Director : Prof.

Harsh Gandhar
Coordinator : Prof. Sheena Pall
Course Leader : Prof. Sheena Pall

M.A. HISTORY SEMESTER I

PAPER III: MEDIEVAL INDIA : POLITICAL PROCESSES

CONTENT
 Introductory Letter (i)
 Syllabus (ii)
L. No. Title Author/ Page No.
Editor
1 Consequences of the Ghorian Invasions; Political Dr. Shasha / 1
Consolidation Under Iltutmish; Problems and Policies of Prof Sheena
Balban; Nobility During the Thirteenth Century Pall
2 Agrarian Reforms of Alauddin Khilji; Mechanism of -do- 11
Market Regulations and their Impact
3 Political and Religious Orientation of Mohammad Bin -do- 21
Tughluq; Rationale, Implementation and Consequences
of Mohammad Bin Tughluq‟s Projects; Administrative
Reforms of Firoz Shah Tughluq
4 Nobility under the Tughluq‟s; the Afghan Concept of -do- 29
Monarchy
5 Abul Fazl‟s Concept of Monarchy; Mughal-Rajput -do- 36
Relations; Din-I-Ilahi
6 Evolution of the Mansab System; Salient Features of the -do- 47
Jagir System
7 Development of the land revenue system -do- 57
under Akbar
8 Mughal Expansion In The Deccan During The First Half -do- 67
Of The Seventeenth Century; Popular Uprisings In
Northern India During The Reign Of Aurangzeb
9 Aurangzeb‟s Breach With Marwar And Mewar; -do- 75
Aurangzeb‟s Military Conflict With The Marathas;
Aurangzeb‟s Conquest Of Bijapur And Golcunda

Vetter: Prof. Sheena Pall

E-Mail of Department : coordhist@pu.ac.in
Phone number of Department : 0172-2534329

1
 INTRODUCTION

Dear Students this paper deals with the history of Medieval India. This paper seeks to examine
the major political developments in the Indian sub-continent during a span of nearly five centuries (from
the thirteenth to the seventeenth century). The scope of this paper includes an in depth analysis of the
processes of state formation during the Sultanate as well as the Mughal period. It underlines the long
term strategies that enabled both the states to establish political control. Notice is also taken of
articulation of political ideologies and functioning of political institutions. Attention is also paid to the
changing composition of the ruling class as well as the social response of the ruled. Agrarian policies
and land revenue systems of rulers that have had an impact on the polity have been accounted for in
this paper. The objective of this course is to examine the politico-administrative context of the Sultanate
and the Mughal period in order to understand thee changing environment. Military expeditions and
administrative experiments of the rulers have been highlighted.
This paper is divided into nine lessons. Reference readings for each lesson have been
provided. Model questions too have been appended with each lesson to help students prepare for
examinations. Self-assessment short type questions are given in each lesson for the students to test
themselves. The lessons are interactive in nature and aid in general understanding.
We wish you success in your studies,

Department of History,
Center for Distance and Online Education,
Panjab University, Chandigarh

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 SYLLABUS
PAPER III: MEDIEVAL INDIA : POLITICAL PROCESSES

COURSE CODE: HIS 221

Objective: This paper seeks to examine the major political developments in the Indian subcontinent
during a span of nearly five centuries i.e. from the thirteenth to the seventeenth century. It aims at an in-
depth analysis of the processes of state formation in the Delhi Sultanate and Mughal Empire. It lays
emphasis on (1) the long-term strategies that enabled these two states to establish political control and
(2) to explore the functioning of political institutions and the articulation of political ideologies. It pays
equal attention to the changing composition of the ruling class as well as the response of the powerful
local elements.

Pedagogy : In the teaching of this paper, effort is made to gradually build on the foundation of
knowledge laid at the undergraduate level. Discussions on various sub-themes need to be interspersed
with critical references to the contemporary sources as well as divergent historiographical approaches.

Note: The candidate will be evaluated on the basis of a written examination (80 marks) and Internal
Continuous Assessment (20 marks). In the written examination, the question paper will have the
following format:

The maximum marks in this paper/option will be 80 and duration of written examination will be 3 hours.

(i) There will be 9 questions in all. The candidate will be required to attempt 5 questions.

(ii) Question No. 1 will be compulsory and carry 20 marks. It will consist of 15 short questions from
the list of concepts and terms given below. The candidate is required to attempt any 10 short
questions in 25-30 words each. Each short question carries 2 marks.

(iii) Remaining part of the question paper will be divided into four units, corresponding to the four
units of the syllabus for each option. The paper setter will set 2 essay type questions from each
unit. The candidate will attempt 4 essay type questions, selecting one from each unit. Each
essay type question will carry 15 marks.

(iv) The paper setter is expected to follow the Essential Readings and set questions on the sub-
themes or parts of a theme, rather than the topic as a whole.

Concepts and Terms: Nasir Amir ul Mominin; Dar al-Harb; Dar-al-Islam; Dar-al-Sulah; Zimmi; Shaik
ul-Islam; Wasaya; Mawali ; Bandagan i Khass/ Amir-i-Chahalgani; Tazik; Balban‟s Theory of Kingship;
Paibos; Sijdah;Akhlaq And Adab Literature; Hukm i Masahat Bafa i Biswa; Sera iAdl; Charai And
Gharai ; Amir I Sada; Taccavi (Taqavi);Diwan I Khairat, Kharaj iJizya; Patta And Qabuliyat; Farr i Izidi;
Mahzar; Sulh i Kul; Tauhid iIilahi;Ibadat Khana, Mansab; Ain i-Dahsala; Watan Jagir; Satnamis; Jats‟
Revolt In Doab; Chauth; Sardeshmukhi..

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Unit I

Ilbaris and Khalji:Consequences of the Ghorian invasions; political consolidation under Iltutmish;
problems and policies of Balban; nobility during the thirteenth century; agrarian reforms of Alauddin
Khalji; mechanism of his market regulations and their impact.

Unit II

Tughluqs and Afghan: Political and religious orientation of Muhammad bin Tughluq; rationale,
implementation and consequences of his projects; administrative reforms of Firuz Shah Tughluq;
nobility under the Tughluqs; the Afghan concept of monarchy.

Unit III

Mughal State: Abul Fazl‟s concept of monarchy; Experiment of Din-i- Ilahi and its critique; evolution of
the mansab system; development of the land revenue system under Akbar; Mughal-Rajput Relations.

Unit IV

Crisis in Mughal Empire: Mughal expansion in the Deccan during the first half of the seventeenth
century; popular uprisings in northern India during the reign of Aurangzeb; his breach with Mewar and
Marwar; his military conflict with the Marathas; his conquest of Bijapur and Golconda.

Essential Readings

 Chandra, Satish, Medieval India: From Sultanat to the Mughals, 2 vols. New Delhi: Har-Anand
Publications, (Reprint), 2003.
 Habib, Mohammad & Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, (eds.), A Comprehensive History of India, Vol.V:
The Delhi Sultanate 1206-1526, New Delhi: Peoples Publishing House, (Reprint), 1993.
 Jackson, Peter, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, Cambridge: Cambridge
University Press, 1999.
 Nigam, S.B.P., Nobility under the Sultans of Delhi, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, 1971.
 Nizami, Khaliq Ahmad, Religion and Politics in India during the Thirteenth Century, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, New Edition, 2002.
 Qureshi, Ishtiaq Husain, The Administration of the Mughal Empire, Patna: Janaki Prakashan,
(reprint), 1979.
 Richards, John F., The Mughal Empire, New Delhi: Foundation Books/ Cambridge University
Press, 1993.
 Singh, Surinder, Madh Kalin Bharat Da Itihas, Patiala: Punjabi University, 1997.
 Tripathi, R.P., Some Aspects of Muslim Administration, Allahabad: Central Book Depot.
(reprint), 1976.
Suggested Readings:

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 Alam, Muzaffar and Sanjay Subrahmanyam, (eds.), The Mughal State 1526-1750, New Delhi:
Oxford University Press, 1998.
 Ali, M. Athar, Mughal India: Studies in Polity, Ideas, Society and Culture, New Delhi: Oxford
University Press, 2006.
 Chandra, Satish, Mughal Religious Policies, the Rajputs and the Deccan, New Delhi: Vikas
Publishing House, 1993.
 Chandra, Satish, Essays on Medieval Indian History, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2003.
 Hasan, S. Nurul, Religion, State and Society in Medieval India, Edited and Introduced by Satish
Chandra, New Delhi: Oxford University Press, 2005.
 Husain, Agha Mahdi, The Rise and Fall of Muhammad bin Tughluq, Delhi: Idarah-I-Adabiyat-I-
Delli, (Reprint), 1972.
 Jauhri, R.C., Firoz Tughluq (1351-1388 AD), Jalandhar: ABS Publications, (Reprint), 1990.
 Lal, Kishori Saran, History of the Khaljis, New Delhi: Munshiram Manoharlal, (Revised Edition),
1980.
 Siddiqui, Iqtidar Husain, Some Aspects of Afghan Despotism in India, Aligarh: Three Men
Publications, 1969.
 Streusand, Douglas E., The Formation of the Mughal Empire, New Delhi: Oxford University
Press, 1989.

5
 Lesson - 1

CONSEQUENCES OF THE GHORIAN INVASIONS; POLITICAL

CONSOLIDATION UNDER ILTUTMISH; PROBLEMS AND POLICIES
OF BALBAN; NOBILITY DURING THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY

Structure
1.0 Objectives
1.1 Introduction
1.2 Consequences of the Ghorian Invasions
1.3 Political Consolidation under Iltutmish
1.4 Problems and Policies of Balban
1.5 Nobility during the Thirteenth Century
1.6 Summary
1.7 References
1.8 Further Reading
1.9 Model Questions

1.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
* learn about the consequences of the Ghorian invasions.
* known about the political consolidation under Iltutmish.
* critically analyse the problems and policies of Balban.
* acquire detailed information on nobility during the thirteenth century.
1.1 INTRODUCTION
Students, this lesson begins with the consequences of the Ghorian invasion of India and the
establishment of a new empire. The role of Iltutmish in consolidating a fragmented political situation has
been highlighted. The problems and policies faced by Balban helps to provide a better understanding of
the times. The role of the Turkish nobility in building a strong Turkish empire and shaping the
government has been emphasized.
1.2 CONSEQUENCES OF THE GHORIAN INVASIONS
The First invasion of Mohammad Ghori was against Multan in 1175 in which Multan was easily
captured. From Multan, he marched to reach upper Sindh and in 1182 he invaded lower Sindh and
compelled the ruler to submit.

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 Mohammad Ghori also invaded Anhilware, the capital of Bhima-II, the Vaghela ruler of Gujarat.
He was defeated by the ruler of Anhilwara. He had to retreat back. He realized that it was not possible
to conquer India through Sindh and Multan and the key to India was through Punjab. In 1179, he
attacked and captured Peshawar. In 1181, he proceeded against Khusrau Malik. Instead of fighting,
Malik sent costly presents to Ghori.
In 1185, Ghori again attacked Punjab, plundered it and captured the fortress of Sialkot. Then,
Khusrau Malik after realizing that Ghori was prepared to remove him entered into an alliance with the
Khokhars. With their help, he besieged Sialkot but was unable to capture it. In 1186, Ghori again came
to the Punjab and besieged Lahore. He failed to defeat Khusrau Malik in a pitched battle and through
deception put to death Khusrau Malik. He took control of Punjab, Multan and Sindh.
Prithviraj Chauhan, the ruler of Delhi and Ajmer decided to check the advance of Mohammad
Ghori. He marched against Ghori with a large army and had the support of Jai Chandra of Kannauj.
The armies met at Tarain in 1191 and Ghori was defeated and he went back to Ghazni. He recovered
the lost strength of army, punished those who had run away from battle field and returned back to
Tarain in 1192 and defeated Prithviraj Chauhan. He was able to control Samana, Hansi, Kuhram and
Ajmer. In 1194, Ghori marched to Kannauj and defeated the Kannauj ruler Jai Chandra. He then
plundered the territory and moved to Benaras which was also plundered.
In 1195-96, Ghori occupied Bihar. For the next few years, Ghori engaged himself against the
Turks in Central Asia and left the affairs in India to be managed by Qutub ud din Aibak. Aibak
consolidated his position by taking control of Ajmer, Anhilwara, Badaun, Benaras, Kannauj and
Kalingar.
The impact of the Ghorian invasions was seen many spheres. It paved the way for liquidating
the multi state system in India. The various independent Rajput states were liquidated and were
brought under the control of the ruler.
The political ideal of the Turkish Sultan was a centralized political organization which was
headed by a monarch or Sultan who had vast powers. This system started making its appearance in
India. To link up the far flung areas of the empire, the system of Iqta was utilized. It helped in taking
control from the earlier systems, helped in the collection of revenue and also bringing the far flung
areas under the control of the ruler and also linking the far flung areas to the central state. With the
establishment of the Turks, the Sultans gave India a capital in the northern India. Also a skeletal system
of governance and administration was started which brought the roads and other areas under the
control of Delhi.
There was also a change in the political horizon. The political outlook became broader and the
area of isolation began to shrink. The contacts between India and outer Asia had become less and a
self centred, rigid societal structure had come up. However, after the Ghorian invasions, earlier
contacts with other Asian countries and Africa were restored.
Another impact of the Ghorian invasions was the urban revolution. The old cities of the Rajputs
were thrown open to people of all castes. The new government did not consider caste as the basis of
social structure, whereby, equal opportunity was given to all. As result all classes and castes of people
- labourers, artisans and working classes helped in the rebuilding of the old cities and setting up of new
cities. This helped in increasing the strength of the Sultans as the entire surplus of the working classes
were concentrated in these cities and were at the disposal of the government.
The Ghorian invasions also brought about a change in the character of the army. A change in
the method of recruitment, training and the composition of the army took place. Fighting no longer
remained the monopoly of one class or caste of people. It was thrown open to all those who had the

7
ability to perform. Recruitment was thrown open to properly trained soldiers. Soldiers, now belonged to
men of different regions, castes and classes. The army now became strong, centrally recruited and
were paid from the central treasury. Emphasis was also laid on cavalry, hence, the number of cavalry
as compared to the foot soldiers was increased.
The economy specially trade received impetus. The uniformity of legal system and tariff
regulations facilitated the movement of the trading classes and activities. Also, there was some
modification in the earlier social system. A large numbers of people broke away from the earlier caste
system and became the supporters of the new social system and joined hands with the ruling classes.
With the imposition of the cashnexus, that is, requiring the payment of land tax in money, led to the
expansion of induced trade by which foodgrains and other rural products were drawn to the towns.
Numismatic evidence altered dramatically, as the Delhi Sultans began their gold and silver mintage
alongside copper from early thirteenth century, thereby evidencing brisk commerce with abundance of
transactions.
Despite Mongol conquests of the western borderlands, India‟s external trade, both overland and
oceanic grew considerably. External contacts led to important processes of technological diffusion
which in turn affected craft production. Paper manufacture was already well established in the thirteenth
century.
An important impact of the Ghorian invasions was the growth in slavery in India. The scale of
enslavement grew substantially in the thirteenth century. Slaves were captured both in war and in lieu
of unpaid taxes. They were put to work at both domestic service and crafts.
1.3 POLITICAL CONSOLIDATION UNDER ILTUTMISH
Qutb-ud-din Aibak died in 1210. He was succeeded by Aram Shah. Aram Shah was considered
as one of the most incompetent rulers by the nobles. They invited Iltutmish to the throne and elected
him as the ruler. There was slight opposition by the commander of guards of Aibak, but since there was
no backing, it was easily quelled.
The sovereign power of Iltutmish was largely based on 3 things - he was elected by the officials,
he could claim the right by conquest and the power to enforce he received formal recognition by the
Khalifa.
When he ascended the throne, there were certain difficulties which Iltutmish had to face. The
Delhi Sultanate was non existent although it extended from Delhi to Badaun and from Benaras to
Shivalik Hills. Punjab was hostile to Iltutmish. Nasiruddin Qabacha was the master of Multan, Uch,
Lahore, Bathinda and Sarsuti. The Rajput Chiefs with held tribute and repudiated the earlier alliances.
In spite of these difficulties, he faced them. He took prompt action against the Qutbi and Muizzi Maliks
and defeated them.
Taj-ul-din Yaldoz of Ghazni was a formidable enemy of Iltutmish. He considered himself as the
successor of Mohammad Ghori and did not allow the sultanate in India to be independent. In 1214-15,
Yaldoz came to Lahore and occupied it. Iltutmish marched against Yaldoz, defeated him in the battle of
Tarain. Yaldoz was made a prisoner and sent to fortress at Badaun where he was put to death.
Iltutmish then turned his attention towards Nasir-ul-din Qabacha who ruled over Uch and
Multan. After Qutb-ud-din‟s death, Qabacha occupied a portion of the Punjab and refused to recognize
Iltutmish as the ruler Iltutmish declared a war against him in 1217 and defeated him. Qabacha fled to
Uch. In 1227, Iltutmish marched to Uch and captured Uch without much resistance. Qabacha escaped
from Uch and took shelter in Bhakkar. When Bhakkar was also besieged by Iltutmish, Qabacha asked

8
for peace and sent his son Masud Bahram to negotiate but he was imprisoned. Iltutmish captured
Bhakkar and appointed Wizir Muhammed Junaidi there.
In Bengal, after the death of Aibak, Ali Mardan, the Khilji, declared himself independent.
However he died after two years. He was succeeded by his son Hisam-ud-din lwaz who declared
himself independent and struck coins in his name. He assumed the title of Ghiyas-ud-din. Iltutmish sent
an expedition against him in 1225 and himself also marched towards Bengal. When Ghiasuddin (lwaj)
heard that Iltutmish was coming to Bengal, he submitted and agreed to pay a tribute. But soon, he
again declared himself independent and an expendition was sent against him. Ghiasuddin was
defeated and killed and Bengal brought under the control of Delhi, under the care of Nasir ud din
Mahmud, Iltutmish‟s son. After the death of Nasif ud din in 1229, there was a revolution at Lakhanauti
and Balka Khilji came to power. Iltutmish went to Bengal in 1230 and defeated Balka and put Alauddin
Jani in charge of Bengal.
After the death of Aibak, the Rajputs started asserting themselves. The Chandelas recovered
Kalinjar and Ajaigarh. The Pratiharas drove away the Muslim garrison from Gwalior and reoccupied the
city. They also occupied Narwar and Jhansi. The Chauhans of Ranthambhor took control of Jodhpur
and Chauhans of Jalor took control of Nadol, Mandor, Bharmer, Ratnapur, Khers and Sanchor. Alwar
also become independent in 1226.
Iltutmish besieged Ranthambhar, captured and regarissioned it. Mandor was also captured.
Next Jalor was besieged, Udai Singh, the ruler offered stiff resistance but had to surrender and agreed
to pay tribute. Bayana and Thangir was also recaptured. Ajmer and Nagaur were also recovered.
In 1231, Gwalior was besieged and captured. The Chandelas were able to recover themselves.
Iltutmish led the attack on Nagada in person. However, he was defeated by Ksetra Singh and suffered
loses. Iltutmish tried to subdue the Chalukyas of Gujrat but was unsuccessful. In 1234-35, he led an
expedition to Malwa and plundered Bhilsa and Ujjain.
Also in the Doab (the region between the Ganga and the Yamuna), Kannauj, Benaras and
Katehar asserted their independence. Soon Iltutmish re-established his authority in Badaun, Kannauj,
Katehar and Benaras. Baharaich, and Avadh were also brought under control of Delhi.
In 1221, the Mongols came near river Indus under Changez Khan pursuing Jalal ul din
Mangbarni of Khwarizm Empire who fled to Punjab. He sought the help of Iltutmish. Iltutmish felt that by
giving shelter to Mangbarni he would invite trouble for himself (Changez invasion). His policy was also
not to allow the Delhi kingdom to be dragged into central Asian politics. By diplomacy he wrote to
Mangbarni that he could provide him shelter though the climate would not suit him. This was a polite
refusal. By doing so he was also able to keep India aloof from the central Asian Politics as was his
policy.
Iltutmish also asked for recognition from the Khalifa. He received robes of honour and got legal
sanction from the Caliph. Iltutmish also organized the revenue and financial departments. Iltutmish
parcelled out the empire into lqtas which were assigned to various nobles. Each lqtadar was to maintain
law and order and collect revenue. By giving lqtas, Iltutmish was able to link the far flung areas of the
empire and also maintain law and order.
Also in order to check the nobility from becoming too powerful, an official nobility of slaves
called as Chahalgani or the forty was set up by Iltutmish. He was successful in establishing peace and
creating political unity and a system of governance which guaranteed protection to people both from
foreign invasions and internal disturbances.

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Self Assessment Questions
a. Who was Prithiviraj Chauhan?
Answer.

b. Who were the Chahalgani or the forty?

Answer.

