9A

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PSIR Test 09 Model Answers
1. ‘Political coalitions, being compulsions of power sharing and political

accommodations need to be seen as emergence of new level of political
consciousness and maturity’. Critically examine.
• In political terms, ‘coalition’ denotes any alliance or temporary union of political
forces in order to achieve political power. Coalition is a direct descendant of the
exigencies of a multi-party system in a parliamentary democratic set-up. It is a
phenomenon of a multi-party parliamentary system, which comes into existence
when no single party gains sufficient mandate to form the government.
• In the wake of changing political scenario, post-congress dominance system of a
single party gave way to political plurality. Strengthening of social fragmentation,
on the basis of identity and sub-identity politics, led to the emergence of multiple of
multiple political parties for the representation of social identities & interests of
diverse social groups. In this way, fragmentation of society led to the acceleration
of the process of fragmentation & multiplication of political parties or
‘mushrooming’ of political parties in the Indian political context. As a logical
corollary, various new political identities began to thrive mainly on regional
consciousness. Such regional consciousness differs from state to state and the
coalition system is the only political arrangement that could comfortably
accommodate such diverse regional political parties.
• In the Indian context, the clear emphasis of coalitions since the nineties has been on
the territorial compatibility & political convenience at the expense of ideological in
compatibility. The coalitions have been driven by the imperative to aggregate votes
to win elections and not by ideological or programmatic cleavages. Thus, parties’
compromises to win elections & form governments. In this context, the Indian case
of coalition has been referred to as ‘Rainbow coalition’ which represents the
paradigm of ‘catch all parties’.
• However, coalition politics of India’s political parties, based on ideological in
cohesiveness and compromise to form government has enabled a greater variety of
regional & ethnic parties to gain a share of power, leading to ‘broad-basing
democracy’ & ‘ethnification’ of parties. As the ethnic & regional parties play a key
role in formation & survival of coalitions, they have been able to promote their ethnic
interests in the way of compromise.
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• In this context, Prof. Yogendra Yadav explains the rise of regional parties and the
decline of congress through the concept of ‘Democratic Upsurge’. Thus, it is a
natural process of the deepening of democracy in India. Therefore, coalition makes
democracy more representative, deliberative, accommodative and provide
democratic route for realization of diverse interests.
• Thus, from the voter’s perspective, political coalition needs to be seen as emergence
of a new level of political consciousness and maturity of judgement. Instead of
treating coalitions as a path towards political instability they have to be seen as a
sign of electorates’ dissatisfaction with the dominant role of one single party,
unrepresentative of their interests. It is a symbol of the voters’ maturity as they prefer
political accommodation & power-sharing on the part of political parties, instead of
rigid postures and single party dominance neglecting heterogenous nature of Indian
society.
2. What are the long-term and short-term determinants of voting behaviour in India?
Discern the trend in electoral behaviour in India on the basis of assembly elections
in Chhattisgarh, MP, Rajasthan and Mizoram.
• Electoral behaviour studies have been the major area of research & study among
the behavioural political scientists. One of the earliest works in the electoral
behaviour in India is by David Butler, in the study titled ‘India Decides’ where he
has shown that voters in India have voted quite sensibly. Prof. M.P. Singh gives the
credit of success of India’s democracy to the extra-ordinary common sense reflected
by the ordinary voters in India.
• However, a/q to Milan Vaishnav, it is extremely difficult task to study voting
behaviour of Indian voters because of the size and diversity. In this line, Kenneth
Arrow has given ‘Impossibility Theorem’, which suggests that it is difficult to
determine the preferences when voters have more than 3 choices
Assessment of electoral behaviour in India
a/q to Milan Vaishnav, although consensus is fleeting when it comes to the study of
any country as large and complex as India, collective understanding of scholars on
the Indian voters has led to 5 important propositions on Indians’ voting behaviour –
i. There is a belief that, in India, ‘good economics doesn’t make for good
politics’. On the contrary, the success of Indian politicians depends on how
voters evaluate them on issues of a parochial nature – be it caste, religion,
patronage etc. unlike in many advanced democracies like USA, larger
economic considerations aren’t thought to be at the top of voter’s minds on
election day in India.
