and more important role to play

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1 1 i 6 IHC: Proceedings, 68th Session, 2007

in the shaping of Indian response. Here by the term the textbooks of

Missionaries, I do not simply mean the textbooks compiled directly by
the professional Missionaries, but it also includes those textbooks,
which were especially prepared for the schools run by Missionaries.
We witness in this discourse that the writings of missionaries on
Indian history were criticized by the Indian intelligentsia for a number
of reasons. Textbooks written by Missionaries had often a feeling of
disfavor to the Islamic faith and some of them were explicitly designed
according to the scriptural history focusing on the growth of Church.
For instance, according to the Textbook Committee of North-Western
Provinces, The Land marks of History: Outlines of ancient history down
to 732 A.D. contained "unacceptable theological ideas". This book was
written "with an especial view to the better understanding of Scripture
history and the growth of the Church". Therefore, the Textbook
Committee of North-Western Provinces had argued that this design
itself disqualifies The Landmarks of History from being a textbook for
history in a "secular system of education". ,fi It was however a Calcutta
University textbook. (The university textbooks were some time
discussed by the Textbook Committees, because students read these
books at the senior stage of school education as they had to subsequently
appear in the preuniversity examination.) Instead of using simply the
names of religions, it went to the extent of categorizing them as true or
false. For example, it announced that Turkey is stated to be the only
European country that has not adopted the true religion.17 It seems that
this was not an exception rather a general trend to use such language.
For instance, in Inglistan ka Itihas , which was a translated version of
an English original - Epitome of English History - Protestantism
was rendered by Sat-Sharm "the true faith" and Roman Catholicism
by Pope Ka Jhutha Mat "the false religion of the Pope".18
The Textbook Committee recommended for expunging the chapter
on Muhammad from The Landmarks of History, because Muhammad
was described in this book as beginning to "weave a tissue of
blasphemy".19 The recommendation to expunge this chapter was made
only following the order of the Imperial Government for a general
revision of the textbooks in all the Provinces to inquire about the
presence of offensive ideas in the textbooks. It implies that earlier this
book and similar others would have been used.

Though, in this case, it appears that expunging was caused by the

unfriendly description of Muhammad, nevertheless, it again reveals
the tendency to exclude for various reasons the discussion on
Muhammad in the curriculum. This is evident from another example.
Tazkirath-i-mashahir - Biographies of eminent personages of ancient

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 Modem India 1117

history - included many biographies

Barring the exception of Zoroaster
the policy of excluding religious fi
have the names of Muhammad or Christ. But this exclusion is
inconsistent with the presence of long stories of the incarnations
Hindu gods and goddesses in the textbooks on the history of ancien
India.21

It is therefore evident that beside the motifs of colonial agency,

the world of textbooks was also influenced by the aspirations of
Missionaries. Their perspective was evident in the way idolatry was
attacked, in the way historical partiality was observed and also in the
way the vernacular texts were criticized on moral grounds. Similarly,
the influence of Brahmins can be traced in the Brahmanical or Hindu
configuration of the vernacular curriculum. Anything threatening their
influence was contested by them; and the colonial state also conceded
to their demands.

It became most evident on the debate over Selections From Vemana

which was used in Madras Presidency as a Telugu Poetical Textbook
for the third class. These selections contain some of Vemana's bitterest
attacks on Hinduism or particularly on the Brahmanical scriptures and
beliefs.22 The book was originally adopted on the recommendations of
the Missionaries. In fact, the official opinion also acknowledged that
"It teems with views quite repugnant to Hindu feeling, and is calculated
to create an impression that the government is trying to proselytize the
Hindu boys Christianity." There was a general chorus of disapproval
among Hindu teachers. At least four-fifth of the teachers in the Madras
presidency were Brahmins. The objections of the Brahmins got official
support and Selections From Vemana_ was disapproved by the Madras
Textbook Committee. The official argument was that "orthodox Hindus
have as clear a right to complain of being called on to teach heresy, as
the clergy at Home would have to complain of the introduction of some
catechism of dissent into all the National Schools".23
Another example of Brahmanical influence was the presence of
the abstracts from religious books of Hinduism in the Hindi curriculum.
For example, in the first class of the Town School Curriculum in Oudh,
students read the Ayodhya Kand of Ramayana, and the Kiskinda Kand
of the same was studied in the second class. Similarly, extracts from
Prem Sagar were read in the first class of Village School Curriculum
in Oudh.24 It was a translation of the 10th Chapter of the Bhagwat
Purana, and contained an account of the life and acts of Krishna. The
passages objectionable on the score of indecency were omitted.
However, despite this expurgation, Prem Sagar would remain a Hindu

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1118 IHC: Proceedings , 68th Session , 2007

scripture, because of its contextual and symbolic association with

Hinduism.

