American Society for Eighteenth-Century Studies (ASECS)

Introduction: The French Revolution in Culture: New Approaches and Perspectives

Author(s): Lynn Hunt
Source: Eighteenth-Century Studies, Vol. 22, No. 3, Special Issue: The French Revolution in
Culture (Spring, 1989), pp. 293-301
Published by: Johns Hopkins University Press . Sponsor: American Society for
Eighteenth-Century Studies (ASECS) .
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 The FrenchRevolution
in Culture
NewApproaches
and Perspectives

Introduction

LYNN HUNT

THE FRENCH REVOLUTION hasbeendescribed insomerecentworksbyMarxist

historiansas a "cultural
revolution,"withall thatthephraseconnotesofefforts
tocreatea "newman"through themobilization ofa revolutionaryculture.'Al-
though thisviewhasproved illuminatinginmanyrespects, as a descrip-
especially
tionofthecultural policiesoftheJacobingovernment of 1792-94,theculture
inthiscultural revolution
is ambiguous, evenparadoxical.Thephrase"cultural
revolution"is basedon analogiestotheChineseCulturalRevolution, in which
culturewas meantto be entirely subservient to politics.As Mao assertedat
a RedGuardrallyin 1966,"Youshouldputpoliticsincommand, gotothemasses
andbe one withthem,andcarryon theGreatProletarian CulturalRevolution
evenbetter.'2In theChineseviewofculturalrevolution, cultureservesthein-
terestsofthestate;in a sense,itceases beingculturein theusualsenseofthe
termbecauseitnolongerrepresents a society's
many(andusuallyindependent)
waysofmakingsenseoftheworld.Culturethusbecomesanother wordforpo-
liticalre-education,or whattheJacobinscalled, regeneration.
Specialistsin"highculture"-historians ofart,literature,
theater-never use
theterm"cultural revolution" toreferthedecadeoftheFrenchRevolution. For
them,theFrenchRevolution markedmoreofa culturalwasteland thana revo-
lutionin styleor content.It is generallyagreedamongarthistorians, forex-
ample,thattheRevolution did notfundamentally changepaintingstyles,and
thatthesetumultuous yearsleftno enduringarchitectural monuments.3 The
revolutionariesthemselves expressedworriesabouttheeffects ofrevolutionary
I SergeBianchi,
La Revolution
culturelle
de lIn II: Elitesetpeuple(1789-1799)
(Paris:
AubierMontaigne,1982).
2 As quotedbyStuartR. Schram,ThePoliticalThought ofMao Tse-tung,rev.ed.
(London:C. Nicholls,1971),p. 369.
QuotefromAntoineSchnapper, "PaintingduringtheRevolution, 1789-1799,"in
FrenchPainting1774-1830:TheAge ofRevolution (Detroit:WayneStateUniv.Press,
1975).

293

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294 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURYSTUDIES

on thenation's
effervescence cultural One oftherevolutionary
heritage. leaders
mostinterested affairs,
incultural HenriGregoire, coinedtheterm"vandalism"
to condemntheextremities to whichsomehad gonein thedestruction ofall
thephysicalreminders ofroyalty, and feudalism.4
aristocracy, In thecounter-
revolutionaryimagination,and in theviewof manycontemporaries in other
countries,
theRevolutionwasassociatedaboveall else withthedefacementand
demolitionofFrance'sgreatartistic
patrimony:knocking offtheheadsofkings
on theportalsofNotre-Dame sellingthestonesofClunymonastery
cathedral,
to thehighestbidder,and tearingdownthestatueof Louis XIV in theplace
desVictoires
inParisweresimplynotorious examplesofa widespreadproblem.