ii. There has been much discussion of regional parties’ increasing influence in
Indian politics. But there is a surprising degree of stability between national
& regional parties.
iii. Dynastic politics mayn’t be popular, but dynastic politicians are. At least
one in five members of parliament elected in 2014 come from a political
family.
iv. Indian voters have a long history of electing politicians who are the subject
of ongoing criminal cases. Across all levels, from local to national politics,
significant number of politicians with criminal background have thrived in
elections.
v. Indian voter values identity-based considerations when encountering
politics. Thus, it is said that Indian voters do not so much cast their vote as
vote their caste. Identity is also thought to shape the strategies that politicians
use when seeking votes during their campaigns and the policies they pursue
while in office.
Assessment of electoral behaviour on the basis of recent Assembly elections (based on
outlook-Lokniti- CSDS analysis)
• Out of 5 states, 4 states (Chhattisgarh, M.P, Rajasthan and Mizoram) saw their
incumbent state governments being voted out, on the contrary, in Telangana, the
citizens had voted back the ruling party with an even greater majority.
• These results reflected 3 important trends –
i. The public perception of whether a government has delivered on key issues
of governance does matter in deciding the electoral verdict.
A crucial factor in the defeat of the BJP governments in Chhattisgarh, MP
and Rajasthan was the high levels of dissatisfaction of the voters primarily
with the state government. On the other hand, Telangana government was
rated quite positively in terms of performance.
ii. A supplementary factor is the ‘cycle of anti-incumbency’, over time, caught
up with the ruling governments as evident in MP and Chhattisgarh where
BJP was completing its third term in office.
iii. While central and State governments are often elected as per distinctly
different mandates the ‘context’ of each election has invariably, factors of
both national importance as well as specific local/regional sentiments at
play.
For e.g.- A little higher level of satisfaction in Rajasthan with the Central
government (as compared to MP) was able to reduce the margin of defeat of
BJP in Rajasthan, given the high level of dissatisfaction with the state
government of Rajasthan.
• In the three states of North India (Chhattisgarh, MP, Rajasthan), poor and the
economically marginalised favoured the congress more than the BJP. In Rajasthan
& Chhattisgarh, the congress secured 2-4% votes more than BJP, while in MP, this
gap stood at 4%.
• The ruling BJP saw a sharp decline in the support it enjoyed among Dalits & tribal
in the three states of North India where it was voted out.
Among tribal voters, the BJP was 14% ahead of the congress in the 2014 Lok Sabha
polls, but the recent Assembly elections, the BJP has fallen behind the congress by
10%.
• ‘Rural distress’ appeared to be a critical factor in the three states of North India that
went to the polls. In Rajasthan and Chhattisgarh, the congress secured a higher
percentage of the farmers’ vote on as compared to the BJP.
However, despite playing a critical role, agricultural distress wasn’t a decisive issue
in the elections. A/q to Lokniti survey, farmers were found divided on the class lines
when it came to their voting on the class lines when it came to their voting
preferences more landed farmers voted BJP (40%) and more landless farmers voted
congress (45%).
• A/q to Milan Vaishnav, apart from rural votes, the congress also decisively won
urban voters usually dedicated to the BJP.
For e.g.- congress won 75% of seat in both categories- rural & urban- in
Chhattisgarh.
3. ‘Beneath the veneer of modern and developing super power, India remains a
republic of caste’ – Anand Teltumbde. In the light of above statement, discuss the
nature of interaction between caste and democratic politics in India.
• In a diverse society like India, which is seen as the complete grid of caste, ethnicity,
religion etc, the inter-relationship between social and political structure in the form
of identity politics has been a common phenomenon. In the Indian context,
Christophe Jaffrelot calls ‘caste’ as the mosaic of Indian politics. It is said that in
India people do not cast their votes, rather vote their castes. A/q to M.N. Srinivas,
caste is present among Indians seen at the sub-conscious level.
