

CHAPTER ONE (BACKGROUND OF THE STUDY)

1.0 Introduction
The Goemai of Nigeria ISO Language Code: The Goemai people who number more than 200,000 live in
South astern plateau state of Northern Nigeria. The center of the language area is the town of Shendam,
which IS about estimate 150 kilometre from Jos and 180 miles east of Abuja. A larger percentage of the
population is still monolingual at a geographical locatipn called lowland. Traditional ruler of shendam
traditional council is the first class chief known with the title of His Royal Highness(HRH) Long Goemai
of
Shendam, The traditional religion has a strong influence among the people. Shendam has a total number 4
districts with the following chiefdoms; Dorok, Du'ut, Jakhattoe, Kwo, Japjan and Abakwariga. Most
Goemai people are farmers, but there is some fishing along the Benue river. Rice and yams are the main
crops, with yams being the main cash crop. The predominate church in the area is the Roman Catholic
Church. Wolff, Hans (2014)

In terms of geographical location, Shendam Local Government Area starts from boundary with Pankshin
Local povemment Area on latitude-S ° 14' E to north, ha'ambiak on latitude 8 0 30' N, 8 ° 40' E to East,
Jibam8 ° 19' N, 9 0 44' E to south andjapjan 8 0 34' Nand 9 0 05'E to East into Jangwa in Awe,
Nassarawa
State. Goemai people occupy Shendam and Quan Pan Local Government Area's. It is widely believe that
the Goemai people passed through 3 phases of evolution before arriving their present location Shendam is
south of Jos Plateau in middle-valley (middle belt) often referred to as lowland due to low topography. It
has
a total landmass of 6, 000 square kilometres, It is divided into two; upland and riverine. The riverine area
have north-south rivers that go into River benue including probably the largest river in Plateau State river
shimankar. It's size divides shendam into two halves and takes source from larbin valley in Jing, Shendam-

Jos road. The bulk of upland have historical ties with Garram - chip in Pankshin Local Government Area.
Kraft, Charles H. (2016)
1.1 Origin of the Goemai
Goemai (Ankwe) is an Afro-Asiatic (Chad ie, West Chadic A) language spoken in the Great Muri Plains
region of Plateau State in central Nigeria, between the Jos Plateau and Benue River. Goemai is also the
name of the ethnic group of speakers of the Goemai language. The name 'Ankwe' has been used to refer to
the people, especially in older literature and to outsiders. As of 2008, it was estimated there were around
200,000 ethnic Goemai, but it is unknown how many of these are native speakers of the language. Goemai
is
a predominantly isolating language with the subject-verb-object constituent order.
The Goemai (Ankwe) of Shendam arrived their present location through 3 phases of migration in 200Be -
lOOOAD, 11 OO-1700AD and 1600 -1800AD. The evolution of Goemai society and language a~ciety
has metamorphosed and makes it staad out among other ethnic groups in Plateau South. They are closely
related to the Jukun, who live southof'them, and the Ngas, who are located north of them. Goemai land is
fertile and well watered, and is the basis-for the Goemai being an agricultural society. There tribal are
divided into clans, and each clan has ~tl> own chief-priest. The Goemai trace their origin to the son of an
Ngas Chief. In the nineteenth century, the Goemai were the largest ethnic group in the lowlands. Goemai
land, with Shendam at its center, continues to show much Ngas culture; while the southern centers of
Damshin, Shemankar, and Kwande still share theJukun culture influence from Jukun lnunigrants -who
mixed with the southern Goemai. Although the Jukun <uul r-rgas arc historically and culturally related
to th~
Goemal, the d;ffcrcnces in the three-groups' languages confirm their distinctness as separate groups.
Hellwig
and Birgit (2011)
1.2 Climate and Vegetation . . .
1
 The Shendam lies on 209m above sea level Shendam's climate is classified as tropical. In winter, there is
much less rainfall than in summer. This climate is considered to be Aw according to the Koppen-Geiger
climate classification. In Shendam, the average annual temperature is 27.7 "C I 81.8 OF. Precipitation here is
about 1178 mm ] 46.4 inch per ycer.Preciprtation is the lowest in January, with an average of 0 mm ] 0.0
inch. Most precipitation falls in September, with an average of239 mm 19.4 inch. At an average ~:r~~ture
of 306°C I 871°F April is the hottest month of the year. In August, the aver~ge temperature IS '1 thl
. ., hh1 B tween the driest and wettest months, e
79.0 OF. It is the lowest average temp~rature oft e woe year. difference in precipitation is 239 mm I 9 inch.
The average temperatures vary during the year by 4.5 °C I
40.1 of. The Goemai practice subsistence farming, mainly raising ginger, millet, guinea corn, beans, and
fruit. They also grow rice, peanuts, pumpkins, and tomatoes. Some cattle are kept because they are
fundamental in fertilizing the fields .. Birgit (2013)
1.3 People and Settlement
The Goemai live in round, mud-walled huts grouped into enclosed family compounds (villages). Each hut
has two cylindrical walls. The inner walls serve as a granary, while the space between it and the outer
wall
are their living quarters. Each Goemai village has a chief-priest who answers to the tribal chief (king),
the
supreme governmental and religious leader of the Goemai tribe. Their system of government is quite
organized; the chief-priests form an advisory council and act as officials to the king. There are officials
who
function as military commanders (intermediaries between the Goemai and outside groups), cooks, and
barbers (performing the coronation process), to name a few. The chief-priests also perform the actual
religious duties. Hoffman, Carl (2017)
All Goemai share the custom of filing their top and bottom front teeth. However, many customs and
beliefs
only pertain to the office of king. For, instance, the king may not look upon the Benue River or he will
die.
Traditionally, upon his death, the king's favorite wife, horse, and servant were buried in the same grave
with
him. Also, no one may plant their farms. until the king's farm is planted. The most striking physical
symbol
of kingship is the "sacred hairlock" that is held with ['.'1 ivory pin and disk containing stones that
symbolize
the various crops his people cultivate. Customs and beliefs, likewise, are specific to commoners. Boys
are
circumcised at the age of seven. A ceremony marks the occasion and a special dance takes place around

them. The dancers throw themselves on the ground rolling over and over at the boys' feet. Marriage is
also
~ important. A man desiring a wife will bring her a mat with cloth rolled inside. She will return it and
others,
<, brought by other suitors, to the man of her choice. When the bride-price is paid, the bride is covered in
a big
cloth and led to the groom's compound. She is followed there by girls crawling along the ground like
snakes.
Until the marriage is consummated, th~ bride may not go out or do ordinary work and her food is brought
to
her. Charles (2018)
1.4 Significance of the Study
The discovered information of this researcher will help the traditional rulers, state holders, community,
teachers, educators and curriculum specialists and school administrators to learn more about the
2
 Goemai
culture. The society through this finding can heIp to provide educational facilities in order to alliance
the
educational standard of the many researchers.
1.5 End Note

