Retrieving a Folk Hero through Oral Narratives: The Case of Francisco Dagohoy in the

"Sukdan" Rituals
Author(s): Ulysses B. Aparece
Source: Philippine Quarterly of Culture and Society , September/December 2013, Vol.
41, No. 3/4 (September/December 2013), pp. 143-162
Published by: University of San Carlos Publications

Stable URL: https://www.jstor.org/stable/43854726

JSTOR is a not-for-profit service that helps scholars, researchers, and students discover, use, and build upon a wide
range of content in a trusted digital archive. We use information technology and tools to increase productivity and
facilitate new forms of scholarship. For more information about JSTOR, please contact support@jstor.org.

Your use of the JSTOR archive indicates your acceptance of the Terms & Conditions of Use, available at
https://about.jstor.org/terms

is collaborating with JSTOR to digitize, preserve and extend access to Philippine Quarterly of
Culture and Society

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society
Vol. 41 (3/4): 143-162
© 2013, University of San Carlos Press

Retrieving a Folk Hero through Oral

Narratives: The Case of Francisco Dagohoy
in the Sukdan Rituals

Ulysses B. Aparece

ABSTRACT

This study aims to reconstruct the early life and genealogy of the
folk hero Francisco Dagohoy through the oral narratives of the
sukdan shamans of Taming, Danao, Bohol. Data gathered by
observation, documentation and interview were analyzed using
several theories on performance as ritual and theater (Schechner
1994), categories of theater genres (Beeman 1993), communicative
events (Irvine 1979), verbal art in social interaction (Baumann and
Briggs 1990), oral tradition in different contexts (Nono 2008) and
morphologies of Filipino epics (Cruz 2010 and Zialcita 2005). Aside
from its interest in retrieving Dagohoy, this essay looks at rituals
from the perspective of performance, on which depends the
efficacy of the sukdan rituals.

Introduction

I grew up in the town of Inabanga, province of Bohol, where

stories from the distant past still exist of headless Spanish priest
walking in empty streets, condenados dragging metal chains, and
spirit warriors in hot pursuit of Spanish soldiers. Aside from thes
apparitions, tales about men and women of extraordinary character
remain very much alive. Through the narratives of elderly men
collectively called tambalan, or folk healers, names of charismatic

Ulysses B. Aparece, Ph.D is a Vice Chancellor for Academic Affairs/Dean,

College of Liberal Arts at University of Cebu-Main Campus, Cebu City. He can b
reached at 3ml33@yahoo.com.

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
144 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

leaders like Sikatuna, Tamblot, Handog, Guba-guba, Baylan Karyapa

and Dagohoy are remembered by many Boholanos with pride and
reverence. Despite the popularity of their stories especially those of
Dagohoy, only a few of them gain wider circulation. This felt need for
additional information of Bohol's folk heroes has encouraged me to
conduct this research.

In doing this ethnohistorical study, I considered my townsman,

Francisco Dagohoy, an easy choice of focus over the other warriors.
Retrieving information about him was convenient as I had informants
ready to help in doing the field work. They were the sukdan shamans,
my key respondents in the conduct of my earlier performance-focused
dissertation. They seemed to have affinity with Dagohoy who was
considered their folk hero.

What we know about Dagohoy so far are these: He was the

leader of the 85-year rebellion against the Spanish rule, the longest in
Philippine history, from 1744 to 1828. A cabeza de barangay, he led a
revolt against forced labor, oppression, and heavy tax collection.
Added to these grievances was the refusal of a Spanish priest to give
Catholic burial to his brother who died in active church duty while
chasing a fugitive who went against Christianity. Dagohoy, it was
believed, had shamanic powers through amulets, talismans, or
charms. (Luengo 1992: 120-122, 135-141)
Based on the above, performances have been staged and songs
recorded. For instance, a musical play entitled Dagon sa Hoyohoy or
"Talisman of the Breeze" with Lutgardo Labad, the founder of Teatro
Bol-anon, as artistic director, was presented as the province's offering
in the Philippine Centennial Celebration. In recent years, the movie
industry has been circulating "feelers" for a full-length film about
Dagohoy, and hinting that acting the lead role of Dagohoy would be a
famous Boholano actor. Then there were songs about Dagohoy
popularized by Roman Tesorio "Yoyoy" Viliame, another Boholano,
who made it big in the music industry.

What we do not know yet about Dagohoy are his early life and
genealogy. Retrieval of these missing data would add to our
knowledge of the man.

