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had been to the board of guardians, or to the clerk of the Stafford union, and
promised to behave better in future. Has had various similar cases brought before
him.'"

The following statements of the Commissioners demand

serious consideration.—(Second Report, p. 105.)
"581. But the chief disease is that produced by the occupation of the grinder,
which is the most pernicious of any branch of manufacture in England. The
inhalation of the dust of the grindstone and of the steel of the knife, or whatever
he may be grinding, is so pernicious, that the life of a dry grinder scarcely
averages thirty-five years, whilst that of a wet grinder is seldom prolonged to more
than forty-five years. The bent posture and pressure on the stomach aggravate
the evil. Fork-grinding is the most pernicious, because it is done dry, and a great
deal more of the steel has to be ground off. Dr. Knight states that he cannot better
express how injurious grinding is to the health than by stating, that 'they who are
the greatest drinkers among the grinders are sometimes the longest lived, owing
to their more frequent absence from their work.'
"582. Dust flues, in the state of perfection to which they have now been
brought, appear to be capable of greatly diminishing if not of entirely obviating the
evil. The Sheffield grinders cannot, however, be induced to avail themselves of this
security; they know that they are doomed to an early death, yet they are
absolutely unwilling that the evil to which they are exposed should in any degree
be lessened: they regard every precaution to prolong life with jealousy, as a
means of increasing the supply of labor and lowering wages; they are for 'a short
life and a merry one,' and hence, even when the masters are at the expense of
erecting the apparatus, these men refuse to use it, and even frequently kick it
down and break it under their feet.'"—(Ibid. Evidence.)

As to the moral state of this class of work-people, the

Report speaks thus.—(Second Report, p. 176-178.)
"933. The moral and religious state of the children and young persons employed
in the trades and manufactures of Birmingham, is described by the Sub-
commissioner as very unfavorable. The social and domestic duties and affections
are but little cultivated and practiced; great numbers never attend any place of
religious worship; and of the state of juvenile crime some conception may be
formed from the statement, that of the total number of known or suspected
offenders in this town, during the last twelve months, namely 1223, at least one-
half were under fifteen years of age.
"934. As to illicit sexual intercourse, it seems to prevail almost universally, and
from a very early period of life: to this conclusion witnesses of every rank give
testimony.
"936. Wolverhampton.—Of the moral condition of the youthful population in the
Wolverhampton district, Mr. Horne says—'Putting together all I elicited from
various witnesses and conversations with working people, abroad and at home,
and all that fell under my observation, I am obliged to come to the conclusion,
that the moral virtues of the great majority of the children are as few in number
and as feeble in practice as can well be conceived of those who are born in a
civilized country, surrounded by religious and educational institutions, and by
individuals anxious for the improvement of the condition of the working classes.'
He adds of Willenhall—'A lower condition of morals, in the fullest sense of the
term, could not, I think, be found. I do not mean by this that there are many more
prominent vices among them, but that moral feelings and sentiments do not exist
among them. They have no morals.'
"940. Sheffield.—In all the Sheffield trades employing large numbers of children,
it is stated that there is a much closer intermixture of the younger children with
the elder youths, and with the men, than is usual in the cotton, woollen, and flax
factories; and that the conversations to which the children are compelled to listen,
would debase their minds and blunt their moral feelings even if they had been
carefully and virtuously educated, but that of course this result takes place more
rapidly and completely in the case of those who have had little or no religious
culture, and little but bad example before their eyes from their cradle upwards.
"943. Habits of drinking are formed at a very early age, malt liquor being
generally introduced into the workshops, of which the youngest children are
encouraged to partake. 'Very many,' say the police officers, 'frequent beer-shops,
where they play at dominoes, bagatelle, &c., for money or drink.' Early
intemperance is assigned by the medical men as one cause of the great mortality
of Sheffield. 'There are beer-houses,' says the Rev. Mr. Farish, 'attended by youths
exclusively, for the men will not have them in the same houses with themselves.
In these beer-houses the youth of both sexes are encouraged to meet, and scenes
destructive of every vestige of virtue or morality ensue.'
"945. But it is stated by all classes of witnesses, that 'the most revolting feature
of juvenile depravity in this town is early contamination from the association of the
sexes;' that 'juvenile prostitution is exceedingly common.' 'The evidence,' says the
Sub-commissioner, 'might have been doubled which attests the early
commencement of sexual and promiscuous intercourse among boys and girls.'
"953. Sedgley.—At Sedgley and the neighboring villages, the number of girls
employed in nail-making considerably exceeds that of the boys. Of these girls Mr.
Horne reports—'Their appearance, manners, habits, and moral natures, (so far as
the word moral can be applied to them,) are in accordance with their half-civilized
condition. Constantly associating with ignorant and depraved adults and young
persons of the opposite sex, they naturally fall into all their ways; and drink,
smoke, swear, throw off all restraint in word and act, and become as bad as a
man. The heat of the forge and the hardness of the work render few clothes
needful in winter; and in summer, the six or seven individuals who are crowded
into these little dens find the heat almost suffocating. The men and boys are
usually naked, except a pair of trousers and an open shirt, though very often they
have no shirt; and the women and girls have only a thin, ragged petticoat, and an
open shirt without sleeves.'"
 Lace-Making.—In this occupation it is proved, by
unquestionable evidence, that it is customary for children to
begin to work at the age of four, five, and six years; and
instances were found in which a child only two years old was
set to work by the side of its mother. The work is of course
very slight, but is trying to the eyes. The Sub-commissioner,
after detailing a case, says
"58. In this case, if the statement of the mother be correct, one of her children,
four years of age, works twelve hours a-day with only an interval of a quarter of
an hour for each meal, at breakfast, dinner, and tea, and never going out to play:
and two more of her children, one six and the other eight years of age, work in
summer from 6 a. m. till dusk, and in winter from seven in the morning till ten at
night, fifteen hours.
"59. This family is singular only in the children being set to work at the ages of
two or three. It is common in this district for children to commence work at four,
five, and six; the evidence renders this fact indubitable."—(Second Report, p. 10.)