.v'. Hellwig, Birgit (2011)A Grammar of Goemai. 596 p., Mouton De Gruyter. ISBN 3-11-023828-
4, ISBN 978-3-11-023828-0. l"
_. Hellwig, Birgit (2013) FieldworJ(~inong the Goemai in Nigeria: discovering the grammar oj
property
expressions. STUFlPermanent dead linkJ" '
 Hellwig, Birgit (2003) The grart,11;natical coding of postural semantics in Goemai (a West Chadic
language of Nigeria). MPT Series in Psycholinguistics [dissertation Nijmegen]. [the introduction
, contains info about the geogl'aphy demography, and SOCiolinguistics of Goemai; chapter 2 is a
grammatical sketch of Goemai]
 Hoffman, Carl (2018) 'Towards a comoparative phonology of the languages of the Angas-Goemai
... '
group.' Unpublished manuscript,'
 Kraft, Charles H. (2016) Chadic, wordlists. Berlin: Dietrich Rei~er (Marburg~r Stu~ien zur Afrik,a-
undo
.\ Asienkunde, Serie A: Afrika, 23~ 24, 25). [contains a phonological sketch of' Goemai and also a
Goemai
word list]
 Wolff, Hans (2014) 'Subsystem.typologies and area linguistics.' Anthropological Linguistics, 1, 7, 1-
i5 88. [phonological inventory oj Goemai (Duut dialectj]
https:/ljoshuaproject.netJpeople gr01:!Fs/11915!NI
https:f /ioshuaproject.net/assets/media/profiles/text/tl1915 .Qdf
https://iosI03ded.com . n gl arch ives/6SriLh i sto ry-of -goerl a i-eth n i c-gro up-pi atea u-state/?v=
bf7 41 Oagee 7 2
2

3
 CHAPTER TWO
2.0 INTRODUCTION
This study is to find out the social and political system of the Goemai people of Duut. In this order, the
work, to some extent, delves into issues of tradition of origin, migration and settlement of the Duut people,
as a way of understanding the nature and character of their social and political system in pre and colonial
times. This is so because the study of this nature is an issue which touches the very foundation of the group
identity of a people, and the identity of the people is basically a function of their socio-political system. The
issue of group identity, especially in a plural society like Nigeria with many centrifugal tendencies and in
which access to limited resources, political offices and employment opportunities is largely determined by
ethnicity. The cynic might ridicule those who attempt digging into the origins, migration and
settlement of people by focusing on the nature of their socio-political system; and might ask, is it not
sufficient to identify such people as they are known at present? Apart from holding the key to the ethnic
identity of any people as it points to who they are? or the collective identity of the people, it also has the
capacity or potential to facilitate the achievement of the goal of the individual.
According to Afigbo, (2016) one fundamental question which the average person would ask about the past
of his people would invariably touch on the issue of their origin, migration and settlement. The Duut people
of Shendam Local Government area of Plateau State are not an exception in this respect. They want to know
who they are, where they came from and how they came to be the kind of people they are. It is because of
the need to meet this insistent demand that scholars have continued, and will continue, to blunt the cutting
edge of their intellectual weapon by striking at this interactive problem through the study of the socio-
political system of the Goemai of Duut section of Shendam Local Government area of Plateau .
Several efforts have been attempted to clearly understand the history of Goemai of Duut in general and
their social and political system in particular. These attempts have often led to several conclusions. In
some quarters, it is purported have a long standing history of an effective social and political system that is
traceable to the ancient Goemai (ankwai) that once held sway over a large portion of present day Nigeria.
While in other quarters, counter arguments have discredited. The factor which has given rise to the claims
and counter claims is not farfetched, they are all unanimous that lack of sufficient written source materials,
as well as inconsistency in available oral traditions, are major factors limiting their effort to clearly
reconstruct, and reconcile the history of the Goemai of Duut.
2.1 methodological approach and literature review
Goemai is classified as a mostly isolating language; the large majority of morphemes consist of a single
syllable and the large majority of words consist of a single morpheme. Though infrequent, polymorphemic
words are attested in Goemai and can be formed via a number of regular processes. Affixation is sometimes
used to form words, although many affixes are found only in non-productive plural forms,
and cliticization is more common. Goemai also uses reduplication and compounding to form words.
Polysyllabic words are also less frequent than monosyllabic words, but are attested. Most commonly,
polysyllabic words are of the form CV.CVC, where the first consonant may be subjected to secondary
articulation, including prenasalization, labialization, or palatalization.
There are three open word classes in Goemai: nouns, verbs, and adverbs.
Nouns in Goemai generally lack morphological marking for case, number, gender, and noun class. There are
several exceptions to this general trend. For example, several words relating to people and body parts are
marked for number, as are most loanwords from the Hausa language. Nouns can be differentiated from other
parts of speech based on their syntactic role in a sentence, and the types of modifiers they accept.
In Goemai, verbs are a basic form that can never be derived from other parts of speech. There are therefore
no verbalizing morphemes. Moreover, it is quite rare for verbs to join with any other morphemes, be they
derivational or inflectional. While individual verbs are generally single morphemes, entire verb phrases can
be marked for tense, aspect, or modality.
In Goemai, some adverbs are underived base forms, whereas others are derived from verbs via affixation or
cliticization with an adverbializer, as in the following example sentence:
4
Tù
kill(sg)
bí=hòk
thing=def
ǹ-tù.
advz-kill(sg)
"Kill the thing killing."
Underived adverbs can be further modified by nominal modifiers, but this is not possible for derived
adverbs.
Goemai is a West Chadic language (Afroasiatic, West Chadic, Angas-Goemai group, Southern branch). It
consists of four dialects: Duut, East Ankwe (or Derteng), Dorok and Kwo. These dialects are mutually
intelligible, and their differences are largely restricted to the phonological and lexical level. The language is
also known under the name of "Ankwe" in the older linguistic, anthropological and historical literature.
The Duut Goemai is closely related to the Southern Angas-Goemai languages, and more distantly to the
Northern Angas-Goemai languages. Duut Goemai and the Southern Angas-Goemai languages have received
very little linguistic attention, most of it is restricted to the phonology and the lexicon. Previous data
collected by the researcher suggests that Duut Goemai differs considerably from the better-documented
Northern Angas-Goemai languages. Differences are found in all areas of linguistic description, including
phonology, grammatical structure and semantics. At least some of the observed differences result from
contact with non-related Benue-Congo languages, and many are of typological interest.
The existence of Duut Goemai is threatened by the growth of the regional lingua franca Hausa (and, to a
lesser extent, by the national language English). The transmission of Duut Goemai to younger generations is
limited, and Hausa is used by all Duut Goemai as their means of everyday communication, and is also used
in most spheres of activity. Many Duut Goemai are literate in Hausa, and some also in English, but only
very few are literate in Goemai. Those who are literate in Goemai are at least 60 years of age.
Parallel to the loss of the language, many aspects of the cultural knowledge encoded in the language are
being lost. Members of the younger generation are not familiar with traditional folktales, riddles and songs;
and many Duut Goemai terms have been replaced by Hausa terms (e.g., terms for agricultural products,
surrounding flora and fauna, religious concepts, kinship relations, etc.).
Older Duut Goemai are conscious of the threat posed by Hausa, and are organising initiatives to preserve
their language and promote literacy in Goemai, including formal language classes for children. Other efforts
are co-ordinated by the Duut Goemai Literacy and Bible Translation Committee, which has published a
modified orthography together with some folktales, and which organises literacy classes on a regular basis.
It looks likely that Duut Goemai will soon be replaced entirely by Hausa. However, it is currently still
possible to aim at a comprehensive documentation because members of the older generation are fluent
speakers of Goemai.
What Are Their social Lives Like?
The Goemai people of duut practice subsistence farming, mainly raising ginger, millet, guinea corn, beans,
and fruit. They also grow rice, peanuts, pumpkins, and tomatoes. Some cattle are kept because they are
fundamental in fertilizing the fields. They live in round, mud-walled huts grouped into enclosed family
compounds (villages). Each hut has two cylindrical walls. The inner walls serve as a granary, while the
space between it and the outer wall are their living quarters.

