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Luxury and Wealth in Sparta and The Peloponnese - (4. Kyniska Production and Use of Wealth)
Luxury and Wealth in Sparta and The Peloponnese - (4. Kyniska Production and Use of Wealth)
Luxury and Wealth in Sparta and The Peloponnese - (4. Kyniska Production and Use of Wealth)
KYNISKA:
PRODUCTION AND USE OF WEALTH
her victories. Her father King Archidamos II, from the Eurypontid royal
house, was a very rich man. His grandfather Leotychidas II married twice.
From his first wife he had a son, Zeuxidamos, nicknamed Kyniskos.
The latter died, so Leotychidas married again with Eurydame, by whom
he had a daughter Lampito. Eurydame belonged to an important and
well-known family. Leotychidas had his grandchild Archidamos (the son
of Zeuxidamos) marry his own daughter Lampito (Herodotus 6.71). His
marriage policy aimed both to provide a spare heir for the dynasty and
not to disperse the family patrimony. Archidamos and Lampito, his wife
and half-aunt, were heirs to the properties both of Leotychidas and of his
two wives.3 Kyniska was the daughter of Archidamos, though her mother
was probably not Lampito, but Archidamos’ second wife Eupolia, who
was also the mother of Agesilaos.
In the light of such genealogical data, and if we suppose, with
Stephen Hodkinson, that women did inherit in Sparta, we must deduce
57
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that Kyniska was one of the richest women in town. This is confirmed
indirectly by the way that Xenophon (Agesilaos 9.6) introduces her, when
he says that Agesilaos, himself a breeder of war-horses, persuaded her to
rear horses for chariot-racing (ἁρματοτροφεῖν: see Paradiso 2015 and Part
II by J. Roy) and compete in the four-horse chariot-race at the Olympic
Games. Xenophon presents the enterprise as expensive and Kyniska as
a woman who was, in the eyes of her brother, perfectly able to act by
herself. Plutarch modifies Xenophon’s account, relating that Agesilaos
persuaded Kyniska to compete in the Olympics, without mentioning
breeding racehorses, since he evidently thought that Kyniska would
already be a horsebreeder with a stable.4 According to both authors,
Agesilaos encouraged his sister to devote herself to racehorses, since
he aimed to show that such enterprises were due to wealth rather than
to ἀνδραγαθία (‘manly virtue’, Xenophon) or ἀρετή (‘excellence’, Plutarch).
Such an intended humiliation is not believable, since Kyniska took part in
two Olympiads, whereas a single participation would have been sufficient
to demonstrate Agesilaos’ proposition. Probably, Xenophon related an
off-the-record commentary by Agesilaos rather than his real advice
(Paradiso 2015). Kyniska may have been the ‘political agent’ of Agesilaos
in achieving a victory that granted her an international reputation, as Ellen
Millender supposes.5 Nevertheless, Kyniska could have taken the decision
herself, moved by her own interests and thanks to her wealth. That wealth
gave her the possibility of choosing how to use it, and even to showcase
it.6 Pausanias saw the epigram that she commissioned to be inscribed on
her thank-offering for her victory at Olympia, but he did not record it.
However, the epigram was fully recorded in the Anthologia Palatina and
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the inscription itself also survives on the extant part of the monument’s
round base, though with two important gaps and some differences in
wording. In it, Kyniska proudly introduced herself as the only one, among
all women, to win the four-horse chariot-race.7 Accordingly, Pausanias
commented on that and her other dedications, by making allusion to
her φιλοτιμία (‘ambition’) and to both her priorities, as the first woman in
Greece to breed horses and win at the Olympic Games.8 She also offered
other dedications, for instance one at the Menelaion.9 Such data match
the image of a self-confident woman. Of course, that woman may have
acted both on her own and in full accord with her brother’s politics.
Kyniska’s fondness for chariot-racing and her wealth can serve as the
starting point for some interesting reflections. She was certainly the first
woman to break such records, but she was not the first Spartan royal to
take an interest in horse-breeding and chariot-racing, not even within the
Eurypontid royal house. According to Herodotus, King Damaratos was
58
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allegedly circulated, but silver currency was also admitted and deposits of
precious metals were possibly preserved.15
Let us review what was needed for hippotrophia, starting with the
traditional structures of the Spartan economy. First, feeding horses was
exacting. To win twice, Kyniska must have bred and engaged more than
two teams in competitions, a fairly high number of horses, to assure
replacements in case of serious accidents. To feed them, rich land was
needed for pasture, and also for cultivation, since a huge amount of barley
would be devoted to horses, besides what was reserved for human food.