In the case of Prem Sagar , even this attempt of expurgation failed

due to a pragmatic concern, namely, that it was unfortunately necessary
to publish the book as a whole, or it would not have been bought; every
boy would have preferred to buy his own unabridged edition in the
bazaar.25 This pragmatic concern to publish the book as a whole in this
case had put a limitation on government's desire to expurgate indecent
passages from Prem Sagar. On the contrary, it supplied an unabridged
edition of the same; and thereby helped in the dissemination of
Brahmanical knowledge. Would it not have been also true of other
religious texts included in the curriculum, such as the Ayodhya Kand
and the Kiskinda Kand of Ramayana?
The Hindu configuration of the literary materials of Hindi education
has already been discussed by Krishna Kumar.26 The configuration
consisted of mythology and symbols derived from religious practices
and from history, projecting a specific religio-cultural identity. This
identity was embedded in the manner in which the readership was
recognizefl; and also in the hope for the return of the mythologized
past. The same mythologized past was made available in the form of
Ramayana and Prem Sagar etc.
However, I haven't come across, at least in this discourse, reference
to original or translated abstracts from Islamic religious scriptures in
the Urdu curriculum, like the Sbstracts from Ramayana and Puranas in
the Hindi curriculum. This does not mean that the Urdu textbooks did
not contain religious tenets. Only the chapters directly discussing the
religion, particularly the direct chapters on religious heroes, such as
Prophet. Muhammad, were expurgated. The Textbook Committee of
North-Western Provinces recommended about Chand Pond that the
chapter on religion and the prophet be omitted.27 Even this distinction
is significant, because the Hindi curriculum retained long abstracts
from the Brahmanical scriptures.
It is not that merely the presence of these abstracts in the textbooks
was contrary to the politics of religious neutrality, as well as in
opposition to the policy of secular education, though it is also very
significant; but the argument is that the entire symbolic association
was sometimes sectarian and some times revivalist. This could become
possible, because of the presence of a socio-cultural agenda of the
Indian elites, who enjoyed a prominent position in the preparation of
vernacular study material. This orthodox orientation of the curricular
knowledge is also evident in the tracts for female education.

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 Modem India 1119

Many Hindi readers in the Girls School Curriculum were

specifically designed for women. For example, Suta Sikshawali or
Duties of women, Stri Siksha or Female education, Varna Manranjan
or Biographies of celebrated women, and Stridhurm Sangraha or
Controversial treatise upholding female education on orthodox
theological grounds.28 Even these titles suggest that the focus rested
on the arguments in support of female education and on the duties of
women. However, these duties were defined with reference to Hindu
religion. According to the Textbook Committee of North-Western
Provinces, Stridhurm Sangraha was in perfect harmony with Hindu
ideas. This shows that in the vernacular textbooks for women, which
were generally prepared by the Indian people keeping in mind the
curriculum, the orthodoxy was not challenged. In fact, this matches
with the policy of non-interference in the beliefs and rituals of the
natives. This policy had become more important in the aftermath of
the revolt of 1857.

Urdu Curriculum also included many tracts on female education.

Majalis un-Nissa written by Khwaja Altaf Husain Hali and Nazir
Ahmad's novel M irat ul-Arus are two archetype examples.2** These
conveyed that women should be educated because they are the real
managers of the household, the focus of family life, responsible for
the early training of the children, and essential for the survival and
advancement of the Muslim middle class in a time of rapid change.
Women who are educated can be better managers, better wives and
mothers, and thus a major force in reforming the life of sharif families
from within. Minault suggests that instead of looking at the Victorian
Notions of domesticity, these Islamic social reformers drew on the
tenets, which have been present for long time within the Islamic world.30
Another bias of the orthodoxy, as well as the desire of the colonial #
state to understand Indian society divided on religious lines is evident
in the fact that on many occasions Urdu textbooks had to face rejection
or expurgation at the hands of the Textbook Committees which
contained allusions to Sufism. For instance, First Part of the Urdu
Poetical Reader entitled Majmuah Sakhun was read in the Second class
of the Village School Curriculum in Oudh. Second part of this reader
was studied in the Town School Curriculum. The Textbook Committee
recommended that the second part used in town schools undergo
revision; because some of the poems are Sufistic, whilst others are of
considerable difficulty, and the ideas are far-fetched.31
Caused by whatever reason, this trend had serious implications.
As we have seen in the writings of some secular scholars of our times,
the topic of Sufism has become an example to point at the cultural