Each village has a chief-priest who answers to the tribal chief (king), the supreme governmental and
religious leader of the Goemai tribe. Their system of government is quite organized; the chief-priests form
an advisory council and act as officials to the king. There are officials who function as military commanders
(intermediaries between the Goemai and outside groups), cooks, and barbers (performing the coronation
process), to name a few. The chief-priests also perform the actual religious duties.

5
All Goemai people of duut share the custom of filing their top and bottom front teeth. However, many
customs and beliefs only pertain to the office of king. For instance, the king may not look upon the Benue
River or he will die. Traditionally, upon his death, the king's favorite wife, horse, and servant were buried in
the same grave with him. Also, no one may plant their farms until the king's farm is planted. The most
striking physical symbol of kingship is the "sacred hairlock" that is held with an ivory pin and disk
containing stones that symbolize the various crops his people cultivate.

Customs and beliefs,

Likewise, are specific to commoners. Boys are circumcised at the age of seven. A ceremony marks the
occasion and a special dance takes place around them. The dancers throw themselves on the ground rolling
over and over at the boys' feet. Marriage is also important. A man desiring a wife will bring her a mat with
cloth rolled inside. She will return it and others, brought by other suitors, to the man of her choice. When the
bride-price is paid, the bride is covered in a big cloth and led to the groom's compound. She is followed
there by girls crawling along the ground like snakes. Until the marriage is consummated, the bride may not
go out or do ordinary work and her food is brought to her.

What Are Their Beliefs?

Though the majority of the Goemai are Christians, some still hold to ethnic religionist beliefs which are
manifested in most aspects of their daily lives. Some believe in a supreme god and a household god (the god
of their particular compound). Divination and cults centering around ancestral spirits and rain, among others,
are practiced. Pebbles are cast on the ground making symbols, which determine events. A Goemai will not
kill a hawk or a crowned-crane for fear he die or become a fool. They regard the feathers of such birds as
symbols of strength and the owl is considered a bird of evil omen.
Crime And Justice
Goemai Conception Of Crime And Justice The Goemai had their own style of referring to crime and justice
in the period under review. Their conception, (which was not different from other societies in Nigeria), was
a reflection of their belief system and cultural values, which evolved over time. The Goemai conceived
crime as Bi – Geoniang. 5 Bi – Geoniang, according to the Goemai was a term used to describe any deviant
activities or actions that are not in concord with the laid down norms of the society. Such actions or
activities are punishable based on the traditional mode of justice. Such activities includes theft, abduction,
murder, adultery, fornication, encroachment others peoples farmland etc. the penalties for these crimes
varied depending on the degree of harm it caused to either the person or the community at large. In the case
of justice, there were many styles among the Goemai on its conception and articulation. The Goemai
describe justice as Bi- Geodiong or Shep.6 While the former means fairness, the later denotes judgment.
Justice among the Goemai meant bringing the culprits to book and punishment rightly meted based on the
intensity of the offence. Crime And Punishments Among The Goemai: A Preliminary Survey Of Traditional
Judicial Practices
Structural Framework For Conflict Resolution
The administration of justice was centered on the Council of elders known as Daskoom. The daskoom,
together with the Long and with the consent of the people formulated the laws. Such traditional laws forbade
individuals and groups from stealing, adultery, murder, encroachments in to both farm lands and fishing
ponds, disregard to traditions such as not giving way when masquerade appeared, marriage that were not in
conformity with traditions.7 Family quarrels, issues of divorce among others, were handled and thrashed out
at the family level with the family heads as adjudicators. In the case of inter- family disputes, heads of
different families involved would normally sit and deliberate on the matter. When the cases are unresolved,
they were forwarded to the council of elders (Daskoom) for further consideration. Ndakek Daskoom was
leader of the Council of elders.
He was the oldest man in the council and led out in the discussion before any decision was taken.8 Cases
were tried first by the family heads and when they failed, the cases were referred to the council of elders.
Cases of murder were completely beyond the cane of the family heads. Murder cases were tried by the

