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Ques 1 :- “In short, the end of ideology thesis and its contemporary version are designed
to project the supremacy of liberal – democratic system in theory as well as in practice”.
Comment.
The term ‘ideology’ is one of the few political terms that has been deeply debated leading
to a wide spectrum of understandings of its nature and significance. According to David
Mclellan, ideology is the most elusive concept in the whole of social sciences. Although
ideology emerged first in the industrializing west, it has subsequently appeared throughout
the globe, creating a worldwide language of political discourse. The character of ideology
is shaped by historical forces from which it emerges and is fashioned by the socio- economic
needs it serves. Therefore, ideology has come to be an indispensable and ineradicable
feature of the human condition. However, few political thinkers have proclaimed the
ideology has been, or should be, brought to an end.
The ‘end of ideology’ thesis, proposed by Daniel Bell (1960) was based on the fact that
post- World War II politics in the West was characterized by broad agreement amongst
major political streams and the absence of ideological division or debate. It was evident
from the fact that Fascism and Communism had both lost their appeal while the remaining
streams concurrently arrived at delivering economy growth and material prosperity. Thus
economics had triumphed over politics resulting into the suspension of ideological debate
and thus its relevance. In this context, Daniel Bell argued that the political ideology has
come to an end.
However, critics argue that the process to which Bell drew attention was not the ‘end of
ideology’. They held that in the immediate post war period, representatives of the three
major western ideologies- liberalism, socialism and conservatism – come to accept the
common goal of managed capitalism, which was itself ideological as it reflected enduring
belief in the market economics, private property and social welfare. In effect, an ideology
of ‘welfare capitalism’ or ‘social democracy’ had triumphed over its ideological rivals. In
addition, 1960s witnessed the rise of more radical left ideas, a revival of interest in Marxism
and growth of modern ideologies such as feminism and ecologism. The critics of the ‘end
of ideology’ thesis argues that it is nothing but a subtle defence of the western vahes.
Alasdair MacIntyre held that end of ideology is itself an ideology. Others agree that the
thesis ignored the fact that in the 1950s & 1960s, communism feminized firstly entrenched
in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe, China and that revolutionary political movements
were operating in Asia, Africa and parts of Latin America. Thus it was inferred that the
‘end of ideology’ thesis focused attention exclusively on the developments in the
industrialized west and was, thus, biased. This biasness was criticized by some scholars,

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like C. Wright Mills, on the ground that it is wrong to think that western societies have
established the equilibrium between the rich and the poor.
However, as compared to ‘end of ideology’ thesis, a broader prospective was adopted by
Francis Fukuyama in his essay ‘End of History’ (1989). Unlike Bell, Fukuyama did not
suggest that political ideas has become irrelevant. On the contrary, he argued that one
particular set of ideas, western liberalism had triumphed over its rivals. His argument is
based on the fact that defeat of fascism in 1945 and collapse of communist rule in Eastern
Europe in 1989 has marked the passing of these ideologies of world significance. Thus, by
the ‘end of history’, he meant that history of ideas had ended and with it, fundamental
ideological debate. He argued that there is an emerging agreement about the desirability
of liberal democracy characterized by market economy and an open competitive political
system.
However critics argue that although Eastern Europe revolution (1989-91) and dramatic
reform of surviving communist regimes such as China have altered the worldwide balance
of ideological debate, it can’t be claimed that the process warrants to ‘end of history’. While
liberal democracy have made impressive progress during the 20 th century, it has received
challenge from the revival of religious fundamentalism, multilateralism and communitarian
ideologies. Thus, if can be arranged that contrary to the claim of ‘end of history’,
ideological conflict & debate are unlike to have ordered with the ultimate worldwide
triumph of liberalism.