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dagohoy in Ritual Narratives 145

Performance Traditions as Historical Source

In the absence of written accounts, oral traditions, to include

performance forms involving narrative, may be used to fill in gaps of
information in history. They contain some degrees of truth as they a
usually chanted by the tribe's bards out of certain events or incidents
that have historical significance. In retrieving the life of a folk hero,
biographer has to consult oralists. Through this method, for example,
the early life of Lapu-lapu (folk hero of Cebu) was reconstructed. His
parents were Kusgano and Inday Putii. Mingming was his older sister.
His wife was Princess Bulakna and his son was Sawili. He reached old
age, disappeared one day and was believed to have become a rock. His
descendants were the Barings, Pagubos, Paquebots, and Pinutes
(Zaide 1970: 237-238). One notes, however, that common version on
petrifaction is that of his father Manggal (Gloria 1973).
In Schechner's (1994) theory, shamanic performance is to be
treated as both theater and ritual. Performance as theater and
performance as ritual are poles in a continuum. In the form
performance functions to entertain and provide fun, and in the latt
it functions to enact efficacious rituals to achieve a certain purpose.
Beeman (1993) categorizes theater genres in terms of four
variables: the media used in presentation (Music-Text-Dance thea
or dance theater or textual theater); the performers (human act
masked theater, animated objects, mixed forms); content (script
unscripted, mixed forms); and audience role (participants, witnes
evaluators).
Irvine (1979), in her study of communicative events, discusses
the various aspects of formality found in different kinds of social
phenomena. Within a linguistic code, for instance, various levels may
be subject to a certain degree of structuring such as intonation (e.g.
pitch, meter, loudness, speed), phonology, syntax, use of lexical items,
and turn taking. Differences of pitch, loudness, and speed of talk may
indicate the speaker's social rank. High pitch, high volume, and high
speed all suggest low social rank; while low pitch, low volume, and
slowness in speech suggest high social rank.
Formality is seen when the main focus of attention is a
dominant mutual engagement that encompasses all persons present

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
146 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

Moreover, participation in a central and local activity is regulated and

structured in special ways. For example, only certain individuals have
the right to speak or act in main sequence, with others limited to the
side events.

Baumann and Briggs (1990) mention the role of poetics in the

development of performance studies and the emergence of verbal art
in the social interaction between performers and audiences.
Performance provides a frame for various communicative processes
as they are tied to various speech events. This puts the act of speaking
on display. Through performance, the act of speaking is objectified, is
lifted to a certain degree, and is open to public scrutiny. Baumann and
Briggs recommend the study of performance from the perspective of
entextualization. As they use the term, entextualization is the process
of rendering discourse extractable, of making a stretch of linguistic
production into a unit that can be lifted out of its interactional setting.

Nono (2008) asserts that oral tradition is a combination of

performances like music and text that can be applied to the different
contexts of human experiences such as the arts, entertainment,
history, education, among others. These integration and application
processes are deemed necessary because oral tradition is a living
thing, thus people's cultural and historical concerns must be
continued and not to be viewed as mere specimen from the past (p.
31).
Since the most important output of this study is the retrieval of
Dagohoy through the shamanic narratives, the morphologies of
Filipino epic in the studies of Cruz (2010) and of Zialcita (2005) were
used as guides in the analysis. Cruz finds the structure of the Filipino
epic as a combination of the following motifs: 1) The hero departs
from home; 2) The hero obtains magical agent; 3) The hero is led to
the object of search who is a loved one; 4) The hero begins the battle;
5) The hero carries on the fight for a long time; 6) A god or goddess
appears to end the fight; 7) The hero and the enemy are informed by a
god or goddess that they are relatives; 8) The epic hero loses life; 9)
The hero comes back to life; 10) The hero goes back home; and 11)
The hero gets married. Using the epic Biag ni Lam-ang, Zialcita shows
the sequence of significant events in a narrative: 1) Lam-ang's
miraculous birth; 2) Lam-ang's adolescence; 3) His courtship and

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dagohoy in Ritual Narratives 147

wedding; 4) family relations; and 5) ultimate test of manhood. Cruz

(2010) and Zialcita (2005) also suggest that recurring themes or
motifs be included in the analysis of epics and oral narratives.

Collection and Study of the Dagohoy Narratives

In reconstructing the early life of Dagohoy in this study, oral
narratives recounted during shaman performances were the main
source of data. Primary informants were the sukdan shamans, who are
the keepers of the culture and history of the community where
Dagohoy was believed to be its leader.
The sukdan is the native shaman of northern Bohol. The name
comes from the word sukud which means to "measure" or "to
calculate". This name comes from his strict adherence to the rule of
number, content, amount, shape, size and color of ritual props; the
calculating stances in his ritualistic dances as if he were ready to do
battle using his ritual bolo; his sacrificial performances under the
influence of trance that show his sincerity, love, and ability regarding
his curing and power practices. His invocation called arukay is
chanted in the context of theater. His spirit guides or helpers are the
nature, environmental, and ancestor spirits who were themselves
shaman warriors of the distant past. His rituals are for curing, power
acquisition, agriculture, livestock, and house transfer purposes.
Overall, the sukdan fits into the universal description of shamans: he
heals through performance arts and goes into journeys through trance
(Aparece 2003; 2006).
At the center of his rituals are various artistic performances:
music featuring the duwaan or ukulele strummed throughout the
ritual; the dances such as the sayaw sa lunas (bolo dance to test his
faith and courage), sayaw sa saliabyan (dance in honor of the spirits of
female warriors), sayaw sa aghoy sa kabataang manalagna (dance of
child spirit who prophesizes), sayaw sa alam-alam (fire dance to
appease the spirits' anger) and sayaw sa punas (dance to awaken the
herbs); the poetic chants (such as the arukay ); and shamanic theater.
Preliminary research was conducted to ascertain the presence
of the narratives. Request was granted by the sukdan after he was
given the approval by his spirit guides, the sukdan community, and his