1.4 PROBLEMS AND POLICIES OF BALBAN

The original name of Balban was Baha-ud-din, and like Iltutmish, he was an llbari Turk. His
father was a Khan of 10,000 families. In his early youth Balban was captured by the Mongols, who
carried him to Ghazni and sold him to one Khwaja Jamal-ud-din of Basra. The Khwaja took him to Delhi
where he was purchased by Iltutmish. Baha-ud-din showed signs of future promise. Iltutmish enrolled
him as a member of the famous corps of ‟the Forty Slaves‟. His intelligence, ability and loyalty won
recognition and he was promoted to be Amir-i-Shikar (lord of the hunt) by Raziah. He offered his co-
operation to the nobles who formed a faction against Raziah and assisted them in deposing the queen.
Bahram, the next ruler, granted him the fief of Rewari in Gurgaon district in the Punjab. Very soon after,
the district of Hansi was added to it. Balban held the position of deputy to Nasiruddin Mahmud, a
younger son of Iltutmish, whom Balban had helped in securing the throne in 1246. Balban‟s wise
administration of the districts seems to have improved the material condition of the people in his
charge.
Restoration of the Crown’s Prestige : Balban’s Theory of Kingship
Balban‟s immediate task on ascending the throne on 1265 was to restore the prestige of the
crown. His long political experience had shown him that without the destruction of the pretensions of
the Turkish nobility, the crown would enjoy no authority and command no prestige from its subjects. He
had seen that the Turkish military a ristocracy, of which he was a member, had degraded the Sultan to
the position of a mere peer. The historian Barani tells us that during the last days of Nasir-ud-din‟s rule
the office of the Sultan enjoyed no prestige and that people had lost all fear of and respect for, the king.
Balban had resolved to put an end to this sorry state of affairs and to raise the power and prestige of
the crown so as to inspire fear in the hearts of all subjects.
Balban believed in theory which was akin to the theory of divine right of kings. He expounded
his views on the subject to his son, Bughra Khan, in these words, “The heart of the kings is the special
repository of God‟s favour and in this he has no equal among makind”. On another occasion he
emphasized the sacredness of the king‟s person. He believed in his inherent despotism. His conviction
was that unalloyed despotism alone could exact obedience from his subjects and ensure the security of
the State.
In order, therefore, to be a successful despot, Balban sought to increase his personal prestige
by claiming decent from the mythical Turkish hero, Afrasiyab of Turan, and keeping himself in studied
aloofness, and cultivating dignified reserve. He maintained a grave demeanour and refused to speak to
common people. He regulated the court ceremonial after the Persian model and copied the court
etiquette of the Seljuqs and Khwarizmi kings of Central Asia. He appointed tall and fearsome
bodyguards who were to stand round the king‟s person with their swords drawn and dazzling in the sun.
He instituted the sijda (prostration) and poibos (kissing the monarch‟s feet) in the court as normal form
of salutation for the king. He introduced the annual celebration of the Persian Nauroz to heighten the
splendor of his court. He prohibited the drinking of wine by his courtiers and officials, prescribed for

10
them a special dress and a fixed ceremonial from which no deviation was permitted. No one was
allowed to laugh or even smile in his darbar. Balban submitted himself to these rigid formalities while in
public.
The destruction of ‘the Forty’
Balban realized that one great impediment in the way of the Sultan‟s absolute despotism was
the presence of the Turkish aristocracy at the head of which stood a select body known as „the Forty‟.
This body of the leading Turks had reduced the crown to a mere figurehead and divided amongst its
members all the great fiefs of the Sultanate and all the highest offices in the State. It had come into
existence in the time of Iltutmish and, in fact, all the member of this body were originally iltutmish‟s
slaves. The Sultan had succeeded in preserving the royal dignity and keeping „the Forty‟ under proper
control. But after his death there was a bitter struggle between „the Forty‟ and the Sultan. It was ‟the
Forty‟ that won and imposed its will on Iltutmish‟s successors.
In order to make the throne safe for himself and for his descendants, Balban wanted to destroy
this organization. First of all, he promoted junior Turks to important positions and placed them on a
position of equality with „the Forty‟. Then he inflicted harsh punishments on the members of this group
for slight faults in order to repress them and reduce their importance in the eyes of the people. Malik
Baqdaq, Governor of Badaun and a great noble and a member of „the Forty‟, caused one of his
servants to be beaten to death. When a complaint was made against him, Balban ordered Malik
Baqdaq to be publicly flogged. Another great noble named Haibat Khan, who was Governor of Awadh,
was found guilty of killing a man was put to death. The Sultan ordered Amir Khan, another governor of
Awadh, who was defeated by Tughril of Bengal, to be hanged at the gate of the city of Ayodhya
(Awadh). After the death of these nobles there was no potential opponent to the execution of Balban‟s
policy of despotism. By such crooked and barbarous measures he destroyed „the Forty‟, and cowed
down those of its members that escaped death and dismissal.
Organization of the Spy System
Balban‟s policy of despotism could be carried out successfully, as he was correctly and promptly
informed about the happenings at the capital and in the provinces and about the ambitious schemes of
his nobles and officials. In fact the efficient working of administration depended upon Balban‟s spy
system on whose organization he spent much time and money. The king placed secret reporters in
every department and appointed secret news writers in every province and, in fact, in every district. He
took great pains in ascertaining the character and loyalty of the newswriters. He gave them good
salaries and made them independent of governors and commanders. They were required to transmit to
Balban, every day the news of important occurrences.
Reorganization of the Army
The main prop of Balban‟s despotism was his powerful army. He concentrated his attention on
its reorganization. Some of the soldiers had been allotted fiefs before these were conquered and
annexed to the Sultanate of Delhi. Iltutmish had followed the old practice of granting land to many
soldiers on condition of military service. The successors of these soldiers continued to enjoy their lands
although many of them did not perform any military duties, and a good number of them were irregular in
rendering service to the state. They looked upon these lands as belonging to them by right.
Balban ordered an enquiry into the history of these service-tenures and he found that much of
the land was in the hands of old men who were unfit for military service. In many cases widows and
orphans held land, but performed no service whatever. He ordered the resumption of these lands from
old men and from widows and orphans and gave them pensions in cash. As regards young men who

11
were fit for military service, he allowed them to retain their assignments; but the collection of revenue of
their village was to be made by the central government and payment made to them in cash.
Balban placed the army under the charge of Imad-ul-Mulk, a very competent and vigilant officer,
and appointed him army minister (diwan-i-ariz). He was made independent of the finance minister‟s
control. Imad-ul-Mulk took special interest in matters relating to recruitment, salary and equipment of
troops. He enforced military discipline and, by honest and wise policy, made the army a powerful
instrument of force.
Suppression of Rebellion
When Balban became king he was faced with the old question, namely, whether he should
make fresh conquests of territory from Hindu rulers and annex it to Delhi. He decided not to make fresh
conquests but to regain the old and to consolidate what the Sultanate already possessed.
The natives had expelled the Turkish governors and soldiers and were following the policy of
ravaging the Turkish territory and preventing cultivation of land and collection of revenue by the Turkish
officers. In the Doab and in Awadh there was perpetual rebellion. The Sultan‟s men could not collect
any revenue in Katehar (modern Rohilkhand). The Rajputs made the roads unsafe by their
depredations. Rebellious Rajput chiefs had their strongholds in Badaun, Amroha, Patiali and Kampil
from where they committed excesses, prevented the cultivators from cultivating the land, plundered the
way farers and then returned to their hiding places. The area round the capital city of Delhi was
invested by robbers who plundered the people of Delhi practically every day and the city gates had to
be closed after the afternoon prayers. The condition in the distant provinces, such as Bengal, Bihar and
Rajasthan, was much worse.
Balban in the very first year of his accession, succeeded in making the vicinity of Delhi safe from
robbers and rebels. He punished them with a heavy hand and cleared the jungles and built four forts in
the rural area around Delhi and garrisoned them with ferocious Afghan troops. Next year, he undertook
operations in the Doab and in Awadh. He divided the area into a number of military commands and
appointed energetic officers to clear the forests and to conduct a ruthless drive against the local Hindu
chieftains. He established military posts at Bhojapur, Patiali, Kampil and Jalali, all of which were
garrisoned with semi-barbarous Afghan troops. Thereafter, Balban proceeded to Katehar. There he
ordered his men to attack the villages, to set fire to the houses and to slay the entire adult male
population.
Expeditions were sent to reduce the rebellious territories in Rajputana and Bundelkhand, but the
exertions of the Delhi army met with only partial success.
Recovery of Bengal
Bengal gave considerable trouble to Balban. In 1279, encouraged by the Mongol threat on the
north-west and the old age of the Sultan, Tughril Khan, the Governor, who had sent in his submission
during the first year of his reign, raised the standard of rebellion. He assumed the title of Sultan, struck
coins and caused the Khutba to be read in his name. Balban dispatched Amin Khan, Governor of
Awadh, to reduce the rebel to obedience. Amin Khan was, however, defeated and Balban was so
enraged that he ordered him to be hanged over the city gate of Awadh. He then sent another army
under Tirmit. He fared no better than his predecessor. A third army is said to have been similarly
beaten and driven off.
Balban made preparations to march to Bengal in person. At the head of an army, two lakh
strong, and accompanied by his second son, Bughra Khan, he appeared in the vicinity of Lakhanauti,
which was, however, abandoned by Tughril who fled towards East Bengal. Balban pursued the rebel
and reached Sonargaon near Dacca. Tughril was captured far away from Dacca by Bektars and put to

12
death by him at Hajinagar in East Bengal. The Sultan then turned to Lakhanauti and there inflicted a
terrible punishment upon Tughril‟s followers.
The Sultan appointed Bughra Khan, Governor of Bengal and advised him to remain faithful to
Delhi. Balban returned to Delhi. He then took steps to punish the deserters of the Delhi army who had
joined Tughril but were now captives in the Sultan‟s hands in the same manner as he had punished his
adherents at Lakhanauti. But, at the intercession of a Qazi he modified his plan. Of the offenders, those
who were ordinary men were pardoned, those who enjoyed a slightly higher status were punished for a
temporary period and those who held still higher positions were thrown into prison. But the officers
among them were mounted on buffaloes and paraded through the streets of Delhi.
The Mongol Invasion
For some time past Mongols had been appearing on the north-western frontier and had brought
Lahore under their sphere of influence. In that direction only Multan and Sindh remained in the Hands
of Delhi‟s agents, and even these two provinces were exposed to invasion from the north-west.
Balban‟s policy was to strengthen the north-western frontier of the Delhi kingdom by building a line of
forts along that frontier and garrisoning them with able-bodied Afghan troops. He placed the entire
region under the charge of his worrier cousin, She Khan Sanqar, whose courage struck terror into the
hearts of the Mongols and frightened tribes like the Khokhars. His death, in or about 1270, removed a
competent warden of the marches.
Balban now divided the entire frontier region into two parts. The province of Sunam and
Samana was placed under the charge of his younger son, Bughra Khan, while Multan, Sindh and
Lahore were given to his eldest son, prince Muhammad Khan. Prince Muhammad was an able soldier,
a competent administrator and, above all, a man of great literary taste. In his service two of the greatest
poets of India writing in Persian, name Amir Khusrav and Amir Hasan, began their literary career. He
even extended an invitation to the greatest Persian poet of the time, Shaikh Sadi, but the latter politely
declined the honour on the ground of old age.
Prince Muhammad took effective measures to check the advance of the Mongols. But the latter
ravaged the upper Punjab and succeeded in crossing the river Sutlej. The two princes, Muhammad and
Bughra Khan, sent their contingents, and their united troops defeated and drove away the invaders. But
the Mongols reappeared early in 1286, and this time prince Muhammad was killed in a contest with
them in February of that year. The news of the death of his eldest son completely prostrated Balban,
who then was aged above eighty; but he continued his policy of taking interest in the defence of the
north-western frontier. He reoccupied Lahore, but otherwise his success against the Mongols was not
great. The authority of Delhi did not extend beyond Lahore. The region west of the river Ravi continued
to be under the control of the Mongols.
1.5 NOBILITY DURING THE THIRTEENTH CENTURY
The Turkish nobility played an important role in building a strong Turkish empire and also
shaping the government of the empire. After the first victory of Sultan Muizzuddin Muhammad bin Sam
Ghori over Prithvi Raj Chauhan, a lot of military activity took place in India by the generalship of his
lieutenants in India. The country was brought under control by the joint effort of the Muizzi nobles who
bought in the name of Sultan Muizzuddin.
Qutbuddin Aibak‟s accession to the throne was without dispute in India where the Muizzi nobles
recognized him as their overlord and offered instant allegiance. In the initial stages, the Turkish nobility
was nothing more than an organized armed camp in which the command of the leader was the only law
and obedience, the only discipline. The nobles had as yet no vested interest of their own beyond the
freedom to acquire more territories.

13
 But with the passage of time and more stability, a civil administration was created and the
nobility was transformed into a feudal bureaucracy, with the aim of safeguarding its interests at all
costs. The spirit of joint adventure and the will to fight for a common cause got replaced by the greed
for wealth and power. Also, lack of religious sanction or legal right to accession behind Qutbuddin
Aibak‟s sovereignty left a permanent impression on Turkish nobility.
During Aibak‟s time, different territories were under different commands and areas though
conquered in Aibak‟s name were still separate from one another. It was an empire jointly owned by
different nobles, each sovereign in his own area of influence and owning nominal allegiance to Aibak.
As slaves of Muizuddin, they regarded themselves as equal to each other and did not like the idea of
over lordship of any. Aibak‟s pre occupation with Rajput states did not leave him with any time to
engage in problem of succession. Two powerful nobles Tajuddin Yaldoz and Naziruddin Qabacha also
honored each other‟s including Aibaks territorial possessions.
After the death of Aibak, the nobles raised Aram Shah, son of Qutbuddin to the throne although
Qabacha moved towards Lahore thinking the nobles would choose him. Qutubddin had desired
Iltutmish to succeed him.
So, the nobles of Delhi, chief among whom was Sipah Salar Ali Ismail invited Iltutmish from
Badayun and he ascended the throne in 1210-11. This was not liked by some Muizzi and Qutbi nobles
who supported the cause of Aram Shah. They left Delhi and collected under the leadership of Sarjandar
Tarki. Iltutmish defeated the confederacy and captured Aram Shah.
The accession of Iltutmish asserted the right of nobility to elect their own leader and assert it by
force of arms. It weakened the principal of nomination and heredity as the basis of sovereignty. It also
established that the nobles of Delhi and not Lahore or elsewhere had the right to choose their leader.
Iltutmish consolidated the entire northern region in a well knit political entity known as Delhi
Sultanate. He created a new class of able administration who upheld the Turkish State. These
administrators were drawn from his slaves on the principle of ability and merit. A large number of Muizzi
nobles who were junior to him were patronized by him and held high offices. Iltutmish considered the
Turkish commanders as his equals and the concept of sovereignty as an exalted peer. He also avoided
any situation which would help in uniting the nobles and threaten his position. He adopted a policy of
divide and rule to play the nobles against each other by creating rival groups in the nobility.
These dissensions in the nobility came to the fore front as soon as Iltutmish died. With the weak
successors of Iltutmish, the different groups challenged each other for supreme power.
At the death of Iltutmish, the Turkish nobility was a compact body and is evident from the ease
at which Ruknuddin Firoz Shah ascended the throne. Most of the nobles supported Ruknuddin as his
mother Shah Turkan was the chief queen in the harem and used to confer lavish presents to nobles to
win support for her son. Hence nobility was reckoned a great force in matters of succession.
Ruknuddin Firuz began leading a life of pleasure and indulgence and real authority was wielded
by Shah Turkan. She interfered in the affairs so much that royal decrees were issued in her name. She
also tortured and put to death many favorites of Iltutmish which alarmed the nobles. She also put to
death Qutbuddin, son of Iltutmish. This resulted in an undesired revolt and the nobles made Raziya as
the ruler.
The Tajik (central Asian tribes) nobles had a considerable influence over Ruknuddin. The Sultan
patronized them, gave them promotions. They gained power much to the dismay of Turkish nobles. The
Turkish nobles emerged as a strong group against the Tajiks. The result was that nobles suffered from
mutual distrust and began to be organized in racial groups.

14
 Raziya‟s (1236-40) accession was not acceptable to many noble like Nizam-ul-Mulk,
Muhammad Junaidi, who besieged the city with their troops. Raziya continued to create division in the
nobility by promising lavish gifts to nobles. The Turkish nobility betrayed their Tajik rivals by leaking out
plots of removing Raziya and had many powerful member of Tajiks annihilated but they could not be
subdued and in the distribution of offices, the Tajiks bagged a lot of appointments.
Raziya made several appointments such as Wazir (Khwaja Muhazzab ud din) and Malik
Saifuddin Aibak as Ariz-i-Mamalik (military commander).
The nobles supported Raziya on the presumption that Raziya being a woman would be a tool in
their hands. But Raziya renounced their domination and instead appointed Abyssinians to important
posts. This was resented by nobility who were dictated by racial prejudices and caused disaffection in
nobility. The nobles rebelled and captured Raziya.
Raziya‟s reign shows that how tact and diplomacy could play the noble and turn them into docile
elements. It also showed racialism of Turkish nobility who could not see anyone except their own kin
close to the ruler. It is evident that after the death of Iltutmish, the nobles played a decisive role in the
succession to the throne.
Balban (1265-87), in order to build his own power sought to destroy the Turkish Nobility. Balban
launched a policy of ruthlessness in order to strike awe in the hearts of his nobles. He meted out harsh
punishments to those who breached his orders. This discipline could be enforced only on weaker
nobles and he did not get commanding respect from Shamsi nobles who were his equals. In order to
get rid of them, he resorted to political assassination and in doing so, he did not show any regard to
kinship. This, in the long run, weakened the supporters of the house of Balban.
Balban patronized neo-Muslim (Indians converted to slam) nobles on the pattern of Iltutmish.
They would not only support Balban but also serve as a counter check on the ambitions of Shamsi
nobles.
After the death of Balban, the nobility again became engrossed in political intrigues and paid no
heed to the will of the Sultan who wanted Kai-Khusrav to become ruler, and raised Kaikubad to throne.
There was unrest and disunity among the nobility. The nobles entered into a „duel of mutual
annihilation‟- they started gaining upper hand in administration due to the Sultans‟ inexperience. The
nobles got Kai Khusrau, the Muqti of Multan murdered and neo Muslims were also targeted.
The Khiljis then came to power. They had for long held important administrative posts. They
were patronized by earlier rulers like Malik Izzuddin Bakhtiyar Khilji, Iran Shah Khilji. No Khilji noble
held any important position under the successor of Iltutmish. During the reign of Balban, the Khilji
occupied prominent positions in courts and lqtas. Although the Khilji could not firmly establish
themselves under the lllbari Turks, they began to play a prominent role under the leadership of Jalal-ud-
din Khilji. Since they were in a minority, they were compelled to seek the support of llbari Turks.
When Jalaluddin Khilji ascended the throne, he realized that the lllbari faction in the court and
provinces was strong enough and could not be ignored. So, in giving appointments and lqtas, the
lllbaris received a fair treatment. Also, many civil appointments were given to the old Balbani nobles
who were well versed and experienced in the art of administration.
Jalaluddin followed a policy of winning support of nobles and strengthening his positions. He
also realized that Khilji has right to enjoy the spoils, so he tried to create a new order of nobility based
on the principle of blood relationship by distributing coveted posts to prominent members of his tribe s.
Alauddin Khilji his nephew, was made Ariz-l-Mumalik and Avadh was added to his lqtas. By gaining this
position, he found himself closer to the throne. The murder of Jalaluddin Khilji resulted in chaos and

15
confusion. Alauddin soon won over nobles to his side and became the Sultan. His reign was marked by
two different approaches towards nobility.
In the first period, Alauddin engaged himself in rooting out old Jalali nobles and creating a new
class of nobles based on blood relationships and personal service, since his coup was brought by his
close associates; they received favors and formed a faction which directed the affairs of the state. But
the expanding empire compelled him to choose civil administrators from old llbari nobles. For example,
Alaulmulk was appointed as the Kotwal of the capital.
Alauddin did not tolerate any opposition nor did he treat nobility as an equal to his sovereign
authority. He ruled with absolute authority caring little for any group. The Jalalis and the neo Muslims
lost power and prestige due to the suspicion they created in the minds of their master.
The revolts in different areas made Alauddin impose checks on the power of nobility. Properties
of nobles were confiscated. Iqtas were resumed. Intelligence was asked to work more efficiently and
matrimonial alliances with nobles could be made only with the Sultans permission.
Alauddin created a new class of nobility on which he could rely. These were recruited on basis
of personal service and loyalty to Sultan. For example Malik Naib and Malik Kafur.
Alauddin‟s successor Qutb-ud-din Mubarak Shah was endowed with administrative ability and
he realized the importance of winning the nobility by relaxing the severities imposed on them. He
issued general amnesty and the emoluments of nobles were increased. Titles were conferred and new
appointments were made to the Alai nobility to strengthen his position. He also encouraged his
personal slaves to position of power and prestige. This was not liked by Alai Nobles, who were also
divided into sections and the ones who rallied around Ghazi Malik received favours in the later period.
The nobility, thus, was of heterogeneous character though llbaris dominated in the 13th century.
The absence of any well established hereditary class of nobility, forced them to choose their supporters
from slaves on the basis of loyalty and personal service. Under Khilji‟s and Tughluqs, nobility assumed
heredity character, due to royal patronage and not as a matter of right. The nobility was generally
involved in conflict with the crown to assert their regrets.