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1 1 20 ÍHC: Proceedings , 68th Session , 2007

interaction between Hindus and Muslims. However, in that period, this

orthodox stance further reduced the scope for the positive discussion
of the interaction between Hindus and Muslims. This resulted in the
depiction of "Muslim period" as only an account of the conflict between
Hindus and Muslims, and no point of contact, barring only a few
exceptional rulers like Akbar. It was most apparent in the textbooks of
history.
It is not that such unfriendly descriptions of Islam, its founder and
the period labeled as Muhammadan were restricted to Missionaries
alone. There was one Hindu writer who received responses from
different quarters on his textbook of history. Raja Shiva Prasad wrote a
book on Indian history; Hindi version of this text was titled as Itihas
Timir Nashak, Urdu version as Aina-e-tarikh numa and English version
as History of Hindustan. All three versions were rigorously debated in
different quarters. Not only the Pundits and the Molvis participated in
the debate with their inclinations in defense of their own respective
religious communities, but also the colonial intelligentsia with its
emphases on the requirements of modern historiography. Part I. dealt
with Hindu and Muslim period; and Part II. with British period.
The examiners at the Urdu History Subcommittee of North-Western
Provinces were Moulvie Karim Buksh, Moulvie Nisar Ali Beg, and
Moulvie Nazir Ahmed. They pointed out that the book is calculated to
inflame the animosity of the Hindus against the Muhammadans by
needlessly dilating on the wrongs inflicted upon them by the latter.
They said that when space fails such matters art placed into the notes.
For example, Part I, page 24: "Shihabuddin demolished at least one
thousand temples in Benares." The Molvis argued that the faults of
Muslim ruler are all exhibited, but their good qualities are passed over
in silence. Thus Muhammad Ghaznavi's munificent patronage of
learning and art was not mentioned; nor Shihabuddin's affectionate
loyalty to his brother Ghiyasuddin.32 Shiva Prasad said that Muslims
are "as different from Hindus as earth from heaven".33 It was perhaps
the highest level of sharply defined and exclusive religious identity.
This sense was reflected in 1870s, prior to the beginning of separate
electorates and the Indian census. This aptly shows that in the second
half of the nineteenth century, these ideas were in circulation among
the educated elites of North-Western Provinces and they were
influencing the curricular knowledge with their perspectives.
It is not that Raja Shiva Prasad's text on Indian history was
offensive for Muhammadans alone. In fact, the Pundits of Benaras had
also registered their objections on certain offensive statements about
Hinduism in this work. For instance, Hindu religion was plainly

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 Modem India 1121

declared by Shiva Prasad to be absur

upon eating and drinking, the mouth
hell. If one eats sugarcane, one goes
one starts for hell; by drinking cow's
its fat touches a man's mouth he becomes a Rakshas even in his
lifetime."34 This once again points to native intelligentsia's own
discourse of moral decline. Whether it was in terms of its origin
indigenous^and merely nostalgic; or it was inherited from the scholarship
of colonial writers and Missionaries is a different thing. But in our
case, more significant is to recognize that in the specific context of
Indian history, this notion of the Hindu degeneracy coincided with th
notions of oriental despotism to produce horrible results.
To sum up, the textbook discourse in the mid-nineteenth century
did not centre on the questions posed by the modern rationality and
liberal thinking of the post-reformation Europe: the principles of liberty
equality and fraternity. These elements might have been occasionall
present in the curricular knowledge, otherwise it was not ver
progressive; and it included many orthodox and sectarian tenets. In
fact, the key questions of debate in the 1870s were related to religiou
allusions in the textbooks; representation of one community by the
scholars of another; and the unease caused by the introduction of anti
Brahmanical tenets etc. Besides the motifs of colonial agency, the wor
of textbooks was also influenced by the aspirations of other people.
Not only the indigenous and European officials, but the Molvis, Pundit
and the Christian Missionaries also participated in the textbook
discourse. Their participation is not merely a pointer to the way thes
textbooks were written, but it is also a reflection of the self-identity of
these participants.
At the same time, it is also true that the Brahmins did not enjoy
that uncontested hegemony on the curricular knowledge as they di
earlier. Still they possessed an upper hand in the contest over curricular
knowledge. The curricular knowledge also marked the influence of
Muslim orthodoxy. On the whole, this curricular knowledge did no
offer much scope for independent reasoning and rational thinking, rathe
it favored the status quo.

NOTES AND REFERENCES

1. This is the pattern of most of the textbooks on colonial education, but it

evident in the work of Aparna Basu. See - Aparna Basu, The Growth of Ed
and Political Development in India. (/898-1920). Oxford University Press,
1974. Also see Anil Seal, The Emergence of Indian Nationalism: Comp
and Collaboration . Cambridge University Press, 1968.