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
148 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

family. Ethical issues on responsible conduct of research were

observed at all times during the field work. This included the
documentation procedure. Transcription and translation of narratives
from archaic Boholano to English were facilitated through a dictionary
which was an output of my dissertation on the sukdan shamans. Data
from ritual recordings and interviews were cross-checked. Analysis
was facilitated with the help of a pool of experts from various fields of
learning. Key informants were the sukdan Pedro and Pio, the
acknowledged leaders of their community. Research locale was
Taming, Danao, Bohol.
The long process of information retrieval got started. The
sukdan began his ritual with the preparation of offerings and
paraphernalia. These included tukdungun (rooster), bantangun (hog),
tilad (betel nut and leaves), apug (lime), pamalabad (rolled tobacco
leaves), alasyu (wine), matam-isun (soft drinks), bahirus (chicken
eggs), trangkasu (rice cooked in coconut leaves woven into pouches),
kamanjan (a resinous plant exudate used as incense), tabungaw
(boiled rice), and buyu (leaf used to wrap the betel nut and lime to
make chews). These they placed in exact order and arrangement on
top of the takuban (multi-colored mat) spread over the floor. The
sukdan then wore his costume of white long pants and white upper
garments with long sleeves, red triangular head wrap, red chest band
and red waist band which held the many stone charms.
The sukdan and the assistants (including myself) sat on the
floor, near the edges of the mat. The rest of the audience were
standing or seated farther away. The sukdan then checked the
kampilan or pinuti (machete or bolo sacred to the sukdan ), the
talingtingun (antique porcelain bowl which served as ritualistic cup
and oracular article), the talingting (three-inch wooden stick), and the
duwaan (small guitar or ukulele). The sukdan then instructed one of
the assistants to strum the small guitar throughout the ritual, struck
the porcelain bowl, with the wooden stick then invited the ancestors'
spirits through chants. The sukdan was then in trance as he chanted
the arukay or request in verse {See Appendix A).

The arukay is composed of repetitive parts: recognition or

veneration, intention, invitation and supplication. In performing the
arukay, the sukdan in this study recognized all his ancestors - the

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dagohoy in Ritual Narratives 149

spirit guides or helpers from different places, the sali-abyan (female

spirit friends who are restorers of order and serenity), the ancestors
who can fly ( dagangan ), cannot be wounded ( kudban ), and can speak
words of power ( orasyonan ), spirit voice of children who prophesy
[aghoy sa kabataang manalagna), the cave-dwelling ancestors
[lubsanan), as well as the precious stones (mutya) found in sacred
caves. All the spirits were recognized through their kalaki (power or
ability), wisdom, acts of heroism, virtues of long suffering, humility,
courage, bravery, unity and cooperation.
The sukdan stated the intention of the ritual: the need to
retrieve Dagohoy's narratives (kasalaysayan). The spirits were again
invited to partake of the offerings. The supplication came next. It was
the earnest request that each spirit share wisdom, knowledge,
guidance, and prophecy and make use of the sukdan as intermediary
so they would be able to tell the story of Dagohoy. Here, the different
dances and ritual dialogues took place. Several dances cited earlier, as
well as the Dagohoy dance, were performed.
In the second part or kasalaysayan, those who came and shared
information were Pagabunan and Makura (spirit guides),
Makabanhaw (a lubsanan, cave dweller), aghoy or child spirit who
prophesizes, Guba-guba (Dagohoy's brother), and Dagohoy himself.
[See Appendix B]
Each of them spoke through monologues done in a
conversational yet serious manner. Before one retreated out of the
sukdan's body to give way to another spirit, he (through the sukdan in
trance) entertained questions or clarification from the audience to fill
in gaps of information. This led to a ritual dialogue with the drinking
of wine (alasyu). The missing story was thus reconstructed, as follows:

Dagohoy was a son of Mansilinu and Oray. Mansilinu's children

were all males: Sarinjo, Handog, Dagohoy, Guba-guba, and Ambo
(from eldest to youngest). The family name was later changed from
Lusobio to Suete starting with Pedro's generation to mean "suheto" or
expert Sukdan Pedro was a descendant of Sarinjo while Sukdan Pio is
the husband of Pedro's niece, Corcine.