Ques-2:- Why have post- modernists proclaimed the death of meta- narratives? Explain
knowledge – power connection with reference to the views of Foucault.
• According to Nigel Blake, post – modernism is an intellectual formation which offers
the erect radical challenge to a wide variety of settled assumption concerning society
culture and question concerning knowledge & truth.
• Post – modernism is a controversial term that was first used to describe experimental
movements in western arts, architecture & culture development as a reaction to
modernism, with its major objective to deconstruct texts to expose the underlying
‘power – knowledge’ relationship.
• Modernism, the cultural form of modernity, is characterized by ‘foundationalism’
(i.e., there are certain fundamental principle which can be understood) and

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‘universalism’ (i.e., belief that it is possible to establish objective truths & universal
values).
• Post – modernism is a movement distinguished by its skepticism towards the grand
claims and grand claims and grand theory of the contemporary there. It is essentially
defined as a rejection and radical alternative to modernism. Post – modernism is
basically ‘anti – fundamentalist’ and ‘anti – essentialist’.
• In contrast to the nation of meta - narratives, post- modernists argue that there is a
no single truth ideology or a single meaning or definition and claim that all
worldviews have an equal claim to the truth. In this sense, post – modernism is
characterized as a shifting and differential cultural site of social struggles rather
than a settled or stable set of doctrine.
• The central theme of post – modernism was given by Jean-Francois Lyotard, in his
work ‘The Post – modernism Condition’ as incredulity towards meta-narrative.
Lyotard rejects the totalizing tendencies of meta – narrative and emphasized the
importance of multiple modern cultures and a relativism of knowledge. He suggests
to focus on diversity, pluralism, local contents and multiple points of view.
• According to post modernists, requirement is the preservation of differences &
diversity, toleration for ambiguities and at the same time, a resistance to the forced
unity. In this context, deconstruction, discourse & socialism forms the central
concept of a postmodern thinking.
Post- modern perspective on power:
Michael Foucault, a postmodern scholar, has challenged the conventional
understanding of power as exploitation or domination and proposes, what he calls as
‘disciplinary power’. According to him, power is not limited to any particular institution
rather ‘power is every where’ and is dispersed throughout the society in the form of
network of capillaries.
Thus Foucault proposes an alternative model in which power relations dissipate
through all relational structure of the society. Moreover, he argues that power produces
discipline through the methods of punishment & reward, which is intended to assure the
cohesion of the social body.
Knowledge – Power relationship:

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• Michael Foucault has established a link or connection between knowledge

(discourse) and power. In this respect he was influenced by Nietzsche and
understand that will to truth and knowledge is indissociable from all to power.
In his view, knowledge is forever connected to power and he often referred to as
‘power/knowledge’
• Foucault held that every production of knowledge serves the interest of power.
The dominant discourse shapes the universe of power. According to him, there is
no knowledge without power and no power can be exercised without knowledge
(discourse).
• According to Foucault, the discourse which gets the support of majority because
the dominant discourse or ‘regime of truth’. He has analysed institutions which
primarily deals with disciplinary activities such as school, asylum, prison etc.
For instance, to determine what is normal & abnormal, it is the knowledge of
doctor s, psychiatrists etc that work. Similarly, he also suggested that power is a
function of knowledge. Patient accepts the power of a doctor represents the
knowledge of medicine.
• Therefore according to Foucault rather than to study power and knowledge
separately one needs to analyse the connections between power & knowledge to
find out why a certain ‘regime of truth’ has become acceptable at a given
historical moment.
• However, Habermas in ‘The Philosophical Discourse of Modernity’ has
criticized Foucault’s ‘theory of power’ as over – generalizing. He held that
Foucault’s conception situates truth or knowledge and power in a peculiar,
mutually affecting relationship that Habermas finds both ambiguous and
problematic. Habermas also held that knowledge and power have a correlation
and not a causal relationship as projected by Foucault.
Ques 3:- Briefly examine the radical feminist perspective on ‘sex – gender’
relationship.
Are the difference within feminism greater than similarities? Give arguments in
support of your view.
• Until the 1960s, question of ‘gender divisions’ was rarely considered to be politically
relevant. The different social, economic and political roles of man & women were