• Due to the increasing significance of ‘politics of number’, there is an increasing
trend of identity politics in general and caste politics in particular. In order to
galvanize support or popular base, political parties mobilize people on the basis of
caste lines. Thus, caste structure provides on the principle organizational cluster
used by political parties for articulation of support.
• Caste & religion have been the two most influential means of political mobilization
in India. Caste plays a significant role in influencing the functional structure of
Indian politics and is a predominant consideration that influences political
behaviour. Jaffrelot calls ‘caste’ as the mosaic of Indian politics. Different political
parties pay significant attention to caste factor, to shape their strategies to attract
voters. While nominating party candidates, they take into account the ‘caste
arithmetic’ i.e. the numerical presence of a specific caste group in a particular
constituency and the probability of votes the standing or selected caste candidate
can get. In this context, caste associations play pertinent role in a situation when
they are not affiliated with any political party.
• A/q to Andre Beteille, caste may enter into the political process in a number of ways
–
i. Political parties and candidates in elections make appeals to caste sentiment
to muster support. Some political parties are known to favour some castes
and are seen as their representatives such as BSP for Dalits etc.
ii. Networks of interpersonal relations are activated both during elections and
at other times for mobilizing support along caste-lines.
iii. Caste associations seek to articulate caste interests in an organised manner.
Positive role of caste in Indian politics
• A/q to Rajni Kothari, caste has been a positive force for the Indian democracy as it
has resulted into the mobilisation of neglected sections & their integration into the
democratic politics. The expression of caste differences in politics have given many
disadvantaged communities the space to demand their share of power. In this sense,
caste politics has helped people from Dalits & OBCs to gain better access to decision
making.
• A/q to Rajni Kothari, there are 3 aspects of interaction between caste & politics in
India –
i. Secularization of caste through political involvement has altered traditionally
maintained rigid features.
ii. Integration dimension, which is important in understanding the structural
impact of democratic nation-building.
iii. Caste politics has strengthened consciousness among the concerned
communities.
• A/q to Rudolph & Rudolph, the role of caste in politics has resulted into
modernization of tradition (i.e. secularization of caste) and traditionalization of
modernity which means democracy acquiring traditional features of caste and
religion. Yogendra Yadav has explained the evolution of democracy and caste
politics in terms of ‘Democratic Upsurge’ in the country. He also interprets the
increasing role of caste in the Indian politics as the natural outcome of deepening of
democracy in India.
Negative Role of Caste
• As in the case of religion, the politics of caste-identity is not very healthy in a
democracy. The exclusive attention to caste can produce negative results as well.
A/q to C.P. Bhambri caste-politics can threaten the unity & integrity of the country
in the long-term. In addition, it can be used to divert attention from other pressing
issues like poverty, development & corruption.
• A/q to Sudha Pai, with the impact of politics, the caste system has been increasingly
experiencing change and the discourse on caste has changed from hierarchy to
difference in the contemporary relationship is characterized by both collaboration
& competition. This is mainly due to the process of secularization of caste that has
led to break up of old socio-political order.
• There is an increased awareness about sub-castes and they are playing a more
important role than earlier.
• Affirmative actions such as reservation has led to the rise of a small but influential
educated middle-class generation of lower castes, who we are demanding a share in
the fruits of development. Thus, there is a greater diversity in the political & socio-
economic position of caste groups, particularly at the lower levels of the caste
system.
4. Do you think globalization has contributed a changing the nature of environment

movement in India? Explain with reference to two case studies from eastern India?
• To quote sociologist Robert Nisleit, ‘It is entirely possible that when the history
of 20th century is finally written the single most important social movement of the
period will be judged to be ‘environmentalism’.
• The environmental movement is a broad generic term which is generally used to
understand different types of social movements and struggles concerned with
ecological security and livelihood issues within the larger context of the
development debate. In the Indian context, there has been no single unified &
homogenous environmental discourse in India. There has been, what
Ramchandra Guha calls, ‘varieties of environmentalism’.