The following extracts relate to the hours of work in the

lace trade:—
"336. In the Nottingham, Leicester, and Derby districts, partly from the causes
just assigned, and partly from the dissipated habits of the workmen, 'the hours of
labor are so extremely irregular that it is impossible to speak of them with exact
precision.' The hand-machines, especially the wide machines, are usually double-
handed; some very large ones have three men each; the men work such machines
by 'spells for shifts.' The most common time is sixteen, eighteen, and occasionally
twenty hours. 'However long,' adds the Sub-commissioner, 'may be the hours
during which the machines are propelled, even for the whole twenty-four, either by
hand or power, there are scarcely ever two complete sets of threaders.'
"341. Mr. William Hinde, aged twenty-nine, operative—'Among the small
masters, who have each one or two machines, it is the custom for one set of
children to work for two or three masters. The masters often live a long way from
each other; children have often to go one or two miles. They are always wanted
when the machine comes off, whatever may be the hour of the day or night; they
are required just as much by night as by day, unless the men will accommodate
the children, which is very rarely done, especially when trade is good. When there
has been a good pattern, and the machine in constant use, the children "have
scarcely a bit of peace," they have no regular time for meals, "no time for
nothing;" when one machine is off, another is on. Was himself formerly a threader,
and then a winder. Has often gone at six in the morning, and has had no time to
get any thing to eat, except a mouthful now and then, till three or four in the
afternoon. It is the same now, when trade is good. The children have no regular
time for meals; they have their food sent to them, and they eat when they can;
some have nothing but a bit of bread. There is no more regular time for sleeping
than for eating; the children often lie down "in the middle of the shop door, when
it is warm." Thinks hundreds have been sent to the grave by this work. It is
enough to kill the children, going half fed and clothed to work in the night, at this
time of the year. (The thermometer last night was 102.')—(Second Report, pp. 56-
9).