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
150 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

Of the five brothers only Sarinjo was married. Dagohoy and the
three other brothers never had a chance for marriage because they
kept on moving from one place to another to fight enemy forces.

When he was still young, Dagohoy already dreamed of power.

At seven, his childhood games included playful fighting. At ten, he
faced a real fight against thieves. At twenty, he joined the war against
the Spaniards.
Agbonan in Inabanga was the birthplace of Dagohoy. He later
transferred to Magtangtang, Inabanga (now Danao) particularly at the
Ilihan Hills. He did not die from the hands of the Spaniards. He did not
die through bullets and bolos. He was killed by his pet dog which
dragged him inside the cave. Dagohoy revealed through a dream that
he wanted a monument to be built in his honor. This can now be
found in Magtangtang.
Aside from his bravery and acts of heroism, Dagohoy became
popular because of his amulets and talisman (precious stones and
hawk's feather) and charm (magical incantation). Some of his powers
emanated from the precious stones especially of lightning, sun, clouds
and fogs. The precious stone of lightning enabled him to appear,
disappear, and reappear quickly. The precious stone of the sun would
make him appear so dazzling that his enemies could not look straight
at him. The precious stones of clouds and fogs would make him
invisible if he wished it.

Dagohoy had a twin bird, a hawk. When they were both seven
years old, the hawk instructed him to take some of its feathers as the
hawk was about to die. Dagohoy subsequently inherited the hawk's
powers. He became a dagangan, someone with feathers, and
somebody who could fly. He could soar with a sudden burst of speed,
reaching the clouds, swim through the wind, or leap over the hills.
He was an orasyonan, one who speaks words that heal or
protect. He studied the booklet of powerful incantation as protection
against bodily harm, making him kudban (invulnerable) against
bullets or bolos. For instance, when he had a sundugo (blood compact)
with Anoy Datahan, a friend with a kalaki or supernatural ability,
Dagohoy remained unhurt while Anoy was seriously injured when
they wounded their arms with sharp bolos.

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dagohoy in Ritual Narratives 151

According to the shamans, his devotion to San David and San

Tiago was one reason why the women and the powerful people got
attracted to him. (Dagohoy did not get married, yet 99 women were
linked to him.) But these powerful incantations in honor of San David
and San Tiago are dangerous as they are difficult to memorize and
confuse the mind especially when the task of memorizing the texts is
not fulfilled.

The lubsanan (cave-dwelling ancestors) taught Dagohoy the

ability of deep concentration and meditation. He could see through
thick darkness while inside the cave. To strengthen his healing
powers Dagohoy gathered and consecrated roots for 21 consecutive
Fridays and seven Good Fridays with a wild tokdongon (rooster) as
ritual fee. His supernatural experiences included his confrontations
with powerful orasyonan; fights with giant siwaga (carbuncle-carrying
snakes) and baksan (pythons); and the search for the bones of Tuja,
the creator of the world. In short, Dagohoy was a sukdan himself.
Using the motifs in Cruz (2010) and Zialcita (2005), the
Dagohoy narratives follow this sequence of events: 1) birth; 2) early
life; 3) early gift of power; 4) growing years and early struggles; 5)
shamanic training; 6) becoming a full-fledged shaman; 7) more
supernatural journeys; 8) obtaining more powers; 9) having romantic
adventures; 10) heightened struggles against enemy forces; and 11)
symbolic death and disappearance.
Images and themes recur in various parts of the narratives: 1)
invocation to the spirits; 2) shamanic journeys and voyages; 3)
preparation of offerings to ancestors; 4) acts of propitiation; 5) love of
one's native place; 6) reliance on supernatural beings; 7) adherence to
order and accuracy; 8) adherence to artistic expression; 9) respect for
nature and environment; 10) values of harmony and unity; 11) trust
in the powers of amulets, charms, and talismans; 12) respect and
honor to the natives; 13) valuing of traditions, customs, and practices;
14) care and concern for family members; 15) thanksgiving for favors
granted; 16) healing as central obligation; and 17) hope in the face of
adversities. These motifs are reflective of Boholano culture, as I have
observed.

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
152 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

The third part of the narrative is paarang ug pasalamat

(preparation to end the narrative and thanksgiving, see Appendix C).
This short part was a reminder to the audience of Dagohoy's
importance and greatness, an invitation to the spirits' partaking of the
offering for the last time, and a request for the spirits' protection
especially of the sukdan, his family, and the visitors.

Performance: The Heart of the Matter

Following Schechner (1994), we see both ritual and theater in

the sukdan' s performance. They are not done separately. Rather, each
has a function to perform in regard to the other. Their integration is
viewed as a gestalt. It is more significant to understand it this way
than to try to determine which one is of prime importance.