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attributed to be natural & inevitable, owing to the biological division of sex. In

concrete terms, the social subordinate of women was biologically defined.
• However with the emergence of radical feminism (2 nd wave of feminism during
1960s), feminists have challenged the idea that biology is destiny, by drawing a
sharp distinction between ‘sex’ and ‘gender’. They argue that the social
subordination of women is ‘cultural’ rather than ‘biological’. Gender difference in
society were regarded for the first time as important in themselves. While liberal &
socialist feminism threw light on the position of women in society, but neither
acknowledged that ‘gender’ is the most fundamental of all social divisions.
• The central argument of radical feminists is that sexual oppression is the most
fundamental feature of society & that other forms of injustice – class exploitation,
radical hatred etc are merely secondary. Gender is thought to be the ‘deepest social
cleavage’ and most politically significant. Radical feminists have therefore insisted
that society be understood as ‘patriarchal’ to highlight the central role of ‘sex
oppression’.
• Radical feminists make a distinction between ‘sex’ (a biological term to highlight
difference between male & female) and ‘gender’ (a cultural term). Gender difference
are typically imposed through contrasting notion of salinity and femininity. In this
context Simon de Beauvoir, in his book “THE SECOND SEX” pointed out that
women are not born but made , because women as a gender is an identity imposed
by the society. Society does not give opportunity to the person to determine his/her
gender.
• Therefore, for radical feminists, gender is the basis on which the system of patriarchy
is built, which is a system of politico-cultural oppression. Thus, female liberation
requires a sexual revolution in which these structures are overthrown and replaced.
Simon de Beauvoir suggests women to come out of the comfort of patriarchy and to
work with men together to end patriarchy.
• Feminism as an ideology is linked to the women’s movement and the attempt to
advance the social role of women. However feminism has also been characterized
by diversity of views and political positions and is thus divided into different schools
such as Liberal, Social, Radical, Postmodern etc. Although united by a common
desire to advance the role of women, feminists disagree about how this is to be
achieved.

• LIBERAL FEMINISM:

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The philosophical basis of liberal feminism lies in the principle of individualism that is, all
individuals are entitled to equal treatment regardless of their sex, race, culture etc.
According to Mary Wollstonecraft’s “VIDICATION OF RIGHTS OF WOMEN” right of
women should be entitled to the same rights and privileges as men on the ground that they
are human beings. Harriet Taylor along with JS Mill, argued that society should be
organized on the basis of reason and that ‘accidents of birth’ such as sex should be
irrelevant.
• However radical feminists have drawn attention to the limitations of liberal feminism
and its idea of individualism as the basis for gender politics –
(A) Individualistic perspective ignores the fact that women are subordinated not
as individuals but as sex.
(B) The stress in individualism upon ‘personhood’ make it difficult for women to
act collectively on the basis of their common gender identity.
(C) On the ground of politicization of private sphere, liberal feminists challenge
the notion of ‘personal as political’.

• SOCIALIST FEMINISM
They argue that the relationship between sex is routed in the social and the economic
structure. In contrast to liberal feminists, they argue that equal political rights are
meaningless unless women enjoy equal, social, and economic equality. They
consider partially as working in coalition with capitalism in maintaining gender
subordination and class inequality. According to socialist feminism, women
constitute a ‘reserve army of labor’ and that their confinement to domestic sphere of
housework and motherhood serves the economic interest of capitalism and also leads
to their subordination.

• RADICAL FEMINISM:
The central feature of radical feminism is the belief that sexual oppression is the
most fundamental feature of society and other forms of injustice such as class
exploitation etc. are secondary. According to them, gender is the deepest social
cleavage and the most politically significant. In “SEXUAL POLITICS” Millet
describes Patriarchy as a ‘social constraint’ running through all political, social,
and economic structures.
Radical feminists assert that women’s liberation requires a revolutionary change by
abolishing the gender differences between men and women. They argue that to

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liberal women institution of family have to be destroyed and psychological and

sexual oppression operation at all levels have to be overthrown.

• POST –MODERN FEMINISM:

They reject the notion of a fixed female identify and called it a fiction. However, in
calling the male/female divide into question, postmodern feminism comprises the
very idea of women’s movement.