6
Daskoom. Punishments for murder cases were banishment or death penalty. Other crimes attracted payment
of livestocks and local brewed beer, depending on the gravity and intensity of the crime. Most often than
not, fines were imposed on offenders. The fines included items such as millet, goats, chicken, sorghum, local
brewed beer.9 Besides deaths, the Daskoom were also responsible for trying other criminal cases such as
abduction and conflict leading to death whereby the perpetrators of such crimes are either banishment or
killed.
Securing the Attendance of Parties and Witnesses Complaints of cases especially murder, land disputes,
encroachment in to fishing ponds and farmlands, abduction, theft and other related offences that contravened
the norms of the society were reported to the Daskoom three days before the court converged.11 In the
court, methods of conducting trails was informed and varied with the nature of the offences. If the case was
that of dispute between two parties, the two contenders reported the case to the council of elders through
their family heads who were also responsible in compelling their appearance before the council of elders or
the Ndakek Daskoom. The complainant was asked to state his case and the defendant would respond. Both
contenders were subjected to questions from members of the Daskoom or tribunal. The Ndakek was
president of Daskoom. In the case of murder, abduction and theft which the society frowned at most, most of
the questioning came from the Ndakek Daskoom. After cross-section examination the council then
entertained witnesses from both sides. The witnesses were asked to give their own version of the disputes
after which the case was thrown open for discussion among the council. It was after the discussion that
punishments were pronounced based on the intensity of the offences so committed.
Court Location and Sitting Arrangement The traditional court among the Goemai was situated in an isolated
and specially carved area called Ludas. 13 Although each family had it own Ludas where minor cases were
tried, cases that seemed to affect the generality of the society were tried at the greater Ludas. The greater
Ludas was situated at the outskirt of the town. It was more or less a religious shrine set aside for the
administration of justice and other related religious practices. The sitting arrangement in the Ludas was such
that the presiding judges who were the Council of elders sat on well arranged logs of woods carved in such a
way that each Daskoom was entitled to one. The logs were arranged in almost square form with one distinct
seat reserved as the seat of the Ndakek Daskoom.
Court Sitting among the Goemai. Source: As witnessed by the Researcher during field work. Verdict/
Punishment In the pre-colonial Goemai society, punishment meted out or verdict passed varied, depending
on the gravity of the act in question. These ranged from warnings, imposition of fines (often in form of
domestic animals such as fowl and goats) to, in rare cases, capital punishment. For instance, in cases of
insubordination, slender or wife battery, the culprit was either cautioned and educated to appreciate the
significance of discipline and respect for elders or those in authority or fined in accordance to the gravity of
the offence.16 In the case of theft, adultery, fighting, culprits were required to provide some numbers of
livestock based on the gravity of the offence. Livestcks procured from such fine were taken to the shrine
(Ludas) by the Council of Elders (daskoom) for sacrifice in order to appease the gods and venerate the
ancestors, in the belief that peace may reign in the community. In rare instances where death penalty was
considered appropriate, the offenders were not executed in public. Indeed, public execution among the
Goemai was thought to be inconsistent with the sanctity of human life. Thus, the offender was taken to the
forest and eliminated after which the story told to women and children was that the person was seized and
killed by a wild animal. Beside death penalty, banishment was another option for gravious crimes such as
murder, manslaughter and abduction.
Crimes and Accompanying penalties in the Goemai Traditional Judiciary System CRIMES PENALTIES
Murder Banishment or Death Abduction Banishment Theft Items stolen returned, Plus 3 goats, 3 chickens
and some quantity of local brew. Adultery 2 goats, 2 chickens Plus local brew (Burukutu) Fighting 1
Chicken each plus local brew Encroachment of farmland Surrender the land plus payment of 3 chickens plus
local brew Encroachment of fishing ponds Surrender the catch plus 1 goat, 2 chickens plus local brew.
SOURCE: Author’s field work 2009. Appeal Given that the structural framework for dispute settlement
involved the family, the council of elders (daskoom) and the Dabit, there was room for appeal. Whenever a
party was aggrieved and not satisfied with judgments and punishment it will appeal to the Daskoom for