Rituals integrate theater into their programs through mental

scripts, dances, and other art forms. Theater and activity convey
ritual. Ritual is conveyed from its memorized texts of chants, music,
dances and dialogue into a living performance made perceivable,
valent, and humanly meaningful through artistry. This performance
attracts the spirits who respond not only to the precision in the ritual
practices of the sukdan, but most urgently also to the expressiveness
in which the belief system is made manifest. Performance is rendered
ineffective if some ritual practices are not followed, like 1) exact and
proper dates and times of performance; 2) correct number of ritual
paraphernalia and offerings of food and drinks; 3) correct colors of
the hair and feather of sacrificial animals; 4) exact shape and
arrangements of pieces of pork or chicken on the altar offerings; 5)
completeness of the shaman's costume; 6) exact size of flames to be
prepared in the sayaw sa alam-alam-, 7) exact payment of the
trangkugi or ritual fee; and 8) exact strumming of the ukulele.
The fun aspects of the shaman's performance can thus be
demonstrated in a series of cause-effect relationships: no pleasing
artistic performance, no or little satisfaction from the spirits; no or
less satisfaction from the spirits, no or less divine favors extended; no
or less divine favors extended, no or less possibility of requests being
granted.

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dagohoy in Ritual Narratives 153

Following Beeman (1993), we would find that the narrative on

Dagohoy is theater as it involves the integration of verbal art, dances,
and music. As medium of performance this theater falls into the
category of music-text-dance theater. Ukulele music is continuously
played from beginning to end. The verbalized text of the narratives is
enacted in monologue by the shaman himself and in dialogue between
the minor roles. When the sukdan, is still possessed and plays the role
of a spirit, he dances with skill and grace.
The theater makes use of a lead role, the sukdan presenting
himself as himself. In sukdan theater, the performers are human
actors and spirits that possess the sukdan. The director is the sukdan
himself who is also the leading performer. A supporting cast includes
his assistants and his wife. All are dressed in white, with the sukdan in
a specially marked role, wearing additional red sashes, cloth belts, and
head wrap.
The theater is rather scripted. The chanted lines were
originally revealed by the spirit guides, then handed down to the
sukdan and then to the apparent heirs. The mastery and delivery of
lines are acquired through practice and are an important part of the
training of the sukdan apprentice. But though the phases of the ritual
and the lines of the narratives are fixed, unscripted lines and action
can occur, for example, when the shaman, perhaps still in trance as
medium, enters into dialogue with visitors and issues instructions.
An audience is always present during the performance. This is
crucial for its members perform various roles as participants, as
witnesses, and perhaps as critics. There is contribution through direct
action such as when the assistants and the onlookers participate in
ritual drinking with the sukdan or when the women dance when the
sukdan is possessed by his female-friend spirit. As witnesses, the
audience observe the sukdan's performance in undistracted silence.
The sukdan's concentration must be kept intact in obedience to the
norms of proper ritual. As critics, members of the audience when
asked provide their opinions on the sukdan's competence in both
ritual and theatrical aspects of performance.
When the sukdan is seated and chants, the music becomes soft.
The arukay invocation must be rendered with soft words in appealing

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
154 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

to the spirits for favors. The background music must be in harmony

with this. But the music of ukulele combined with bowl and stick
becomes louder and has a faster tempo when it accompanies the ritual
dances which are performed in power rituals to help generate the
shaman's energy.
To ensure the coming of Dagohoy, the sukdan dances the Sayaw
ni Dagohoy. The basic steps are heavy running steps moving in a
counterclockwise direction, moving forward and backward; walking
with knee springs and half squat position; and chasing steps. The
gestures are made either without the bolo or with a bolo sword held
by the right hand. In the former, the arm movements suggest the
brandishing of a fighting weapon. There is a forceful use of forearm
and wrist movement. The performer seems like shielding himself with
an unseen weapon. In the latter, the movements of the arms are
similar to the gestures done without the weapon but the modification
is the tracing of an imaginary figure 8 with both arm gestures. This
figure 8 tracing is much like the gestures used in the amis or Visayan
stick fighting. The combination of gestures and steps suggests
movement combining the elements of the Boholano kuradang dance,
eskrima (combination of amis and judo), and amis. The entire
sequence of movements seems like a mime of fighting unseen forces,
typical of trance dances performed by shamans among the various
cultural communities of the Philippines.
The sukdan theater can be analyzed according to Irvine's
(1979) aspects of formality in communicative events. In arukay and
paarang ug pasalamat, the sukdan' s language is structured at the
levels of intonation, phonology, syntax and use of lexical items. The
pitch of his voice is not high. His utterances are measured with lines
frequently ending with - un or - an and - ung or - ang which are
natural to the Boholano dialect. There is alliterative parallelism in
phrase structure: kaumagdan sa buwan, kaumagdan sa panganod,
kaumagdan sa gabon etc... Mutya sa jamog, mutya sa talisik, mutya sa
batong bantilis. Lexical items have a high concentration of ritual
variants of everyday words, which sound unfamiliar since they are
archaic or already out of circulation.
In kasalaysayan, as described earlier, each of the ancestors
speaks through the monologues delivered in a conversational yet

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dagohoy in Ritual N arratives 155

serious manner. Before one spirit retreats or moves back to give way
to another incoming spirit, he would entertain questions from the
audience to fill in gaps of information. This would lead to a ritual
dialogue marked with the drinking of the sukdan's alasyu or wine. All
throughout the dialogue, the sukdan's characteristic tone is gentle and
yet firm.