The best lands were possibly located in the Pamisos valley in Messenia.
In the same places, near the pasturelands, might also be located both the
stables and, possibly, a private hippodrome (see Part II).
Second, helot labour. Many tasks must have been accomplished by
helotic labour. One may think of the duties performed by the personnel
who took care of the organization, maintenance, and cleaning of both the
59
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stables and the horses.16 Plato (Alc. 1.122d–e) reviews the wealth of the
Spartiates: their landed properties, slaves (andrapoda) and helots, horses
and cattle. His statement suggests that slaves and helots specifically cared
for horses and cattle (Blaineau 2015, 123). According to Pausanias, the
statues of two paidia were located at Olympia as part of the chariot-race
victory monument of the Spartan Polykles, who was depicted holding the
ribbon: one of the boys was holding a wheel, the other was asking for the
ribbon.17 If the two paidia were stable boys rather than Polykles’ children,
as Eckstein suggested, here might be a representation of helotic labour
in the field of chariot-racing.18 The people who tamed and/or trained the
horses and foals could also even have been helots. However, in Athens
horse-breakers, as opposed to grooms, were usually hired as free skilled
labour (Xenophon, On Horsemanship 2.2).
Third, chariots. Chariots were not imported as luxury items. It was
well-known that carriages and wagons were produced in Lakonike, by skilled
labour of course. Their manufacture was very ancient and already attested
at Bronze Age Pylos (Ventris and Chadwick 1956, 373–5). In the Odyssey
(4.587 ff.), when Telemachus visits Menelaus, the king offers him a chariot
and three horses as a gift. In the classical period, Xenophon mentions the
loading of military equipment on carts, and Theophrastus comments on
the type of timber used for the construction of Spartan wagons.19 Poseidon
Gaieochos was said ‘to rejoice over the chariots’ that competed in the
hippodrome near the sanctuary of the god at his festival near Therapne.20
When he visited Sparta, Themistokles was presented with an ochos, a vehicle,
just like Telemachus. Borimir Jordan has argued that it was neither a
baggage cart (hamaxa) nor a racing chariot (harma), thinking that the former
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was an unsuitable gift and the latter too light for long-distance transport.
So, he supposed that the vehicle was a wicker kannathron, a beautifully
crafted carriage, since Herodotos, who relates the story, says that it was the
most beautiful in Sparta and Plutarch states that kannathra were lavishly
decorated with wooden shapes of griffins and goat-stags.21 Being so lavishly
decorated, kannathra could be expensive and the proof is that the daughter
of frugal Agesilaos personally used a politikon kannathron, a simple one,
befitting an ordinary citizen.22 Whatever Themistocles’ ochos may have
been, we can deduce from this story and the other testimonies that skilled
labour was available to manufacture vehicles at Sparta and elsewhere in
Lakonia and Messenia. The circuit of hippodromes in perioikic territory
(at Thouria, Thyreatis, and on the hill of Prophitis Ilias)23 allows us to
guess that urgent repair of chariots could be assured in the various places
where competitions were held. However, Kyniska surely counted on
personnel who worked for her, probably also helots.
60
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lend and borrow horses,27 Kyniska possibly did not borrow a stallion for
her mares but owned them both. The Spartans knew different ‘races’ of
horses: Alcman, for instance, knows of Enetic, Colaxaean, and Ibenian
racehorses.28 In the later fifth century, either in 424 or in 440, a Spartan
victor in the Olympic four-horse chariot-race, Leon, proudly claims in
the inscription engraved on his victory monument at Olympia that he
won thanks to his Enetic horses (Λέων Λακεδαιμόνιος ἵπποισι νικῶν Ἐνέταις
Ἀντικλείδα πατήρ: ‘Leon Lakedaimonian winning with Enetic horses...’).29
Polemon of Ilion, who relates the inscription, adds that Leon was the
first to gain a success through an Enetic team; but such information,
not preserved in the inscription, may simply have been deduced from
the possibly unique mention, in dedications, of such horses.30 Unless we
suppose that a foreign ‘breed’ had been maintained in Sparta since the time
of Alcman, never being crossed in time with local ones, Leon’s singular
claim could have been justified by an innovation, a recent purchase of
61
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foreign Enetic horses (Hodkinson 2000, 313). Polemon too noticed that
the mention of such horses needed an explanation. If it happened, such
a purchase would have brought Sparta into an important commercial
circuit involving other Greek, and non-Greek, areas, such as the Adriatic
region or even Paphlagonia, the alleged original home-country of the
Enetic race (Blaineau 2015, 100 n. 264). That circuit required of course
access to a cash economy.