• Unlike in the west, where modern environmentalism was given birth by the
scientists, in India it began through the protest of rural communities, involving
mainly the women, poor & disadvantaged masses who have been directly affected
by environmental degradation. While in the west, environmental movement was
motivated by the desire to keep beautiful nature unpolluted, Indian
environmentalism was derived not by leisure buy by survival. A/q to R.C. Guha,
environmental movements in India is ‘empty-stomach’ environmentalism. A/q to
Sunita Narayan, while western environmentalism is ‘protectionist conservatism,

Indian environmental movement is ‘utilitarian conservatism’.
• Since its origin, the environmental movement in India has passed through three
important stages –
i. Phase I (1947-1970s)
This period was mainly focused on industrialisation aimed at catching up
with developed world. Guha calls this phase as ‘Age of ecological
innocence’.
ii. Phase II (1970s-1990s)
During this phase, the environmental movement emerged in India
accompanied by genesis of environmental journalism in the country. This
phase saw various important environmental movements in India such as
chipko movement (1973). However, during this period, environmentalism
was something of an interloper (nuisance).
iii. Phase III (since 1990s)
The post-1991 economic reforms have deeply affected the environmental
movements during this phase. With the advent of liberalization,
privatisation and globalization, the environmental movement in India
weakened. Government started forming nexus with foreign capitalists in
order to pursue high economic growth in the country. Globalization
started a competition among the governments of the developing countries
to create better investment climate, which even involved relaxing
environmental safety norms. On the other hand, environmental
movements opposing & protesting such policies of governments, were
increasingly treated as being ‘anti-nationalist’ movements.
• While on the one hand, globalization has fastened the possibilities of articulating a
successful movement through its offerings in the form of free flow of ideas, culture,
technology, breadth & propagation of a movement, on the other hand, globalization
has also forced some serious challenges in the form of resistances from the local to
defend cultural & environmental traditions against foreign ideas & their intrusions.
India too has experienced many such movements in various forms of resistances
registered against the forces of globalization. One such case is the movement against
the VEDANTA RESOURCES PLC – a London Stock Exchange (LSE) listed giant
mining company – fought by the tribal (DONGRIA KONDH TRIBE) of NIYAMGIRI
HILLS(ODISHA), an in-situ reserve of metallurgical grade BAUXITE. This was of
importance because the project was conceived in wake of increasing demand of
aluminium in the international market. However, among the major environmental
impacts of bauxite mining are the implications of the disposal of alkaline mud (RED
MUD) and decrease in the forest cover in Niyamgiri hills, which is one of the most
ecologically biodiverse areas of the state.
• When the protests against the mining project reached the Supreme Court, the court
delivered a historic order (2013) by emphasizing on the role of the Gram Sabha as
democratic decision-making forum on issues of individual, community & cultural
rights of tribal & forest dwellers. The court ruled that the clearance to the project
can only be given if the Gram Sabha agree to the mining project.
• However, all 12 villages, selected by the state government, voted against the project.
5. Alleged to be the largest wave of recorded suicides in human, more than a quarter
of a million of farmers committed suicide over the last 16 years. Do you think
suicides have emerged as a major human rights issues in India? Discuss the
measures taken by Government of India to address these urgent issues.
• Farmers’ suicides due to agricultural distress are a tenacious and recurring tragedy
that characterizes the growing plight of the farmers in the country. In recent times,
India has been witnessing a significant increase in the level of agricultural distress,
which is evident in the increasing incidents of farmers’ protests & movements. The
fact that socio-economic conditions of the farmers in India have little changed and
policies such as land reforms have failed to instigate these problems is a cause of
concern.
• Between 1995-2014, more than 3,00,000 farmers-cultivators and agricultural
labourers – have committed suicide in India. This is roughly equivalent to a
staggering figure of one farmer suicide every 30 minutes. A/q to NCRB data on
farmers’ suicide, the farm sector has witnessed around 11,370 suicides in 2016-17.
Centre for Human Rights and Global Justice (2011) estimated that a quarter million
farmers had committed suicide in last 16 years and was the largest wave of recorded
suicide in human history. Therefore, farmers committing suicide has emerged as a
major human rights issue in the country as it is in conflict with the right to life, as
guaranteed by the constitution of India, which imposes an obligation on the part of
the state to safeguard lives they are responsible for. It is a basic and fundamental
requirement, underlying the democratic conscience of the constitution, that all
citizens are protected even from risks which can come from our own states’ of mind
emanating from distress.