7
hearing. If the aggrieved was still not satisfied with the verdict at the family level could appeal to the
Daskoom or Council of elders.
The daskoom did not interfered with decision of the except where there were evidence of abuse of office or
perversion of justice. One can also appeal judgments dispensed at the Daskoom level to the Long court.
Whenever it superseded the Long Courts, it was forwarded to the Dabit for final adjudication.19 The Dabit
among the Goemai was a powerful masquerade Crime And Punishments Among The Goemai: which in
terms of administering justice, was regarded as the highest court of appeal. The Dabit had the power to
question the activities of both the both the Daskoom and the Long and even punish them. Aggrieveness
beyond this court was left to providence.20 V. Changes in Judicial Practices as a Result of External Contacts
Contact with the outside world brought considerable shifts and changes in the judicial practices of the
Goemai during the period under review. Contact with the outside world was mainly through trading
activities.
The Goemai was in contact through long distance traders from places sucsh as Borno and Kano. In the jihad
period, there were Hausa, Fulani and Kanuri in area especially around Kwande and kurgwi areas. Their
presence brought about changes and shifts in the traditional system of justice. From the extant sources, it is
clear that the Goemai had contacts through long distance traders with the outside world with whom they
intermarried.21 These intermarriages brought about cultural fusion which in the course of many generations
led to changes in their cultural and political structures. It also led to the adoption of honorary Hausa political
titles such as Madaki, Galadima etc. This invariably affected their judicial practices (since both were
intertwined) by changing most of the punishment. For example the penalties for murder were no longer
death but banishment to either Kano or Borno or Yelwa.
Another notable shift and change occasioned by this contact was the introduction of new practices that was
not hitherto known among the Goemai. The case in point was the bori cult (spirit possession) which was
common practice among the Goemai . Bori cult was adopted from the Hausa and has become an accepted
practice up to date. The implication of this was that both the political and judicial institution of the Goemai
society have changed to accommodate the new practice. Their political and judicial process witnessed a
deliberate shift to accommodate the bori cult despite its diabolic practices. The establishment of aman or
amana contacts between the vassal states and the Plateau societies promoted peaceful coexistence in the pre-
colonial period. This provided diplomatic immunity for persons and properties of Muslims and non-Muslims
found in each other boundaries. It also stimulated the growth of economic exchange and cultural interactions
between the different societies and the emirate powers.
In this process, few cultural practices were exchanged like the use of Hausa dresses, bilateral ties, etc. This
brought about changes in the political structures. The functions of the priest chiefs among the Goemai was
affected as they became more involved with the outside world. VI. Conclusion The paper has examined the
pre-colonial process of administration of justice among the Goemai of North Central Nigeria. The Goemai
evolve a forward looking system administration of justice which in the course of many generations has
formed the basis of the present day customary laws in the North Central Nigeria. The study also examined
shift and changes in the pre-colonial judicial practice occasioned by trade with other communities, the
presence of Hausa as a result of the Jihad. Despite the impact of external factors many aspects of the
traditional system have survived up the present.
Endnotes
Patrick D.D, “Aspect of the Geography of Central Nigeria Area” In A.A Idrees, Y.A Ochefu (edited),
Studies in the History of Central Nigeria Vol 1 (Lagos:CSS Limited;2002) p.3
Patrick D.D, “Aspect of the Geography of Central Nigeria Area” In A.A Idrees, Y.A Ochefu (edited),
Studies in the History of Central Nigeria Vol 1 (Lagos:CSS Limited;2002) p.3
B.F Bawa, “Traditional Authority among the Goemail Speaking group of the Plateau State: A study of the
Changing role and Power from pre-colonial period to Present” M.A Dissertation, University of Maiduguri.
1984. P.1
8
B.F Bawa, “Traditional Authority among the Goemail Speaking group of the Plateau State: A study of the
Changing role and Power from pre-colonial period to Present” M.A Dissertation, University of Maiduguri.
1984. P.1
Bi-Geoniang is the Goemai version of crime. It encompasses all activities and action that the societies
frowned at and are punishable by the law of the land.
Oral interview with Longzem Shikbit, 50 years, 18th April, 2020.
Oral interview with Sabo Lumi, 69 years, 21st April, 2020.
Oral interview with Sabo Lumi, 69 years, 21st April, 2020.
Oral interview with Longmaar Shindwar 70 years, 14th April, 2020.
Oral interview with J.S, Madugu 72years, 26st August, 2020.
Oral interview with Leonald Shaiyen, 78 years, 31st August, 2020.
Oral interview with Leonald Shaiyen, 78 years, 31st August, 2020.
Oral interview with Danladi Hoomvel, 60 years, 26th August, 2020.
Oral interview with Longfer Aboki, 51 years, 29th August, 2020.
Oral interview with Longfer Aboki, 51 years, 29th August, 2020.
Oral interview with Leonald Shaiyen, 78 years, 31st August, 2020.
Oral interview with Leonald Shaiyen, 78 years, 31st August, 2020.
Oral interview with Leonald Shaiyen, 78 years, 31st August, 2020.
Jonah, C.Emmanuel, “Development of the Judiciary in the Plateau Province: A Study of the Lowland
Division, 1926-1960” Unpublished M.A Dissertation, School of Postgraduate Studies, Nasarawa State
University, Keffi.2010. P
Jonah, C.Emmanuel, “Development of the Judiciary in the Plateau Province: A Study of the Lowland
Division, 1926-1960” Unpublished M.A Dissertation, School of Postgraduate Studies, Nasarawa State
University, Keffi.2010. P.
Jonah, C.Emmanuel, “Development of the Judiciary in the Plateau Province: A Study of the Lowland
Division, 1926-1960” Unpublished M.A Dissertation, School of Postgraduate Studies, Nasarawa State
University, Keffi.2010. P.
Nengel, J.G “Some consideration of the Relation Between the Sokoto Caliphate and the Polities of Central
Nigerian Highland” In A.A Idrees, Y.A Ochefu (edited), Studies in the History of Central Nigeria Vol 1
(Lagos:CSS Limited;2002) P.577-593
http://www.iosrjournals.org/iosr-jhss/papers/Vol18-issue2/A01820105.pdf?id=8615
https://joshuaproject.net/people_groups/11915/NI
https://elar.soas.ac.uk/Collection/MPI57484

9
Abstract: The paper examines the pre-colonial judicial practices among the Goemai of North Central
Nigeria. It discusses their traditional methods of adjudicating crimes and punishment within the context of
what constitute crimes against the laws of the land. From the analysis, the paper suggests that their pre-
colonial system of ascertaining rights and wrongs were predicated upon the principle of fair hearing and
administration of justice. It was upon this system of administration of justice that the present day customary
laws were based. The paper derives inspiration from a variety of sources synthesized from published books,
dissertations and theses, supplemented by oral accounts. Keywords: Crime, punishment, Goemai, Judicial,
North Central Nigeria I.
The accused and the accuser sat within the square on the ground while the witnesses and other listeners
stood outside the square.14 This sitting arrangement was only distorted when the case was appealed to
Dabit. In this case, the Dabit presiding over the case sat in front on a mortar while others still maintained
their sitting arrangement.15 This sitting arrangement when trying cases can be illustrated in the diagram
below:

The spelling Goemai originates from the 1930s. Orthographic oe stands for the mid central vowel ə, a
practice that had been adopted by missionaries working among the Goemai in Shendam during the 1930s,
such as Father E. Sirlinger.

Classification

Genetically, Goemai has been consistently classified as a member of the Afro-Asiatic language family in
the West Chadic A language sub-family. There have been attempts to apply more specific genetic
classifications to Goemai beyond its membership in the West Chadic A language family, but these attempts
have not reached consensus. Hellwig posits that Goemai is further included in the Angas-Gerka, Angas-
Goemai, and Southern Angas-Goemai subfamilies, whereas Blench instead classifies Goemai as a member
of the Bole-Angas and Angas subfamilies. Glottolog categorizes Goemai as a member of the West Chadic
A.3, Goemaic, and Goemai-Chakato subfamilies.
Goemai has four main dialects: Duut, East Ankwe, Dorok, and K'wo, all of which are in common use and
are mutually intelligible

Phonology

Vowels
Goemai has eleven vowel phonemes, of which four are short and seven are long. Orthographically, long
vowels are represented by doubling the vowel symbol. Goemai also contains several vowel sounds which
are non-phonemic, but occur allophonically, shown enclosed in square brackets in the table. In the table,
sounds are represented on the left in IPA,
and on the right using Goemai orthography. Vowels are never syllable-initial in Goemai. While syllable-
final vowels are generally short, there is no contrast between vowel lengths in this position.