Self Assessment Questions

a. What do you know about Balban‟s theory of Kingship?
Answer.

b. How were the forty destroyed by Balban?

Answer.

c. Write a note on the Mongol invasion.

Answer.

1.6 SUMMARY
Students in this chapter we have dealt with political, social and economic consequences of the
Ghorian invasion on India. The success of Iltutmish in establishing peace and creating political unity
and a system of governance which guaranteed protection to people both from foreign invasions and

16
internal disturbances has been dealt with. Numerous problems and policies of Balban have been
highlighted. The heterogeneous character of the nobility in the 13th century has been well accounted.

1.7 REFERENCES
Satish Chandra, Medieval India from the Sultanate to the Mughals, vol I, New Delhi : Har Anand
Publications, 2003.
Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History,Cambridge : CUP, 1999.
1.8 FURTHER READING
Habib, Mohammad & Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, (eds.), A Comprehensive History of India, Vol.V :
The Delhi Sultanate 1206-1526, New Delhi : Peoples Publishing House, (Reprint), 1993.

1.9 MODEL QUESTIONS

1. What were the consequences of the Ghorian invasions?
2. Discuss the problems and polices of Balban?
3. What was the nature of nobility in the thirteenth century?
4. Critically examine political consolidation under IItutmish.

***********

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 Lesson - 2

AGRARIAN REFORMS OF ALAUDDIN KHILJI;

MECHANISM OF MARKET REGULATIONS AND THEIR IMPACT

Structure
2.0 Objectives
2.1 Introduction
2.2 Agrarian Reforms of Alauddin Khilji
2.3 Mechanism of Market Regulations and their Impact
2.4 Summary
2.5 References
2.6 Further Reading
2.7 Model Questions

2.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this lesson you will be able to :
* learn about the agrarian reforms of Ala-ud-din Khilji
* acquire information regarding the mechanism of market regulations and their impact.
2.1 INTRODUCTION
Students this lesson will focus on the agrarian reforms as well as mechanisms of market
regulations introduced by Ala-ud-din Khilji. He regarded agrarian reforms to be great significance for the
growth of his empire. The economic basis of the government would be strengthened by a stable and
improves agrarian system. It was seen that Alauddin carried out a large number of campaigns to
increase his power and authority. This necessitated the need for a large army. The army was paid less
wages, therefore Ala-ud-din introduces mechanism of market regulations to keep a strict control on the
prices of goods to keep the soldiers satisfied.
2.2 AGRARIAN REFORMS OF ALAUDDIN KHILJI
Alauddin was amongst the first Turkish sovereigns to have taken a keen interest in agrarian
matters. Prior to him, from Qutbuddin Aibak to Jalaluddin Khilji, the ruler either did not have the time or
did not possess the initiative to handle these matters. They utilized the existing machinery.
Prior to Alauddin, there was the Khalisa land directly under the Diwan-i-Wizarat (official), who
collected the revenue thorough his subordinate staff consisting of Amils, Karkhuns. Another kind of land
was under the provincial governors called Muqtis, who collected the revenue deducted their share of
pay and expenses of provincial administration and remitted the rest to the central treasury.
The prevailing system of assessment and collection of revenue was based on certain
convention. The peasant agreed to pay a certain share of his produce (1/3) to the Muqti or the ruler.

18
The method usually adopted was sharing method. Generally revenue was collected through the
Chaudharies, Muqaddams and Khots. They collected the government share in cash or kind and
deposited the sanctioned amount in the provincial or central treasury and got a commission for the work
done by them. This system is known as farming of revenue.
Alauddin decided to change the existing system and for this he carried out a series of
measures. To start with he resumed all land grants which the nobility, government officials and other
individuals held as gifts, grants or rewards from the state. As a part of old custom the nobles,
theologians and learned men were given land grants as reward for the services carried out by them.
These land grants were like small iqtas or portion of land given to the individuals, the revenue of which
was equal to their pay or reward. The grants were not hereditary but generally the descendants were
left undisturbed of their possessions. These holders of land grants, in a period of time, had become lazy
and proud. Earlier Balban had tried to reduce their power by instituting an enquiry and resuming the
land grants of all those who rendered services to the state. But he was only partially successful.
Consequently, the Khans and the Maliks were saved of losing all their property.
When Alauddin ascended the throne, in order to secure the support and cooperation of the
nobility and other influential people, he had to bestow gold and land grants to them. But after a few
years, when he realized that his position was strong, he punished the nobility on the charges of being
disloyal to their former ruler Jalaluddin. They were punished with blinding and execution. In addition to
this, they were deprived of their wealth and property. In 1297 these measures were confined to a
certain section of Malik and Amirs. By 1301, their scope was considerably widened and included
nobility, traders and petty Zamindars.
Alauddin ordered that all states, villages and other land which the people held as milk
(property), Inam (renumeration or reward) and Waqf (gift) were to be resumed and turned into Khalisa
or crown lands. It is probable that all assignment were not confiscated because the system of giving
land grants was not completely given up. Malik Qabul Ulugh Khana got on estate after his appointment
as the Shahna of grain Market. But, the ruler preferred resumption of land grants and paying his official
in cash. The management of most of the land grants was taken over by the government. The state
official were also asked to be as strict as possible in extorting money from the rich on different pretexts
so that no body was left with much wealth.
The order resumption of land grants which was meant to impoverish the nobility was followed by
other which affected the village headman Muqaddams, Khuts and ordinary peasant (Balahar). The
Sultan asked his counselors to suggest ways and means for suppressing Hindus whose wealth was a
source of rebellion and disaffection. Alauddin felt that Khuts and Muqaddams collected extra money as
their collection charges (Haquq-i-khuts) from the peasants and did not pay any of the prevalent taxes
like Kharaj, Jiziyah, Kari and Charai. They did not take care for the summons of the Diwan and did not
pay head to the revenue official. All privileges given to the land lord were resumed and they were not
given anything as collection charges.
In the next stage, Alauddin brought about changes in the agrarian taxation. Alauddin was the
first ruler of the Delhi, Sultanate who fixed the revenue on actual measurement of land. The system of
measurement was known to the Indian rulers and was in practice in the south, but it had fallen in disuse
in the north.
The system of measurement was revised under Alauddin. Not much details are known with
regard to method and instrument of measurement, but revenue collection was carried out according to
biswah. A uniform system of measurement was introduced. The area under cultivation was measured.
Then yield per unit area was multiplied by yield per unit area to calculate the total produce. ½ of this
produce was fixed as the state demand. Under this system, all land occupied by rich and poor was

19
assessed uniformly at 50% of total produce. This measure automatically reduced the chiefs practically
to the positions of peasants. Their surplus income which they were suspected of levying was stopped.
½ of the produce was taken as tax and from the remaining half, grazing tax and other taxes were
levied. Consequently, the chiefs who earlier lived a luxurious life were now reduced to a deplorable
position.
The demand of 50% was indeed a harsh measure. Under Hindu rulers, the state demand was ¼
to 1/6. Under Iltutmish and Balban, the rate was around 1/3rd. However, this demand of ½ was not
unislamic as the Shariat permits 50% as the maximum share of the state in the produce.
The system of measurement was followed in districts like Delhi, area of Palam, Rewari,
Afghanpura, Amroha, Badaon and Kol and districts of Depalpur, Lahore, Samana, Sunam and Kotehr
in west, portions of Malwa and Rajputana but not in Gujarat Avadh and Malwa.
In matters of collection of revenue, the revenue was accepted in cash as well as kind but since
the Sultan accumulated grain in state granaries he preferred to take the revenue in kind from the fertile
area near the capital.
In addition to the land tax, Alauddin levied other taxes. These included house tax (Ghari) and
grazing tax (charai). Ziayuddin Barani, a writer, mentions that all milk producing animals likes cows and
goats were taxed. He neither mentions any limitations nor exemptions of grazing tax. However, Ferishta
mentions that animals upto 2 pairs of oxen, a pair of buffaloes two cows and ten goats were exempted
from tax, the taxable minimum in Muslim law is 30 heads of cow and buffalo and 40 for goat and sheep.
It is probable that Alauddin exempted only such animal as were indispensable for cultivation, but not
cows, buffalos, and goats as they gave milk, went to pasture and were a source of income to their
possessor.
Alauddin also appointed new officials. Many officers were appointed. New post of a special
officer called Mustakharaj was created. The Sultan increased the salaries of the revenue officials to
check bribery and corruption. A vigilant check was kept. Even the papers were scrutinized regularly.
Alauddin was amongst the early rulers whose hands reached the Patwaris who were the best sources
of information in all matters pertaining to land.
These measures could be enforced due to the work done by Naib Wazir. He applied ordinance
of the Sultan in most parts of the empire and took several years to do so. They system of measurement
was enforced in central part, some areas of the north and western part of the country. By these
measures maladministration of the revenue department could be removed. Large areas were converted
into Khalisa lands. The new department Diwan-i-Mustakharaj was instructed with the work of inquiring
into arrears lying in the name of collectors and realizing them. Officials were punished severely if they
were caught in acts of bribery or corruption.
The implication of these measures was that they caused oppression to the peasantry. It left no
incentive for increasing the produce or improving cultivation.
2.3 MECHANISM OF MARKET REGULATIONS AND THEIR IMPACT
It was seen that Alauddin carried out a large number of campaigns to increase his power and
authority. In addition to this, a considerable part of his time was spent on dealing with the Mongols.
Both these necessitated the need for a large army. In addition to the army, the Sultan had a large staff
of state officials. The army and the officials involved heavy liabilities on the royal exchequer. The wealth
accumulated during the time of Jalaluddin Khilji and the treasures secured from various raids and the
annual tributes from various chieftains was insufficient to meet the financial burden. Also increasing the
revenue demand to ½ of the produce and levying different kinds of taxes did not meet the requirement

20
of the state. Alauddin, therefore, decided to reduce the salaries of the soldiers along with this. He also
reduced the prices of the commodities of daily use. With this aim he promulgated various regulations to
bring down the cost of living.
The Mongols repeatedly invaded the country specially Delhi. In 1303 the Mongol invader Targhi
stopped all provisions from reaching the city by capturing all roads around it. This situation would have
caused scarcity of foodgrains. Alauddin decided to overcome the difficulties of transport and shortage
of foodgrainsby accumulating food stuffs in the capital and also by fixing their prices. The ruler
regulated the prices of foodgrain and fixed them at low rates. For instance, the price of wheat was 7½
jitals per man, barely 4 jitalper man, gram 5 jital per man, rice 5 jital per man, sugar 1 jital per ser, gur
jital per ser. Alauddin also realized that fixation of the price level would be useless without the control of
supplies. No person was allowed to keep more than 10 maunds of grain in the stock. Those who broke
this law were punished. Undertakings were taken from magistrates and local official that they would
obtain from the cultivators as much as they could.
The Sultan also established a grain market and government grain stores from where the people
and the merchants could obtain their food stuffs. The grain market was run by 2 kinds of merchants.
Those who had their permanent shops in Delhi and the traveling merchants called caravannians who
brought grain into the city and sold it to shop keepers and the people. With the fixing of the prices of
foodgrains, the merchant were left with a marginal profit. Consequently, temporarily the shopkeepers of
Delhi looked at disgust at the new regulations and the caravan merchants stopped coming to the city.
Consequently, Alauddin ordered that the traveling merchants should get themselves registered with the
Shahna (Superintendent) of the market. The Shahna of the market apprehended the leader of the
traveling merchants and kept them under surveillance until they agreed to bring grain regularly to the
market and sell it at the scheduled rates. They were also requested to reside with their families on the
banks of Jamuna within the direct jurisdiction of the superintendent.
Alauddin also issued orders to all the magistrates and collectors in the Doab and area around
Delhi, requesting them to give written undertaking that they would obtain as much grain from the
cultivators as possible. They were also asked to collect 50% land tax rigorously. Consequently large
amounts of grain came to the grain market. Black marketing could not exist.
Another problem which the cultivators faced was unpredictable weather. To counter all
difficulties faced by weather, the Sultan established government grain stores, these granaries were well
stocked. These granaries, were infact godowns where grain was stored in reserve to be released in
times of emergency. These godowns acted as a source from where grain was given to traveling
merchants, who took it to the grain market, where it was sold to the public at regulated price and
quantity.
In normal conditions and seasons, people could buy as much grain as they liked. But, in times
of drought and famine, conditions were not same. In times of scarcity, grain could not be sold to the
people of Delhi in indefinite quantities and it was rationed. During times of scarcity, each household
was given half a man of grain per day. Contemporary writer Ferishta mentions that a person could buy
just the quantity he needed, if he bought even half a man more, he was severely punished. Rich
persons of the town who had no villages as field to fall back upon were also given fixed quantity of grain
for their needs. Since there were no ration cards nor the people were counted, so it can be assumed
that all those who went to buy grain were given so in moderate quantities. Barani mentions that due to
rationing of grain, no famine occurred in Delhi even when there was drought and famine in the nearby
regions.
This elaborate and organized system in which prices were fixed, merchants registered,
profiteering and speculation forbidden could not function without an efficient staff of officials. Alauddin

21
appointed Malik Qabul as the Shahna or Superintendent of the market. He was given a large body of
army and cavalry to discharge his duties. He was put incharge of all the shopkeepers and traveling
merchants. He was to ensure that grain was regularly brought to the market, sold at fixed rates, no
hoarding or black marketing took place. He was also to report to the Sultan the fluctuation of prices.
The Shahna reports were verified through other officials and if there was any discrepancy, an
enquiry was conducted and the defaulter was severely punished. The Shahna was therefore, in
constant dread of the Sultan and could be punished for any delinquency. He was a strict and harsh
officers and frequently whipped fraudulent merchant strictness compelled the people to be honest in
their dealings.
In addition to the Shahna, there were other officials. Barid-i-Mandi reported on the quality of the
products; the Munhiyns who were like the secret police. They were inferior to the Shahna in status but
they submitted their reports separately and directly to the ruler and their reports were then compared
with that of Shahna. This compelled the market official to be correct in their accounts and honest in
their dealings.
In addition to controlling the price of the grain, the price of cloth was also controlled. In fact,
separate markets were set up for all the requirement of the soldiers – horse market, slave market, cattle
market, sweet, weapons, shoes etc. The cloth market was regulated on the lines of the grain market.
Malik Akub was appointed as the Diwan-i-Riyasat who controlled the cloth market, but his jurisdiction
extended to other markets as well. He also carried out the duties of Nazir (superintendent Dargah) and
Muhatsib (official of public morals) Diwan-i-Riyasat was a superior official and he appointed Shahnas
for each of the various market, Like the Shahnas, Diwan-i-Riyasat too was an upright, honest and a
strict official.
The cloth market was located in a building called Sarai-adl and was open from early morning till
late at night. It was the only market which dealt with cloth. If any trader sold goods at high prices, he
was severely punished by the Sultan. The prices of some of the cloth goods was, for instance, an
ordinary sized chader sold at 10 jitals, 20 yard long cloth sold for 1 tanka, a quilt for 1-2 tankas, Delhi
Khazz silk for 16 tankas, raw silk for 6 tankas. The prices were fixed keeping in view the cost of
production and a profit margin for the seller. The control of prices of cloth in Delhi posed a problem
whereby the merchants were reluctant to sell their goods in Delhi, since they were not given much
profits. There was resentment among the merchants as they bought their goods from far off places
where the prices will not controlled and they also incurred expenses while transporting them to Delhi
and had to sell the commodities at fixed prices. The Sultan ordered that more facilities should be
provided to the cloth merchants. All cloth merchants who traded in Delhi had to get themselves
registered and they were not given any concessions. The merchants were also required to sign an
agreement by which he was to bring a fixed quantity of merchandise in the city and sell at controlled
rates.
The Sultan also advanced money from the State Treasury to the Multani Merchants to enable
them to purchase their goods elsewhere and sell them at sarai adl. To control black marketing,
restrictions were imposed on the sale and purchase of high class fabrics. All costly cloth like tasbih,
tabrezi, bhiram and devengri skills could be bought only after obtaining a permit from Diwan-i-Riyasat.
Rules were also framed to regulate the sale of horses, cattle and slaves. Horses considered fit
for military service, were divided into three grades according to their quality and breed. The price of a
best quality horse ranged from 100-120 tankas, that of second best from 80-90 tankas and third from
65-70 tankas. To maintain these prices levels, the Sultan had to treat brokers and middlemen in horse
trade severely. An order was issued by which no one could buy a horse with an intention of selling it at
a high price elsewhere. The brokers were given punishment like imprisonment for high bidding and

22
speculation. Regular inspections at intervals of 6 weeks to 8 weeks were carried out to ascertain the
price of specified specie.
The Sultan also undertook various means to enforce his orders. A schedule of prices of different
commodities was prepared and a reasonable profit margin was allowed for the seller. The schedu le
was forwarded to the Diwan-i-Riyasat whose duty was to enforce it in the market. He also appointed
Shahnas of various markets dealing with different commodities. Each Shahna received a copy of the
schedule of rates for his market. They were instructed to enquire from the purchaser the price and note
down the statements and compare it with the schedule price. If the shopkeeper sold at a higher rate he
was severely punished. The market officials were strict, harsh and used coercive means.
The market regulation did enable the ruler to maintain a strong army. The ruler was also able to
check hoarding of grain and other corrupt practices like black marketing and cheating. There was a
regular supply of grain and other commodities throughout the year. Even in times of famines and
scarcity, grain was available to the people at controlled prices. Due to this a large number of people
come and started setting in Delhi.
The market regulations did not permit enough profit to the traders and consequently left no
encouragement to trade and commerce. The king did not permit flexibility in prices and the
punishments too were a deterrent. Many merchants carrying out trade in foodgrains and commodities
were forced to settle in Delhi. They had to sign agreement making them individually and collective
responsible for each other conduct.
Even agriculture was adversely affected. The market regulation rendered the condition of the
peasantry hopeless. Although the revenue regulation were meant to crush the middle men and not
peasantry, but peasantry was adversely affected too. Peasant was to pay ½ of his produce as tax and
from the remaining ½ he had to pay other cheap rates to traveling merchant. Although the cultivator
was saved of the drudgery of taking grain to the grain markets and falling victims to the middlemen, still
they were not happy selling grain at cheap prices without having a choice of selecting a market
themselves and trying for profit.
The manner in which the regulations were enforced sacrificed the interests of traders and
cultivators in favor of the army. Consequently, neither trade nor agriculture could flourish during this
period.
Alauddin‟s market regulations died with him. The rules, enquiries, strictness came to an end
with Alauddin as his son Qutbuddin could not enforce the regulations. Market regulations were a
temporary measure resorted to in times of exigency.
Self Assessment Questions
a. Who were Muqtis?
Answer.

b. What was charai?

Answer.

c. Who were Shahnas?

Answer.

23
2.4 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson various agrarian reforms of Alauddin Khilji have been given in detail.
During his rule resumption of land grants was ordered and officials were from then on paid in cash. This
lesson has also focused on the changes that were introduced in agrarian taxation. The mechanism of
market regulation and its impact have been critically analysed to form a better understanding of the
political and economic strategy of Alauddin Khilji.
2.5 REFERENCES
Satish Chandra, Medieval India from the Sultanate to the Mughals, vol I, New Delhi : Har Anand
Publications, 2003.
Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate : A Political and Military History, Cambridge : CUP, 1999.
2.6 FURTHER READING
Habib, Mohammad & Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, (eds.), A Comprehensive History of India, Vol.V :
The Delhi Sultanate 1206-1526, New Delhi : Peoples Publishing House, (Reprint), 1993.
2.7 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. What were the agrarian reforms of Alauddin Khilji ?
2. Critically examine the mechanism of market regulation introduced by Alauddin.