Second, after her exploits, Kyniska dedicated at Olympia two offerings
that Pausanias describes as two groups of statues. The first comprised a
chariot and its team of four horses, the charioteer, and Kyniska herself
(the first member of a royal family to be so portrayed): part of its round
base has been found.31 The second offering comprised a chariot and
bronze horses on a smaller scale.32 Both statue groups were made by
Apelleas, the son of Kallikles, who signed them. Apelleas was not a
Spartan, but from Megara, so Kyniska must have paid him, and twice.
Possibly, she paid the author of the epigram too, if he was a foreigner like
Simonides, who had composed the epigram for Pausanias the regent.33
One cannot realistically suppose any form of payment other than silver
(in coin or bullion) or even useful bronze. Note the nickname of Polykles
mentioned above, who gained victories in all four of the ‘Crown games’:
‘Polychalkos’, ‘rich in bronze’, with possible, and polysemic, allusion to
the number of his bronze victory statues, but also to his wealth, either
abstract (‘polychalkos’ is associated by Homer to ‘polychrysos’, ‘rich in
gold’) or concrete, in some form of bronze.34
Third, Kyniska would also have had cash at her disposal for other
necessities, linked to travel and the problems of transport, but above all
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for the stay of the horses, chariots, and personnel from the stables, at
the places of competition. She must have sent the horses (and all they
needed) to Olympia some time (around a month?) before, to have them
accustomed to the hippodrome and to allow inspection by the Elean
officials who registered teams for the races. The horses were possibly
conveyed on carts, so as to avoid pre-competition inflammations of the
hooves or serious bone, joint, tendon or muscle injuries from walking on
the ancient roads of the Peloponnese.35 Both personnel and horses also
had to be fed. Theoretically, one could imagine the movement of carts of
barley and fodder from the owner’s estates. However, the most practical
scenario is that food and fodder were purchased at Olympia, where a
market certainly existed and flourished, since it provided goods for every
need. The same probably happened at the local Lakonian, and especially
perioikic, festivals where chariot-races or competitions involving horses
ridden by jockeys were held. If one considers the number of rich Spartans
62
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Kyniska reared her horses, and in fact bred them, as she has already
argued elsewhere.38 Xenophon, for instance, draws a clear parallel
(Agesilaos 9.6) between Agesilaos’ rearing, and clearly breeding, many
war-horses and hunting-dogs and Kyniska’s ἁρματοτροφεῖν, i.e. rearing
horses for chariot-racing. Indeed, her repeated victories at Olympia (Paus.
6.1.6) show that she was committed over several years to maintaining
chariot-horses, and had equipped herself to do so. The point is important,
since on it depends how long and how obviously she displayed wealth by
successful chariot-racing.
A fragment of Polycrates, transmitted by Athenaeus,39 tells us that
Spartan girls ( parthenoi) travelled to the Hyakinthia in elaborately decorated
wicker carts (kannathra), but some paraded on two-horse chariots. The
text as transmitted contains, in the phrase about chariots, a reference to
competition (ἐφ’ ἁμίλλαις). Does this mean that the girls raced? Details
are obscure because that part of the text is clearly corrupt, and Kaibel,
63
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that they were highly prized. Much of the available information is related
to Alkibiades’ entry of seven teams in 416, and Gribble uses that evidence
to suggest an approximate value of five talents per team.44 We also know
that a penalty imposed at Olympia included two horses, presumably a
racing pair, valued at two talents (and their gear valued at thirty minai):45
since it would be easier to match a pair than to create a team of four,
the pair might well be relatively somewhat cheaper, though still costly.
Thus a good team was greatly valued, and Olympic racing standards were
probably as high as they could be.
There was an element of chance in the outcome of chariot-races,
because crashes and other accidents were not uncommon. It is not clear
how many teams competed in an Olympic four-horse chariot-race, and
estimates have gone as high as sixty.46 These numbers seem incredible,
but, since Alkibiades in 416 and Dionysios I of Syracuse in 388 (D.S.
14.109.1–4) were allowed to enter multiple teams, the number admitted
64
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65
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that the chariot-race for foals was for pôloi aboloi, i.e. foals that had not yet
lost their milk-teeth. According to Pausanias (6.2.1-2), a Spartan called
Lykinos once tried to enter a team for this race but one of his horses
was not accepted: he then entered his team for the main chariot-race,
and won.56 There are problems with Pausanias’ account of Lykinos,
discussed by Stephen Hodkinson, who accepts Pausanias’ report.57 If that
is right, Lykinos’ horses will have been less than four-and-a half years
old. Nonetheless, even four-year-olds are much less mature than five- or
six-year-olds, and if Lykinos did indeed win the four-horse chariot-race
with such young horses, they must have been an exceptional team:
such a victory is in fact much more surprising than victory by ten- or
eleven-year-olds.