Front unrounded Central Back rounded

Shor High (close) /i/ i [ʉ] u /u/ u

t

Mid (mid) [e] e /ə/ e, oe [o], [ɔ] o

10
 Low (open) /a/ a

High (close) /iː/ ii /ʉʉ/ uu /uu/ uu

Near-high (close-mid) /eː/ ee /oo/ oo

Long
Near-low (open-mid) /ɔɔ/ oo

Low (open) /aː/ aa

Vowel length is contrastive, but only in the middle of syllables, as in pairs such as kúr "tortoise"
versus kúːr "burn", and ʃʰɔ̀ m "hyrax" versus ʃʰɔ́ ːm "guineafowl".
There are also several diphthongs in Goemai, which are not believed to be phonemic. Instead, they likely
arise as a result of phonological processes, including labialization and height assimilation; the diphthongs
attested in Goemai include [ʉ͡ a], [ʉ͡ ə], [a͡ u], [o͡ u], [a͡ i], [e͡ i], and [o͡ ːi].
Consonants
Goemai has the consonants shown in the chart below, with symbols on the left indicating the IPA
transcription, and symbols on the right denoting the orthography used by Hellwig. Symbols enclosed in
square brackets are non-phonemic. All of the consonants in the table may appear at in syllable-initial
positions, but some are restricted from appearing in syllable-final position; those phonemes that are attested
in syllable-final position are annotated in the table below, while unannotated phonemes appear only at the
beginning of a syllable. Goemai has a four-way contrast in its plosive inventory and a three-way contrast in
its fricative inventory. Of note is Goemai's contrast between aspirated and unaspirated fricative sounds,
which is rare among languages in general.

Labial Alveolar Palatal Velar Glottal

/
voiceless aspirated p /tʰ/ t /kʰ/ k
pʰ/

voiceless non-aspirated /p/ p' /t/ t' /k/ k' [ʔ] '
Stops

voiced /b/ b /d/ d /g/ g

implosive /ɓ/ b' /ɗ/ d'

11
 voiceless aspirated /fʰ/ f /sʰ/ s /ʃʰ/ sh'

Fricative voiceless non-aspirated /f/ f' /s/ s' /ʃ/ sh' /h/ h

voiced /v/ v /z/ z /ʒ/ j

Nasal /m/ m /n/ n /ŋ/ ngh, ng

Lateral /l/ l
Liquids
Trill /r/ r

y,
Glides /w/ w, u /j/
i

Tone
Goemai is a tonal language, making use of several distinctive tones; the exact number and pitch of these
tones is disputed. It has been suggested that Goemai has three level tones high (é), mid (ē), and low (è) along
with two contour tones: falling (ê) and rising (ě). Tone can be the only contrastive feature between words in
Goemai, as shown in the following minimal pairs: ɓák "here" (adv.) versus ɓàk "disregard" (v.),
and ʃé "foot/leg" (n.) versus ʃè "learn/teach" (v.).
The level mid tone is not a basic tone of Goemai, and only appears as a result of assimilation or other
phonological processes, including downdrift and downstep. Although there are words that are posited to
have an underlying rising tone, this tone cannot appear on a single syllable. Instead, it is always spread out
across multiple syllables; the following example sentence demonstrates the underlying rising tone of the
verb /nǎ/ "see" being spread to the following noun, /mà:r/ "farm". The underlying low tone of the noun then
passes to the definite determiner clitic =hɔk, which lacks an underlying tone.
dé-gə̀
pur
nà/
see
máːr=hɔ̀ k
farm(sg)=def
(...)
(...)
"to see the farm (...)"
The rising tone is alternatively realized as a level high tone if it is not possible for it to spread.
Syllable structure
There are four syllabic forms in Goemai, as illustrated in the words below, with the relevant syllable(s)
bolded.

12
 Templat
Instantiation Translation
e

CV s'óe 'food'

CVC tàl 'ask/greet'

CVVC líít 'lion'

N ǹ.d'ùùn 'inside'

In syllables of the form CVVC, the VV represents a single long vowel sound. Syllables of the form N can
occur when prenasalization of a sound manifests as a syllabic nasal; this is most common with the
prenasalizing prefix /ⁿ-/, which acts as an adverbializer when affixed to verbs and as a locative when affixed
to nouns.

Morphology

Affixation
Affixes are uncommon in Goemai, and those that exist are predominantly prefixes, which must take the form
CV, unless they consist of just a lone nasal. Two of the most common affixes are the affixes gòe-, which is
used as a nominalizer, and N- (a single nasal matching the place of the following consonant), which is used
as an adverbializer.
While a handful of suffixes and infixes do exist in the language, they are almost always used
nonproductively as plural markers. Around 10% of the verbs of Goemai mark number in this way, while
most other verbs in the language are completely unmarked.
Cliticization
Goemai has a large inventory of clitics, which are used for word formation in broader distribution than
affixes. Like prefixes, the majority of clitics take the form CV. Goemai has both proclitics and enclitics,
although in Goemai, any clitic can also stand alone as a word on its own.
Most of the clitics in Goemai are phrasal, including the very common clitics =hòe "exactly",
and kò= "every/each; any".
Modifiers such as là=, the diminutive singular, and =hok, the definite determiner, can attach to noun phrases
as clitics. Question particles typically manifest as enclitics at the end of a clause.
Reduplication
In Goemai, reduplication is typically partial, though full reduplication exists in certain situations.
Reduplication confers different meanings depending on the word being modified. Sometimes, quantifiers or
adverbs are reduplicated to indicate increased intensity, as in the case of zòk ("generous") being fully
reduplicated as zòkzòk ("very very generous"). Numerals can be reduplicated to indicate that the number is
divided over a period of time, or distributed across several entities or groups, as in k'ún ("three") being
reduplicated as k'ún k'ún ("three each"). Partial reduplication is also a common technique for adverbializing
verbs, as in pyá "become white" (v.) versus pòe-pyá "white" (adv.).