*********

24
 Lesson - 3

POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS ORIENTATION OF MOHAMMAD

BIN TUGHLUQ; RATIONALE, IMPLEMENTATION AND
CONSEQUENCES OF MOHAMMAD BIN TUGHLUQ’S PROJECTS;
ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS OF FIROZ SHAH TUGHLUQ

Structure
3.0 Objective
3.1 Introduction
3.2 Political and Religious orientation of Mohammad Tughluq
3.3 Rationale, Implementation and Consequences of Mohammad Bin Tughluq‟s Projects
3.4 Administrative Reforms of Firoz Shah Tughluq
3.5 Summary
3.6 References
3.7 Further Reading
3.6 Model Questions

3.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
* Learn about the political and religious orientation of Mohammad Tughluq
* Understand the rationale, implementation and consequences of Mohammad Bin Tughluq‟s
projects
* Gain information about the administrative reforms of Firoz Shah Tughluq
3.1 INTRODUCTION
Students it is important to understand the political and religious ideology of Muhammad Bin
Tughluq as it forms the very basis of the policies and strategies‟ that he adopted. Mohammad Tughluq‟s
reign is marked by the projects that he undertook. When Firoz Tughluq came to power there was
economic chaos prevailing in the state and he tried to reduce the economic suffering of the people and
put the state finances in order by introducing administrative reforms which will be analysed in this
lesson.
3.2 POLITICAL AND RELIGIOUS ORIENTATION OF MOHAMMAD BIN TUGHLUQ
The political and religious ideas of Mohammad Tughluq are relevant as many of his attitudes
were conditioned by these and had a bearing on his projects and policies. He was not satisfied with the
conventional solutions to problem and had a different outlook and approach to handle the matters. He

25
tried to unify India politically and administratively. He tried to liquidate the barriers which separated
North and South. His Deccan policy resulted in a rapid cultural transformation of the south. As a result
scholars, mystics, merchants, poets, and administrators moved there and some from Daultabad moved
to northern parts, Gujarat and Bengal.
When Mohamad Tughluq ascended the throne, Central Asia was in a state of flux. There was a
vacuum in the political life in central Asia and Tughluq tried to fill in that vacuum. He believed in close
diplomatic, cultural and economic contacts with the outside world. His political vision entered much
beyond the territories of India and he thought of mastering the areas of China, Egypt and Kharosan. He
believed in maintaining diplomatic ties with other countries. As a result of his foreign policy, missions
from China, Iran and Syria came to the court of Delhi.
Mohammad Tughluq was also a student of religion and philosophy. His rationalism in religious
matters was perceived by the orthodox elements as denial of religion. He was associated and
influenced by logician Saad and philosophers like Najm and Ubaid. Like a devout Muslim, he carried
out his daily prayers and other religious sites. At the same time he was tolerant to other religions as
well. He participated in their religious ceremonies and festivals. He took part in the festival of Holi.
There was a regular movement of Jogis in his territory. He also visited some temples like the temples at
Palatina and Girnar.
Mohammad Tughluq‟s attitude towards the Sufi saints is also misunderstood. He was not
against the Sufi‟s but he did not appear of the mystic attitude of isolation from the state. He wanted the
Sufi‟s to make their services available to the state. He also wanted to absorb them in administration.
Mohammad Tughluq also believed that there should not be any distinction and discrimination for
appointment to offices. He believed that the foundation of the empire could be strengthened by giving it
a broad base. People of all castes, classes and religions were appointed to the various offices on their
ability. He also patronized Hindi scholars and poets. There were almost a thousand poets of Arabic,
Persian and Hindi at his court.
Mohammad Tughluq did not accept anything which was not supported by reason and logic. He
did not accept that the political and religious principles applicable in Arabia in the seventh century could
be applied in India in the fourteenth century. He considered the Ulema, Moulvis, Sayyids as narrow
minded, ignorant and as religious bigots. He considered them as incapable of logical presentation of
principles of their faith and as unprogressive. Hence, he considered it unfair to give them special favors
and privileges and posts. He appointed some non-theologians to judicial posts. Whenever the Ulema
were found guilty of rebellion or embezzlement of religious funds, the Sultan inflicted severe
punishment on them. The result of this policy was that domination of the Ulema in political and
administrative matters of the state was minimized. He emphasized on the equality of people and put
aside the sectarian and racial privileges. He appointed people of different castes, races and men of
foreign countries as nobles.
In dealing with the Hindus, Mohammad Tughluq followed a religiously broad outlook towards
them. They were given appointments in various administrative posts and there is no evidence of temple
destruction. He supported many religious shrines at Ratan in Sindh, and Bhairon in Gulbarga.
These ideas of Mohammad Tughulq did not remain the same throughout his life. As a ruler, he
undertook various projects but all his projects failed. They resulted in loss of exchequer and put
additional burden on the people in the form of taxation. As a result there were several rebellions in his
empire. He was advised on theology by his teacher Qutlugh Khan and this brought about a change in
his religious outlook in 1341.

26
 Mohammad Tughluq contacted the Caliph in 1341. He considered disaffection by his subjects
as a penalty for subordinating the respect for Allah. He modified his private conduct as well as public
conduct. Censors were appointed to scrutinize the conduct of the Muslims. They were empowered to
enforce conformity to the principles of Islam. He also sought a letter of investiture from the Caliph in
Egypt. He welcomed the missions from Caliph. He paid homage to the letters of investiture and also the
messengers who brought them. He removed his own name from the coins and inserted that of the
Khalifa. All royal orders were issued not in the name of the Sultan, but in that of the Khalifa.
3.3 RATIONALE, IMPLEMENTATION AND CONSEQUENCES OF MOHAMMAD BIN
TUGHLUQ’S PROJECTS
Mohammad Tughluq‟s reign is marked by the projects that he undertook. According to the
contemporary historian Barani, Mohammad Tughluq‟s projects included the increased taxation in Doab,
transfer of the capital, changes in the token currency, expedition to Khorasin and Qarachil. Agha Mahdi
Hussain mentions that Mohammad Tughluq first carried out his projects and since he was unsuccessful
and he needed money for the treasury, he increased the rate of taxation in Doab.
Taxation in Doab
It was seen that during the reign of Alauddin Khilji, the rate of taxation was ½ of the total
produce, in addition to the house tax and grazing tax. After the death of Alauddin, changes were made
in the system and during the reign of Qutabuddin Mubarak Khilji, the rate was land tax was reduced to
1/3. When Ghiyasuddin Tughluq became the ruler, he moderated the land revenue system. When
Mohammad Tughluq became the ruler, he decided to increase the revenue of the Doab. According to
Barani, the ruler increased the tax to ten to twenty fold. The officers also introduced several schemes
and imposed taxes which broke the backs of the raiyat. Yahya bin Ahmad mentions that the Sultan
enhanced the revenue of the land twenty fold. He also introduced Kari and Charai taxes and for this
purpose, the cattle were branded and the houses were computed and sown fields were measured and
rate of taxes was fixed accordingly. Ferishta‟s account mentions that the Sultan raised the revenue by
fourfold. Another writer, however, mentions that the revenue was increased tenfold and twentyfold and
taxes were levied on cattle and houses and innovations introduced. These innovations were enforced
so rigorously that the feeble and low among the raiyat were wiped out, and those who were rich and
powerful became rebellious. The poor left their cattle in the suburbs and ran into the jungles. They levy
of increased taxation in the Doab was accompanied by drought and rise in the prices. Cultivation
declined and famine like conditions prevailed. Barani also mentions that due to high taxes, the
peasants set fire to grain barns. Shiqdars resorted to loot and plunder and some Khots and
Muqaddams were killed. This resulted in peasant rebellions. They refused to pay taxes, defied the tax
collectors and became rebellions. This resulted in full scale rebellions at many places.
Transfer of Capital
Another project undertaken by Mohammad Tughluq was transferring the capital to Deogir from
Delhi. Contemporary historians mention that the main objective of transferring the capital was to make
Deogir a centre of Islamic culture and also to solve the Deccan problem. For this he employed saints
who were disciples of Nizamuddin Auliya to peacefully disseminate the teachings of Islam in south.
Some believe that the objective was to take the new provinces of Deccan under his personal rule and
since Deogir was centrally located than Delhi and it would suit this. Barani too mentions that the
objective of transfer was the comparatively central location of Deogir. It was equidistant from Delhi. It is
generally agreed that the centrality of the location was the prime motive for transferring the capital.
Regarding the extent of population which was transferred, the contemporary writers accounts
seem to be exaggerated. Barani mentions that all dwellers with their families were forced to leave.

27
Many people perished on the journey to Deogir. Ibn Battuta‟s view is similar to Baranis and mentions
that all were forced to leave Delhi. Even lame and blind people were dragged. Ahmad Sarhindi
mentions that the population was shifted in two stages. In the first stage in 1327, the royal family was
asked to shift and in 1329 Ulema, Sufis, ruling elite and courtiers were asked to shift. His view appears
more rational. The whole population was not asked to shift. By shifting the population in two phases
and a gap of two years provided adequate time for building houses and palaces. Sultan also purchased
the houses of nobles in Delhi so that they did not suffer. Despite this, the project failed as the people of
north did not adjust to the conditions of south. There is a general reluctance of the people to stay away
from their roots. The courtiers, officials and elite were asked to shift away from a place where they had
their roots from time immemorial. Deogir was far inferior in infrastructure. The result of this project was
expansion of Islam in south. Every one did not return back to Delhi. Some stayed back and it laid the
foundation of Bahami kingdom. Islam became a factor for political motives in the south.
Qararchil Expedition
The Qarachil mountains‟ commanded the route to China or Tibet. During the early period of
Mohammad Tughluq, the Chinese had encroached on the independent Rajput states in the Himalayas.
This was viewed with hostility. Mohammad also felt the need for securing the northern frontier. For this,
a large army was sent. Contemporary writers mention that the number of soldiers varied from 80,000 to
1,00,000. The soldiers entered the Himalayas after capturing Sambal through Terai region. Khusrau
Malik was asked to establish military encamps to facilitate the transport of provisions and materials and
serve as places of refuge. The troops captured Jidya, moved upwards. Khusrau Malik then asked the
forces to march towards Tibet. It was then that they were met by rains and the plague. The soldiers
panicked and almost the entire army was destroyed.
Khorasan Expedition
Tarmashrin was the ruler of Transoxania. He invaded Persia and was defeated. He then
marched towards India. Mohammad Tughluq bribed him. Tarmashirin stayed in India for few a years.
His son-in-law Amir Nauroz joined the Sultans service along with certain other nobles. Tarmashirin
went back to central Asia and asked for help from Mohammad Tughluq. Mohammad Tughluq made
preparations, he raised an army of 3,70,000 soldiers, gave them 1 years salary in advance. But nothing
was heard from Tarmashrin. Mohammad Tughluq abandoned his project, lost money and disbanded
the army. This sowed seeds of violent upheavals and the soldiers joined hands with the provincial
leaders in various rebellions.
Token currency
Upto the reign of Sultan Alauddin Khilji, the weight of the silver tanka was 175 grains. After his
death, there was a decrease in the number of silver coins and an appreciable mixture of copper in silver
coins. Under Mubarak Shah, a lot of wealth came from Deccan which resulted in an increase in the
weight of silver grains. During the time of Mohammad Tughluq, the demand for silver became greater.
The increase of expenditure due to maintenance of a large army made the problem of silver acute. To
tackle this problem, Mohammad Tughluq introduced token currency. There are different opinions as to
the objective behind his taking up this project. Ishwari Prasad mentions that due to his love for
experiments‟, he undertook this measure. Barani mentions that due to „deficiency in treasury‟, he
undertook this measure. Ferishta mention that he had no money in the treasury. It is generally believed
that there was a general shortage of silver in mint. With the conquest of Deccan, no supply of silver was
there. There was a general shortage of silver all over the world. Without taking precautions, he ordered
that coins of bronze be issued and minted. This coin was to have same value as the silver tanka. There
were already copper and brass coins in markets called the Jitals. The intrinsic value of copper coins
amounted to little. This project failed as in order to succeed, the token currency should have credit of

28
the government. The copper coins could be minted in houses and all goldsmiths struck coins, thus, the
coinage of copper became abundant. The price of metal could not be found by the imperial enactments.
Tughluq recalled copper tokens exchanging at its face value for silver coins. Discredited coinage was
recalled and credit of government was restored.
3.4 ADMINISTRATIVE REFORMS OF FIROZ SHAH TUGHLUQ
At the time of Firoz Tughluq‟s accession, the financial and revenue affairs of the Sultanate were
disorderly. The people suffered from excessive taxations, maladministration, extortion and famine
during the reign of Muhammad Tughluq. Also Mohammad Tughluq‟s experiments - transfer of capital,
token currency, increased taxation in the Doab and Qarachil expedition had depleted the treasury and
caused serious financial and economic dislocation. He also had to spend large sums of money in the
later years of his reign in suppressing rebellions. This worsened the economic crises. After his death,
the Prime Minister Khwaja Jahan added to the financial crises by distributing treasures among the
people to win them over to his side.
Firoz Tughluq realized the economic chaos prevailing in the state and tried to reduce the
economic suffering of the people and put the state finances in order. He wrote off all the arrears and
revived the system of land grants. In keeping with his orthodox and religious outlook, he made Shara
his guide in economic matters also. The sources of revenue fall into two classes religious revenue
collected from Muslims alone (Zakat) and secular revenue. According to the Hanifite school, the Zakat
taxes includes Zakat on flocks and herds, Zakat of gold and silver and articles of trade and the Zakat on
the produce of the earth. The secular revenue comprises of the Kharaj or land tax, the Jaziyah or the
poll tax (the tax onnon-Muslim trader), and Khams that is the imposts on spoils, mines, treasures and
states of persons who died without heirs. These were known as Zakat, Kharaj, Jaziyah and Khams.
Abolition of non-Sharia Taxes
It is generally believed that the process of abolition of taxes began in the early years of the reign
of Firoz Tughluq and was completed in 1375-76. The ruler cancelled all those taxes which were not
permitted by the Shara. He ordered that the income of the state should be from Shara taxes namely,
Kharaj, Ushr, Zakat, Jaziya, Khams and Tarkat. The Sultan abolished nearly 26 kinds of unlawful taxes
such as Kitabi - Tax on sale of books, Kotwali fee paid to Kotwals, Karhi - House tax, Chari - Grazing
tax, Qussabi-tax on butchers, nilgari - tax on Indigo, Sabun Gari, tax on soap marking, Roghan, Gari-
tax on oil. Qazi Nasrullah was asked to announce the abolition of these unlawful taxes and a royal
farman was circulated and recited by the Qazi. The cancellation of these taxes caused an immediate
loss of 30 lakh tankas to the exchequer.
Kharaj
The word Kharaj means the revenue derived from a piece of land or a slave. Technically it
means a tax imposed on land. The Kharaj of land is of 2 kinds : Kharaj Muqasmah or proportional
Kharaj - which consists of a proportion of the produce of the ground like 1/2 or 1/3; Kharaj Wazifat - is a
fixed Kharaj on the ground at so much of the natural produce or money per unit area or per tree.
Kharaj, according to the Hanifite school could not be less than 1/5 theof the entire produce and could
not exceed 1/2. In India, generally the practice of proportionate Kharaj was followed. But Firoz Shah
discarded the practice of proportional Kharaj and enforced the practice of fixed Kharaj. Hence, the
revenue remained the same during the entire reign. The Sultan appointed Khwaja Hisam-ud-din Janaid
for the purpose of setting revenue. He toured the territories for six years and fixed the total revenue by
the rule of inspection of six crores and seventy five lac tankas. During the forty years of Firoz Tugulaqs
reign, the total land revenues of the kingdom of Delhi remained the same.

29
Ushr
It means a tithe given to the Muslim state. It was a land tax and charged from the Muslims only
at the rate of 1/10 of produce from the tithe lands. During the early times, specially the reigns of
Muhammad bin Qasim and Qutab-ud-din Aibak, the distinction between Ushr and Kharaj was
maintained. During the later years, distinction between Kharaj and Ushr could not be maintained. But
under Firoz Tughlq, Ushr, according to contemporary writes like Afif, was a grant of one tanka to a poor
Muslim which was made by the Sultan of Delhi. The ruler must have charged 1/10th of the produce as
Ushr from the Muslims.
Zakat
Zakat Literally means growth and increase. Technically it is defined as the giving (tamlik) as an
act of piety of a legally shared portion of ones property to a poor Muslim. The giving of Zakat by the
Muslim is an obligation. Zakat is considered as one of the five pillars of faith. Zakat was thus, a religious
cum property tax. Firoz Tughluq includes Zakat as a State Tax. The manner of collection of Zakat is not
clearly mentioned in the contemporary sources. Zakat was levied as on impost or octroi in Sarai-Adl.
Zakat was also charged from the traders along with danganah (a tax). A separate treasury was made
for Zakat money. The Sultan spent the money for the benefit of the Muslims. Large scale repair of
tombs, mosques, expenditures on stipends, endowments and other humanitarian activities like Dar-Ul-
Shafa were carried out by the Zakat proceeds.
Jizyah
The word Jizyah is derived from the word Jaza meaning compensation. This tax is known as
Jizyah as it is paid by Zimmis as a compensation for being spared from death since by the payment of
Jizyah, the non Muslim purchase their lives and may no longer be killed. The non-Muslim pays Jizyah
for his humiliation as long as he persists is his unbelief and the power of Islam. Firoz Shah realized
Jizhah and called it Jizyah-i-Hunud. It was charged at the rate of 40, 20, and 10 tankas per head from
rich, middle class and poor Hindus respectively. In the earlier reigns of rulers, the Brahmans were
exempt from paying Jizyah but under Firoz Shah, Brahmans were also required to pay Jizyah. A
meeting of the leading Ulema was called and it was decided that the Brahmans were the keys of the
chambers of idolatory and the infidels depended on them, hence they were to be taxed. Each Brahman
was levied 10 tankas of 50 Jitals and a separate official was appointed for collecting Jizyah.
Tarkat
Tarkat means the property left by a person without on heir or will. Heirless property was
attached to the state. The income from this would have been negligible because Firoz Tughluq made it
a rule to bestow office, titles and property of the deceased upon the nearest relative of a man who died
without an heir.
Khams-i-Ghanaim
Khams literally means 1/5 and ghanaim is the plural of ghanima and it means booty or back
spoils. 1/5 of ghanima belong to god and is given by God to those whom he named as the messengers
and to the relatives. 1/5 of the spoils of the war was the state share and 4/5 was distributed among
soldiers. On his return from expeditions, the spoils were divided as: 1/5 to the state treasury and 4/5 to
the soldiers.
Khams-i-Maadan
Mines are treated as spoils and hence 1/5 goes to the state and 4/5 was given to the finder.
Luqtat or the property picked up from the street which if unclaimed was also deposited in the state
treasury.

30
Farming and Assignment
Firoz Shah made it a rule to appoint upright, honest and God fearing men to high position of the
state. Farming system received a fresh impetus during his reign. The offices were given to those who
agreed to pay the highest amount to the central government. For instances in 1376-77, Shams
Damghani was appointed as the governor of Gujarat in place of Zia-ul-Mulk Shamsud-din Aburaja, as
the former agreed to pay 4 lac tankas, 100 elephants, 200 horses 400 Hindus and Abyssinian slaves
annually.
Firoz Tughluq also restored land grants made during the last 175 years. In addition to this, Firoz
Shah Tughluq also made fresh grants so of land to Khans, Maliks, Amirs, Shaikhs, Sayyids and Ulema
in lieu of their salaries, allowances, pensions and stipends. The Prime Minister Khan Jahan received a
sum of 13 lac tankas or in lieu of it a considerable land in assignment. Other officials were also given
similarly accordingly to their ranks. Except for the Ghair Wajihi troopers who were paid in cash from the
treasury, other troopers and offices were assigned corresponding amount of revenue in lieu of their
salaries. When the assignment deeds were forwarded the Iqtadars, their holders, got about 1/2 of the
total value of the assigned sums.
Irrigation and Canals
Firoz Tughluq developed means of irrigation. Ghiassudin Tughluq thought of opening canals
and started some work. Mohammad Tughluq was also keen to devlop means of irrigation and invented
many devices called Uslubs to promote agriculture. Firoz Tughluq took keen interest in excavating
canals. A special officer called Wabdujah was appointed to supervise the opening of canal and
awarded Jagirs for the services he rendered. Big canals of 50-60 kos in length were dug. Naserwaha,
Qutub Waha and Khizarwaha canals were repaired. Raji Waha and Ulugh Khani were dug to supply
water to Hissar Firoz. Construction of canal was started in 1355. A canal from Satluj to Jhajhar in 1355,
Hansi to Assam in 1356, Ghaggar to Harmi Khera in 1356, Sasrwati to Salima and Budhi to Firozbad
were built.
Haq-i-Sharab - This canal gave a great fillip to the agriculture in the areas where they passed
and 80-90 kos of territory were brought under cultivation. New villages and Parganas emerged in the
vicinity of the canal. In the Doab alone, 52 villages sprang up and the number of villages increased in
Iqtas of Hansi, Samana and Jind. Due to increase in irrigation, superior crops were obtained. On the
advice of the Ulema, the ruler levied Haq-i-Sharab (water tax) at the rate of 10% or 1/10th. The income
from water tax amounted to 2 tankas and was regarded as the Sultans private income. A separate
officer was appointed to maintain accounts of these proceeds.
Gardens
Firoz Shah was fond of laying gardens and laid 1200 gardens in the vicinity of Delhi. These
gardens were laid in spacious enclosures and good quality fruit trees were planted. The state share of
income from these gardens amounted to 80 thousand tankas annually.
No change in administrative machinery - Firoz Shah Tughluq maintained the same machinery of
government which was earlier in use. Most of the officials who functioned earlier continued to function.
No structural changes were made in the constitution of the government and only minor modifications
were made in the duties of the officials.
Belief in Caliphate
The Sultan of Delhi, though legally a part of the eastern Caliphate was for most periods of time
an independent state, for all practical purposes. The head of the Muslim community was the Khalifa
and his authority was acknowledged by all. The Sultans of Delhi with a few exceptions professed to