Of course, work of this nature, for such hours, and at such

an early age, cannot but be followed by deplorable
consequences to health in after life, as well as to moral
character. Accordingly the Commissioners report.—(II, p. 109,
110, 181.)
"598. From the nature of their occupation, the long and irregular hours of work,
the frequency of night-work, and the insufficient time allowed for meals—an evil of
the greatest magnitude in the case of growing children—the constitution is
frequently seriously impaired. 'The majority of the children whom I saw,' says the
Sub-commissioner, 'were pale and unhealthy-looking, and several were of
diminutive stature. The health and sight are often greatly impaired, especially
among the runners, who occasionally faint while at work; indeed, there cannot be
an occupation which more seriously deteriorates the constitution. Short-
sightedness, amaurosis, distortion of the spine, excessive constitutional debility,
indigestion, and derangement of the uterine functions, may be said to be almost
universal: all the evidence points to this conclusion.'
"'In the town of Nottingham,' says Mr. Grainger, 'all parties, clergy, police,
manufacturers, work-people, and parents, agree that the present mode of
employing children and young persons as threaders and winders is a most fertile
source of immorality. There can, in fact, be but few states more immediately
leading to vice and profligacy. Children of both sexes are called out of their
parents' houses at all hours of the night, and, as it is quite uncertain how long
they may be required, whether for two hours or the whole night, a ready and
unanswerable excuse for staying out is furnished.—(No. 138.)
"The moral condition of the lace-makers in Northamptonshire, Oxfordshire, Beds
and Bucks, is stated by Major Burns to be extremely low, and prostitution is rife
among them, from their scanty earnings, their love of finery, and the almost total
absence of early moral culture."—(Report: App. Pt. I, p. A. 12, s. 104.)