For comparison there are various studies of modern racehorses, though
obviously not of chariot-teams. A study of American thoroughbred
racehorses (Gramm and Marksteiner 2010) showed that they race from
the age of two to nine or more: one horse raced at the age of 12.4 years.
Performance improved rapidly until the age of four and a half, and
then declined much more slowly as the horse aged. A study of horses
up to the age of eight or nine running in races organised by the Japan
Racing Association (Takahashi 2015) also found that speed improved
until age four and a half, but noticed no significant decline thereafter;
it was speculated that the apparent lack of decline was due to decreases
in the weight carried and the retirement of less successful horses. The
careers of thoroughbreds racing in Hong Kong showed that some began
racing at age two, and their subsequent careers did not suffer from this
early start.58 The longest career, calculated from the first race, was 92.58
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must have begun at the latest four years before her first victory, and that
would assume that her very first foals produced a team of Olympic victors:
a longer period before her victory is much more likely. If the first victory
did indeed fall in 396, then Kyniska was probably breeding already during
the reign of her half-brother, Agis II, Agesilaos’ predecessor (Paradiso
2015, 239).
A team would need to be trained to race as a team among competing
teams. That would require a hippodrome, or a comparable track. There
were several hippodromes in Lakonia and Messenia,61 but it might have
been impractical to use them for training. Evidence from elsewhere about
work to make hippodromes ready for festivals suggests that they were
not always kept permanently fit for racing, and some at least were rented
out for pasture between festivals (Mathé 2010): moreover, unless the
hippodrome happened to be very near the horse-breeder’s estate, there
would have been the problem of moving the horses frequently. Therefore,
67
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Kyniska may well have created a race-track on her estate, with costs in
construction and maintenance, even if helot labour was used, since land
and labour would be diverted from agricultural production. Then to train
her horses to compete she would have needed several teams.
In any case, it would have been desirable to give the horses the
experience of real competition as soon as they were fit to take part, and
that would have meant showing them in public. The numerous races in
Lakonia and Messenia listed on the Damonon stele show that a Spartan
owner could launch a team in real competition in local events, and
Kyniska presumably did so. That would make her racing stable very well
known among Spartans. Pomeroy points out (2002, 23) that the anecdote,
in Xenophon and Plutarch, that Agesilaos encouraged Kyniska to race at
Olympia ‘suggests that he thought his sister’s horses had a good chance to
win’: the point is well taken, and implies that Kyniska’s horses had shown
what they were capable of. Clearly, Kyniska won at Olympia at her first
attempt, and we can safely assume that she had not previously competed
at any other of the great panhellenic festivals, but her horses could have
raced in Lakonia and Messenia.
Kyniska could pursue her interest because she possessed and controlled
great wealth. When she won at Olympia, the whole Greek world saw
some of her wealth on the race-track, and knew that much more had
been expended in preparation. Among Spartans, however, her display
of wealth would have begun long before, and it continued for at least
four more years. And behind her wealth on public display lay the wealth
carefully managed and employed over several years to maintain a racing
stable. Though Kyniska would be able to employ suitable staff to run
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both her estates and her racing stable, there is no reason to doubt that
she took a strong personal interest in this range of activity. And, even
if her wealth was derived from land and helot labour, she acquired, in
negotiable form, the resources needed to purchase in Lakonia and beyond
not only equipment and supplies but the memorials of her success that
were famous throughout the Greek world.
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Notes
1
Pausanias 3.8.1; 3.15.1; 5.12.5; 6.1.6; Moretti 1957, nos. 373 and 381.
2
Moretti 1953, 41, 43.
3
Hodkinson 2000, 65–112, esp. 94–104.
4
Plutarch, Agesilaos 20.1: cf. Apophthegmata Laconica (Agesilaos 49) 212b.
5
Millender 2009, 25; 2018; 2019. Cf. Kyle 2003.
6
On both τιμή (‘honour’) and δύναμις (‘power’) provided for women through
wealth, cf. Plutarch, Agis 7.6. In Euripides’ Andromache, Hermione is given freedom
of speech and power at home through her possessions (ll.147–53 and 940): see Ellen
Millender’s analysis in this volume (Chapter 6) of Euripides’ portrayal of Hermione
as evidence (presented in a critical manner) of female wealth in Sparta.