31
desire their authority and status from the Khalifa. In recognition of this, they sought an investiture from
the Khalifa and inscribed his name on the coins. The formal relationship between the Khalifa and the
Sultan received impetus under Firoz. The Sultan confirmed his authority by the Khalifa as a deputy of
the Caliphate and received robes, banner and signed swords as badges of honour and recognition from
the Khalifa.
Firoz entered into regular relations with the Khalifa. He was honoured 4 times by the Caliph in
1353-54, 1362-63, 1364-65 and 1369-70. A Waqafnama was sent to all part of the country. The envoys
of the Caliph were received with great humility. The auspicious events were celebrated in the court with
great festivity and in return, the Sultan sent presents to the Caliph along with a detailed account of the
endowment made from Imlak. The relationship between the Caliphate and the Sultanate became real
rather than formal. Firoz gained prestige and sanctity from this and it contributed to the stability and
peace of the reign.
Sultan was the supreme authority in the administrative hierarchy. His functions included
governing the people in the Sultanate and also to be a missionary and defender of the creed of his
subjects. His authority was limited by the Shariat. He had to rule according to the Islamic law. The
Ulema wanted him to champion the cause of religion, the nobility wanted him to act as a guardian of
their political interests and privileges and the common man expected peace, security and justice from
him. Firoz Shah had the rare distinction of satisfying the Ulema, the nobility and the comman men. The
Ulema and the Nobility controlled the administrative machinery. Ulema emerged as a great power and
Muslim nobility remained in control of the administration. For the benefit of common men, the Sultan
tried to build a welfare state. He followed a policy of benevolence, paternal guidance, beneficient public
institutions and public works. Establishment of Dewan-i-Khairat and Dar-ul-Shafa, grant of old age
pensions, stipends, repair of monuments and promotion of education was carried out under Firoz
Tughlaq.
Position of the Wazir
Most of Firoz‟s success was due to his efficient Wazirs. After his accession, he appointed Mulk
Maqbul entitled Khan-i-Jahan as his Wazir. He was a trusted man of the Sultan and was vested with a
lot of authority. At times the entire administration was left in his hands. Wazir acted as a contact
between the Sultan and his officers. The Wazirs authority was absolute. He could appoint or dismiss
any official including higher official like Ashraf-i-Mamalik. The dismissal of Ain-ul-Mulk Multan from this
post was due to Khan-i-Jahan. The Wazir reported the entire administrative affairs and transactions to
the ruler.
Army
Firoz appointed his trusted slave Malik Bashir as his Ariz-i-Mumalik. He was given full authority
regarding recruitment, maintenance, control and discipline of the army. His deputy was Malik Razi. The
army comprised of 80,000 to 90,000 horses, excluding the slaves who remained in service through the
year. These soldiers, (Wajihi) were known as regular troopers. They had been given assignments in
lieu of their services and thus constituted a permanent standing army. Besides these, there were
irregular troopers of Ghair Wajihi. They were enrolled at the time of campaign. These soldiers did not
form a permanent section and no assignments were granted to them. They were paid in cash and also
received spoils of war. After the end of campaigns they were discharged from service. They had their
own horses, uniforms and military equipments. The army was lax and corrupt. The life of Wajihi soldiers
was easy and comfortable. They had servants. The system of descriptive rolls was discontinued. The
system of branding horses was discontinued. Also, during the early years of reign, Firoz adopted the
principal of hereditary succession of sons to posts of father. Most of the old soldiers were allowed to
continue in the army although they had become unfit to perform.

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Royal Karkhanas
The word Karkhana means a workshop. It also included other establishment dealing with the stores,
the royal court, the Sultans personal service and animal stable. The articles of luxury and splendor
could not be manufactured in the market, so the rulers established factories for producing articles for
them. The Sultan maintained 36 Karkhanas. These were 2 kinds of Karkhanas - Ratibi - which had
fixed annual grants like Peel Khana, Shama Khana, Shutur Khana. One lakh sixty thousand tankas was
the fixed grant of Katibi Karkhanas. Ghair Ratibi Karkhanas did not have a fixed grant. They were
Jamdar Khana, Alam Khana and Rikab Khana. The expenditure upon these varied from year to year.
Each Karkhana was placed under the charge of a Khan or a Malik of a high rank. And a general
superintendent Mutsarrif was appointed over them. For example Malik Ali and Malik Ismail were
incharge of Jamadar Khana. The Mutsarrif was appointed by the Sultan himself. The General
Superintendent of all Karkhanas was Khwaja Abdul Hassan. The ruler gave the order to the General
Superintendent who passed it to the Superintendent of the Karkhana concerned. Each Karkhana had a
number of accountants and for all the Karkhanas, a separate Diwan-i-Majmua Karkhana was set up.
Slave System
The institution of slaves was established and perfected by the Arabs. In India, the slave system
became a convenient means of propagation of Islam. The slaves were originally Hindus, captured in
war or seized from their families and converted to Islam. The number of slaves increased to 1 lakh 80
thousand. An order was issued by which the Muqtis and provincial officers were requested to capture
and send best slaves to the Sultan. The slaves were given different vocation according to their aptitude,
some were placed under tradesmen, and some were taught mechanical arts and religious scriptures.
Some were employed in the Royal Karkhanas and some served as clerks. Slaves were sent to Multan,
Dipalpur, Hisar and Gujarat and were placed under Amirs. The Department of Slaves (Diwan-e-
Bandgan) was separated from the Diwan-e-Wizarat. Over time, the slaves monopolized the
administrative machinery and they played the role of kind makers.
Welfare Measures
Unemployment was prevalent during the reign of Firoz Tughluq. The Sultan asked the Kotwal of
Delhi to prepare a list of the unemployed. The Kotwal visited each locality and sought the help of the
residents to prepare a list of the unemployed. A register of the unemployed was prepared and sent to
the ruler. Sultan after knowing the antecedent, skill and suitability of the unemployed, interviewed them
and employed them in royal establishments as Karkhuns, slaves and Amirs.
Charity
The Sultan also tried to help the poor and helpless Muslims. He asked the people to help the
women by contributing liberally for marriages of girls. A Dewan-i-Khairat or charity house was set up
near the Mosque of Firozabad for providing financial assistance for poor girls. An honest official like
Sayyid Amir-i-Miran was appointed to manage the affairs of the charity house. The officials were asked
to verify the cases. The applications were divided into 3 categories - 1st, 2nd, 3rd on the basis of
poverty and were given 50, 30, 25 tankas respectively. A hospital or Dar-ul-Shafa was set up to cure
the sick. Competent and skilled physicians, Hakims, were appointed and provision was made for the
supply of Unani medicines. The poor were given free medical aid and medicines. Patent prescriptions
and simple and compound medicines were given.
The ruler also spent large amount of money for the relief of poor, needy, aged orphans, widows
and learned. Old servants of state were given old age pension or jagirs. Widows and orphans were also
given adequate pension. Nearly 4200 poor Muslims benefited from this.

33
 Literary men and Ulema were given stipends and subsistence allowances. The Khanqahs were
given grants fro 5000 to 30,000 tankas while the teachers of Quran were paid 200 to 1000 tankas.
Self Assessment Questions
a. What were the royal karkhanas ?
Answer.

b. What is Zakat ?
Answer.

c. What was Diwan-i-Khairat?

Answer.

d. Define Ushr.
Answer.

e. Define Jizyah
Answer.

3.5 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson we have discussed Mohammad Bin Tughluq‟s political and religious
ideology. Various projects were undertaken by him with the best of intensions, however not all were
successful. A critical account of these projects has been undertaken. The administrative reforms
introduced by Firoz Tughluq in various fields greatly improved the condition of the state. The common
man benefited from these reforms and thus they are considered important and therefore been taken up
in detail in this lesson.
3.6 REFERENCES
Satish Chandra, Medieval India from the Sultanate to the Mughals, vol I, New Delhi : Har Anand
Publications, 2003.
Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate: A Political and Military History, Cambridge : CUP, 1999.
3.7 FURTHER READING
Habib, Mohammad & Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, (eds.), A Comprehensive History of India, vol.V :
The Delhi Sultanate 1206-1526, New Delhi : Peoples Publishing House, (Reprint), 1993.

3.8 MODEL QUESTIONS

1. Give an account of the projects implemented by Mohammad bin Tughluq. What was its
impact?
2. Write a note on the administrative reforms introduced by Firoz Tughluq.
*********

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 Lesson - 4

NOBILITY UNDER THE TUGHLUQ’S; THE AFGHAN CONCEPT OF

MONARCHY

Structure
4.0 Objectives
4.1 Introduction
4.2 Nobility under the Tughluq‟s
4.3 The Afghan Concept of Monarchy
4.4 The Land Revenue System of Sher Shah Sur
4.5 Summary
4.6 References
4.7 Further Readings
4.8 Model Questions

4.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
* acquire detailed information about the nobility under the Tughluq‟s
* understand the Afghan concept of monarchy
* critically analyse the land revenue system of Sher Shah Sur
4.1 INTRODUCTION
Students this chapter traces the nature of nobility under the Tughluqs. The nobility held an
important position as the whole machinery of the administration revolved around them. The Afghan
conception of kingship was in many ways different from that of the earlier Turks. While the Turks under
Balban and Alauddin had evolved a centralized monarchy and considered the monarch as supreme,
the Afghans introduced in its place a tribal monarchy of a confederal character. The land revenue
system of Sher Shah Sur was revolutionary as it provided the basis for future and will be examined in
this lesson.
4.2 NOBILITY UNDER THE TUGHLUQ’S
No drastic change was brought about by the Alai nobles who set up a new dynasty under the
Tughluqs. Sultan Ghiasuddin Tughluq ascended the throne with the unanimous consent of the nobles.
Ghiasuddin was a respectable old Alai noble who had distinguished himself in battle against the
Mongols. He also took on initiative to organize effective confederacy of the Alai nobles to root out the
regime of Khusrau Khan. Also his military skill and experience surpassed Khusrous forces. The change
in the dynasty did not bring about a change in the nobility as well. This was because, the Tughluqs did
not fight against any section of the Khilji nobility. Instead they were fighting against whom they through

35
were the usurpers of the crown. The war against the Barbars was given the colors of Jehad against the
sacrilege of Khusrau Khan. All the important appointments were conferred upon the old. Alai nobility
and Ghiasuddin Tughluq considered himself as a premise interpares.
The accession of Ghiassuddin to the throne brought relief to the Alai nobility who were
dissatisfied under Khusrau Khan.
The Sultan paid due attention to the rehabilitation of prestige and position of the old Alai nobility.
All the old noble and chief officers of Alauddin Khilji were given Iqtas and employment. He also
honoured old respectable Illbari nobles like Khawaja Khatir and Khwaja Mahazab who held the office of
Wazirship in the earlier times. This reflects the broad based out look of the Sultan.
The Sultans policy of accommodation and consideration led to an understanding between the
nobles. No rebellion or opposition took place in his short reign of four years. During his reign, most of
which was spent in reorganization of central administration and recovery of distant Iqtas of Lakhnauti
and Arangal, the Sultan did not come in conflict with the nobility.
Muhammad Tughluq, as the Sultan made appointment to various posts in the court and
distributed Iqtas to the nobles who were his close associates. But on the whole, his father‟s
arrangements were left undisturbed. Soon after, the Sultan undertook several new projects and drastic
reform measures. These caused upheaval in the empire. The nobility tried unsuccessfully to shakes off
the unbearable control which the Sultan tried to impose.
Several Historians believes that Mohammad Tughluq was himself responsible for the hostility
that the noble displayed against him. The Sultan was brought up in an intellectual and literary
atmosphere and lived with people with liberal tendencies like Amir Khusrau. He was impressed by
rationalist and logicians like Saad Mantaqi and Ubaid. To them, any idea which could not stand the test
of reason was to be rejected. The Sultan tried to inject his beliefs among the nobility but they were far
behind him in intellectual capacity and could not get along with him.
In implementing his reforms, Muhammad Tughluq sought the cooperation of his nobility but they
betrayed him. The lack of foresight and poor execution of the reforms caused hardships to the people
and the nobility.
Frequent revolt of his nobles throughout his reign is a clear instance of his conflict with his
nobility. The nobility also had asserted influence during Ghiasuddin‟s reign, but Mohammad revised
their influence. Mohammad wanted the nobility to accept him as God upon earth and submit before him
as was during the period of the Khalijis. The nobility felt that Tughluqs had come in power due to its
efforts and cooperation, hence they were not prepared to accept any inferior position. This led to
conflicts for sharing the real power and sovereignty. For instance, the rebellions of Malik Bahram Aibak,
Malik Bahauddin Gurshap.
Dissatisfaction amongst the nobility started amongst those who held high position and inf luence
under Ghiasuddin Tughluq since the new Sultan did not grant them equal position or status or respect.
Also Mohammad Tughluq awarded severe punishment on suspicion to the nobles and this led to the
revolt of the nobles. The Sultan did nothing to check the rebels. To spot rebels and those who criticized
his policies, he established a Diwan-e-Siyast which had a bloody record.
Mohammad Tughluq also introduced a new element in the nobility by patronizing the foreigners.
His patronage of foreigners led to a schism within the court. The old nobility comprised of the older
noble families, found their privileges cut by the generosity of the Sultan towards foreigners. The Sultan
created this class to counter balance the influence of the Ghiyasi nobles. The greatest strength of the
class (old nobles) was its local influence and the ability to muster the support of the Hindu Rajas and
local officers. The foreigners had no such antecedents and their personal loyalty was assured because

36
they owed their position to the Sultan. The old nobility did not like the foreign nobility and were at
daggers dawn with them. There were various instances of enmity for example, Malik Usl Tujjar and
Ahmad Ayaz over the appointment of Wazir.
Many foreign nobles received honours, riches and high appointments. The Khorasini nobles
included Malik Alaul Mulk, Shaikhzada Isfahani, Shaikhzada, Bistami amongst other. They became
influential elements in the court and the Sultan used to address them as Aziz (relative) and some
entered into matrimonial alliances with him.
The Mongols too were patronised by the Sultan. The failure of the transfer of the capital to save
the empire from Mongols led the Sultan to adopt a conciliatory policy towards the Mongols. Except for
the invasion of Tarmashirim, no other Mongol invasion took place in his reign. Every year, a large
number of Mongols used to come to his court and they were given gifts, and Iqtas. Also the number of
Afghan nobles increased in his reign.
In patronizing the foreigners, the Sultan overlooked the interest of the older nobility. They
exercised influence in the Iqtas and they refused to weild their position in the interest of the province.
Many of them in Lakhnauti, Mabor and Deogir set up independent kingdoms. The failure of the Sultan
to suppress these had a demoralizing effect on nobility, which resulted in more rebellions. Inspite of
these rebellions, in the royal camp, there was peace. The Sultan could not tolerate strong nobles who
asserted themselves in opposing his policies.
The grand Wazir was vested with administrative authority. There was complete absence of the
influence of harem. His younger brother did not rise in rebellion nor did the Sultan execute them. Also,
there was absence of the influence of the Slaves in the court. A strong bureaucracy emerged in his
reign. This branch of the government composed chiefly of Amir-i-Sada, who though petty and
powerless united together to condemn his reign.
Firoz Tughlug disregarded all notions of racial superiority or kinship. His nobles were drawn
from a heterogeneous group of Mongol, Afghans, Slaves, and newly converted Hindus. This liberal
Policy led to the absence of any racial group and provided check and balance. No powerful group could
emerge.
The nobility were left undisturbed in the fulfillment of their ambitions. They had to favour the
religious class which was gaining strength. A change in the status of nobility was brought by Firoz. He
gave them respite from the position of control under Mohammad Tughluq. Firoz gave them a place in
the administration, gave them full liberty to exercise their initiatives and overlooked glaring mistakes of
nobility. This over a period of time led to deterioration of efficiency, the nobility ceased to be efficient.
Heredity among the nobility was introduced which made matters worse.
The successors of Firoz Tughluq were incapable of handling a vast empire whose central
administration was pivot around which the whole machinery revolved. The nobility tried to appropriate
many posts and assignments which led to nepotism and corruption.
4.3 THE AFGHAN CONCEPT OF MONARCHY
The Lodhi Sultans not only founded a new dynasty but introduced certain changes in the
institutions of the Sultanate.
The Afghan conception of kingship was in many ways different from that of the earlier Turks.
While the Turks under Balban and Alauddin had evolved a centralized monarchy and considered the
monarch as supreme, the Afghans introduced in its place a tribal monarchy of a confederal character.
The Afghans for their love of tribal independence were hardly prepared to recognize the idea of an
indivisible absolute sovereignty in which all political relations were summed up in two words, King and

37
subject. The Afghans also had no support from Turks or Sayyids or Indian Muslims. They had to rely
largely on the support of their own compatriots. They could not disregard the prejudices of the Afghans
and force on them the institutions of the Turks or the Hindus.
Among the Afghans, the tribal chief was highly respected but was just one of themselves and
was looked upon as chief among equals. The attitude of various tribal leaders towards their own chief
could not be very submissive. The history of the Afghans is largely based on tradition. Bahlol Lodhi‟s
father, Malik Kala defeated the Khokhar chief and became an independent ruler. He got himself a
throne on which he sat along with thirty leading Afghans.
Islam Khan, uncle of Bahlol Lodhi was in service with Sayyids. He had a large following and was
a leading noble of Delhi. He realized Lodhis were emerging powerful so he declared Bahlol Lodhi as his
successor. His own son Qutb Khan was superseded as he was born to Hindu girl and thus would be
unacceptable to the Afghans. The Afghans had an open mind in selecting their leaders, though some
hesitation was seen in accepting the son of a Hindu girl.
When Bahlol Lodhi ascended the throne of Delhi, he was pitted against the Sharqi kings who
were wealthy, powerful and had support of leading nobles, and Amirs of Delhi. Bahlol sent appeals to
the Afghans for sharing with him the privilege of defending the honour of Afghans and also the benefits
of a new empire. This appeal found ready response as the Afghans supported him. Bahlol Lodhi
claimed himself nothing more than one among his peers. He was satisfied with title of Sultan and
leadership of Afghans which was a confederacy of tribes.
The Afghan conception of kingship was a negation of Balbans and Alauddins concept of
kingship. Bahlol did not sit on throne even on occasions of public audience. He did not issue orders in
the nature of a command. Bahlol addressed tribal leaders as Masnad I ali (exalted leadership), thereby
giving them equal honour and respect. The Lodhi idea was a compromise between nomination and
implied election. Bahlol was not elected but was nominated by his uncle. He did not use his powers in
autocratic manner and wanted to make the Afghan leaders believe that he drew his power and authority
from their goodwill.
This establishment of a confederation of the Afghans had both disadvantages and advantages.
It minimized the possibility of intrigues by ambitious nobles for throne. Bahlol raised the power and
prestige of nobles at the expense of the Sultan. He lowered the dignity of the crown and reduced
kingship to a sort of exalted peerage. Instead of one autocrat, he created several autocrats. It hardly
inspired non-Afghan Muslims and other communities. Both Hindus and non-Afghans were excluded
from politics and had no say in matters of governance. The Sultan was at best a chief and not a king of
subjects. Usefulness of this concept was proved by spirit of loyalty that awakened among the Afghan
tribal leaders, who in fighting for Bahlol felt that they were fighting for their own cause. Bahlol made
kingship amenable to his peers, responsibility to peers and nobles were a link between autocracy and
kingship. Here was a chance for monarchy to change to a constitutional form, but lack of appreciation,
factions, selfishness of nobility and also ignorance of people let it pass away.
The successor of Bahlul, was Sikander Lodhi. He was nominated by Bahlol in preference to
Azam, the eldest son. Bahlol warned Sikander not to give high positions to Surs as they were too
ambitious and Niyazis Afghans as they were faithless. This showed that homogeneity of Afghans would
not last long. Sikander realized that his position was not secure. He had six brothers and succession
war was inevitable.
As Bahlol had parceled out the kingdom the Afghans didn‟t see any reasons as to why empire
could not be ruled by two or three people. Sikander was not regarded as born of pure blood as his
mother was of a goldsmith caste. Sikander was also not willing to share power with anyone. Although

38
Sikander took care to respect the susceptibilities of the Afghans and refrain from any radical change in
the policy of his father, he was concerned that the ideas and institutions of the Afghans would not fit in
conditions of India. Therefore, Sikander instructed a change in kingship.
Sikander gave up humility and assumed a high tone. He sat on a throne alone and issued
orders in form of commands. Some of the court etiquette of the early Turks was revived and nobles
were to show formal respect to the sovereign. Even in his absence, his orders were received with
formality. His orders were to be heard while standing.
Sikander did not disturb fief holders in their possession but when the interests of the state
demanded it, he transferred, reduced, banished or dismissed them. He organized the finance
department on a more efficient basis, each fief holder had to submit a regular audit and had to pay a
specified amount to the central government. Inspite of this, some tribal organization continued. Some
offices were made hereditary or were allowed to retain their character. Various titles like Khan-I-Jahan,
Khan-I-Khanan, and Azam were multiplied so that they could be conferred on leading nobles of each
clan families, like the Nuhanis. Chief nobles were given the privilege of informal relations with Sultan in
games and marches.
The next Afghan ruler, Ibrahim Lodhi was unanimously raised to the throne. Whatever
opposition came from his brothers and nobles, was quelled. He believed that Kings have no relations
nor clans and all men and clans are his servants. Thus, the Afghan leaders‟ position of freedom was
quelled. Now, no Afghan noble claimed any special privilege on grounds of being a relation or
belonging to the clan of the ruler. All privileges emanated from the ruler. This kingship had affinity with
Balban and Alauddin and it swept tribal claims aside. Ibrahim sat on a throne studded with jewels. No
one was allowed to sit while he was in court. He removed old nobility (Bahlol‟s time nobility), and
adopted ruthless attitude against them.
Problem of Succession arose amongst the Afghans
The Afghans introduced changes in theory of succession to the throne. Earlier the Turks
followed no uniform practice and elevated all kinds slaves, minors, women, and converted to the
throne. The concept of election, nomination and war of succession was seen amongst the Turks. The
Lodhis fell upon tribal customs. They elected a leader out of members of a select family. Islam Khan
died and he left a will in favour of Bahlol Lodhi. Bahlol then made a will for his son Nizam Khan which
stated that if Nizam held Delhi or Doab, he should not interfere in affairs of other provinces. The
Afghans while confining the choice of Sultan to ruling family were free to select whomever they
considered most suitable. Purity of blood, primogeniture and nomination coloured their opinions but did
not necessarily bind them.
Central Government of the Afghans
Importantly, it is not mentioned whether Bahlol had a Prime Minister or he was his own Wazir.
His reign was full of conflicts, his son looked after the capital city where offices of the central
government were located. Later, Wakil-i-Mutlaq was essentially a Wazir. The Sultan was expected to
accord his previous sanction to all his orders. The Sultan supervised work and called for daily reports.
Mian Bhua was appointed as Sikander‟s Wazir. He looked after finance, justice, piety and literary
activities. The Wazir maintained records of revenue returns of Iqtas and Parganas. He saw to income
and expenditure. He also maintained free hold property.
In Land Revenue System, Bahlol divided dominions into Iqtas. It was fief holders to device their
own method to collect revenue. Sikander Lodhi introduced uniform system of measurement in which
cash payment was preferred as revenue. Ibrahim Lodhi collected revenue in kind.