The essayspresented heretreatculturein a different fashionfromeitherof

thetwokindsofpositionsoutlinedabove.Theylook forcultureneither in the
officialre-education programs oftherevolutionary leadershipnorin themore
conventional realmsof literature or art.Rather,theylook at culturein more
surprising places: in theinformal institutionofthesalon,in learnedtreatises
on publishing, infarcicalandfacetious artcriticism, inpseudo-rustic rosefes-
tivals,in inflammatory anti-ministerial
diatribes,in revolutionary legislation
onpublishing, intheroyalentry ceremony intoParisafter thefalloftheBastille,
andinpro-religious, anti-government riotsduringtheRevolution itself.Taken
together,theyoffer a richvarietyofnewperspectives on thecomplexandoften
unpredictable relationships betweencultureand theRevolution.
Forall theirdifferences inapproachandsubjectmatter, thesearticlesshare
an interest in thewaysin whichculturalpracticescan be politicizedwithout
programmatic, governmental intervention or in a mannerunintended and un-
foreseen bygovernment officials.
The inspiration forthiskindofapproachis
tobe foundin Alexisde Tocqueville'sOld Regimeand theFrenchRevolution.
Because "thelasttracesof freepubliclifehad disappearedin France"bythe
middleoftheeighteenth century,he argued,"politicalferment was canalized
intoliterature." The monarchy had displacedthenobilityfromitstraditional
roleindirecting publicopinion,leavingthefieldopentowriters, whothenim-
posedtheir"fondness forbroadgeneralizations." Theresult,accordingtoTocque-
ville,was"nothing shortofdisastrous'as therevolutionaries subsequently tried
to imposetheirvisionof"animaginary ideal societyin whichall was simple,
uniform, coherent, equitable,and rational."5
Tocqueville'sanalysis providesaninteresting linkbetween thearguments about
"culturalrevolution" and culturaldevastation; forhim,theyare thetwosides
ofthesamecoin. The "cultural revolution" oftheJacobins -what Tocqueville
calledtheattempt to imposea visionof "animaginary ideal society"had its
originsintheexcessivepoliticalimportance ofcultural figuresbeforetheRevo-
lution.Culturalfigures -Tocqueville'swriters-enjoyed thispoliticalinfluence

4 Ferdinand Histoire
Brunot, de la languefrancaise a nosjours,12vols.,
desorigines
(Paris: ArmandColin, 1966) 9 (La Revolutionet l'Empire):857.
s TheOldRegimeandtheFrench Revolution,
tr.Stuart (NewYork:Doubleday,
Gilbert
1955), pp. 142-47.

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 INTRODUCTION 295

becausethemonarchy had destroyed thenormalpoliticalchannelsofexpres-

sionin theparlements andotheraristocratic politicalinstitutions.Giventhese
conditions,as Tocquevilleasserted,"itis easyto understand whyourauthors
becamea powerinthelandandendedup as itspoliticalleaders."6 Highculture
madenostrides forward duringtheRevolutionary decadebecausecultural figures
wereeither sweptupintothepoliticalprocessas makersof"cultural revolution"-
the artistDavid and the philosopherCondorcetbeing the most striking
examples -or werewashedawayintothebackwaters ofobscurity, or
passivity,
evendeath.Highculture couldhardlymakeheadwayduringa revolution which
Tocquevillecharacterized as "carriedoutby[the]leasteducatedandmostun-
rulyelements," who adjusted"thewriters' ideas to theirlustforrevenge."7
Theauthors oftheessaysonthepre-Revolutionary periodinthisspecialissue
takeTocqueville'sinsights as theirpointofdeparture, buttheymodify hisviews
in severalimportant respects.The first twoessaysbyDanielGordonandDena
Goodmanshowthatthemodesandmeansofcommunicating inpre-Revolutionary
Francewerevitaltothepropagation ofEnlightenment ideals.Salons,inpartic-
ular,butalso letters, newspapers, and theprivatecirculation of manuscripts
all contributedto theformation of a new,morecontestatory publicopinion.
Tocquevillehadusedtheterm"publicopinion" ina verybroad,structural sense:
thenobleshadlosttheirdirecting roleinforming publicopinionto"thewriters."
GordonandGoodmanhighlight theroleofconversation andinterchange inthe
formation ofpublicopinionrather thanthapublications ofthegreatEnlighten-
mentwriters themselves. Theydo notdepictthisformation as partofa class
strugglebetweennoblesandbourgeoisie oras a directcontest betweenthestate
andembattled writers; instead,theyshowhowincreasingly densenetworks of
conversationandpublication encouraged thedevelopment ofa notionofpublic
opinionthatthreatened toradicallyaltertheframework ofOld Regimemonar-
chicalpolitics.
BothGordonand Goodmanhavebeen influenced byKeithBaker,who in
a seriesofarticleshas beentracing theriseofpublicopinionas an alternative
forumto theking.8Theyplace muchgreateremphasison thesalon,however,
as thecentralformofsociability in thisdevelopment. Gordonoffers a particu-
larlysalientexampleof"thediscovery ofpublicopinion"in theworksofone
authorwhowasactivelyinvolved insalonculture, theabbeMorellet.Morellet
wasnota greatthinker himself, buthecaptured theimportance ofthenewforms
ofpublicopinioninvariousworks.Morelletvaunted theadvantages ofconver-
sation(as well as of a freepress)in theformation of publicopinion,which
wouldprovideessentialinformation and consultation fortheministers ofthe
realm.GordonplacesMorellet'sviewson conversation in a broadeighteenth-