13
In certain situations, such as when modifying words relating to location or distance, reduplicated forms do
not differ in meaning from the base form, as in séng ("far") being partially reduplicated to soè-
séng ("far"). In such cases, there is a distinction between partial reduplication, which results in the same
meaning as the base form, and full reduplication, which intensifies the meaning. Instead of full reduplication
of a word, entire phrases can be reduplicated for a similar intensifying effect.
Compounding
Polysyllabic words are sometimes formed by combining two existing words via compounding, as in the two-
syllable word hàːm.ʃíŋ ("gruel"), which is formed from the two single syllable words hàːm ("water"),
and ʃíŋ ("mix").
Ideophones
Certain verbs of Goemai can be modified by a special class of approximately 80 ideophones; each modifies
only a single other verb in the language, and can modify no other verb. The effect of this modification is to
emphasize the result of the verb, as in the following example (ideophone in bold):
Goemai language
Goemai is an Afro-Asiatic language spoken in the Great Muri Plains region of Plateau State in
central Nigeria, between the Jos Plateau and Benue River. Goemai is the name of the ethnic group of
speakers of the Goemai language; the name'Ankwe' has been used to refer to the people in older literature
and to outsiders. As of 2008, it was estimated there were around 200,000 ethnic Goemai, but it is unknown
how many of these are native speakers of the language.. Goemai is a predominantly isolating language with
the subject–verb–object constituent order; the language is considered threatened, which means that its
adoption is declining among children. Many are learning Hausa as a first language instead, used extensively
in official and educational settings; the spelling Goemai originates from the 1930s. Orthographic oe stands
for the mid central vowel ə, a practice, adopted by missionaries working among the Goemai
in Shendam during the 1930s, such as Father E. Sirlinger. Genetically, Goemai has been classified as a
member of the Afro-Asiatic language family in the West Chadic A language sub-family.
There have been attempts to apply more specific genetic classifications to Goemai beyond its membership in
the West Chadic A language family, but these attempts have not reached consensus. Hellwig posits that
Goemai is further included in the Angas-Gerka, Angas-Goemai, Southern Angas-Goemai subfamilies,
whereas Blench instead classifies Goemai as a member of the Bole-Angas and Angas
subfamilies. Glottolog categorizes Goemai as a member of the West Chadic A.3, Goemai-Chakato
subfamilies. Goemai has four main dialects: Duut, East Ankwe, K'wo, all of which are in common use and
are mutually intelligible Goemai has eleven vowel phonemes, of which four are short and seven are long.
Orthographically, long vowels are represented by doubling the vowel symbol. Goemai contains several
vowel sounds which are non-phonemic, but occur allophonically, shown enclosed in square brackets in the
table. In the table, sounds are represented on the left in IPA, on the right using Goemai orthography. Vowels
are never syllable-initial in Goemai.
While syllable-final vowels are short, there is no contrast between vowel lengths in this position. Vowel
length is contrastive, but only in the middle of syllables, as in pairs such as kúr "tortoise" versus kúːr "burn",
ʃʰɔ̀m "hyrax" versus ʃʰɔ́ːm "guineafowl". There are several diphthongs in Goemai, which are not believed to
be phonemic. Instead, they arise as a result of phonological processes, including labialization and height
assimilation; the diphthongs attested in Goemai include. Goemai has the consonants shown in the chart
below, with symbols on the left indicating the IPA transcription, symbols on the right denoting the
orthography used by Hellwig. Symbols enclosed in square brackets are non-phonemic. All of the consonants
in the table may appear at in syllable-initial positions, but some are restricted from appearing in syllable-
final position; those phonemes that are attested in syllable-final position are annotated in the table below,
while unannotated phonemes appear only at the beginning of a syllable.
Goemai has a four-way contrast in its plosive inventory and a three-way contrast in its fricative inventory.
Of note is Goemai's contrast between aspirated and unaspirated fricative sounds, rare among languages in
general. Goemai is a tonal language, making use of several distinctive tones; the exact number and pitch of
14
these tones is disputed. It has been suggested that Goemai has three level tones high and low along with two
contour tones: falling and rising. Tone can be the only contrastive feature between words in Goemai, as
shown in the following minimal pairs: ɓák "here" versus ɓàk "disregard", ʃé "foot/leg" versus ʃè
"learn/teach"; the level mid tone is not a basic tone of Goemai, only appears as a result of assimilation or
other phonological processes, including downdrift and downstep. Although there are words that are posited
to have an underlying rising tone, this tone cannot appear on a single syllable. Instead, it is always spread
out across multiple syllables; the following example sentence demonstrates the underlying rising tone of the
verb /nǎ/ "see" being spread to the following noun, /mà:r/ "farm".
The underlying low tone of the noun passes to the definite determiner clitic =hɔk, which lacks an underlying
tone. The rising tone is alternatively realized as a level high tone if it is not possible for it to spread. There
are four syllabic forms in Goemai, as illustrated in the words below, with the relevant syllable bolded. In
syllables of the form CVVC, the VV represents a single long vowel sound. Syllables of the form N can
occur; this is most common with the prenasalizing prefix /ⁿ-/, which acts as an adverbializer when affixed to
verbs and as a locative when affixed to nouns. Goemai is classified as a isolating language; the large
majority of morphemes consist of a single syllable and the large majority of words consist of a
single morpheme. Though infrequent, polymorphemic words are attested in Goemai and can be formed via a
number of regular processes. Affixation is sometimes used to form words, although many affixes are found
only in non-productive plural forms, cliticization is more common.
Goemai uses reduplication and compounding to form words. Polysyllabic words are less frequent
than monosyllabic words, but are attested. Most polysyllabic words are of the form CV. CVC, where the
first consonant may be subjected to secondary articulation, including prenasalizati
Ablington Manor
Ablington Manor is a Grade I listed country house in Potlicker's Lane, Ablington within the parish
of Bibury, England. The estate was owned by the Howse family, until John Coxwell purchased it in 1574.
Coxwell built the house in 1590, alterations and additions were added in around 1780; the house is a Grade I
listed building. The Manor at Ablington was the property of Gloucester Abbey. After the dissolution of the
monasteries, it was leased to the Howse family before being bought in 1574 by John Coxwell, he was a self-
made man. He raised his family's social status from middle class to being members of the gentry, by the time
he died, aged about one hundred, he owned he owned part of the Manor of Siddington and all of the Manor
of Ablington; the manor house was built in about 1590, his descendants lived there until at least 1829, when
Charles Coxwell was the incumbent. After the English Civil War, the wool trade improved and a number of
elegant large barns were built; the barn at Ablington Manor was one of these, has a date stone "1727 JC",
denoting the fact that the lord of the manor at the time was John Coxwell.
The house is built of rubble limestone with a stone slate roof. It is a two-storey building with cellar; the
house of 1590 had a three-room plan but additions in the seventeenth century and around 1780 enlarged this,
internal remodelling was done in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. Ablington House is set in
extensive grounds; the pleasure gardens are described as "consisting of terraced lawns with parterres and
a sundial, shaded by specimen trees. The gardens ran down to the River Coln which flowed under a
picturesque bridge on the estate and had a summerhouse on its bank. There were croquet and tennis lawns, it
became a Grade I listed building on 23 January 1952. Photograph of the manor from Dicamillo Companion
Field Club (Omaha, Nebraska)
Field Club is a neighborhood located in the Midtown region of Omaha, Nebraska. Bounded by Pacific
Street, 32nd Avenue, Center St. and 36th Street, the neighborhood was placed on the National Register of
Historic Places as a historic district on November 15, 2000. Field Club is the location of dozens of
significant homes in the Omaha area, including the Gerald R. Ford Birthsite and Gardens. In its earlier years,
Field Club was a late 19th-century suburb located at the southwest boundaries of Omaha, it was connected
to the city center by the new trolley system which made it a convenient place to live for the well-to-do of the
time. It was a desirable area, as it was plotted between two developed green sites; the first of these green
areas, east of the neighborhood, was Hanscom Park, Omaha's first city park, founded in 1872. Hanscom
Park was named for early Omaha attorney Andrew Jackson Hanscom, influential in the battle to secure
15
Omaha as the territorial capital, he was a major donor of land. The second site, located on the west, was the
Omaha Field Club.
Founded in 1898, it was Omaha's first country club and golf course, is the namesake of the neighborhood.
By the turn of the 20th century, many of Omaha's most noteworthy citizens had houses designed and built in
the district by many prominent architects of the time; these houses have been well preserved over the last
hundred-plus years. In the late 1990s, a local historian named Edward J. Quinn began the research to get the
neighborhood listed on the National Register of Historic Places with the support of the Field Club
Homeowners League and the Nebraska State Historical Society; the Field Club Historic District was listed
in 2000. For his work, in 2001 Mayor Fahey appointed Quinn to sit on the City of Omaha Landmarks
Heritage Preservation Commission, in 2007 Quinn was honored for his efforts by the Douglas County
Historical Society; the Omaha Quartermaster Depot Historic District lies just east of the
neighborhood. Neighborhoods of Omaha, Nebraska Field Club Neighborhood website. Includes
architectural, historical and other information about the neighborhood.
Modern picture of Woolworth Avenue in Omaha. Photos of Field Club neighborhood at Wikimedia
Commons
Real estate in China
Real estate in China is developed and managed by public and state-owned red chip enterprises. In the years
leading up to the 2008 financial crisis, the real estate sector in China was growing so that the government
implemented a series of policies - including raising the required downpayment for some property purchases,
five 2007 interest rate increases - due to concerns of overheating, but after the crisis hit, these policies were
eliminated, in some cases tightened. Beijing launched a massive stimulus package to boost growth, much of
the stimulus wound up flowing into the property market and driving prices upward, resulting in investors
looking abroad. By late 2014, the IMF warned that a real estate oversupply problem had arisen that
threatened to cause detrimental effects to the Chinese economy in 2nd and 3rd tier cities; as of 2015, the
market was experiencing low growth and the central government had eased prior measures to tighten interest
rates, increase deposits and impose restrictions.
By early 2016, the Chinese government introduced a series of measures to increase property purchases,
including lower taxes on home sales, limiting land sales for new development projects, the third in a series
of mortgage down payment reductions. As of 2010, China's real estate market is the largest in the world,
comprising about 20% of the Economy of China; the Chinese property bubble was a real estate bubble in
residential and/or commercial real estate in China. The phenomenon has seen average housing prices in the
country triple from 2005 to 2009 driven by both government policies and Chinese cultural
attitudes. Tianjin High price-to-income and price-to-rent ratios for property and the high number of
unoccupied residential and commercial units have been held up as evidence of a bubble. Critics of the
bubble theory point to China's conservative mortgage lending standards and trends of
increasing urbanization and rising incomes as proof that property prices can remain supported; the Growth
of the housing bubble ended in late 2011 when housing prices began to fall, following policies responding to
complaints that members of the middle-class were unable to afford homes in large cities.
The deflation of the property bubble is seen as one of the primary causes for China's declining economic
growth in 2012.2011 estimates by property analysts state that there are some 64 million empty properties
and apartments in China and that housing development in China is massively oversupplied and overvalued,
is a bubble waiting to burst with serious consequences in the future. The BBC cites Ordos in Inner
Mongolia as the largest ghost town in China, full of empty shopping malls and apartment complexes. A
large, uninhabited urban real estate development has been constructed 25 km from Dongsheng District in
the Kangbashi New Area. Intended to house a million people, it remains uninhabited. Intended to have
300,000 residents by 2010, government figures stated it had 28,000. In Beijing, after 2001, residential rent
prices have increased by 32%. However, while the overall inflation rate in China has just risen by 16% at the
same time. To avoid sinking into the economic downturn, in 2008, the Chinese government altered China's
monetary policy from a conservative stance to a progressive attitude by means of increasing the money
supply and relaxing credit conditions.