39
The Sur Dynasty
Let us briefly take a look at Sher Shah, the next important Afghan ruler. Sher Shah came to the
throne as the leader of the Afghans. His accession was different, it was neither by right of inheritance
nor as family connection, nor as revolutionary leader. He stood for assertion of Afghan power and
fought for recovery of sovereignty of Afghans. The Afghans had faith in the leadership of Sher Shah. He
opined that sovereignty suited the fittest. He did not go back to policy of Bahlol Lodhi. He ascended
throne and royal umbrella was spread over his head (Chhattar). He started with a compromise between
early Turkish principle of absolute monarchy and tribal leadership of Bahlol. Sher Shah demanded full
obedience to his commands and did not hesitate to take swift and drastic measures against those who
disregarded his wishes. He assumed the title of Khalifa for himself which was inscribed on coins.
4.4 THE LAND REVENUE SYSTEM OF SHER SHAH SUR
Sher Shah ascended the throne of Delhi at the age of 54 or so. We do not know much about his
early life. His original name was Farid and his father was a small Jagirdar and Jaunpur. He acquired
sound administrative experience by looking after the affairs of his father‟s Jagir. Following the death
and defeat of Ibrahim Lodhi and the confusion in the Afghan affairs, he emerged as one of the most
important Afghan Sardar. The title of Sher Khan was given to him by his patron for services rendered.
As a ruler Shar Shah ruled the mightiest empire in north India. His empire extended from Bengal
to Indus, excluding Kashmir. In the west he conquered Malwa and almost the entire Rajasthan.
Sher Shah paid special attention to the land revenue system. Sher Shah knew the working of
the land revenue system at all levels. With the help of a capable team of administrators he toned up the
entire system.
Earlier when Sher Shah was appointed Shiqdar of his father Jagir, he found similar revenue
system which existed under Turks. The Shiqdar was the most important revenue official. He was in
control of one or more Parganas. He was assisted by a writer (Navisinda) and a Muqaddam. Records
were maintained on crude papers; actual and true account of revenue collection was kept. Sometimes
Shiqdars manipulated acts and prevented peasantry from representing their grievances to authorities.
There were various other measures adopted to measure land and collect revenue by Sher
Shah. In his Jagir at Jaunpur, system of measurement and divisions of crops were prevalent. The
cultivator had the option to choose whichever method he liked and give his acceptance in writing. For
measuring land, and collecting revenue, the officials got remuneration called Jaribana or Muhassalana.
These were charged from cultivators. After each harvest, revenue was realized.
On coming to throne, Sher Shah tried to reform the system and make it more efficient. He
introduced ray or schedule of the crop rates of assessment. The crops were divided into three
categories good, middling and bad. The good, middling and poor produce from a bigah of all leading
crops of each of the two seasons were taken into consideration. By adding the good, middling and poor
produce of a bigah and dividing the total by three, an average of the produce of a bigah was fixed. One-
third of this average was fixed as the rate of assessment by the government. Similar rates were fixed by
the same method for all cash crops. There is no evidence of this system in operation during days of
Delhi Sultans. Sher Shah introduced it in India.
The area sown, the type of crops cultivated and the amount each peasant had to pay was
written down on a paper called a Patta or title deed that was given to each cultivator. Each cultivator
was to sign a Qabuliyat or agreement signifying their assent. No one was allowed to charge from the
cultivator anything extra. Even the rates which the members of the measuring party were to get for their
work were laid down. Sher Shah looked after the welfare of the peasantry. He used to say, ‟the

40
cultivators are blameless, they submit to those in power, and if I oppress them they will abandon their
villages, and the country will be ruined and deserted, and it will be a long time before it again becomes
prosperous‟.
Three methods of assessment were followed :-
1. Ghallabakshi or Batai
2. Nasq or Kankut,
3. Naqdi or Jamai
Batai - meant sharing of produce with the peasant. It was of three types :
Khet Batai - this determined the landlord‟s share while the crop was standing in the field or
immediately after the field was sown or by division of the field itself.
Lank Batai - The peasant reaped the crop and brought it to the threshing ground where it was divided
between him and the landlord without grain being separated from the husk.
Ras Batai - This method involved dividing the grain after it has been separated from the husk.
Another method followed was Nasq or Kankut - It implies rough estimate of produce of soil. It was
cumbersome and disadvantageous.
Naqdi or Jamai - It was a sort of contract between the individual peasant and the government or
Zamindar. The government fixes the rate of rent per bigah of land per year, irrespective of crops or total
produce for one year or more.
It is not known whether one ray held good for whole of the empire or there were different rays
for different localities during Sher Shah‟s reign. In case it was same, it would have caused difficulties in
revenue collection due to variations of local produce and prices. If revenue was collected in kind, it
would have caused lesser problems. There is evidence to show that it was collected in kind in certain
areas. Sher Shah did not revert to the system of Ibrahim Lodhi which was unpopular with Afghan
nobility. Sher Shah discouraged the system of division of crops. From his experience of Jagirs in the
early days, he concluded that measurement was a better system than division of crops. He tried to
enforce measurement as extensively as he could without being too rigid and uncompromising.
Measurement was enforced in most areas except in area of Langas in Multan. The sole reason
for not introducing in this region was that the indigenous population was rebellious. In other areas like
Kannauj, Sambhal and Nagarkot, measurement was enforced. In areas that were not under his total
control like Malwa, Rajputana and Punjab, Sher Shah could not enforce his wishes or the new system.
Local officials were ordered to realize the revenue by measurement. Besides local measurement, Sher
Shah ordered a general survey of land for use by Central government. Ahmad Khan was entrusted with
the task of measuring the cultivated and uncultivated lands. This was done with the help of Brahmans.
On the basis of this survey, a register was prepared in which the rights of owners and measurement of
all cultivated areas and different classes of land was entered. The general survey which was carried out
earlier by Alauddin was taken as a base by Sher Shah. On the basis of that, Sher Shah fixed the new
estimated (Jama) which was not done by Sayyids and Lodhis.
Historians also are of the opinion that since Sher Shah‟s reign was short, the survey could not
have been very satisfactory. Even with Akbar who had the experience of Shah Manour, Zodar Mai and
Muzaffar Khan, it took him ten years to get fairly satisfactory results. Besides taking one-third of
average produce as tax per bigah, Sher Shah also collected ten astars of grain from each bigah. It was
an additional cess. The weight of an astar was equal to 20 Bahlolis (1 Bahloli was equal to 1 tola 8

41
mashas and 7 rattis). This tax was realized in kind. Grain could be stored in local granaries and was
used during famine. It was not freely distributed but given at cheap prices.
The practice of giving Jagirs continued during Sher Shah‟s reign. Jagirs were given to men in
Sarhind, Malwa, Rohtas and Bengal. Some Jagirdars managed their Jagirs through servants.
Officials like the Faujdars and the Shiqdars administered revenue and police affairs separately.
Sher Shah tried to remove corruption from revenue administration by transferring local offices every two
years. He looked after the welfare of peasantry. If sufficient rains destroyed the crops, poor were
helped with money from treasury. Loans were granted and grains were distributed at very less rates.
Officials responsible for Revenue Administration
There was a Muqaddam and a Patwari in the village. The Muqaddam collected revenue from
the people in his jurisdiction and handed it to the state officials. For this service, he got a given
percentage of revenue allowed by government. The Patwari kept a record of cultivator of holdings.
A group of villages was a Pargana. The Shiqdar was a circle officer and collected revenue. He
was assisted by a clerk or Karkun. Realizing the revenue from Muqaddams, the Shiqdar sent it to
higher officials of state or Sarkar who presented it to Sultan and explained it to him. The money realized
was placed under charge of a Khazandar or Fotedar who was a treasurer.
The Amin was appointed by the government to measure the boundaries of the village area
under cultivation and to settle by measurement any disputes regarding actual area or size of holdings.
Another important official was in Qanungo. He was a hereditary official who kept record of the
condition of agriculture and cultivators.
Self Assessment Questions
a. Name two Khorasini nobles.
Answer.

b. Who was Ubaid ?

Answer.

c. Who was Amir Khusrau?

Answer.

d. Who were Firoz Tughlaq‟s nobles?

Answer.

e. Who was Bahlol Lodhi‟s father?

Answer.

4.5 SUMMARY
Students in this chapter we have discussed the nobility under the Tughluqs. The character of
nobility was significant as they were important functionaries. The Lodhi Sultans introduced certain

42
changes in the institutions of the Sultanate. The Afghan conception of kingship negated that of Balbans
and Alauddins concept of kingship. On coming to throne, Sher Shah made efforts to reform the land
revenue system in order to make it more efficient and this has been examined in this lesson. He
introduced ray or schedule of the crop rates of assessment.
4.6 REFERENCES
Satish Chandra, Medieval India from the Sultanate to the Mughals, vol I, New Delhi : Har Anand
Publications, 2003.
Peter Jackson, The Delhi Sultanate : A Political and Military History, Cambridge : CUP, 1999.
4.7 FURTHER READINGS
Habib, Mohammad & Khaliq Ahmad Nizami, (eds.), A Comprehensive History of India, Vol.V :
The Delhi Sultanate 1206-1526, New Delhi : Peoples Publishing House, (Reprint), 1993.
Iqtidar HusainSiddiqui Some Aspects of Afghan Despotism in India, Aligarh: Three Men
Publications, 1969.

4.8 MODEL QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the nature of nobility under the Tughluqs.
2. What do you understand by the Afghan concept of monarchy ?

***********

43
 Lesson - 5

ABUL FAZL’S CONCEPT OF MONARCHY; MUGHAL-RAJPUT

RELATIONS; DIN-I-ILAHI

Structure
5.0 Objectives
5.1 Introduction
5.2 Abul Fazl‟s Concept of Monarchy
5.3 Mughal-Rajput Relations (Akbar‟s Relations with the Rajputs Chiefs)
5.4 Din-i-Ilahi (Akbar‟s Policy of Religious Tolerance)
5.5 Summary
5.6 References
5.7 Further Readings
5.8 Model Questions

5.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
* Critically analyse Abul Fazl‟s concept of Monarchy
* Understand Akbar‟s relations with the Rajputs Chiefs
* Gain knowledge about Akbar‟s policy of Din-i-Ilahi (religious tolerance)
5.1 INTRODUCTION
Students it is very essential to form an understanding of Abul Fazl‟s concept of monarchy in
order to understand the functioning of the Mughals. The Idea of kingship brought by the Mughals to
India was the mixture of Mongol, Turkish and Islamic traditions and differed from those of the Turkish
and Afghan Sultans of Delhi. This will be highlighted in this lesson. The Rajput policy of the Mughals
matured under Akbar. He embarked upon a deliberate policy of winning over the Rajputs. Akbar‟s
policy of religious tolerance formed the basis of his strong administration and empire and will be dealt
with. Din-i-Ilahi of Akbar has also been examined.
5.2 ABUL FAZL’S CONCEPT OF MONARCHY
In its home in Arabia, Islam believed in perfect democracy. People claimed equality in social as
well as political affairs. Muhammad declared in his last sermon, “Know that every Muslim is the brother
of every other Muslim. We are all a fraternity; all equal”. At the time of his death he did not want to
nominate a successor, as he did not want to encroach upon the right of the tribe to elect its own leader.
Democracy, however, did not last very long. Practice soon become widely divergent f rom the theory
and even in Arabia it was only during the first four Caliphs, as will be shown presently, that real
democracy existed.

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Evolution of the Conception of Sovereignty Among Indian Mughals
The conception of sovereignty among the Indian Mughals was the outcome of slow evolution
through centuries and inflected divergent influence and ideas as well as changing circumstances.
Several stages may be discussed in this development.
a. The Central Asian Background
b. The period of unstable equilibrium under Babar and Humayun.
c. Muslim theory of Sovereignty
d. Turkqo - Afghan Sultanate.
e. Re-Orientation of kingship under Akbar
1. Confluence of Indian, Turk-Mongol, Iranian and Islamic tradition.
2. Abul Fazl‟s conception of kingship.
The Central Asian Background
The Idea of kingship brought by the Mughals to India was the mixture of Mongol, Turkish and
Islamic traditions and differed from those of the Tuskish and Afghan Sultans of Delhi. The Mughals, the
Turks and the Iranians all believed in the supernatural origin of the leader. Sovereignty became divine
dispensation, a birth right of the great Mughal and though the office was selective, the choice was very
narrow. He was a political and military leader, ruling by his own right, derived from divine origins
unhampered by law, not a religions leader like the Caliph, and nobody‟s deputy (Kalifa). The Turko-
Mongol idea came to be mixed with Islamic ideas under Timur, himself a conqueror and sovereign
ruler. Besides being a political and military leader, he had because of his Islamic traditions, a religions
view of Kingship. Anxious to assume sovereignty by throwing away the nominal sovereignty, Babur‟s
grandfather Abu Mirza asserted, “I am padshah in my own right”.
The period of unstable equilibrium under Babur and Humayun
Babur‟s descent is from TImur and Chenghez Khan, both. He was influenced more by political
and practical consideration than religion. His assumption of the title of Padshah in 1507 meant the
assumption of own leadership.
The title Padshah meant, according to Abul Fazl, origin of stability i.e. its holder cannot be
ousted. The title became traditional with the Mughals in India. Babur was guided more by political
opportunism than conformity to Islamic Law.
Babur has left only incidental remarks about his idea on sovereignty in his memoirs. He
regarded it as a form of bondage, holding that person of a retired disposition could not be a good ruler.
No bondage equals that of sovereignty.
He advised Humayun about kingly duties:
1) To be valorous in arms, court hardship and danger.
2) To give up ease and indolence
3) To consult wise men like Begs and ministers
4) To avoid private parties
5) To meet the public in darbar twice a day
6) To maintain the strength and discipline of the armed forces.

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 The succession of Humayun, Babur‟s eldest son, after the latter‟s death (1530) was only an
apparent victory of the principle of heredity. In fact it did not establish the principle of primogeniture. Nor
did it mean indivisibility of sovereignty?
In the unstable state of the then Mughal dominion, Humayun had to satisfy his brothers by
assigning large offerings to them. It weakened the position of Humayun and encouraged his brothers to
seek to throw off his suzerainty. The hostile Kamran did not even allow any right of passage through
Kabul to Humayun.
Unaffected by this reality Humayun continued to indulge in lofty and presumptions idea of
kingship held by his abled predecessors. Humayun regarded this world to be a shadow of the real but
indivisible world. The king, shadow of God, should do to his subjects what God does to his creatures.
His institutions reflected these ideas.
Humayun was considered to be personification of the temporal and spiritual sovereignty.
Humayun regarded sovereignty not only as of divine origin but also as the personal property of the king
who could transfer it for a few powers to anyone he liked.
Muslim theory of Sovereignty
In the Muslim state the conception of sovereignty came only next to the Sunni theory. The office
of a Caliph was election in theory but other methods like heredity were applied in practice. He
possessed civil and military powers and his sovereignty was indivisible. But his wide powers were
limited by the holy law which he could not alter.
Turko - Afghan Sultanate
It is a mistake to describe the Muslim state in India as a theocracy, as there was no consecrated
church organized to interpret the holy law and no priesthood in Islam. It was not, therefore a monarchial
government among the independence, loving Afghans. The Sultan was only a primus interpares, the
leader of Afghan tribe, rather than a king over his people in the kingdom.
Re-orientation of Kingship under Akbar : Confluence of India, Turko-Mongol, Iranian and Islamic
tradition :
The conception of sovereignty which was inchoate under-Babur and Humayun was not
elaborated in fullness and definiteness, but given a new and distinctive significance under Akbar. He
had inherited certain traditions and ideas from his ancestors, which formed the constituent elements of
his
Padshah : Claiming (1) divine descent, and being (2) the shadow of God.
Inspired by the idea of the Khilafat and inheriting Mongol and Turki traditions, Akbar styled
himself Khaqen. He decided to become the supreme head of the Church and State alike. His own
political and military victories egged him on. He secured legal sanction of the announcement of the
intention of assuring this new position through the public acceptance by the Ulama (some against their
will) in a Mazhar declaring himself as Sultan-i-Adil on Islam-i-Adil as well as Amin-ul-Mominin.
i) Akbar‟s revolutionary programme to implement him ideas :
Akbar launched a new programme, a new administration policy to implement his ideas of
sovereignty. The idea inherited from his central Asian ancestors and the Delhi Sultanate, were old. By
deducing new inferences therefore, he, therefore effected a revolution in the principles of indo-Islamic
Policy (State Craft).
ii) Spiritual Sovereignty : Relation with religious aristocracy.

46
 The Rajput marriages of Akbar, the revival of the Hindus, the growth of their influence
and the influence of the Persian Shah immigrants and adventurers to India after Humayun‟s sojourn in
the Safavid court, revolutionized the position and atmosphere in the royal court completely. In a country
with the Hindus in majority, Akbar‟s rule would not be equitable and just without granting liberal
concessions to them in religion and government.
Abul Fazl’s conception of kingship’
Justification of Monarchy - Need of an idea king.
According to both Hindu and Muslim political theories, the theory of the state is the theory of
monarchy. The santi parma of Mahabharata, Manu and Kautilya and Hindu theorist in general refer to
Matsyanyaya and urges the need of a strong king to establish peace and justice. The Muslim
conception is also the same. The Siyasatnamah if Nigam-ul-mulk and the Zakhinat ul mulik of Alibin
Shahab Hamlami also emphasize the same.
Abul Fazl‟s concept of monarchy involved the conception of a „True King‟ and presented certain
virtues for him.
Qualities of Abul Fazl’s Ideal King
Kingship being divine, it cannot be claimed on ground of race, wealth and the assembling of a
mob. Kingship is a gift of God and is not bestowed till many thousand good qualities have been
gathered together in an individual. Some of the holy qualities of an ideal king were : magnanimity, lofty,
benevolence, wide capacity for endurance, exalted understanding, inmate graciousness, natural
courage, justice, gratitude, strenuous labour, proper conduct, profound thoughtfulness and laudable
overlooking of officers and acceptance of excuses besides “Right intuition”.
Some other qualities of an ideal king were : parented love towards the subjects; daily increasing
trust in God; prayer and devotion; wide tolerance; difference in religion must not withhold him from his
duty; little passion eschewing “unfitting desires”.
The four constituents of the political body of a king included : warriors; mendicants; the learned
(philosophers, physicians, arithmetician and astronomer) and husbandries and labourers.
The problems of succession in the Mughal Empire
In ancient India kingship was generally hereditary subject to accessional inceptions and
dynastic change. In pre-Islamic Arabia tribal leadership was election. The law (Shara) upheld the
principle of election and not hereditary monarchy. In Mughal empire, that was not fixed principle of
succession. Nevertheless it is possible to examine the problems and discuss some broad features
governing succession. These are enamored successfully below :
1. Absence of law of primogeniture.
2. Maintenance of Royal male line.
3. Force was the determinant factor.
4. War of succession and or rebellion.
5. Danger of civil war.
6. News of death of emperor kept secret.
7. Attitude of the nobles.