6 The Old Regimeand theFrenchRevolution, p. 145.

7 TheOld Regimeand theFrenchRevolution, p. 207.
8 See, especially,
KeithMichaelBaker,"PoliticsandPublicOpinionUndertheOld
Regime:Some Reflections;" in JackR. CenserandJeremy D. Popkin,eds., Pressand
Politicsin Pre-Revolutionary
France(Berkeley:Univ.of CaliforniaPress,1987), pp.
208-14.

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296 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURY STUDIES

century context,
showing thatthepleasureofconversation wasviewedas a kind
ofdemocracy anda locusofinstruction in newideas. Withhisanalysisofthe
theoryoftheartofconversation, GordonrevisesNorbertElias'sworkon the
civilizingprocess;he arguesthatbytheendoftheseventeenth century court-
inspiredcivilityhadlostitspowertoa new,moredemocratic idealofmanners
thathad been fostered in thesalons.9
Dena Goodmanlikewiseemphasizesthenewegalitarian valuesrepresented
in thesalons,butshe drawsparticular attention to therole of womenin or-
ganizingthem.She demonstrates howwomenapprenticed inan alreadyestab-
lishedsalonbeforeinaugurating theirown.Shedefends thesalonnieres against
Rousseau'swell-known criticismthattheywereusingtheirsexualcharmsto
corrupt andeffeminizethewould-be leadersofsociety;thesalonnieres, Goodman
argues,redefined themeaningofthesalonandmadeitinto"a seriousworking
space"thatwas essentialto theRepublicofLetters.10 The salonhostessesalso
helpedmaintain thecorrespondence networks thatwerecriticalto thewider
dissemination ofthenewideals.Goodmanthusunderlines thegenderdimen-
sioninwhatJiirgen Habermashasdescribedas theformation ofa publicspace
in theeighteenth century.11
WiththeessaysbyJeremy Popkinand Bernadette Fort,we movefromthe
worldofthesalonsto thedemi-monde ofunderground publishing, that"low
lifeofliterature"
madeso vividbyRobertDarnton.12 LikeDarnton,theyshow
thatthecanalizationofpoliticalferment intoliteraturewas notlimitedto the
authorsoftheHighEnlightenment, or whatTocquevillereferred toas thesafe
coverof"thephilosopher's cloak."Covertpoliticalcriticism couldbe expressed
formsthatwerefarremovedin toneandperhapsalso audience
in intellectual
fromtheEncyclopedie or TheSpiritofLaws. Parodicartcriticism andporno-
graphic pamphletsagainstcourtfigures,forinstance,offered theirpoliticalviews
in formsshapednotbyhighliterary stylebutbyGrubStreettechniques.
PopkinandFortgo beyondDarntonto developtheirowndistinctive views
ofthisunderground literaryculture.Popkinspecifically takesaim at someof
Darnton's mostinfluentialarguments. He arguesthatthepamphlet journalists,
suchas hiscentralfigurePierre-Jacques Le Maitre,werenotmarginal andfrus-
tratedfigures,butrathermembersof the"establishment," who had close ties
to elitepatronseitherin thecourtitselfor in prosperous financial circles.In
linewithrecentworkbyDale VanKleyandothers, Popkinemphasizes thelinks
between theunderground pamphleteers andtheparlementary-Jansenist quarrels
thathadagitated Frenchpoliticssinceatleastmid-century andthatculminated