Ques 4. ‘Political theory is a theory of disinterested search for the principles of good state
and good society on the one hand and a disinterested search for knowledge of political
and social reality on the other’-(Andrew Hacker).Elaborate.
• Political theory implies an intellectual effort to attain a systematic knowledge about
the means and ends of political action. It is set of specified concepts that focus to
describe, explain and predict political processes, events, and institutions.
• The uniqueness that distinguishes political theory from other disciplines, lies in the
fact that it does not find itself confined within a defined framework and has been
interdisciplinary in nature and scope. In this context, Andrew Hacker in his work
“POLITICAL THEORY: PHILOSOPHY IDEOLOGY AND SCIENCE (1961)”,
points to the dual nature of political theory. According to him, every political theorist
has a dual role of a scientist as well as of a philosopher. He argues that no theorist
can make a lasting contribution to human knowledge about politics unless combining
the dual roles.
• According to Hacker, in the realm of science, political theory uses the empirical
approach to describe and explain the realities of political behavior. Its purpose is to
obtain reliable knowledge about facts and give explanation about political events.
Behavioral approach given by Robert Dahl, exemplifies the scientific approach to
the study of politics.
• As a political philosophy, a theorist is concerned with the normative values to
prescribe the goals which citizens, state and society ought to pursue. In other words,
it attempts to generalize about right conduct in political life. Thus political theory,
as a philosophy, deals with the needs, objective and goals of political sphere.
• However Hacker particularly emphasizes on the need to distinguish political theory
from ideology. According to him, a theory whether it takes the character of science

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or philosophy must be dispassionate and disinterested. He argues that when a

theorist has no personal interest in any political arrangements, his vision of reality
and his image of good life will not be clouded. On the contrary to a theorist, an
ideologue is an interested party with an intention either to defend the things as they
are or to criticize the status quo in the hope that the new distribution of power will
come into being. In a nut shell, all ideologies are based towards partisan ends. When
theory is clouded by ideology it is banned to be distorted which could obstruct the
search for truth.
For example: Political philosophy, a disinterested search for the principles of good
state and society, is reduced to a rationalization of current or future, social and
political arrangements.

• Thus, in concrete terms, for Hacker scholarly detachment or disinterested search in

the keynote of political theory in real sense of the term. In the same line, D. Germino
argues that political theory is a critical examination of the principles of the desired
order of human social existence. He held that political theory is not an ideology,
which accepts some principles to be true without required inquiry into their validity.

Ques 5. Discuss the relevance of behavioral approach. Explicate the difference between
behavioral and post – behavioral approaches. Do you think post-behaviouralism makes
a decisive break from behaviouralism?
• During the 1950s, the exponents of new political science, such as David Easton,
began to question the continued relevance of the traditional normative approach to
polities. David Easton, in his book ‘Political System: An inquiry into the state of
political science (1953)’, has argued that while economics and sociologist have
produce a systematic study of human behavior in their sphere, political scientists, on
the other hand, has lagged behind.
• According to Easton, the study of politics, by employing traditional normative
approaches, has divorced it from the contemporary issues such as fascism prevailing
in the society. He argued that it was inextricably associated with notions of values
and general principles. In this context, Easton held that political theory was,
therefore, on decline and backed contemporary relevance because values, principles
and history cannot be the sole determinants of political theory. Moreover, being a