7
Anthologia Palatina 13.16; cf. IvO 160 = IG V 1, 1564a = Moretti 1953, no. 17.
8
Pausanias 3.8.1–2; 6.1.6.
9
IG V 1, 235; cf. IG V 1, 1567.
10
Herodotus 6.70.3, with Moretti 1957, no. 157.
11
Herodotus 6.65; 6.67; 6.70.2.
12
Xenophon, Hell.3.1.6; Anab. 2.1.3; 7.8.17; Pausanias 3.7.8; Plutarch, Apophthegmata
Laconica (Leotychidas 1) 224D; Sextus Empiricus, Adversus Mathematicos 1.258.
13
Pausanias 6.2.1. Cf. Moretti 1957, nos. 305, 311, 315, 324, 327, 332, and 339.
14
Xenophon, Agesilaos 9.6; Plutarch, Agesilaos 20.1; Isocrates, Arch. 55. See also
Aristophanes, Clouds 12–74 and Xenophon, Hell. 6.4.11, with Hodkinson 2000,
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37
Hodkinson 2000, 335–68: cf. Hodkinson 2004, especially 111–12.
38
Paradiso (2015, 237–8) argues that Kyniska will have been breeding horses
well before her first success at Olympia. On this point I might seem to differ from
Stephen Hodkinson, but in fact do not: he argued (2000, 313, with n. 26 on p. 331)
that Kyniska probably acquired a mature team, but later wrote of Kyniska’s breeding
horses (2004, 111), and confirmed in discussion at the conference in Nottingham
that he accepts that Kyniska may have bred horses.
39
Polycrates FGrH/BNJ 588 fr.1 = Athenaeus Deip. 4.139F.
40
Kaibel 1887 ad loc. Vannini 2020 argues that the words referring to girls on
chariots are a gloss interpolated in the text of Athenaeus, and that ἁμίλλαις is a
corruption of ἁμίππων (‘two-horsed’), i.e. that the gloss said that girls rode to the
festival on two-horse chariots but with no reference to racing.
41
Arrigoni 1985, 94; Pomeroy 2002, 20 n. 69. Raschke (1994) considered the
possibility that the female figures shown driving three-horse chariots on an Athenian
red-figure kylix of the later fifth century were Spartan girls, but concluded that
they were more probably not human but Nikai: Neils (2012, 158–61) nevertheless
argued that these figures are further evidence for chariot–racing by Spartan girls.
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52
On the distinction between war-horses and racehorses e.g. Blaineau 2015, 36
‘les chevaux de course’, and Index général p. 333 ‘course (cheval de)’. Blaineau (29–52)
examines the physical characteristics of ancient Greek horses, arguing that racehorses
would be bigger. Willekes 2019 adds some points on the breeding of ancient racehorses.
53
So Hodkinson 2000, 312, 331 n. 25.
54
Xenophon in his equestrian treatises (Hipp. 3.7, 8.1; Cav. Comm. 1.5, 1.18, 8.2–3)
mentions training needed for war-horses such as jumping ditches, leaping over
walls, rushing up banks, jumping down from banks and galloping down slopes:
such training was not suitable for racehorses.
55
Simon was known to Xenophon (e.g. Hipp. 1.1.3). Simon fr. 4 Ruehl refers
specifically to racehorses.
56
We know from Pausanias (5.24.10) that there were at Olympia judges who
assessed the horses that competitors wished to enter for the foals’ race, but oddly
they did not disclose their reasons for any decision. No doubt the decision on whether
a horse was still a foal depended mainly, or entirely, on the state of its milk-teeth.
57
Hodkinson 2000, 308, with n. 15 on p. 330.
58
Velie, Stewart, Lam, Wade, and Hamilton 2013.
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Luxury and Wealth in Sparta and the Peloponnese, edited by Chrysanthi Gallou, and Stephen Hodkinson, Classical Press of
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Luxury and Wealth in Sparta and the Peloponnese, edited by Chrysanthi Gallou, and Stephen Hodkinson, Classical Press of
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Luxury and Wealth in Sparta and the Peloponnese, edited by Chrysanthi Gallou, and Stephen Hodkinson, Classical Press of
Wales, The, 2022. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/trinitycollege/detail.action?docID=30401811.
Created from trinitycollege on 2023-12-14 12:56:34.
Luxury and Wealth in Sparta and the Peloponnese, edited by Chrysanthi Gallou, and Stephen Hodkinson, Classical Press of
Wales, The, 2022. ProQuest Ebook Central, http://ebookcentral.proquest.com/lib/trinitycollege/detail.action?docID=30401811.
Created from trinitycollege on 2023-12-14 12:56:34.