• The phenomenon of suicide by farmers is equally worrisome for India because the
majority of the workforce is dependent on agriculture for its livelihood. A/q to data
from the latest census in 2011, about 55% of Indian workers are employed in
agriculture, either as cultivators or as agricultural labourers.
• Suicide by farmers is not entirely a new phenomenon. However, its re-emergence
inspite of innumerable state & central interventions is shocking. NCRB’s 49 th Report
on Accidental Death and suicides in India (2015) underlines that ‘indebtness’ is
found to be the single largest underlying cause behind farmers’ suicide. In addition,
there are other various causes also –
i. Surge in input costs.
ii. Lack of direct integration with the market.
iii. Long term issues such as increasing fragmentation of land, lack of post-
production infrastructure etc.
iv. Striking correlation between climate change (especially rising temperature)
and dropping yield.
Response of the Government
• The M.S Swaminathan Commission had recommended that the MSPs for 23 major
crops be set at 1.5 times the cost of production. Based on this, the Government has
increased the MSPs of 22 kharif and Rabi crops to a minimum of 50% returns over
the cost of production for the year 2018-19.
However, the government’s calculation of the cost of production only includes actual
paid-out costs and the imputed cost of family labour, while the commissions’ formula
also included the imputed cost of capital and the rent on the land. Moreover, the
government only procures wheat, rice and a limited amount of pulses and oil seeds
at MSP rates, benefitting only a fraction of farmers.
• While loan waivers are a popular poll promise and have been implemented in some
states, small farmers without access to institutional credit are often left out.
• Other schemes such as PMFBY, AASHA (Annadata Aay Sanrakshan Abhiyan) etc.
6. From Nirbhaya to ‘Me Too’ explore the trajectory & changing trend in India’s
women movement. Do you think the movement is reaching to its intense phase?
Discuss.
• The phenomenon of women movement is universal in the sense that it represents the
resistance of women all over the globe, reflecting the common concerns of women.
Yet, despite being the movement of global nature, most of the attempts are located in
the local contexts and represents the local responses of women to their specific
condition of oppression & discrimination. Therefore, despite their global nature, the
women’s movement represent the differences of political, economic & cultural
nature.
• Based on the basis of the directions followed by them in their varied periods of
evolution & development, there are three distinct phases of India’s women movement
that can be identified –
Phase I (1940s-1970s)
• Aparna Mahto calls these years as ‘Grey years’ of women movement in India.
• There was active women movement in India prior to Independence such as
establishment of AIWC(1927) which focused on issues like increase in marriageable
age, right of inheritance, education, reform in personal laws and UCC (Uniform
Civil Code) some of the achievements include – SWARDA ACT(1929), LADY
HARDINGE COLLEGE in Delhi(1932).
• Post-independence, it was felt that there was no need of much activism by women
organization as they felt that the native government will itself take care of the needs
of women, as provided by the constitution.
Phase II (1970s-1980s)
• During this phase, UN has declared 70s as the ‘UN Decade for Women’ and asked
mentor states to prepare the report on the status of women in their respective states.
• Government of India set up a committee, which published its report titled
‘TOWARDS EQUALITY’ (1974). The findings of the report were an eye-opener for
both the government and the women activists. The report pointed towards declining
sex-ratio, continuation of violence against women in family & society, declining
participation of women in public sphere etc as some major concerns.
• The report forced the government to change its approach towards women from
welfare to development & empowerment. It also led to growth of research on women
status in India and establishment of different organizations for women such as NCW.
In addition, 1970s also witnessed coming up of women organisation led by activists
such as SEWA (Self-Employed Women Association) by Ela Bhatt for economic
empowerment of rural women.
Phase III (Post – 1980s)
• In 1980s, incidents like Mathura rape case in a police station, Sati in
Deorala(Rajasthan), increasing number of dowry deaths have led to the growth of
new phase of activism. Earlier women organisations were affiliated to the political
parties, but now autonomous organizations, based on ideology of radical feminism,
started emerging.