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‘valve – laden’ approach, the study of politics become ‘biased’ in favor of certain
values.
• Thus Easton called for building up a behavioral political science, closes to other
social sciences, to make the subject matter more relevant and authentic. In order to
make the study of political science more scientific, he advised to shift the focus of
study from values to the study of political behavior, processes & system.
• Behaviouralism promoted ‘valve – free’ & empirical study of political science to take
its due place in the decision making process. It emphasized on the study of human
behavior as voters, revolutionaries, leaders etc to construct an explanatory &
descriptive political theory. According to Lipson, the behavioral approach study’
what men do, seeking to explain why they do’.
• However, in an attempt to revive the importance of political science in decision
making process, behavioral approach resulted into a ‘mad raze for scienticism’ and
as such, led to estrangement of political science from the social issues. David Easton
criticized that due to over – emphasis on empirical method, politics science looked
more of a discipline of mathematics rather than social science. By placing over –
emphasis on study of human behavior and over looking importance of values, ideas
and philosophy, study of politics lost its ability to evaluate & prescribe rule of
conduct.
For e.g. when democratic political system is explained in terms of number of voters,
question whether the electoral system is conductive to the spirit of democracy is
neglected.
• It is in this context, David Easton launched ‘post-behavioral’ revolution to convert
political science from a ‘pure science’ to ‘applied science’. He held that unlike
natural scientists, social scientists have biggest responsibility as they are not only
concerned with ‘what is’ but should also suggest ‘what should be’.
• While behaviouralism started as a methodological revolution to address the decline
of traditionalism (value – laden approach), it also impacted the substantive or
objective area of the political science as a discipline. To make the object matter more
relevant and to enhance the authenticity of the subject, behaviouralism called for
‘sensitization’ of political science by shifting the faces of the study from values to
processes, behavior and systemized mainly emphasized on scientific , objective and
value – free study of political phenomenon. In the work of Leslie Lipson, the
behaviouralism records the details of what men do, seeking to explain why they do.

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However, while the behaviouralist approach received criticism for what David
Easton called ‘mad raze of scienticism’. It has led to estrangement of the study of
political science from the social issues, resulting in its transformation to a ‘status-
quoist’ approach. In this context, post – behaviouralism emerged as a reform
movement within behaviouralism, and was based on the synthesis between the two
contending approach of traditionalism and behaviouralism. David Easton, while
arguing for a reform within behaviouralism in the form of post – behaviouralism,
introduced certain features, of what he calls as ‘credo of relevance’-
I. Priority of substance over technique.
II. Emphasis on social change and not social preservation.
III. Value – added approach.
IV. Research combined with reality.
V. Protection of human values of civilization.
VI. Need for action instead of contemplative science.
VII. Importance of intellectuals in society.
Considering these features as its central theme, post – behaviouralism is characterized by
these main features –
1. Synthesis if normative – empirical approach:-
According to David Easton, responsibility of social scientists is bigger than that of
natural scientists in the sense that they are expected to provide answers to both the
question of ‘what is’ and ‘what should be’. Towards this and post – behaviouralism
interlinked the two contrasting approach of normative (value – laden) and empirical
(value – neutral). This synthesis produces the dual result of authenticity and
relevance (what Easton called as Credo of Relevance).
2. Theory of Relevance and action combined:-
Post – behaviouralism is characterized by its advocacy for the two guiding goals of
relevance and action. The goal of relevance is achieved by giving primary to social
realities with an aim to promote social change. On the other hand action meant the
responsibility of political scientists to act in the political process. In concrete terms,
the post – behaviouralism accepted the responsibility of getting involved in the
process of social change aimed at the betterment of the society. In this context, David
Easton has argued that to know is to bear the responsibility for acting and to act is
to engage in reshaping society.
3. Future – oriented theory:-

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Unlike behaviouralism, which was considered to be a ‘subtle defence of status quo’,

post – behaviouralism is a future oriented approach. In the words of Easton, it does
not seeks to return to some golden age of political research, it seeks rather to probe
political science in a new direction with an aim to chalk at a scheme for the future.
4. Substance – centered approach:-
Post – behaviouralism emphasized that in political research, according to Easton,
substance must precede technique. It is more important to be relevant and
meaningful for contemporary urgent problems than to be ……. in the tools of
investigation. In the words of Easton, unlike science which considers that it is better
to be wrong than vague, post – behaviouralism substitute a new dicturn that it is
better to be vogue than non- relevantly precise.
5. Intellectual Movement:-
According to Easton, the primary historical role or delegation of intellectuals is to
protect the human values of civilization. In case of failure to do so, they will be act
par with technician and mechanics. Thus it is role of post- behaviouralism as a
movement to awaken the intellectuals to their unique historical obligation.
Ques 6. ‘Socialism proves to be a different creed in the hands of its exponents varying
with the temperament of its advocates and the nature of abuses which have prompted
their advocacy’- C.E.M. Joad Elucidate.
• Literally the term ‘socialist’ derives from the latin ‘sociare’, meaning ‘to combine
or to hare’. However the term ‘socialism’ has been variously understood and defined
by various thinkers & schools of thought. Thus it is difficult to define socialism
because there are many variety of socialism – country specific and person specific
models. It is in this context, C.E.M. Joad, in his ‘Introduction to Modern Political
Theory’ has significantly observed that ‘socialism is like a ‘hat’ that has lost its
shape because everyone wears it’.
• The difficulty in analyzing socialism is that the term has been understood in at least
three distinctive ways –
I. Socialism is seen as an economic model, usually linked to some form of
collectivization & planning. Socialism in this sense, stands as an alternative
to capitalism and the attempt to provide a more humane & socially
worthwhile alternative.
II. The second approach treats socialism as an instrument of the labour
movement. In this view, it represents the interests of the working class and