9 NorbertElias, TheHistoryofManners,vol. 1 of TheCivilizing Process,English

trans.,EdmundJephcott (New York:UrizenBooks, 1978).
10Jean-Jacques andtheArts:
Rousseau,Politics toM. D'Alembert
Letter ontheTheatre,
tr.Allan Bloom (Glencoe,Ill.: Free Press,1960).
11Jurgen Habermas,L'espacepublic:Archeologie de la publicitecommedimension
tr.fromtheGermanbyMarcB. de Launay(Paris,
de la socie'tbourgeoise,
constitutive
1986).
12 RobertDarnton,TheLiterary UndergroundoftheOld Regime(Cambridge, MA:
HarvardUniv.Press,1982).

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 INTRODUCTION 297

intheill-fated Maupeou"coup"of 1771againsttheParlements.'3 As partofthe

ongoing efforttoupgradeoppositional journalism fromitsassociation withhack-
writing and money-grubbing mudslinging, he comparesthepamphlets of the
parlementary-Jansenist milieuto thenewspapers oftheRockingham Whigsin
EnglandunderGeorgeIII.
In herarticleBernadette Fortshowsthatopposition couldtakeformsquite
otherthantheexplicitly politicaldiatribeor thecovertly yetnontheless obvi-
ouslypolitically-motivated"private In a recent,
life." influential
bookonPainters
andPubliclifeinEighteenth-Century Paris,ThomasCrowshowedthefruitful-
nessofcarefulreadingofcontemporary artcriticism.'4 Fortusesthesamekind
ofsources,butshearguesthatmostSaloncriticism wasnotmarked bythebitter
hostilityorforthrightpoliticalradicalism thatCrowemphasizes.Mostofitwas
presented in some kindof comicmoderangingfromburlesquesto fantastic
narratives ofeveryimaginable sort.Ratherthandismissing themas lightweight
trifles,as mostcommentators have,Fortdevelopsa different kindofanalysis
emphasizing thesubversion ofauthorialvoiceitself.The canonicalclaimsof
aristocraticcriticismweremockedin delightful fashionin suchpamphlets as
Picque-niqueconvenable a' ceuxquifrequentent le Salonpar unaveugle.These
deliberatelyephemeral publications increased theirderisive bitebyincorporating
figures, forms, andstrategies frompopulartheater andfromcarnivalesque pro-
totypes, bothancientandcontemporary. TheyearlySalonwasmadetoresemble
a GrandGuignol,and thuslostitsculturalauthority.
The cultureofprintandthecultureofritualoverlapandintertwine in Sarah
Maza'sanalysisoftherosefestivals ofthelateeighteenth century. The rosefes-
tivalofSalencywas "discovered" in 1766bythearistocratic womanofletters,
theComtessede Genlis.In the1770sand1780s,itwasimitated all overnorthern
Franceand memorialized in playsandpastorales.A legalbattlebetweenthe
local lordand thevillagersof theoriginalhomeof thefestival broughtit to
theattention ofthenation.Maza's analysisofthisseemingly simplestoryun-
tanglesmanyofthecomplicated strands ofpre-Revolutionary socialandpolit-
ical life.Centralto herstoryis theparadoxicalpositionofthearistocracy as
bothsupporter ofthefestivals andtheeventualtarget ofcriticstrying todefend
thepurity ofthecelebrations. She showshowthearistocracy appropriated the
rusticritualsto theirownpurposesof self-redefinition as virtuousand moral
bysetting up thefestivalsas theatrical events.The legalbriefswritten forthe
lawcase,on theotherhand,includedsubtleandnotso subtlecriticism ofseig-
neurialprivilegeand tyranny of anysort.The Salencyofthelegal me'moires
exemplified "thetouchingsimplicity ofcountry life,"as oneauthorproclaimed;
itrepresented a kindofideallittlerepublic, anditsfestivals weretheprototype
13Fora recentstatement ofhisposition,see Dale VanKley,"TheJansenistConstitu-
tionalLegacyintheFrenchPre-Revolution,"Historical historiques,
Refiections/IRflexions
13 (1986): 393-453. See also, Nina RattnerGelbart,Feminineand OppositionJour-
nalismin Old RegimeFrance:Le Journaldes Dames (Berkeley:Univ.of California
Press,1987), and JackR. Censerand Jeremy D. Popkin,eds., Pressand Politicsin
Pre-RevolutionaryFrance(Berkeley:Univ.of CaliforniaPress, 1987).
14 (New Haven: Yale Univ.Press,1985).