• However, towards 1990s, the solidarity of women movement started breaking down.
Women movement got divided on the lines of caste & religion, and thus, lack of
internal solidarity checked the growth of All Indian Women movement.
A/q to Madhu Kishwar, there is a marginal impact of women movement and the only
achievement has been some bizarre pieces of legislation.
• However, two contemporary developments – nationwide protest against Nirbhaya
brutal rape case & the ‘Me Too’ movement – have played a significant role in
drawing attention to concerns & injustices related to women. The Nirbhaya rape
case was followed by a large-scale protest in the country. Never before had an entire
country anywhere in the world come out in vehement protest against the inability of
the government to provide adequate security to women. The incident was followed
with some significant changes in laws regarding rape cases in India such as the
punishment for rape was made stricter, including the possibility of death sentence
was introduced. Thus, the protests against the Nirbhaya case went on to become a
landmark moment in the history of the women movement in India.
• Similarly, the recent ‘Me Too’ movement in India, a movement against sexual
harassment & assault, has raised several debates about the level of sexual
misconduct & bias prevalent in the society against women. The movement also
revealed that while India have important legal & systematic provisions to deal with
sexual misconduct, especially at workplace, these have failed objectively, resulting
into women putting their faith in a ‘name & shame’ mechanism using the social
media. Therefore, social media has become a spectacular release platform and an
aggregator & multiplier of voices.
7. Discuss the basis of regionalism in India and initially evaluate Indian state’s
response to sub-nationalist challenges.
• ‘Region’ is a territorial concept by which different regions are demarcated on
the basis of different geographical features such as topography, climate etc.
However, for social scientists, its attributes are not exclusively territorial. This
is because region, as a nucleus of social aggregation, lies at the core of any
conceptualisation of regionalism in the sense that it gets combined with other
expressions like language, culture, religion etc that eventually gets articulated in
the political form of regionalism.
• Therefore, ‘regionalism’ refers to identity movement seeking special privileges,
protection and concessions from the state and can even take the form of
movement for self-governance. Thus, depending on the different perceptions of
the regions, its objectives may be wide ranging such as accommodative,
protectionist, welfarist, autonomist, separatist and secessionist. A/q to Yogesh
Atal, regionalism is a political phenomenon very similar to that of nationalism
and is an example of ‘micro-nationalism’.
• Regional identity, running, parallel but often in competition with the national
identity, has been a perennial feature of a diverse democratic system like India.
A/q to Paul Brass, regionalism has been a long-term trend of Indian politics.
Prof. Yogendra Yadav argues that, in the Indian context, the category of ‘state-
nation’ is more relevant than ‘nation-state’ characteristics.
• In a diverse democratic society such as Indian society, regionalism is not an
abnormal phenomenon. As India consist of a large number of regions with
diverse social & cultural composition and different levels of economic
development, it has been facing regional movements since it became independent.
A /q to D.C. Burman, regionalism in India is the expression of the pluralistic
character of the Indian society. He argues that regionalism in India has emerged
as –
i. Decentralisation of administration on regional basis
ii. A socio-cultural counter movement against the imposition of a monolithic
national identity.
iii. A political counter movement aimed at greater autonomy of sub-cultural
region.
• A/q to Rasheduddin Khan, regionalism is the most fundamental to the concept of
Indian federalism while terming India as a ‘multi-region federalism’.
India’s Response to regionalism

• Whether regionalism will sustain for long or it will be transformed into a threat to
the nation (such as secessionist movement), it depends upon the state’s responses to
these movements. If accommodated properly, it doesn’t merely help maintaining
integrity of national boundaries, but also promotes positive social outcomes. A/q to
Prerna Singh, sub-nationalism is positively linked to social development as greater
the level of sub-national solidarity, higher will be the state’s commitment to social
welfare.