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offers a program through which the workers can acquire political or

economic power.
III. Socialism is understood in the third and broader sense as a political creed or
ideology, characterized by a particular cluster of ideas & values, which
distinguishes it from other ideologies such as fascism, liberalism & Marxism.
In this context, it is argued that through it is like a ‘hat’ that has lost its shape,
but still one can recognize the ‘hat’.
Basic Idea of Socialism:-
I. Human Nature:- No man is an island entire of itself, every man is a piece of the
continent. Thus socialism offers a unifying vision of human beings as social
creatures, tied to one another by the bonds of common humanity.
II. Society / Community:- Society is prior to man because man is social by nature.
III. Cooperative:- If human being are social animals, socialist believe that the natural
relationship among them is that of ‘cooperation’ and not ‘competition’.
IV. Equality:- A commitment to equality is in many respects the most defining feature of
socialism. Socialists rejects ‘equality before law’ and ‘equality of opportunity’ as
having no significance in absence of socio – economic equality. Thus they prefer
‘equality of outcome’ as substantive form of equality.
V. Rights:- Since right are given to individuals as a protection against the state and
society, socialists rejects it as a ‘bourgeoisie concept’. However, in the
contemporary times, socialists accept social and economic rights.
VI. State:- There is no consensus among socialists on the institution of state. While some
favours it, other rejects it.
VII. Common Ownership:- Socialists have traced the origins of ‘competition’ and
‘inequality’ o the institution of ‘private property’. This attitude to property sets
socialism apart from liberalism & conservatism, which both regard property
ownership as natural & proper. On the contrary to it, socialism prefers ‘common
ownership’.

Ques 7. ‘Fascism, when closely examined, proves to be nothing more than an ill –
assorted rag-bag where in all kind of remnants from the most diverse, philosophers seek
as best they may to find a place – Laski. Critically examined the statement.

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• Fascism, according to Payne, is the vaguest of contemporary political terms as the

word itself has no implicit political references. It is not regarded as an ideology,
rather a propaganda or a movement.
• Fascism is considered to be an ill assorted hotchpotch of ideas because there is no
single verifying idea that guided the fascist movement. It lacks a rational and
coherent core idea to be described or categorized as an ideology. Hitler preferred
to describe his ideas as ‘weltanschauung’ (world view) rather than a systematic
ideology. In this sense, a world-view is a complete, almost religious, set of attitudes
that demand faith and commitment, rather than reasoned analysis & debate. Fascists
were drawn less to ideas & theories because they had the capacity to stimulate
political activism. Thus, fascism is a complex incoherent doctrine or a political
movement that emerged from heterogeneous sources and socio-political traditions,
only to evolve an instrument of mass appeal & mass mobilization for the attainment
of specific political goals.
• However, despite being an incoherent philosophy or a resolutely shapeless doctrine,
it is possible to identify a collection of themes that, when taken together, constitute
fascisms structural case –
I. Anti-rationalism:-
It constitute the fundamental idea of the fascist world view. Fascism suggests to
abandon reason and rational thinking by proclaiming that human being are
motivated by their powerful emotions & will rather than the rational mind. It
facilitated the indiscriminate use of myths as mass propaganda by the proponents of
fascism.
II. Totalitarianism:-
Fascism is characterized by a totalitarian organization of government and society
by a single – party dictatorship. A fascist state seeks total power through
politicization of every aspect of social and personal existence. The totalitarian
element of fascist state is based on the belief that human existence is only meaningful
if determined by community and thus, state is recognized as ‘universal ethical will’.
In this context, Mussolini proclaimed ‘Everything for the state, nothing against or
outside the state. Thus, fascist state can make any demand give any order and require
absolute and all – encompassing obligation without any opposition.
III. Elitism:-
Fascism, unlike conventional political philosophy, radically rejects ‘equality’ and is
deeply elitist and patriarchal. It is based on the ideas that people are essentially