When the sukdan is possessed by Dagohoy or other spirit

warriors, his speech is at a low pitch, with a low volume, and a slow
pace all suggesting high social position or rank in sukdan community.
When the sukdan's voice is high in pitch and the lines are conveyed
with high volume and speed as in the invitation of the spirits in the
arukay, the sukdan represents himself as of a lower rank than the
spirit he is addressing, as a mere mortal seeking help from a higher
form of being.

The sukdan's performances of the narratives are serious no

matter who the participants are or what the time or place is. This is
conveyed by his vocal intonation, facial expression, and bodily
gestures. There is emphasis on social distances, rather than intimacy,
and respect towards the order established.
The sukdan is the dominant figure in all performances, in fact
the only initiator of action, acting as he does not only for himself but
also for the spirits. He has the sole right to decide the flow of the
program and who will respond to his questions in dialogues. The
others are limited to side involvements. He is the main dancer and the
main musician.

With the sukdan as focus of attention of all persons present in

the mutual engagement who have only the right to follow and obey,
the ritual and theatrical structure of the performance is formally
regulated (Irvine 1979).
As -Baumann and Briggs (1990: 59-88) note, performance is
seen as an artful way of speaking and through it, the act of speaking is
lifted to a certain degree and allows the audience to evaluate
performers' effectiveness.
The chanted narratives about Dagohoy have a palpable effect
on the audience's state of consciousness. On such occasions, the

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
156 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

audience is aware that all these spirits and saints are convening at
once from all the corners of the earth to attend only to him with all
their powers and at the begging of all present. The audience's
awareness of the present becomes cloudy as the chant transports
them back in time and space to the ancestors and warrior-heroes
through archaisms, invented terms, symbolisms, and poetic
expressions.

Insights and Future Directions

The fieldwork on Dagohoy from inception, through
development to completion, has revealed to us these possibilities: 1)
Shamanic narratives are still present in the nooks and corners of
Philippine communities waiting to be discovered. The community
may have blended itself already with the mainstream society, yet
when the people go back to their respective groups, they revert to
their old practices with the narratives at the center of their activities;
2) Retrieval of extant oral narratives can still be done through
conventional and modern methods, keeping in mind the research
ethics throughout the process. Building trust is the most important
process every researcher must observe during field work. The
shaman's long-kept secrets can only be divulged when we pass their
testing criteria or sukuď, 3) Missing information on great men and
women in history can be recovered through the spoken narratives.
We wonder why the shamans still keep intact the information on their
leaders who existed hundreds of years before. The handing down of
their leaders' information from shaman to shaman apprentice is part
of the training. Failing to commit the ritual text to memory may
render the training a failure as well; and 4) Cultural performances are
important methods in the preservation of indigenous knowledge.
Following Nono's (2008) observation, we see oral tradition as
a combination of performances that can be applied to the different
contexts of human experience. This can be done in academe, as in the
case of the University of Cebu (where I teach), where we conduct field
to classroom seminars, workshops and performances especially in its
Art and Education programs. The dula-saysay seminar-workshop
conducted by the university theater company has come up with the
script on the early life of Dagohoy, to be performed before the UC

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dagohoy in Ritual Narratives 157

academic community. Part of the grand plan is for the group to have
performances in Bohol where the narratives rightly belong. The
Biokinetics dance club of the College of Education has already
included the sukdan dances in its Philippine Dance repertoire. The
group has already shown the dances in several malls in Cebu City and
in several schools within and outside Cebu City. Furthermore, the
music and comics illustration lessons have already been integrated in
several music and humanities classes of the College of Education.
By and large, performance can be an object of analysis where
we learn the art in detail in relation to its context. We note, for
example, the following: the circular movement of the sukdan dances
which indicates unity; the overall counterclockwise flow which is
similar to the movement of the earth in rotation on its axis, an attempt
to be in harmony with nature which is the sukdan' s perspective in
preventing or addressing illnesses; the dancing on flames which
symbolizes the taming of spirits' anger; the martial arts moves which
show courageous stance against enemy forces; the stabbing of the
sukdan's body with the tip of the bolo which is a test of bravery; the
repetitive sound of ukulele which shows the rhythmic design of
nature, and many more. Furthermore, performance should also be
seen as a method in achieving higher goals such as perpetuation of
traditional knowledge which, in the words of Nono, must not be
viewed as mere specimen from the past (2008: 31). Hopefully,
performance in academe can ensure the sense of rootedness which is
our defense against the strong winds of change.