Millinery and Dressmaking.—The portion of these

instructive volumes which describes the condition of the
young women employed as milliners and mantua-makers in
our great cities, and especially in London, is, however, that
which has left the most painful impression upon our minds—
not only because the work of these unfortunate girls is of all
the most, severe and unremitting—nor because it is inflicted
exclusively upon the weaker sex, and at a period of life the
most susceptible of injury from overstrained exertion—nor yet
because the actual consequences which are shown to ensue
in thousands of cases are so peculiarly deplorable—-but
because the excess of labor (with all its pernicious and fatal
results) is endured in the service, and inflicted in execution of
the orders, of a class whose own exemption from toil and
privation should make them scrupulously careful not to
increase, causelessly or selfishly, the toils and privations of
their less favored fellow-creatures—a class, too, many of
whom have been conspicuously loud in denouncing the
cruelties of far more venial offenders, and in expressing a
somewhat clamorous and overacted sympathy with sufferings
which cannot for a moment be compared in severity with
those which are every day inflicted on the helpless of their
own sex, in ministering to their own factitious and capricious
wants. The remark may appear harsh, but the evidence
before us fully warrants it—that probably in no occupation
whatever—not in the printing fields of Lancashire—not, in the
lace trade of Nottingham—not in the collieries of Scotland—
scarcely in the workshops of Willenhall—most assuredly not in
the cotton factories of Manchester, (which a few years ago
the fashionable fair of London were so pathetic in lamenting)
—can any instances of cruelty be met with which do not
"whiten in the shade" of those which every spring and
autumn season sees practiced—unreprobated, and till now
nearly unknown—in the millinery establishments of the
metropolis.
The following extracts will show that we are guilty of no
exaggeration.—(II, p. 114-122.)
"622. It is estimated that there are in London, in the millinery and dressmaking
business, at least 1500 employers, and that the number of young people engaged
by each employer varies from two or three to twenty-five or thirty-five—the
average in each establishment being about ten, making in the whole 15,000; but
this does not include journeywomen who work at their own houses, of whom also
there are great numbers.
"623. In some of what are considered the best regulated establishments, during
the fashionable season, occupying about four months in the year, the regular
hours of work are fifteen, but on emergencies, which frequently recur, these hours
extend to eighteen. In many establishments the hours of work, during the season,
are unlimited, the young women never getting more than six, often not more than
four, sometimes only three, and occasionally not more than two hours for rest and
sleep out of the twenty-four; and very frequently they work all night.
"625. Miss O'Neil, Welbeck street, an employer, says—'In the spring season the
hours of work are unlimited. The common hours are from six a. m. till twelve at
night—sometimes from four a. m. till twelve. Has herself often worked from six a.
m. till twelve at night for two or three months together. It is not at all uncommon,
especially in the dressmaking, to work all night; just in the 'drive of the season,'
the work is occasionally continued all night three times a-week. Has worked
herself twice in the week all night. In some houses which profess to study the
health of their young people, they begin at four a. m. and leave off at eleven p.
m., never earlier. Has heard there are houses in London which work on Sundays.
"628. Miss —— ——, manager—'has been ten years a "first hand," which
signifies the party who takes the superintendence of the business, as overlooker of
the young persons, cutter-out of the work, &c. The common hours of business are
from eight a. m. till eleven p. m. in the winter; in the summer from six or half-past
six a. m. till twelve at night. During the fashionable season, that is from April to
the end of July, it frequently happens that the ordinary hours are greatly
exceeded: if there is a drawing-room, or grand fête, or mourning to be made, it
often happens that the work goes on for twenty hours out of the twenty-four,
occasionally all night. Every season in at least half the houses of business, it
happens that the young persons occasionally work twenty hours out of the
twenty-four, twice or thrice a-week. On special occasions, such as drawing-rooms,
general mournings, and very frequently wedding orders, it is not uncommon to
work all night; has herself worked twenty hours out of the twenty-four for three
months together; at that time she was suffering from illness, and the medical
attendant remonstrated against the treatment she received. He wished witness to
remain in bed at least one day longer, which the employer objected to, required
her to get up, and dismissed the surgeon. It frequently happened that the work
was carried on till seven o'clock on Sunday morning. If any particular order was to
be executed, as mournings or weddings, and they left off on Saturday night at
eleven, they worked the whole of Sunday; thinks this happened fifteen times in
the two years. In consequence of working so late on Sunday morning, or all that
day occasionally, could very rarely go to church; indeed it could not be thought of,
because they generally rested in bed.'
"639. The correctness of these representations is confirmed, among others, by
the following medical witnesses:—Sir James Clark, Bart., Physician to the Queen
—'I have found the mode of life of these poor girls such as no constitution could
long bear. Worked from six in the morning till twelve at night, with the exception
of the short intervals allowed for their meals, in close rooms, and passing the few
hours allowed for rest in still more close and crowded apartments—a mode of life
more completely calculated to destroy human health could scarcely be contrived,
and this at a period of life when exercise in the open air, and a due proportion of
rest, are essential to the development of the system. Judging from what I have
observed and heard, I scarcely believed that the system adopted in our worst-
regulated manufactories can be so destructive of health as the life of the young
dressmaker.'
"647. 'The protracted labor described above,' says the Sub-commissioner, 'is, I
believe, quite unparalleled in the history of manufacturing processes. I have
looked over a considerable portion of the Report of the Factory Commission, and
there is nothing in the accounts of the worst-conducted factories to be compared
with the facts elicited in the present enquiry. Gentlemen who, from their official
situation, were well qualified to judge, have also stated, in answer to my
questions, that they knew of no instance in which the hours of work were so long
as those above stated.'
"663. Of the general treatment and condition of these young people, the Sub-
commissioner reports:—'The evidence of all parties establishes the fact that there
is no class of persons in this country, living by their labor, whose happiness,
health, and lives, are so unscrupulously sacrificed as those of the young
dressmakers. It may without exaggeration be stated, that, in proportion to the
numbers employed, there are no occupations, with one or two questionable
exceptions, such as needle-grinding, in which so much disease is produced as in
dressmaking, or which present so fearful a catalogue of distressing and frequently
fatal maladies. It is a serious aggravation of all this evil, that the unkindness of the
employer very frequently causes these young persons, when they become unwell,
to conceal their illness from the fear of being sent out of the house; and in this
manner, the disease often becomes increased in severity, or is even rendered
incurable. Some of the principals are so cruel as to object to the young women
obtaining medical assistance.'"—(No. 626.)

FOOTNOTES:

[32] It is, however, but fair to state, that many competent and most
respectable observers declare, that though the facts stated by the
Commissioners may be perfectly true, yet that the tone and spirit of the
Report bears token of material exaggeration.
[33] The colliers in the east of Scotland, however, are excepted.
[34] It is curious to contrast this with a similar comparison instituted
by the Factory Commissioners, and embracing upwards of 1000 children.
—(Analysis of the Evidence taken before the Factory Commissioners, p.
9.)