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Legal position of the Mughal Emperor
The Mughal emperors could very well be regarded as the state, as there was no distinction
between their personal needs and those of the state. They were merged and taken care of by public
officers. The state was military in character and depended on the authority of the king, who was also
the supreme general, supported by the army. As the administrative system, the source of all honors,
the fountain of justice, the commander of the forces, his immense power was all embracing and
competent in theory. Not only was he the head of the state but he was also the head of the church. Not
only was he the fountain of administrative law, but even in religion disputes his decisions, if not
repugnant to the canon law (Shariat) was regarded as final, no constitutional machinery was to control
or judge him. So legally it was unlimited despotism. In theory he was expected to observe the limits of
holy law. Royal ordinance could not override it. But how far could the Ulema or custodian of Islamic law,
act as a check on Mughal disposition. Thus, royal absolutism was practical rather than constitutional.
The only opposition worth the name was that of the nobles.
Nevertheless, Mughal despotism was strictly limited in one sense. No power is without limits. It
was subject to the usual limitation or absolutist rule. The king had to observe the customary law of the
period.
Royal Prerogatives
Certain exclusive rights and special privilege were reserved for the emperor alone. For the sake
of convenience, they are categorized as prerogatives with constitutional significance and prerogatives
of a ceremonial nature or those dealing with court etiquette and procedure.
First we take up prerogatives with constitutional significance, they were; reading of the Khutban;
regulation of currency units and coins; Jharokha Darshan; grant of titles; appointment of governors and
officials; weighing of precious stones; blinding, mutilation and death sentence; forcible conversion to
Islam and the king was to get the choicest share of booty and elephants.
Now let us take up prerogatives of a ceremonial nature or those dealing with court etiquette and
procedure. They were :
1. Chauki and Taslim chauki - High noble with batch of soldiers had to mount guard and
salute the ruler (taslim) and serve as imperial messengers when necessary.
2. Tarlim and Kurunish were a form of obeisance to the emperor alone
3. Music of Sovereignty that is, prerogative of enjoying certain form of music played day
and night be musicians by turn before the emperor.
4. Insigns of royality were Aurang or throne, Chatr (Chhatra) or jeweled Umbrella, Saiban,
a jewelled covering for shelter from the sun and Kaukabah or star being in the hall of
assembly of the emperor only.
5. Sitting on a high level in the court
6. Weighing the body (tula) against gold.
7. Seal and the Panja
8. Riding in a Palki to the Jama Masjid.
9. Elephant combat only for the emperor
10. Shikhar-i-Jargah or Shikar-i-Kamargah (royal hunt for the emperor).

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Mughal Emperors role in administrative work
Imperial Court
Neither Babur nor Humayun could find time to regulate the state machinery or to regulate hours
of work. It was left for Akbar to do both. The Emperor was the source of all administrative power, of all
honors, and fountainhead of justice and the hub of the government.
There were four way of doing state business for the emperor : public appearance in the morning
at the palace balcony (Jorakha-i-Darshan); public appearance in the full darbar in the state hall
(Diwane-i-Khas-Am); meeting in private audience chamber (Ghusalkhana, near bathroom) called
Daulat Kahana by Abul Fazl; and one day in a week was specially ear-marked for imperial
administration of justice.
The Mughal Council of Ministers
The Mughal emperors from Akbar to Aurangzeb had a nominated body of councilors which met
as frequently as the king liked to deliberate on all matters of importance. The room in which meting
were held came to acquire the name of “Ghusalkhana”
At the outset one has to bear in mind that as the emperor was the hub of the council, the nature
and amount of business would depend on his personality and vary under different emperors
It is also necessary to state that business did not only relate to a purely administrative, military,
diplomatic or foreign affairs but also to cultural, religious and charitable work.
The council also dismissed important judicial cases and suggested suitable punishments. The
council also considered and offered advice on various issues to the king. Problems of war and peace
and the plan of expenditure were also discussed. Foreign affairs also come within the agenda of
Ghusalkhana.
The Sovereign
The first Mughal emperor who claimed to be the spiritual head of the people was Akbar. His
reign marked the transition from the old order of intolerance, and suspicion to a new one of Sulh-i-Kul
or universal peace, as the foundation of his rule. The religious discussions in the Ibadat Khana
revolutionized Akbar‟s thought. Badauni spoke of a new religion founded by Akbar, Tauhid-i-llahi in Din-
I-llahi. For the followers of Akbar, the Sizda or presentation was introduced. Hindus called him
Jagaturu, the Muslim called him Insan-i-Kauil on Sahb-i-Zamam.
5.3 MUGHAL-RAJPUT RELATIONS (AKBAR’S RELATIONS WITH THE RAJPUTS
CHIEFS)
The policy of relationship with the Rajputs matured under Akbar. The relationship between local
rulers and central authority had many ups and downs during the Sultanate period. The Turkish rulers
were always on the look out to reduce the power and influence of the Rajputs. Akbar embarked upon a
deliberate policy of winning over the Rajputs. Akbars‟ relations with Mewar are taken under a separate
heading.
a. First Phase
The evolution of Akbar‟s Rajput policy can be divided into three main phases. During the first
phase, which lasted till about 1572, the Rajput Rajas who submitted to him were considered loyal allies.
They were expected to render military service in or around their principalities, but not outside. Thus,
Raja Bhara Mal, the ruler of Amber (Kachhawaha), along with his son Bhagwant Das, were the
constant companions of Akbar during the Uzbek rebellions. Raja Todar Mal too was actively involved in

49
the operations. Man Singh, the grandson of Bhara Mal, was required to take an active part in the siege
operations against Chittor, when the Mughal forces besieged Merta, in 1562, a Kachhawaha contingent
served on the side of the Mughals. When the Mughals besieged Jodhpur the following year, Akbar
appointed Rai Singh Bikaneri to look after Jodhpur. A few years later Akbar conferred Jodhpur upon
Udai Singh.
b. Second Phase
Second phase of Akbar‟s Rajputs policy may be dated from his Gujarat campaign on 1572. At
the outset, Man Singh was appointed with a well-equipped army to chase Sher Khan Fuladi and his son
in Gujarat. Man Singh captured their baggage, and returned laden with booty, and Akbar praised him. A
little later, when Akbar attacked Ibrahim Hussain Mirza at Samal in Gujarat with a small force, Man
Singh led the van, and Bhagwant Singh stood side by side with Akbar during the engagement in which
the Raja‟s son, Bhupat Rai, was killed. He speared to death the captive, Shah Madad, foster-brother of
Muhammad Husain Mirza, who had killed Bhupat.
Akbar had given Rai Singh of Bikaner charge of Jodhpur and Sirohi, to guard against any
incursions from the side of the Rana of Marwar, and to keep the road to Gujarat open. Subsequently,
when Ibrahim Mirza sneaked out of Gujarat and besieged Nagor, Raja Rai Singh came up with forced
marches and drove him off after fighting a well contested battle. Rao Surjan Hada of Ranthambhor, and
Raisal Darbari of Shaikhawati also played an active role in the Gujarat campaign.
During this period, apart from being loyal allies, the Rajputs begin to emerge as the sword arm
of the empire. This point was further emphasized when in 1576, Man Singh was appointed to lead the
Mughal army against Rana Pratap of Marwar.
c. Third Phase
The third phase of Akbar‟s relationship with the Rajputs may be dated from 1573 when Raja
Bhagwant Das and Raja Man Singh arrived at the Imperial camp at Bhera in western Punjab in
preparation for campaigns in the north-west including Kashmir.
The Rajputs were employed to fight even against Mirza Hakim, the emperor‟s half brother. Soon
after their arrival at Bhera, Bhagwant Das was asked to assist Saeed Khan, the Governor of Punjab. In
1580, there was a wide spread rebellion in the east in which nobles dissatisfied with some imperial
regulations were joined by a section of the orthodox clergy. They proclaimed Mirza Hakim as the ruler,
and had the Khutba read in his name. While Mirza Aziz Koka and Raja Todar Mal were sent to deal
with the rebellion in the east, Akbar advanced towards Lahore where Bhagwant Das and Saeed Khan
were defending the fort. Akbars‟ army included trusted Rajput commanders. At his approach, Mirza
Hakim retreated to Kabul. Akbar now decided to march to Kabul and asked Man Singh, Raja Rai Singh
and others to cross the Indus. They inflicted a sharp defeat on Mirza Hakim.
Thus, the Rajputs not only emerged as dependable allies who could be used anywhere for
fighting, even against princes of blood, they also began to the employed in tasks of governance.
Simultaneously, personal relations with the Rajputs rajas were further strengthened by the marriage of
Salim with the daughter of a Rajput chief. As pointed out earlier, Jodhpur which had remained under
Khalisa for a long time was conferred upon Raja Udai Singh. To strengthen his position, Udai Singh
married his daughter Jagar Gosain, to Akbar‟s eldest son, Salim.
The position of the Rajputs as partners in the kingdom and as sword-arm of the empire was
strengthened further. In 1585-86, when two Sipahsalars or Subahdars were appointed to each Subah,
Rajputs were appointed, as joint governors of four Subahs - Lahore, Kabul, Agra and Ajmer. The most
significant was the appointment of Raja Man Singh and Raja Bhagwant Das to the two strategically

50
important provinces of Kabul and Lahore. Rajputs were also appointed as Faujdars and commanders of
forts.
Later, Raja Man Singh was appointed Governor of Bihar and Bengal, and accorded the rank of
7000 Mansab which only one other noble had been granted.
The Mughal-Rajput alliance was mutually beneficial. The alliance secured for the Mughals the
services of the bravest warriors in India. Service in the Mughal kingdom enabled the Rajput Rajas to
serve in distant places far away from their homes, and to hold important administrative posts. This
further raised their prestige and social status. Service with the Mughals was also financially rewarding.
The Rajputs Rajas were accorded Jagirs outside Rajasthan in accordance with their Mansabs. Thus,
the Kachhawahas of Amber, at first held Jagirs in Gujarat and then in Punjab when Bhagwant Das and
Man Singh were posted there. Later, they were granted Jagirs in Bihar and Bengal when Man Singh
was Governor there.
The Rajput Rajas were accorded broad autonomy within their own principalities, though they
were expected not to levy prohibited taxes, such as Rahdari or road tax. They were also keen to
promote the Mughal revenue system of measurement (Zabt) to Rajasthan, but here they were less
successful.
The Mughals claimed a kind of paramountcy which implied that the Rajput Rajas did not raid
each other‟s territories, or try to resolve territorial disputes amongst themselves by resorting to war.
d. Akbar’s Relations with Mewar
Akbar was able to resolve his relations with almost all the states of Rajasthan with the exception
of Mewar. Because of its size and its heavily wooded, hilly terrain, Mewar was ideally situated to stand
out for independence, unlike the other Rajput states.
In 1572, when Maharana Pratap succeeded to the Gaddi of Mewar, a series of diplomatic
embassies were sent by Akbar to solve the outstanding issues with the Maharana. The first of these
embassies was led by Jalal Khan Qurchi, a favourite of Akbar. This was followed by Raja Man Singh.
Man Singh was received by the Rana in his characteristic courteous manner. Man Singh‟s visit did not
yield any diplomatic result, the next visit by Raja Bhagwant Das had greater success. The Rana put on
the robe sent by Akbar, and the Rana‟s son, Amar Singh, accompanied Bhagwant Das to the Mughal
capital. However, no agreement could be arrived at because the Rana refused Akbar‟s insistence on
his personal submission. A final visit by Todar Mal also failed to resolve the issues. War between
Mewar and the Mughals was inescapable.
The battle of Haldighati (18 February 1576) was mainly fought in the traditional manner between
cavalrymen and elephants, since the Mughals found it difficult to transport any artillery, except light
artillery over the rough terrain. The Rana, it seems, had no firearms. In the traditional fight, the Rajputs
were at an advantage. Thus, the battle failed to break the existing stalemate. This was the last time the
Rana engaged in a pitched battle with the Mughals. Henceforth, he resorted to methods of guerilla
warfare.
Akbar followed up the battle of Haldighati by coming back to Ajmer, and personally leading the
campaign against Rana Pratap. In the process, Goganda, Udaipur and Kumbhalgarh were occupied,
forcing the Rana deeper into the mountainous tract of south Mewar. The Mughals overran the states of
Dungarpur, Banswara and Sirohi who were the allies of Mewar. Akbar concluded separate treaties with
each of them, thus further isolating Mewar.

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 Although the Rana continued to wage a valiant, unequal fight against superior Mughal forces
which were sent against him, and performed feats of valour under trying circumstances, he was
marginalized in Rajput affairs.
Rana Pratap was succeeded by him son, Amar Singh. A series of expeditions were sent by
Akbar against Rana Amar Singh between 1598 and 1605. Prince Salim was sent against the Rana in
1599, but achieved little.
Akbar‟s state policy in the field of religion was in a large measure determined by the Turko-
Mughal tradition. Chingiz “eschewed bigotry and preference of one faith to another, placing some over
others”. There was no persecution of Shias, and even Christians and heathens found a place in his
government and in his armed forces. The eclectic policy was fully reflected in the policies of Babur and
Humayun.
The processes of Hindu-Muslim approchement or coming together had moved in the intellectual
and cultural fields as well as in the political sphere. Kabir, Nanak and many other bhakti saints had laid
emphasis on the one true God who would be apprehended within their hearts by constantly dwelling on
Him and repeating His name. They opened their doors to all, irrespective of their faiths.
All these factors were parts of Akbar‟s cultural legacy, and influenced both his thinking and his
state policies.
5.4 DIN-I-ILAHI(AKBAR’S POLICY OF RELIGIOUS TOLERANCE)
Akbar was the liberal Mughal ruler who proposed a new belief system, Din-i-Ilahi. He
propounded universal tolerance and universal peace. He was genuinely concerned with securing
welfare of his subjects. Influence of heredity endowed him with qualities that prepared him to receive
the impressions of the environment. His grandfather‟s unorthodoxy and father‟s mysticism made Akbar
rational. He was influenced by his mother who was a Shia and a Persian scholar. He came into close
contact with Sufis and read their literature. The sixteenth century was a period of religious revival
movements. The ground was already prepared by the bhakti reformers like Chaitanya and Guru Nanak.
Their teachings had influenced Akbar and he felt the need for religious toleration and reform. Let us
trace Akbars‟ spiritual journey to Din-i-Ilahi. His liberal religious policy can be looked at in phases.
a. The Early Phase (1556-73)
Akbar demonstrated his broad mindedness when in 1563 he remitted pilgrim tax on bathing at
holy places such as Prayag and Banaras. Earlier, he had forbidden the enslavement of the wives and
children of rebellious villagers. He also married Rajput princesses without first converting them to Islam,
and even allowed them to continue their own religious worship within the palaces. Although Akbar was
under the influence of the orthodox Ulama at the time, his state policy was a clear recognition of the
need to conciliate and win over the Hindus. In 1564, steps were taken by Akbar to abolish Jizyah or poll
tax which the non-Muslims had to pay in a Muslim state.
In his private conduct, during this period Akbar behaved like an orthodox Muslim. He
scrupulously observed daily prayers, and even cleaned the mosque with his own hands. He also sent
delegations to Haj, and once a sum of six lakh of rupees were sent for distribution among the needy
and the poor in Hijaz.
While Akbar pursued a broad, liberal religious state policy, this was a period when the orthodox
Ulama ruled the roost at the court. Abdun Nabi, the leading Qazi of the state was given full freedom to
give revenue free grants to his favourites with a free hand. Abdun Nabi executed Akbar‟s ambassador
in Kashmir and the Kashmiri ambassador at the Mughal court for their Shiite ideas and anti-Sunni acts.

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b. The Second Phase (1573-80)
This was a phase of intense discussions and introspection on the part of Akbar which led to a
radical change in his religious views. Akbar‟s belief was that he was the chosen instrument of God for
unifying India under his command.
The Ibadat Khana
The intense discussions with ascetics and Sufis on questions of philosophy, law and religion,
was the background to the building of the Ibadat Khana, or the Hall of Prayers at Fatehpur Sikri in
1575. This was a large rectangular building built around the cell of a Sufi saint, Shaikh Abdullah Niyazi.
The Ibadat Khana was opened for religions debates between the Jews, the Christians, the
Hindus, and the Muslims. At first, the Ibadat Khana debates were open only to Muslims. After
completing all the state business, each Thursday night Akbar would repair to the Ibadat Khana. When
the number of participants was large, they gathered in the courtyard of the Anup Talao.
At first only Sufi Shaikhs, Ulema, learned men and a few of the Emperor‟s favourite companions
and attendants were admitted. They were divided into four sections, and Akbar moved from group to
group, but the most-lively discussion was in the group of theologians. Although Akbar had exhorted the
assembly that his sole object was “to ascertain the Truth and discover the reality,” it was soon clear that
the Ulema had other objectives. They wanted to establish their superiority over the others.
In 1578, Akbar opened the doors of debate to Hindus belonging to various sects, Jains,
Christians and Zorastrians. This led to further confusion. Even questions on which the Muslims were
united, such as finality of the Quranic revelation, the Prophethood of Muhammad, conception of the
unity of God began to be raised. Akbar himself became convinced of the futility of these debates, and
closed the Ibadat Khana practically in 1581, but finally in 1582.
The Mahzar or an attested statement signed by seven leading Ulema, including Shaikh Abdun
Nabi and Abdullah Sultanpur, and including Shaikh Mubarak, father of Abul Fazl, was issued in 1579.
It declared that Akbar was “the Sultan of Islam, the asylum of mankind, the commander of the
faithful, the shadow of God over worlds.” Akbar not only had the right to claim the allegiance of
everyone, but that his position was higher than a mujtahid (interpreter of holy laws of the eyes of God;
should “a religious question arise in future, and the opinion of the mujtahids be at variance” the
Emperor could adopt any one of them “for the welfare of mankind and proper functioning of the
administrative affairs of the world.”
Lastly, it was argued that Akbar himself could issue any degree which did not go against the
Islam i.e. explicit decree, decree of Quran, and the Hadis and is “calculated to benefit humanity at
large”.
The real significance of the Mahzar, it seems, was that “it was the first effective declaration of
the principles of Sulh-I-Kul (peace for all) which he (Akbar) had decided to implement firmly”.
A final breach between Akbar and the orthodox Ulema was delayed for long. The Ulema were
themselves deeply divided, with the two leading figures, Abdullah Sultanpur and Shaikh Abdum Nabi,
being openly ranged against each other. Akbar was disgusted with their shallowness, bigotry and
venality. In 1579, Akbar appointed Abdullah Sultanpuri and Abdun Nabi to lead the parties of Haj
pilgrims to Mecca, with orders not to return without permission.
Akbar reorganized the Madad-i-Maash grants. They were given to support scholars, spiritual
leaders and widows. These grants were now given by Akbar to religious leaders of other religions as

53
well. For example, Christians were given grants to build churches. Akbar also set up establishments to
feed poor Hindus and Muslims.
c. The Third Phase (1581-1605)
Akbar‟s own religious ideas and beliefs crystallized slowly during the last phase. The crux of
Akbar‟s religious beliefs was his faith in uncompromising monotheism or Tauhid-i-llahi, based largely on
the Islamic philosopher, ibn-i-Arabi. Akbar believed that communion with God was possible by turning
oneself to Him through meditation. Likewise, he considered slavish imitation (Taqulid) of traditional
practices to be unnecessary for a true believer.
Akbar had deep faith in God, and believed that for every act, man was responsible to God. Also
gave great respect to divine light which led to spiritual elevation on the one hand, and was reflected in
the Sun and Fire.
Akbar adopted various Hindu practices such as, worshipping the sun and the fire; repeating one
thousand and one times name of the sun; putting a Tika on his head; and adopting the custom of rakhi.
Banning slaughter of animals on certain day is traced to Jain influence. He was attracted to the theory
of transmigration, but rejected its Hindu form of going from one body to another.
Akbar was not prepared to identify himself with the dogmas and ceremonials of any one religion,
though he was prepared to show respect to all religions. Thus, he forbade cow-slaughter, observed
Dashera, as also Nauroz which was an old Central Asian tradition and also a day of celebration for the
Parsis.
Akbar‟s eclecticism was denounced by orthodox Mullahs as “bidaf” (apostacy). Akbar had set up
a new religion, called Din-i-llahi, which was compounded of many existing religions, Hinduism,
Christianity, and Zoratrainism. Akbar wanted to set himself up as its head.
Modern research does not support the contention that Akbar wanted to establish a new religion.
It has been pointed out that Din-i-llahi had no priesthood, no rituals or beliefs, no books. In fact, we do
not even know when it was established.
d. Din-i-llahi or Tauhid-i-llahi or Divine Monotheism
Abul Fazl links it with the concept of Akbar being the spiritual guide of the people. There were
two tendencies among men, one class of those who turn to religion (Din), and other class to worldly
thoughts (Duniya). It was necessary to find a common ground between them by taking into account the
all-encompassing nature of God.
Din-i-llahi professed four degrees of faith. The degrees consisted of readiness to sacrifice to the
Emperor, property,life, honour and religion. Whoever had sacrificed these things possessed the four
degrees, and whoever sacrifices one of these four degrees possessed one degree.
The sacrifice of religion meant giving up traditional and imitative religion so that the principles of
Sulh-i-Kul could be applied without any hindrance.
Sunday was fixed as the day of initiation, and disciples were enrolled in batches of twelve. The
novice, with the turban in his hand, placed his head at the feet of the Emperor which was symbolic and
meant that the novice had cast aside conceit and selfishness. His Majesty raised him up, and gave him
the Shast on which was engraved the name of God, and with Akbar‟s favourite motto : “Allah-o-Akbar”
or God is Great. The members were to greet each other with the formula; Allah-o-Akbar and “jail
Jalalhu”, abstain from meant as far as possible during the month of their birth, and give a sumptuous
feast and give alms on their birthday.