Atul Kohli’s analysis as Indian state dealing with ethnic movements:-
i. India is the largest multi-ethnic federation with functioning democracy. As
compared to countries like Yugoslavia, Pakistan & SriLanka, India’s record is
better. The most successful example of democratic accommodation of a secessionist
movement is Tamil Nationalism.
ii. Punjab (demand for Khalistan) is also treated as a successful case, but it wasn’t
democratic because peace & normalcy came to Punjab after long years to violence.
Thus, the case of Punjab is not very good accommodation by the Indian state.
iii. Kashmir remains the most important challenge.
iv. Atul Kohli has analysed the way different regional movements have been handled
and mentions two most important factors which play prominent role –
• Level of Institutionalisation of the central authority the more institutionalized,
central authority is, the more effective handling of movement.
E.g.: - Tamil nationalism (handled by Nehru)
• whether the leadership is accommodative or not accommodative approach is very
important for democratic solutions or handling competing interests & autocratic
approach creates problems.
E.g.: - Indira Gandhi handling Punjab.
8. Critically evaluate the contribution of civil society to the democracy in India.

• Democracy in India has been characterized as an ‘intellectual puzzle’ and a
‘paradox’. A/q to Moore Barrington, India’s political democracy appears strange in
the Asian setting. A/q to Atul Kohli, India’s democracy has defied many prevailing
theories that provide certain essential pre-requisites for democracy to be a
successful political experiment. Ashutosh Varshroy, in his work, ‘India Defies the
odds: why Democracy survives?’ has argued that India’s democracy has succeeded
against considerable odds such as poverty, illiteracy, and a deeply heterogenous and
hierarchical social structure, which are considered as inhospitable condition for
democratic functioning.
• One of the most important factors in strengthening and deepening of democracy is
the role played by the ‘civil society’. A democratic state cannot be stable, effective
and legitimate, unless it is based on the support and obedience of its citizens. In this
context, civil society is a vital partner in the quest for this kind of positive
relationship between the democratic state and its citizens.
For e.g.: - civil society play a vital role in development and deepening of ‘democratic
culture’ in a diverse society like India. It helps in promotion of values such as
tolerance, materation, compromise, and respect for opposing points of view without
this deeper culture of accommodation, democracy cannot be stable.
• A/q to V.S. Naipaul, the Indian society is fragmented & diverse with many different
social, religious, cultural and linguistic expressions in the form of assertion of their
identity against the established political and social order. It is this identity-based
movements, based on the differences on the basis of caste, class, gender, region &
religion, is referred to as ‘million mutinies’. Naipaul sees these ‘mutinies’ or
movements as the commencement of consciousness among the Indians.
• A/q to Atul Kohli, the identity-based movements has found diverse expressions in the
context of Indian democracy.
For e.g.- ethnic movements in states such as Tamil Nadu, Punjab & Kashmir, lower
class movements of West Bengal & Kerala were incorporated by communist parties,
caste based movements in states of Bihar & UP which led to emergence of caste
based parties such as BSP.
• A/q to Atul Kohli, within the framework of India’s federal structure, the
accommodation of group demands has repeatedly strengthened India’s democracy.
He argues that India’s democracy has been deepened by processes that has foliated
a modest degree of redistribution of power such as coalition politics which a/q to
Jyotirindra Dasgupta represents the negotiation between national and regional
elites.
• Atul Kohli argues that the success of India’s democracy lies in the fact that it has
enacted regional forces to successfully press their demands and proper
accommodation of these demands such as reorganisation of India along linguistic
lines, share of economic resources between central and state governments,
emergence of local self-governments etc. moreover, India’s democratic
accommodation has weakened rigid social inequalities and thus broadens its scope
for low-caste & low-class masses.
• However, excessive centralization, without accommodating demands of identity-
based movements, has often backfired which is evident in the case of ethnic
movements of Punjab and Kashmir.
• Thus, the success of India’s democracy lies both as a procedural as well as
substantive democracy. On the procedural conditions, Indian democracy has been
successful as a system with free & fair elections, universal suffrage and citizen’s
rights. On the other hand, in the substantive context, India’s democracy is successful
as it is inclusive, tolerates pluralism & diversity, and allows for expression of
group’s demands and is responsive to them by negotiation and accommodation.

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