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different in their mental make-up, physical strength & spiritual or natural

endowments. Fascist notion of elitist is based on Nietzsche’s idea of ‘over-man’ or
‘superman’ which refers to a supremely gifted individuals.
IV. Militarist:-
The mass mobilization of fascism is based on the problem of militarization of politics.
As military – organizations are based on unity of command, order and perfect
subordination of rank to higher command, a party militia in fascism is used to
reinforce the sense of nationalism & wipe out opposition. The extreme stress on
male-dominance & exaltation of youth in a fascist state is also related to military
component.

V. Ultra Nationalism & Imperialism:-

• Fascism embraces an extreme version of a tradition of chauvinistic and expansionist
nationalism. This tradition regarded notions not as equal & interdependent entities,
but as natural rivals in struggle for distinctive culture or national traditions, but
asserted the superiority of one nation over all others.
• Influenced by social Darwinism (several of the fittest) and national superiority,
fascist nationalism because inextricably linked to imperialism & militarism, because
fascism asserted that national superiority over other can be established only through
expansionism, war & conquest.

Ques 8. Explain the difference between textual and contextual approach to the
interpretation of texts. Originally examine the relevance of contextualist approach.
• While both textual and contextual analysis are approaches for interpretation of texts,
they are on opposite ends of the spectrum of analysis and entail entirely different
approaches.
• Textual approach is the literal interpretation of the text by taking the word and
understanding them exactly as they are stated. There is an emphasis on analyzing
the style of the text, word used and the way in which the speaker / author delivers the
message. In other words, the textual approach to interpretation of texts is used to dig
deep into the literal text and better understand what is being meaning of the text does
not change.

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PSIR Test 05 Model Answers

• Contextual approach, on the other hand , focuses on the context or environment in

which text was written looking at it as a part of a bigger picture, not just on texts.
According to this approach in order to understand and analyze a particular text, one
must take into account the environment in which it was written, author’s background,
time period in which it was written. This is necessary to help construct the bigger
picture in which a particular piece was written. Therefore, a text cannot be fully
understood if the context of the author and the reader is not taken into consideration.
For e.g. The question why Hobbes justified absolute authority of the fate (Leviathan)
cannot be answered without understanding the situation of this time.
Therefore, when textually interpreting, me simply questions the contents of text to
find at information such as order, time, message. The author intends to get across
and the objective. On the other side, when contextually interpreting, one question
the ‘contextual’ or ‘historic’ aspects of the work to fully comprehend the meaning.
• The context approach is the revival of historical approach, which was assumed to be
on decline because of the behaviorist movement, has been revived in the form of
contextual approach taking as it involves comprehending meaning through taking
into consideration the environment or historical aspects of the work. It focuses on
the contextual or historical aspects of the work such as the time period in which a
rhetoric piece was created, what society was like when the piece was created and
why it is necessary to understand the right context.
For e.g. The right context of Locke can help us to understand that his advocacy of
Right to Property was for the protection of religious dissenters.

Jacques Derrida, a post-modern thinker, also supports the contextual approach. He

has proposed ‘deconstruction’ as an approach to understand meaning. According to
him, a particular text can have multiple meaning. It is also not possible that the other
person receives exactly what is being communicated. Hence, there can be multiple
interpretation of the text.

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