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298 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURYSTUDIES

forthegreatrevolutionary festivals thatfollowed. Bymeansoftheforensic rhet-

oricoflegalpamphlets, thevirginalvirtueoftherose-girl boundtogether the
nationintoa newkindof"public." In Maza'srendition, therosefestivals incar-
natedin culturalformthemoststriking social and politicalparadoxesof the
Old Regime.
Everyreaderof thisissue will noticethattheessayson thewaningyears
oftheOld Regimeweighheavilyin thiscollection.In part,thisis accidental,
sincearticleswerenotcommissioned on a specificthemeor periodof time.
Thepattern nonethelessreflectsanimportant trendinworkontheFrenchRevo-
lutionthathas been developingfortwodecadesat least. Interest, especially
amonghistorians intheU.S.A., hasshifted awayfromtherevolutionary decade
backtothepre-Revolutionary
itself period.Therearetwocomplementary reasons
forthisshift:scholarsoftheRevolution haveturnedto studiesoftheOld Re-
gimein orderto uncovertheoriginsof thecataclysmof 1789;and younger
scholarswishing toavoidtheideologicalquagmires ofdebateabouttheMarxist
interpretationoftheRevolution havefocussedtheirresearchon thepreviously
neglected oftheeighteenth
socialhistory century. In the1960sand 1970s,these
interestsresultedinthepublication ofmanyimportant studieson socialgroups:
armyofficers, lawyers,
intendants, venalofficeholders, ruralnobility,andparish
clergy,to nameonlya few.15 The essayson thepre-Revolutionary decadesin
thisissuerepresent anothershift insubjectmatter within themoregeneralfocus
ontheoriginsoftheRevolution; rather thanconcerning themselveswithspecific
social groups,theyreconstruct thecomplexand multi-faceted history of cul-
turaltrends andformations. Thesecultural formations arenotlinkedtospecific
social groupsor classes,butratherare partof thedevelopment of a climate
ofcriticism ofcourt,aristocracy, andhabitsofdeference. Takentogether, these
essaysshowthattheRevolution was preceded(if notspecifically caused) by
a widespreadchangein mentalitesor collectiveculturalattitudes. In thede-
cadesbefore1789,Frenchwriters andcriticswerelearning thepropaganda tech-
niquesthatwouldeventually destroy themonarchy, andaristocratic
aristocracy,
culture.
The essaysthatfocuson therevolutionary perioditselfsharemanyofthe
preoccupations oftheessayson thepreceding decades;in a sense,theyshow
howtheclimateofcriticism was workedintotherevolutionary process.Pub-
lishingand thereworking of ritualappearagainas thetwocentralmodesof
culturalactivityunderinvestigation. Theseareusefulpointsoffocussincethe
Revolution wascharacterized byan explosionofprinted matterofall kindsand
bytheefflorescence offestiveand ceremonialforms.In a pathbreaking work
on thelattersubject,Mona Ozoufexaminedtheofficial ofthenewre-
festivals
gime(s),whichshearguedwerethemeansbywhich"thenewsocialbondwas
tobe mademanifest, eternal,anduntouchable." Thefestivals servedtosacralize
thenewregime byinaugurating newsensesoftime,space,andsocialhierarchy.'6

is reviewed
15 Thisliterature (Ox-
inWilliamDoyle,OriginsoftheFrenchRevolution
ford:OxfordUniv.Press,1980).
16 MonaOzouf,Festivals tr.AlanSheridan(Cambridge,
and theFrenchRevolution,
MA: HarvardUniv.Press,1988), quotep. 9.