Boys not in factories averaged 55.56 inches

Boys in factories, 55.28 "
——
Difference, .28! "

Girls not in factories, 54.979 "

Girls in factories, 54.951 "
———
Difference, .028!! "
 CHAPTER XVIII.
THE LONDON GLOBE ON WEST INDIA
EMANCIPATION.

We find the following frank and explicit admission in the Globe of

10th July, 1856:
"Our own West India Islands are fast relapsing into
primitive savageness. When the rich lands of Jamaica are
being yearly abandoned, and when in Trinidad and Guiana
cultivation has almost ceased, it is not likely that England will
care to extend her sovereignty further over tropical territory,
which can only be brought into use by a system which has
been solemnly condemned."
Now, let us rigidly examine and ascertain what is the condemned
system, what the approved system, that has been generally adopted
in its stead, and why this system is approved, and the free negro
system condemned as a failure.
There is no doubt the writer alludes to the system of domestic
slavery, in the general, as the condemned system; and especially, to
that serfdom or villienage which lately prevailed, but is now
abolished throughout Western Europe. In asserting that the system
of slavery has been condemned, and yet admitting West India
emancipation to be a failure, he in effect maintains that the
liberation of the villiens has been no failure. He means that it has
been no failure, because the liberated villiens do work: aye, just
twice as hard and as long as their ancestors, the serfs. He means it
is no failure, because they not only work harder and longer, but work
for half the pay or allowance of their servile ancestors. He means it
is no failure, because the once masters, now employers, get their
labor for half what it cost to support them as slaves. He means it is
no failure, because free labor in England is more plentiful and far
cheaper than slave labor in America. He means it is no failure,
because the employers, besides getting cheaper and more abundant
labor, are relieved of all the cares and anxieties of governing and
providing for their laborers, in health and in sickness, in old age and
in infancy. In fine, he means it is no failure, because the laborers of
England are not half so free now as before their pretended
emancipation. They have lost all their rights, half their liberty (for
they work harder than before,) and their former masters have been
relieved of all their legal obligations and responsibilities. No—British
emancipation has not failed, if we look solely to the selfish interests
of the property class. And British liberty, we shall show in another
chapter, means the unlimited right of the property class to oppress
the laboring class, uncoupled with the obligation to provide for them.
But this writer well knew, that looking to the effect of emancipation
on the condition of the laboring class in England, it has been a cruel
and monstrous failure, from first to last. They are almost as savage
and ignorant as West India negroes, know nothing of the Bible, and
live in a state of continued destitution, hunger, and excessive labor,
from generation to generation—from infancy to old age.
West India emancipation was a blunder of swindling philanthropy.
People were told that the negroes, after emancipation, would work
harder, work for less, and be more of slaves than before, just as had
happened with emancipated English. But philanthropy "hath bad
luck." It overlooked, or forgot, the few wants and indolent habits of
the negro, the abundance of mountain lands, the fertile soil, the
volunteer fruits and mild climate of Jamaica. The negro is really free,
and luxuriates in sloth, ignorance and liberty, as none but a negro
can. The mistake and the failure consisted in setting him really free,
instead of nominally so. Hinc illæ lachrymæ!
What vile hypocrisy to shed crocodile tears over the happy negro,
and boast of British Liberty, which is daily and hourly consuming, by
poverty, and cold, and foul air and water, and downright starvation,
the lives of ten millions of your white brethren and neighbors!
 But this system, which carried to untimely graves three hundred
thousand Irishmen in a single season, has not been condemned. No;
it is profitable to the oppressors, and will not be condemned.
In all countries where a few own the property and the population
is tolerably dense, laborers relieved from domestic slavery are
remitted to the exploitation of skill and capital, which renders them
less free and worse situated in all respects after emancipation than
before. To prove this great truth, is the chief object of our present
work. We know that the philosophy of the subject is intricate and
complex, and that we have the prejudices, fanaticism and
prepossessions of a world to oppose and conquer. We therefore
indulge in frequent iteration, and adduce numerous proofs, examples
and illustrations.
 CHAPTER XIX.
PROTECTION, AND CHARITY, TO THE WEAK.