Acknowledgment
Words of thanks are offered to: USC-CHED ZRC for the research
grant; Atty. Augusto W. Go and Candice Gotianuy, President and
Chancellor, respectively, of the University of Cebu for financial
assistance; the sukdan Pio and Pedro for revealing their long-kept
secrets; Dr. Elizabeth Remedio, Dr. Erlinda Alburo, Dr. Hope
Sabanpan-Yu, Dr. Resil Mojares, Dr. Marjorie Evasco, Dr. Harold
Olofson, Professor Delfín Cabañero, Mr. Rudy Aviles, Mr. Andy
Talaugon, and the research analysts for their various help in
improving this study; and Dr. Jazmin Llana and De La Salle University
for the opportunity of sharing.

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
158 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

REFERENCES CITED

Aparece, Ulysses B. 2006. " Rigalu : The Ritual of Gift-Giving among Sukdan Sham
of Northern Bohol: A Study in Anthropological Ethics and Poetry/'
Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society 34(2): 97-134.

Ethnography of Performance." Ph.D. Di

Cebu City.
Baumann, Richard L., and Charles L. Briggs. 1990. "Poetics and Performance as
Critical Perspective on Language and Social Life," Annual Review of
Anthropology 19mģ 59-88.
Beeman, William 0. 1993. "The Anthropology of Theater and Spectacle," Annual
Review of Anthropology 22: 369-393.
Cruz, Isagani R. 2010. The Other Other ; ed. David Jonathan Bayot. Manila: Far Eastern
University Publications.
Irvine, Judith T. 1979. "Formality and Informality in Linguistic Events," American
Anthropologist 81: 773-790.
Luengo, J.M.S. 1992. A History of the Philippines: A Focus on Christianization of Bohol
(1521-1991 ). Tubigon, Bohol: Mater Dei Publications.
Nono, Grace. 2008. The Shared Voice: Chanted and Spoken Narratives from the
Philippines ě Pasig City: Anvil Publishing.
Schechner, Richard. 1994. "Ritual and Performance In Companion Encyclopedia of
Anthropology: Humanity, Culture and Social Life , ed. Tim Ingold. London:
Routledge.
Zaide, Gregorio P. 1970. Great Filipinos in History: An Epic of Filipino Greatness in
War and Peace . Manila: Verde Bookstore.
Zialcita, Fernando N. 2005. "Epic and Ethnic Boundaries." In Literature of Voice:
Epics in the Philippines , ed. Nicole Revel. Manila: Ateneo de Manila
University Press.

Appendix A. Arukay

1. Na karun kaninjo sa mga umagad

So now to all of you great ancestors
2. Bag-og daan, ikaw punuan, pangabaga'g
New and old, you chief spirit guide, assistant
3. Barasan, ikaw sungkod ug mananabang
And helper, you great grandparent and helper
4. Kaumagdang dagangan, kaumagdang kudban
Ancestors who can fly, invulnerable ancestors,
5. Kaumagdang orasyonan, busa karon kaninjo
Ancestors who can speak words of power, so now

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dagohoy in Ritual Narratives 159

6. Nagsangpit ming tanan kadtong kaumagdan

We are calling you all, great ancestors
7. Mga bantugan, kaumagdan sa adlaw
Illustrious warriors, ancestors of the sun
8. Kaumagdan sa buwan, kaumagdan sa panganod
Ancestors of the moon, ancestors of the clouds
9. Kaumagdan sa gabon, kaumagdan sa
Ancestors of the fogs, ancestors of
10. Lambinaw, kaumagdan sa kalawranan
Water, ancestors of the oceans
1 1. Kaumagdan sa silangan , kaumagdan
Ancestors of the east, ancestors
12. Sa kaodtohon, kaumagdang langitnon
Of noontime, heavenly ancestors
13. Dagangan, kudban orasyonan
Ancestors who can fly, invulnerable
ancestors who can speak words of power
14. Busa alang sa kasaysayan ni Francisco Dagohoy
So for the story of Francisco Dagohoy
15. Karon nia kami naghanjo
We are here requesting so
16. Aron sa pagsaysay sa ilang mga kaagi
That you tell us their stories.