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 INTRODUCTION 299

Ozoufsstudyoffestivals is oneofseveralrecentworksthathavehighlighted
theworkings ofrevolutionary politicalculture.The mostinfluential statement
ofthecentralsignificance ofthenewpoliticalcultureis FrancoisFuret'swide-
rangingessayon revolutionary politicsand ideology,Interpreting theFrench
Revolution.'7 Furet'sveryabstractand generalargument abouttheoperation
ofdemocratic ideologyhas been supplemented in important waysbyOzoufs
fine-grained analysisandbyMauriceAgulhon's surveyofthefemaleallegories
oftherepublic.'8 Theyshowedthatrevolutionary ideologywas notexpressed
justin theusualverbalmanifestations; thenewpoliticsimplieda newculture
in thesensethatittooka variety ofculturalformsranging fromopen-airfes-
tivalswiththeirprocessions andmusictomonuments, papercurrency, andcoins.
The essaysbyLawrenceBryant and SuzanneDesan havebeeninspiredby
thenewemphasison revolutionary politicalculture, buttheyshowin specific
caseshowculture wascertainly notlimited toofficially-sanctioned
expressions.'9
In contexts as widelydiverseas official andimpromptu ceremonies inthecap-
ital and dramaticconflicts betweenvillagersand theirlocal officials in the
provinces, theactorsin each situation developedtheirownlogic,whichwas
dependent on ancientprototypes butalso transformed bythenewrevolutionary
exigencies.Forexample,theroyalentryceremony, oncetheshowpieceofthe
king'sofficialrelationshipwithhissubjects, wasdramatically alteredbythe"war
ofceremony" thathadbeentaking placesincetheopeningoftheEstatesGeneral
in May 1789.Bryantforcefully makesthecriticalpointthat"Ceremonial was
thedominant styleofpublicrepresentation ofpoliticaleventsin 1789,and it
suppliedthemediumin whichtheorderlypassagefroman absolutestyleof
politicalconductto a constitutional one was carriedout."
The evidenceforthisassertioncomesfroma carefulreadingof accounts
ofa seriesofceremonial occasions,whichwerenotnecessarily officially
directed,
butwhichall developedseriouspoliticalmeaningas theyunfolded. LikeSarah
Maza, Bryantdemonstrates theimportant roleplayedbyprintedversionsof
theseevents.Itwasnotobviouswhowouldhavecontrol eitherovertheprogram
oftheceremonies ortheappropriation oftheirsignificance. Indeed,thedrama
of Bryant's accountcomespreciselyfromhis depictionof theuncertain and
hesitantwaysin whichtheparticipants triedto gain controlovertheevents.
The culminating momentofmonthsof ceremonial jockeyingcame whenthe
kingfoundhimself accepting thetricolorcockadefromBailly,thenewmayor
ofParis.Bryant notonlyilluminates thepoliticaldevelopments oftheearliest
months oftheRevolution; he also offers a new,moregeneralunderstanding of
theroleofceremonial in fashioning whathe calls "strategical scriptsforpolit-
ical performance."

17 Tr. ElborgForster(Cambridge:CambridgeUniv.Press,1981).
18 MarianneintoBattle:RepublicanImageryand Symbolism inFrance,1789-1800,
tr.JanetLloyd(Cambridge:Cambridge Univ.Press,1981).See also, LynnHunt,Poli-
and Class in theFrenchRevolution
tics,Culture, (Berkeley:Univ.ofCalifornia Press,
1984).
19Ozoufalsodiscussesimprovisedandunofficial
festive
actions,someofwhichverged
onriots,inherchapteron"Mockery andRevolution,1793-1794," pp. 83-105.
Festivals,

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300 EIGHTEENTH-CENTURYSTUDIES