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1 1 22 IHC : Proceedings , 68th Session , 2007
2. This role of education of colonial education is conceived generally in the context
of either the social reform movements or with reference to the rise of Indian
nationalism. See for example - A.R. Desai, Social Background of Indian
Nationalism. Popular Prakashan, First Published 1948, Sixth Edition 2000. Bipin
Chandra, Amales Tripathi, and Barun De, Freedom Struggle. National Book Trust,
First Edition 1972.
3. Krishna Kumar, "Colonial Citizen as an Educational Ideal", Economic and Political
Weekly, Vol. 21, No.4, 1989, pp.45-51.
Krishna Kumar, Political Agenda of Education: A Study of Colonialist and
Nationalist ideas. Sage Publications India, 1991, pp.14- 15. Gauri Viswanathan,
Masks of Conquest: Literary Study and British Rule in India. Faber and Faber,
London, 1990.

4. This I have demonstrated elsewhere. See - Vikas Gupta, The World of Education
and the Processes of Identity Formation (1870-1940), Unpublished M. Phil
Dissertation, University of Delhi, 2007. Specially Ch. 2 and 3.
5. B.S. Goyal and J.D. Sharma, A Study of the Evolution of the Textbook , NCERT,
New Delhi, 1987, pp. 60-61.
6. J. P. Naik and Syed Nurullah, A Students' History of Education in India, (1800-
1973). Macmillan India Ltd., Delhi, First Publish 1945, Sixth Revised Edition
1974, Reprinted 2004, pp.159 and 167.
7. Home (Education) A Proceedings, March, 1873, No.43, p.9.
8. Report of the Committee for the Revision of English, Telugu and Tamil School
Books in the Madras Presidency, 1874, pp. 72-83 of the Report. Home (Education)
A Proceedings, April, 1877, Nos. 21-52.
9. Home (Education) A Proceedings, March, 1873, No.43, p. 8.
10. Ibid., p. 6.
11. Report of the Committee for the Revision of English, Telugu and Tamil School
Books in the/Madras Presidency, 1874, pp. 72-73 of the Report. Home (Education)
A Proceedings, April, 1877, Nos.21-52.
12. Ibid., p. 74.
13. Ibid., p.73.
14. Ibid., p.78.
15. Ibid., p.79.
16. Results of the deliberations of the committee appointed to examine and report
upon school books. Forwarded in a letter No. 1528 G, dated Allahabad, the 3 1'"
March 1874. From - M. Kempson, Esq., M.A., Director of Public Instruction,
North-Western Provinces. To - The Secretary to the Government of the North-
western Provinces. Home (Education) A Proceedings, April, 1877, Nos.21-52.
17. Ibid.

18. Ibid.

19. Ibid.

20. Ibid.

21 See - Vikas Gupta, 2007. Specially Ch. 4.

22. Report of the Committee for the Revision of English, Telugu and Tamil
Books in the Madras Presidency, 1874, pp. 52-54 of the Report. Home (Educat

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 Modem India 1123

A Proceedings, April, 1877. Nos. 21-52.

23. Ibid., pp.41 -42.
24. Letter No. 1190, dated Lucknow, the 27th
M. A., Director of Public Instruction, Oudh
Commissioner of Oudh. Home (Education)
52.

25. Ibid.

26. Krishna Kumar, "Hindu Revivalism and Education", Social Scientist , Vol.18,
No. 10, Oct., 1990, pp 4-26.
27. Results of the deliberations of the committee appointed to examine and report
upon school books. Forwarded in a letter No. 1528 G, dated Allahabad, the 31st
March 1874. From - M. Kempson, Esq., M. A., Director of Public Instruction,
North-Western Provinces. To - The Secretary to the Government of the North-
western Provinces. Home (Education) A Proceedings, April. 1877, Nos. 21-52.
28. Ibid.

29. I have relied on Gail Minaulťs excellent study for a brief summary of Mir
Arus and Majalis un-Nissa. See-Gail Minault. Secluded Scholars : Wome
Education and Muslim Social Reform in Colonial India. Oxford University Pre
1998. For Mirat ul-Arus and Nazir Ahmad. See - Especially pp.3 1-38: and
Hali's Majalis un-Nissa, See pp.38-44.
30. Ibid., pp.55-56.
31. Letter No. 1190, dated Lucknow, the 27th June 1873. From - C. Browning,
M. A., Director of Public Instruction, Oudh. To - The Offg. Secretary to the C
Commissioner of Oudh. Home (Education) A Proceedings, April, 1877, Nos
52.

32. Results of the deliberation, of the committee appointed to examine and report
school books. Forwarded in a letter No. 1528 G. dated Allahabad. The 3 1st M
1874. From M. Kempson, Esq., M. A., Director of Public Instruction, Nor
Western Provinces. To the Secretary to the Government of the North-West
Provinces. Home Education A Proceedings, April, 1877, Nos.21-52.
33. Ibid.

34. Ibid.

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