A mere verbal formula often distinguishes a truism from a

paradox. "It is the duty of society to protect the weak;" but
protection cannot be efficient without the power of control;
therefore, "It is the duty of society to enslave the weak." And it is a
duty which no organized and civilized society ever failed to perform.
Parents, husbands, guardians, teachers, committees, &c., are but
masters under another name, whose duty it is to protect the weak,
and whose right it is to control them. The blacks in America are both
positively and relatively weak. Positively so, because they are too
improvident to lay up for the exigencies of sickness, of the seasons,
or of old age. Relatively so, because they are wholly unequal to the
whites among whom they live, in the war of the wits and free
competition, which universal liberty begets, and political economy
encourages.
In old countries the white laborers are relatively weak, because all
property is closely appropriated, and the capitalist class possess the
means of unlimited oppression. Everybody admits that in such
countries the poor need protection. But there can be no efficient
protection without enslavement of some sort. In England, it has
often been remarked, that all the legislation for the poor is borrowed
from the system of domestic slavery.
Public and private charity is a fund created by the labor of the
industrious poor, and too often bestowed on the idle or improvident.
It is apt to aggravate the evils which it intends to cure.
Those who give should have the power to control, to some extent,
the conduct and expenditure of the objects of their charity. Not till
then can they be sure that their gifts will be promotive of good. But
such power of control would be slavery.
Can abolitionists solve these social problems?
Ambition has ever been considered the most noble of human
failings. It is, however, no failing, or crime, at all. Ambition desires
power, and without power there can be no safe, prudent and active
benevolence. The selfish, the indolent, and the timid, are without
ambition, and eschew power, because of the trouble, the expenses,
and the responsibilities which it imposes. The actively good are
always ambitious, and desire to possess power, in order that they
may control, in some measure, the conduct of those whom they
desire to benefit.
The best thing a philanthropist can do, is to buy slaves, because
then his power of control is greatest—his ability to do practical good,
most perfect.
We take this occasion to correct an error into which we had fallen
as to Northern character. Benevolence, affection, generosity, and
philanthropy, are equally common North and South; and only differ
in their modes of manifestation. We are one people.
The daily and hourly exercise of these qualities is elicited at the
South, because it is safe, prudent and expedient so to exercise
them. The reverse is true at the North: yet, "expel Nature and she
will return again." Man is social and philanthropic, and his affections,
dammed out in one direction, find vent and gush out in another. The
people of the North are far more generous and munificent in the
endowment of public charities, and other public institutions, than
we. This correction of our error does not affect our theories—if it be
true, that you can only safely be charitable to dependents whom you
can control. But if it did or does affect, neutralize and subvert them,
it is due to truth,—and if we advance the cause of truth, we are
ready for the sacrifice of all else.
 "Our Trip to the North" excited doubts as to our estimate of
Northern character; and subsequent observation, reading and
reflection, have brought us to the conclusion, which we now with
pleasure avow. We would rather be right than consistent.
 CHAPTER XX.
THE FAMILY.