16
Under such circumstances, the main concern is whether this expansionary monetary policy has acted to
simulate the property bubble. Land supply has a significant impact on house price fluctuations while demand
factors such as user costs and residential mortgage loan have greater influences. Chinese consumers have
become one of the biggest groups of investors in cross-border property. In the US, Chinese buyers invested
$28.6 billion into the residential real estate in 2015, more than any other country. In Australia, Chinese
buyers were approved for AU$32 billion of commercial and residential real estate investment in 2015–16,
the most of any country. Other estimates put Chinese international real estate investment at $33 billion in
commercial and residential property in 2016, up 53% from 2015. Sue Jong, Chief Operating
Officer of Juwai.com, a subsidiary of Juwai IQI said most Chinese buyers are "the average Chinese mom
and pop looking to invest overseas. The large portion is the middle to upper middle class, that's interested in
a good stable investment and may be thinking about emigrating or sending their kids to school there."
As of 2010, China has ordered an end to its welfare housing system. Government agencies continue to pay
less than 20% of market value for real estate, many officials purportedly misappropriate renovation and
housing reform funds for personal gain. Housing in China List of under-occupied developments in
China Nail houseGeneral: Economy of China Chiang, S.. Rising residential rents in Chinese mega cities:
The role of monetary policy. Urban Studies, 53, 3493–3496. Doi:10.1177/0042098015613753 Huang, Y..
Renters' housing behaviors in transitional urban China, Housing Studies, 18, 103–126. Doi:
10.1080/0267303032000076867 "Understanding Residential Real Estate in China" IMF working paper
April 28, 2015 Direct link to PDF file "Understanding Residential Real Estate in China" IMF working paper
April 28, 2015

17