SuzanneDesan uncovers another kindofscriptforpoliticalperformance in

heranalysisofreligiousriotsduringtheyearsbetweenthefallofRobespierre
and theriseofNapoleon.Religiousriotstookmanyforms,rangingfromthe
defense ofprieststotheforcible reopening ofchurches forworship. Thewomen
whowereso prominent in theseclashesalreadyhad a tradition in breadand
grainriotsoftakingcollectiveactionto defendtheinterests of theirfamilies
andcommunities, butunderthepressure ofrevolution, theyalso learnedtouse
therhetoric ofpopularsovereignty. Theyweresimplydefending theirrightto
freedom ofopinionandreligiousliberty, someclaimed.Desan'sinvestigation
showsus anotherfaceoftherevolution in culture;whilein Parismaleofficials
passedlegislation aimedat installing new,secularritualsand ceremonies, in
theprovinces,especially,womenbandedtogether todefend thepublicmanifesta-
tionsoftheirtraditional cherished beliefs.Deniedaccessas womentoconven-
tionalareasofpoliticalpower,thesewomentookpowerintotheirownhands
in a moreinformal, oftenillegalfashion.Theirbeliefsmayhavebeen tradi-
tional,buttheywerewillingtostretch theirpracticesinnewdirections inorder
to defendthem.In theprocess,womenestablished newculturalpatterns that
endureto thisday: womenremainedattachedto thepublicpracticesoftheir
religion,whereasmanymenwithdrew fromthem.Publicreligious practicewas
feminized.
Thegender differencesinrevolutionaryculturearealsocentral toCarlaHesse's
essay.She takesthetopicoffemaleauthorship fromthelastdecadesoftheOld
Regimerightup intothenineteenth century in orderto determine theimpact
ofnewrevolutionary legislationon property inprinted works.The legalstatus
of male and femaleauthorswas verydifferent. The law of 19 July1793 ac-
knowledged authors'claimson theirtextsas property rightsforthefirst time,
butthislawdidnoteffectively applytomarried womenauthors, sincetheyhad
nolegalcontrol overproperty. Unmarried adultwomenmayhaveenjoyedsome
autonomy, butmarriedwomencouldnotpublishwithout theauthorization of
theirhusbands.Heranalysisofthelegalsituation leadsHessetoreexamine the
meaningofpseudonymous publication;pseudonymity forwomenauthorswas
nota lastvestigeof feminine modestybutrathertheonlywayto gainsome
controloverthepublication oftheirworks.Onlyin 1965did Frenchmarried
womengaintherighttopublisha workwithout theconsentoftheirhusbands.
Thus,atleastinthisoneimportant respect,the"cultural revolution" washardly
revolutionaryforwomenauthors. Hesse'sfocusonthisparticular genderdimen-
sionofcultural changeforcefully reminds us thatthe"newman"ofrevolutionary
ideologywas often justthat,a manandnotuniversal humankind. Printcould
be an important mediumforthediffusion of newvalues,butaccess to print
was notalwaysopen to everyone.
The essayspresented heredo notadd up to one coherent interpretation of
theFrenchRevolution inculture.Itwouldbe hardtomeldeightdifferent voices
intoone,eveniftheyhadworkedtogether andall kneweachother(whichthey
didn'tanddon't).Yetthereare remarkable resonancesbetweentheessaysbe-
causetheyall focuson cultureunderstood initspoliticalconstruction andcon-
nection.Theculture intheseessaysis notperhapsculture as itis usuallydefined

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 INTRODUCTION 301

in termsofthefineartsor official programs of schooling.It is, nevertheless,

culturethatis at once bothrevolutionary and collective:biting,critical,con-
testatory,public,and developedin theheatof themoment's struggles.
Theseessaysbroadenoutourperspective on revolutionarypoliticalculture,
showing boththatitevolvedoverseveraldecadesattheendoftheOld Regime,
rather thanall at once after1789,andthatitoffered as muchroomforcontin-
uingconflictanddifference as itdidfornewformsofsocialconsensus.In that
sense,theseessaysconfirm thattherevolution inculture wasdemocratic, though
notbecausethestatesucceededininstalling a newideology ofdemocracy (limited
onlytomen),as TocquevilleandafterhimFurethavemaintained. The revolu-
tionin culturewas democratic in thatit was neverfirmly in anyone'scontrol,
and it continued to offernewavenuesofconfrontation, whether overtherole
oftheAcademyinartor overthewearingofcostumesinpoliticalprocessions.
Thus,fromtheirverydifferent vantagepoints,all theauthorsincludedhere
argueforthedeeplycreativepossibilities of actionbypeople as different as
salonhostesses, hackwriters, andshopkeepers' wives.Whatbetter waytocele-
bratetheenduringsignificance of theFrenchRevolution!

University
ofPennsylvania

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