All modern philosophy converges to a single point—the overthrow

of all government, the substitution of the untrammelled "Sovereignty
of the Individual," for the Sovereignty of Society, and the
inauguration of anarchy. First domestic slavery, next religious
institutions, then separate property, then political government, and,
finally, family government and family relations, are to be swept
away. This is the distinctly avowed programme of all able
abolitionists and socialists: and towards this end the doctrines and
the practices of the weakest and most timid among them tend.
Proudhon, and the French socialists generally, avow this purpose in
France, and Stephen Pearl Andrews re-echoes it from America. The
more numerous and timid class are represented by Mr. Greeley and
the Tribune, who would not "at once rush," like French
revolutionists, "with the explosive force of escapement, point blank
to the bull's eye of its final destiny," but would inaugurate social
conditions, that would gradually bring about that result. Mr. Greeley
does not propose to do away at once with marriage, religion, private
property, political government and parental authority, but adopts the
philosophy and the practices of Fourier, which promise gradually to
purify human nature, and fit it, in a few generations, for that social
millenium, into which the bolder and more consistent Andrews urges
society at once to plunge.
The Christian socialists are beautifully and energetically co-
laborating with the infidel socialists and abolitionists to bring about
this millenium. They also are divided into two parties. The one would
wait upon Providence—only help it a little, like Mr. Greeley—and
permit our poor old effete world to pass out of existence by gentle
euthanasia. The other and bolder party, feel themselves "called" as
special instruments, to give at once the coup de grace to the old
world, and to usher in the new golden age, of free love and free
lands, of free women and free negroes, of free children and free
men.
We like the Northern socialist theoretical abolitionists—read their
speeches, essays, lectures and books, because they agree with us,
that their own form of society is a humbug and a failure; and in their
efforts, speculations and schemes to re-organize it, afford the most
beautiful, perfect and complete specimen of the reductio ad
absurdum. A lecture from Mr. Andrews on No-government, an
Oneida den of incest, a Greeley phalanstery, or a New York free love
saloon, afford equally good instances of this mode of demonstration
by the absurdities which they exhibit, and equally good proofs of the
naturalness and necessity of slavery, since such horrid abuses are
everywhere the approved and practiced outgrowth of free society. As
all our thoughts, arguments, proofs and demonstrations are
suggested by or borrowed from the abolitionists, it seems to us we
ought to dedicate to them. The Tribune very properly remarked that
our Sociology was the first attempt of the kind at the South. It
ridiculed our ignorance, too, severely. It should have recollected that
were there no sickness there would be no physicians. We assure the
Tribune, we are quite a prodigy in these matters for a Southern man.
We have no social diseases, and therefore no social doctors to write
about them or cure them. Such diseases have been rare: for
Aristotle complains that there are no terms to express the relations
of husband and wife, or parent and child. These relations have
worked so smoothly in slave society to this day, that we in writing
have felt the same want of language of which Aristotle, more than
two thousand years ago, complained. You should invent such terms
at the North, if it be true, as Mr. Andrews states in italics, that there
are ten fugitives from Northern matrimony to one from Southern
slavery—from which he seems to infer very logically, that the
necessity of abolishing the family at the North, is ten times as great
as that for abolishing slavery at the South. He and you are experts,
and we know it is presumptuous in us to dispute what you say about
your own society. Still we are dead against your phalansteries and
his love saloons. Gentlemen and scholars, generally at the South,
would as soon be caught studying or practicing the black art, as in
reading Owen or Fourier, or in building phalansteries. For ourselves,
like the Bastard in King John, we learn these things, "not to deceive,
but to avoid deceit." We have whole files of infidel and abolition
papers, like the Tribune, the Liberator and Investigator. Fanny
Wright, the Devil's Pulpit and the Devil's Parson, Tom Paine, Owen,
Voltaire, et id genus omne, are our daily companions. Good people
give our office a wide berth as they pass it, and even the hens who
loiter about it, have caught the infection of Woman's Rights, for we
saw but as few days ago a Shanghai cock under its eaves hovering a
brood of twenty chickens, whilst madam hen was strutting about in
as large a liberty as any Bloomer or wise woman of the North.
Love and veneration for the family is with us not only a principle,
but probably a prejudice and a weakness. We were never two weeks
at a time from under the family roof, until we had passed middle life,
and now that our years almost number half a century, we have
never been from home for an interval of two months. And our
historical reading, as well as our habits of life, may have unfitted us
to appreciate the communist and fusion theories of Fanny Wright,
Owen and Mr. Greely. In attempting to vindicate and justify the ways
of God and Nature, against the progressiveness of Black
Republicanism in America, and Red Republicanism in Europe, we
would forewarn the reader that we are a prejudiced witness. We are
the enthusiastic admirer of the social relations exhibited in the
histories of Abraham, Isaac and Jacob. The social relations
established in Deuteronomy, and 25th chapter Leviticus, and as
practiced by the Jews to this day, elicit our unfeigned admiration and