81. Busa nia naluto na ang tokdongon

So the rooster's meat
82. Bantangun ug tabungaw ; busa
Pork and rice are now cooked
83. Tambong kamo adunay alasyo
You partake of the food, there is wine,
84. Ug dunay matam-ison, kini
And there are softdrinks, these
85. Regalo ninjong tanan pahinungod
Are the gifts to you all as offerings
86. Sa gipaninguhang kinaadman
For the longed for wisdom

860. Mutya sa bitoon, mutya nga

Precious stone of the star, precious stone
861. Kasiyaman ug siyam ang gahom, mutya sa
With 99 powers, precious stone
862. Ngipon sa kilat, mutya sa pana
Of the tooth of lightning, precious stone of the arrow
863. Mutya sa panggoom, mutya sa panjas
Precious stone of silence, precious stone of panjas

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
160 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

881. Pagsibugan, Tagolilong, Pag-undangan sa injong

Pagsibugan, Tagolilong, Pag-undangan to all of
882. Tanan nga mga duwaan naa diha ang tanang
You considered as toys with
883. Klase sa gahom, busa karori itugot ninjo nga
Different classes of power so now permit them
884. Makita nila kay kini kaajohan dili kadautan kay
To see these stones for it is for goodness' sake
885. Kini makahatag man og kadasig sa katawhan.
Not to harm because they can give encouragement to the people.

Appendix B: Excerpt of Kasalaysayan (Narratives)

914. Ako si Pagabunan, kumusta?

I am Pagabunan, how are you?
915. Kami mananabang , unja kaniadto
We are helpers and in the past
916. Kami nagbaghod, nagtago mi
We went into hiding
917. Kay gisunod-sunod mi sa mga hawognon
Because the powerful were following us closely.

977. Ug karon giingon

And now it is said
978. Ang kinabuhi ni Francisco Dagohoy
That in the life's story of Francisco Dagohoy
979. Nga sija bayani sa mga hawognon
He is the hero of the powerful
980. Wa sija magpaila wa sija
He did not reveal himself as such
981. Magpamatood nga sija
He did not boast that he was
982. Gidayeg diha sa ijang gahum
Praised because of his power
983. Nakatabang , nakalaban dinhi sa
That he had helped, defended
984. Mga hawognon dinhi sa kalibutan
The powerful of this world.

987. Nakuha lang sija

He was only killed
988. Sa ijang binuhi nga iro
By his pet dog

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
 Dagohoy in Ritual Narratives 161

1324. Kum usta , unsay tujo ? Makura

How are you, what's your intent? Makura.
1325. Kami baynte uno ka kabaylanan.
We are 21 spirit guides.
1326. Gunad niadto, gikan ni Mansilinu.
Since long time ago, starting with Mansilinu.
1327. Kadto si Dagohoy anak ni Mansilinu
Dagohoy was a son of Mansilinu
1328. Lusobio, ang kamagwangan kadto
Lusobio, the eldest was
1329. SiSarinjo, sunod si Handog
Sarinjo, followed by Handog
1330. Sunod si Dagohoy , sunod si
Then Dagohoy, followed by
1331. Guba-guba, sunod si Ambo.
Guba-guba, then Ambo.

1464. Kami man kaha ni Pampas

We Panipas
1465. Makura , Sarinjo , Mansilinu
Makura, Sarinjo, Mansilinu
1466. Handog Handanaw, Francisco
Handog Handanaw, Francisco
1467. Dagohoy, Guba-guba, Ambo
Dagohoy, Guba-guba, Ambo
1468. Manajawsajaw, Labtik Dangay, Ilagon
Manajawsajaw, Labtik Dangay, Ilagon
1469. Mansilinu, Makabanhaw, Lukso Sugabo
Mansilinu, Makabanhaw, Lukso Sugabo
1470. Bato-bato, Mangilat Manaytay, Batong
Bato-bato, Mangilat Manaytay, Batong
1471. Lag-it, Panlit-an, Kantikling, Kimpang
Lag-it, Panlit-an, Kantikling, Kimpang
1472. Moros, Pagtak-an, dad-on namo
Moros, Pagtak-an, will bring
1473. Pag-ajo ang kamatooran sa
So well the truth in
1474. Pagpanubay namo kang Dagohoy.
Our searching about Dagohoy.

Appendix C: Paarang ug Pasalamat (excerpt)

2108. Busa pangyamon kamo, pagjugom

So you eat, you drink,
2109. Kamo, regalo ug alam-alam kini
This is the gift and propitiation

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms
162 Philippine Quarterly of Culture & Society

2110. Ninjong tanan mga kaamigohan

To all of you friends
2111. Mga kaumagdan pagjugom kamo
Powerful ancestors, you all drink
2112. Naay pan , naay tilad, naay
There is bread, there is betel and lime
2113. Pamalabad, naay sigarilyo
There are rolled tobacco leaves, there are cigarettes
2114. Panigarilyo kamo , pagjugom
You smoke the cigarette, you
2115. Kamo , naay alasyo, naay
Drink the wine, there are
2116. Matam-ison, kalaki baja ta
Soft drinks, we must be powerful
2117. Kay kami magpaarang na
For we are now preparing to end
2118. Ug magpasalamat ninjong tanan
And say thanks to all of you
2119. Sa maajong kabubot-on.
In goodwill.

This content downloaded from

27.34.27.237 on Tue, 24 Aug 2021 11:22:28 UTC
All use subject to https://about.jstor.org/terms