approval. Moses is with us the Prince of Legislators, and the twenty-
fifth Leviticus the best of political platforms. The purity of the family
seems to be his paramount object.
Homer, too, especially in his Odyssey, charms and enchains us
with his beautiful descriptions of family felicity and family purity. As
conquest and commerce introduced wealth and corrupted morals
and manners, the family was corrupted and disrupted, as it is now,
at the most commercial points in the North. But we have only to
pass over to Italy, and there, from the earliest days of tradition until
the extinction of liberty, began by Sylla and Marius, and ended by
Augustus, we find the family a pure, a holy and sacred thing. From
that era till slavery arose in the South, the family never resumed its
dignity and importance. Feudalism did something to correct the
loose morality of the Augustan Age, but it adopted its colonial
slavery, relaxed family ties, and never drew together in sufficiently
close connection and subordination, the materials which nature
dictates should form the human hive or social circle.
Aristotle understood this subject thoroughly; and it seems to have
been generally so well comprehended in his day, that he takes little
trouble to explain and expound it. He commences his treatise on
Politics and Economics with the family, and discourses first of the
slaves as a part of the family. He assumes that social life is as
natural to man as to bees and herds; and that the family, including
husband, wife, children, and slaves, is the first and most natural
development of that social nature. As States are composed of
families, and as a sound and healthy whole cannot be formed of
rotten parts, he devotes much of his treatise to family education and
government. Would that modern statesmen, philosophers and
politicians, would become practical like Aristotle, and not attempt to
build social and political edifices, until they were sure of the
soundness of the materials of which they would construct them. As
all human beings live for the greatest part of their lives in families, it
is all important that they should look to the wise arrangement of this
old and universal institution.
We wish to prove that the great movement in society, known
under various names, as Communism, Socialism, Abolitionism, Red
Republicanism and Black Republicanism, has one common object:
the breaking up of all law and government, and the inauguration of
anarchy, and that the destruction of the family is one of the means
in which they all concur to attain a common end. We shall quote
only from Stephen Pearle Andrews, because he is by far the ablest
and best informed of American Socialists and Reformers, and
because he cites facts and authorities to show that he presents truly
the current thought and the general intention. Mr. Andrews is a
Massachusetts gentleman, who has lived at the South. He has been
an Abolition Lecturer. He is the disciple of Warren, who is the disciple
of Owen of Lanark and New Harmony. Owen and Warren are
Socrates and Plato, and he is the Great Stygarite, as far surpassing
them, as Aristotle surpassed Socrates and Plato. But it is not merely
his theories on which we rely; he cites historical facts that show that
the tendency and terminus of all abolition is to the sovereignty of
the individual, the breaking up of families, and no-government. He
delivered a series of lectures to the elite of New York on this subject,
which met with approbation, and from which we shall quote. He
established, or aided to establish, Free Love Villages, and headed a
Free Love Saloon in the city of New York, patronized and approved
by the "Higher classes." He is indubitably the philosopher and true
exponent of Northern Abolitionism. With this assertion, which none
who read his Science of Society we think will deny, we proceed to
quote from his able and beautiful lectures, embodied in a publication
entitled "Science of Society." Our first quotation is from his first
lecture and the first chapter of his work:
 Every age is a remarkable one, no doubt, for those who live
in it. When immobility reigns most in human affairs, there is
still enough of movement to fix the attention, and even to
excite the wonder of those who are immediately in proximity
with it. This natural bias in favor of the period with which we
have most to do, is by no means sufficient, however, to
account for the growing conviction, on all minds, that the
present epoch is a marked transition from an old to a new
order of things. The scattered rays of the gray dawn of the
new era date back, indeed, beyond the lifetime of the present
generation. The first streak of light that streamed through the
dense darkness of the old regime was the declaration by
Martin Luther of the right of private judgment in matters of
conscience. The next, which shed terror upon the old world,
as a new portent of impending revolutions, was the denial, by
Hampden, Sidney, Cromwell, and others, of the divine right of
kings, and the assertion of inherent political rights in the
people themselves. This was followed by the American
Declaration of Independence, the establishment of a powerful
Democratic Republic in the western world upon the basis of
that principle, followed by the French Revolution, the Reign of
Terror, the Re-action, and the apparent death in Europe of the
Democratic idea. Finally, in our day, comes the red glare of
French Socialism, at which the world is still gazing with
uncertainty whether it be some lurid and meteoric omen of
fearful events, or whether it be not the actual rising of the
Sun of Righteousness, with healing in His wings; for there are
those who profoundly and religiously believe that the solution
of the social problem will be the virtual descent of the New
Jerusalem—the installation of the Kingdom of Heaven upon
earth.
First in the religious, then in the political, and finally in the
social relations of men, new doctrines have thus been
broached, which are full of promise to the hopeful, and full of