54
 Akbar started enrolling disciples around 1580. Tauhid-i-llahi was basically a political devise. In
addition to proclaiming a state based on universal peace and justice, Akbar took steps to create a
better understanding of different religions among the subject.
e. Some other Measures undertaken by Akbar
Akbar set up a translation bureau to translate works in Sanskrit, Arabic into Persian. Fables,
legends, religious works like Atharva Veda, Mahabharata, Gita, Ramayana and Christian gospels too
were translated. Reconversion to Hinduism was permitted. There was no restriction on building
temples, churches and synagogues. Festivals like Holi and Shivratri were celebrated. Haj pilgrims were
granted subsidies for travel. Hunting was banned on certain days and Akbar also propounded
vegetarianism.
Self Assessment Questions
a. What do you know about the Mughal Council of Ministers‟?
Answer.

b. Define Mazhar.
Answer.

c. Define the Ibadat Khana.

Answer.

d. What do you understand by Din-i-llahi?

Answer.

5.5 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson we have formed an understanding of Abul Fazl‟s concept of monarchy.
The relevance of Akbar‟s policy towards the Rajputs has been underlined. It is interesting to note that
Akbar‟s policy of dealing effectively with the Rajputs makes him a unique ruler. The different phases of
Akbar‟s religious policy too have been dealt with in detail. Akbar‟s eclecticism has been highlighted. He
set up a new religion, called Din-i-llahi, which was compounded of many existing religions.
5.6 REFERENCES
John F.Richards, The Mughal Empire, New Delhi: Foundation Books/Cambridge University
press, 1993.
Satish Chandra, Mughal Religious Policies, the Rajputs and the Deccan, New Delhi: Vikas
Publishing House, 1993.
A. L. Srivastava, Akbar the Great, 3 Vols, Agra: Shiva Lal Agarvala and Company, (Second
Edition), 1972.
5.7 FURTHER READINGS
Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, 2 volumes., New Delhi : Har-
Anand Publications, (Reprint), 2003.

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 Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughal Empire,Patna: Janaki Prakashan,
(reprint), 1979.
5.8 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. What do you understand by Abul Fazl‟s concept of monarchy?
2. Discuss Akbar‟s relations with the Rajputs. What was its impact?
3. Critically analyse the liberal policy of Akbar with reference to Din-i-Ilahi.
********

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 Lesson - 6

EVOLUTION OF THE MANSAB SYSTEM; SALIENT FEATURES OF

THE JAGIR SYSTEM

Structure
6.0 Objectives
6.1 Introduction
6.2 Evolution of the Mansab System
6.3 Salient Features of the Jagir System
6.4 Summary
6.5 References
6.6 Further Reading
6.7 Model Questions

6.0 OBJECTIVES
After going through this lesson you will be able to :
* Trace the evolution of the mansabdari system
* Understand the salient features of the jagir system
6.1 INTRODUCTION
Students the Mansabdari system under the Mughals in India was the product of an evolutionary
process. This institution was borrowed in some form from Western Asia and modified to suit the needs
of the time in India. The Mansabdars received their pay either in cash or in form of land revenue
assignment. From these assignments of land they were entitled to collect land revenue and all other
taxes which were imposed or sanctioned by the ruler. These assignments of lands were called
„Jagirs‟.This lesson will be dealing with the Mansab system and the Jagir system.
6.2 EVOLUTION OF THE MANSAB SYSTEM
The Mansabdars were an integral part of the Mughal bureaucracy and as Percival Spear says,
„an elite within elite‟. They were appointed in all government departments except the judiciary. They
held the important offices of wazir, bakshi, faujdar and the subedar.
Mansabdari system was a system of ranking introduced by Akbar, the Mughal emperor of India.
This system was introduced to strengthen the army. Under this system, every officer was assigned a
rank (Mansab). The lowest rank was 10, and the highest was 5000 for the nobles. Princes of the blood
received higher ranks.
Under the Mansabdari system, contingents were a mixed group of nobles (Mughal, Pathan,
Hindustani and Rajput) as a general rule. This rule was introduced to weaken tribalism and
parochialism. The Mansabdari system, as it developed under the Mughals, was a distinctive and unique

57
system, which did not have any parallel outside India. The system became the basis of Mughal military
organization and civil administration.
a. Mansabdari System
The words Mansab means a place or position and therefore it means a rank in Mansab system
under the Mughals.
During Babur‟s time, the term Mansabdar was not used; instead, another term Wajhdar was
employed. The latter differed in some ways from the Mansab system that evolved under the Mughals
after Babur.
Akbar gave Mansabs to both military and civil officers based on their merit or service to the
state. To fix the grades of officers and classify his soldiers, he was broadly inspired by the principles
adopted by Chingiz Khan. The latter‟s army had been organized on decimal system. The lowest unit
was of ten horsemen, then came one hundred, one thousand and so on. Abul Fazl states that Akbar
had established 66 grades of Mansabdars ranging from commanders of 10 horsemen to 10,000
horsemen, although only 33 grades have been mentioned by him.
Mansab denoted three things :
(i) It determined the status of its holder (the Mansabdar) in the official hierarchy.
(ii) It fixed the pay of the holder.
(iii) It also laid upon the holder the obligation of maintaining a specified number of
contingents with horses and equipment.
b. The Dual Ranks : Zat and Sawar
Initially a single number represented the rank, personal pay and the size of contingent of
Mansabdar. In such a situation if a person held a Mansab of 500, he was to maintain a contingent of
500 and receive allowances to maintain it. In addition, he was to receive a personal pay according to a
schedule and undertake other obligations specified for that rank. After some time, the rank of
Mansabdar instead of one number, came to be denoted by two numbers zat and sawar. This innovation
most probably occurred in 1595-96.
The first number (zat) determined the Mansabdar‟s personal pay (talab-khassa) and his rank in
the organization. The second number (sawar) fixed the number of horses and horsemen to be
maintained by the Mansabdar and, accordingly, the amount he would receive for his contingent
(tabinan).
There has been controversy about the dual rank. William Irvine thought that the double rank
meant that the Mansabdars had to maintain from his personal pay two contingents of troops. Abdul
Aziz, close to modern point of view, held that zat pay was purely personal with no involvement of mops.
He rejected the theory of Irvine by stating that it meant the maintenance of one contingent and not two.
Athar Ali clarified the position. „He says that the first number (zat) placed the Mansabdar in the
appropriate position among the officials of the state and, accordingly, the salary of the Mansabdar was
determined. The second rank (sawar) determined the number of horses and horsemen the Mansabdar
had to furnish.‟
c. The Three Classes of Mansabdars
In 1595-96, the Mansabdars were classified into three, groups :
(a) Those with horsemen (sawar) equal to the number of the zat;

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 (b) Those with horsemen half or more than half of the number of the zat, and
(c) Those whose sawar rank was less than half of their zat rank.
The sawar rank was either equal or less than the zat. Even if the former was higher, the
Mansabdar‟s position in the official hierarchy would not be affected. Fox example, a Mansabdar with
4000 zat and2000 sawar (4000/2000 in short) was higher rank than a Mansabdar of 3000/3000,
although the latter had a higher number of horsemen under him.
But there are exceptions to this rule particularly when the Mansabdar was serving in a difficult
terrain amidst the rebels. In such cases, the state often increased the sawar rank without altering the
zat rank. Obviously the system was not a static one. It changed to meet the circumstances. Thus
reforms were undertaken without modifying the basic scheme. One such reform was the use of
conditional rank (mashrut), which meant an „increase of sawar rank for a temporary period.‟ This was
an emergency measure adopted in the time of crisis, that is, the permission to recruit more horsemen at
the expense of the state.
d. Do Aspa Sih Aspa
Another development that took place was the introduction of do aspa sih aspa under Jahangir.
Mahabat Khan was the first to get it in the 10th year of Jahangir‟s reign. According to this a part or full
sawar rank of Mansabdar was made do aspa sih aspa. For example, if a Mansabdar held a Mansab of
4000 zat4000 sawar, he may be granted huma do aspa sih aspa (all two-three horses). In this case the
original sawar rank would be ignored, and the Mansabdar will maintain double the number of do aspa
sih aspa (here 4000 + 4000 = 8000). Again, if the rank was 4000 zat 4000 sawar of which 2000 was do
aspa sih aspa, then it would mean that out of the original sawar rank of 4000, the ordinary or barawardi
troopers will be only 2000 and the additional rank of 2000 do aspa sih aspa will double itself to 4000
ordinary troopers. Thus the total number of horsemen would be 6000.
What could have been the reasons for adopting do aspa sih aspa system? Our sources do not
help us in this respect, but we can visualize the following:
Jahangir, after becoming emperor, wanted to promote nobles of his confidence and strengthen
them military, but there were some practical problems. Generally the sawar rank could not be higher
than zat rank. In such a situation, any increase in sawar rank would have meant an increase in zat rank
also. The increase in the latter would have led to additional payment as personal pay thereby
increasing the burden on treasury. Moreover, there would have been an upward mobility of the noble in
the official hierarchy which was likely to give rise to jealousy among the nobles.
In fact, do aspa sih aspa was a way out to grant additional sawar rank without disturbing the zat
rank or Mansab hierarchy. It also meant a saving for the state by not increasing the zat rank.
e. Appointment and Promotion of Mansabdars
The Mir Bakshi generally presented the candidates to the Emperor who recruited them directly.
But the recommendation of the leading nobles and governors of the provinces were also usually
accepted. An elaborate procedure involving the diwan, bakshi and others followed after which it went to
the Emperor confirmation. The farman was then issued under the seal of the Wazir. In case of
promotion the same procedure were followed.
Granting of Mansab was a prerogative of the Emperor. He could appoint anybody as
Mansabdar. There was no examination or written test as it existed in China. Generally, certain norms
seems to have been followed. A survey of the Mansabdars appointed during the reigns of the Mughal
Emperors show that some groups were more favoured than the others.

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 The most favored category were the sons and close kinsmen of persons who were already in
service. This group was called khanazad.
Another group that was given preference was of those who held high positions in other
kingdoms. The main areas from which such people came were the Uzbek and Safavi Empires and the
Deccan kingdoms. These included Irani, Turani, Iraqi and Khurasani. The attraction for Mughal Mansab
was such that Adil Shah of Bijapur in 1636 requested the Mughal Emperor to appoint Mansabdars from
among his nobles.
The rulers of autonomous principalities formed yet another group which received preferential
treatment in recruitment and promotions. The main beneficiaries from this category were the Rajput
kings.
Promotions were generally given on the basis of performance and lineage. However, in actual
practice racial considerations played an important role in promotions. Unflinching loyalty was yet
another consideration.
f. Maintenance of Troops and Payment
Mansabdars were asked to present their contingents for regular inspection and physical
verification. The job of inspection was performed by the Mir Bakshi‟s department. It was done by a
special procedure. It was called dagh o chehra. All the horses presented for inspection by a particular
noble were branded with a specific pattern to distinguish these from those of other nobles through a
seal (dagh). The physical description of troops (chehra) was also recorded. This way the possibility of
presenting the same horse or troop for inspection was greatly reduced. This was rigorously followed.
We come across a number of cases where a reduction in rank was made for non fulfilment of obligation
of maintaining specified contingents. The scale of salary was fixed for the zat rank, but one rank had no
arithmetical or proportionate relationship with the other. In other words, the salary did not go up or go
down proportionately.
Under Akbar, zat rank above 5000 was given only to the princes. In the last years of Akbar, the
only noble who got the rank of 7000 zat was Raja Man Singh.
The salary for the sawar rank was the sum total of the remuneration given to each trooper that
was fixed and uniformly applicable, whatever the number of the sawar rank might be. In the time of
Akbar, the rate of payment was determined by a number of factors such as the number of horses per
trooper (presented for dagh), the breeds of the horses etc. The rates infactuated between Rs. 25 to 15
per month.
g. Month Scale
Mansabdars were given control over an area of land, a „jagir‟ whose revenue was to be used for
maintaining troops; if not given a „jagir‟ they were paid in case through a complicated accounting
system, with deductions for various things including „the rising of the moon‟; it was a normal practice to
pay for only eight or ten months in the year. The Mansabdars were allowed to keep five percent of the
income of the „jagir‟ or five per cent of the salaries received. The accounting system was complex,
Mansabdars usually borrowed money for expenses and when they died their private property was
seized against any outstanding balances.
With a corrupt system of accounting and inspection very few Mansabdars kept their units up to
strength. When a Mansabdar was ordered to take part in an expedition, he was required to parade his
unit outside the palace and the emperor inspected it from a window in the palace.
The Mansabdars were generally paid through revenue assignments (jagirs), The biggest
problem here was that the calculation was made on the basis of the expected income (jama) from the

60
jagir during one year. It was noticed that the actual revenue collection (hasil) always fell short of the
estimated income. In such a situation, the Mansabdar‟s salaries were fixed by a method called month-
scales. For example, if a jagir yielded only half of the jama, it was called shashmaha (six-monthly). If it
yielded only one fourth, it was considered sihmaha (3 monthly). The month-scale was applied to cash
salaries also. There were deductions from the sanctioned pay. The largest deductions were from the
Deccanis, who had to pay a fourth part (Chauthsi). There were other deductions known as khurak
dawwah (fodder for beasts) belonging to the Emperor. Those who received cash (naqd), two dams in a
rupee were deducted (dodami). Often there were fines (jarmana) imposed for various reasons. With the
reduction of salaries, there was thus a definite decline in the income of the nobles.
The revenue resources of the empire were disturbed among the ruling class. It is estimated that
80% of the total revenue resources of the Empire was appropriated by 1,571 Mansabdars. This shows
how powerful the Mansabdars were.
h. The System of Escheat
Many contemporary accounts, especially those of the European travellers, refer to the practice
whereby the Emperor took possession of the wealth of the nobles after their death. The practice is
known as escheat (zabt). The reason was that the nobles often took loan from the state which
remained unpaid till their death. It was duty of the Khan Saman to take over the nobles‟ property and
adjust the state demand (mutalaba), after which the rest of the property was given to the heirs or
sometimes distributed by the Emperor among the heirs himself without any regard for the Islamic
inheritance laws.
It seems that in most cases it depended on the will of the Emperor. Sometimes the state
insisted on escheating the entire wealth. In 1666, Aurangzeb issued a farman that after the death of a
noble without heir, his property would be deposited in the state treasury. This was confirmed by another
farman in 1691 which also instructed the state officers not to attach the property of the nobles whose
heirs were in government service because the latter could be asked to pay the mutalaba.
i. Composition of Mansabdars
Despite the theoretical position that Mansabdari was open to all, the Mughals, in practice,
considered heredity as an important factor. It appears that the khanzads (house-born; descendants of
Mansabdar) had the first claim. Out of a total number of 575 Mansabdars holding the rank of 1000 and
above during the reign of Aurangzeb, the khanzads numbered about 272. Apart from the khanzads, a
number of Mansabdars were recruited from the Zamindars (chieftains). Out of 575 Mansabdars in
1707, there were 81 Zamindars. The Mughals also welcomed Persian, Chagatai, Uzbeks as well as the
Deccanis in the Mansabdari. Certain racial groups were well entrenched. They were the Turanis
(Central Asians), Iranis, Afghans, Indian Muslims (shaikhzadas), and Rajputs. Marathas and the
Deccanis, the last two were recruited by Aurangzeb on larger scale due to military reasons.
j. Students let us examine the main features of Mansab system :
* Mansabdars held dual ranks - zat and sawar, the former indicated the status of the officer
in the administrative hierarchy, and which also determined the personal pay. The latter
denoted the contingent they were expected to maintain.
* Mansabdars were divided into 3 classes on, the basis of the ratio between their zat and
sawar ranks.
* The salaries and obligation of maintaining troops were governed by a definite set of rules
which underwent changes from time to time.

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 For revenue purposes, all the land was divided into two - the jagir and khalisa. The land revenue
collected from the khalisa went to the royal treasury while that from the jagir to Mansabdars.
Mansabdars were paid through the assignment of jagirs. The jagir system as an institution was
used to appropriate the surplus from the peasantry. At the same time it was used for distributing the
revenue resources among the ruling classes.
6.3 SALIENT FEATURES OF THE JAGIR SYSTEM
Officials of the state that is the Mansabdars received their pay either in cash (Nagdi) or in form
of land revenue assignment. From these assignments of land they were entitled to collect land revenue
and all other taxes which were imposed or sanctioned by the ruler. These assignment of lands were
called „Jagirs‟. All officials who were paid salaries in cash were called (nagdi) and those who held Jagirs
were called „Jagirdars‟ and „Tayuldars‟. „Tayul‟ was the term originally used for assignments which were
held by members of royal family but by time of Aurangzeb this term was frequently used for Jagirs. A
large part of empire was assigned in Jagirs. During Aurangzeb‟s time out of total estimate 924 crore,
725 crore were assigned in Jagirs. Those jagirs which were assigned in lieu of salary to Mansabdar
was known as „Jagir-e-Tankhwah‟. When a jagir was allotted to a person which was conditional on his
appointment to a particular post, the jagir was called a conditional jagir or „Mushrut‟.
In 1672 „Mohammad Amin Khan‟ was appointed as Subedar of Gujrat. He was given as jagir,
the area of Patan. This Jagir was attached to the post of Subedar and when Amin Khan became
Subedar this was given to him. These were certain jagirs which involved no obligation in terms of
services to be employed and were, independent in rank, and were called „Inam Jagir‟. It meant people
who held „Inam Jagirs‟ were not required to carry out military and administrative operations attached to
jagir.
For the jagir given in lieu of cash salary, it was essential that it was to yield as much revenue
equal to salary to which holder was entitled. If it yielded less, the jagirdar would be a „loser‟ and would
not be able to fulfill his obligations. In such a case, Jagirdar was given additional jagir which was known
as „jagir-e-Muqasma‟. Whenever a person was assigned a jagir, villagers or area assigned were such,
which gave an average revenue yield. This revenue yield was equivalent to his salary. Also specified
procedure was adopted in granting of jagir :-
1. Jagirdar‟s rank was fixed and stated and his statement of pay was fixed.
2. Sanctioning his claim. To meet this claim, pargana or areas with the jamadani figure
(normal revenue yield of area) were specified. In case pay claim was met by assigning
fraction of pargana, then this fraction was also specified.
3. If revenue yield was less then amount sanctioned then to cover this amount, additional
amount of jagir was given. If actual collection by jagirdar acceded the specified amount or
„Jamadani‟, then the difference recovered by the jagirdar was deposited in the state
treasury. In certain cases jagirdar himself reported that he had collected in excess of
specified amount then, as reward of honesty his rank was increased and surplus revenue
was ingested.
a. Transfer of Jagir
Jagir by their nature were transferable. No person could hold onto it for a long period. All jagirs
except for „Watan-Jagirs‟ were transferred every three to four years. Policy of transfer of jagirs resulted
in complex nature for jagirdar; for purpose of transfer assumed that „kharif‟ & „rabi‟ crops were of equal
value every year except in areas of Bengal and Orissa. But since value of crops was not same,
jagirdars had to suffer heavy losses if his transfer was made in the middle of the year. Sometimes

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jagirdars were also required to collect previous arrears from new areas. This caused problem for
jagirdars. Also jagirs were transferred because a ‟Mansabdar‟ when sent to serve in a province, had to
be assigned a jagir there, and similarly, those recalled from there would require jagirs elsewhere. The
system of jagir transfers was necessary for the unity and cohesion of empire. Only by these transfers
could the nobles or military commanders be prevented from developing local relations and growing into
local problems. It was necessary to transfer them.
b. Watan-Jagirs
The Watan-Jagirs were the only exception to the system of jagir transfers. The Watan Jagirs
originated from admission of „Zamindars‟ or territorial chiefs into the Mughal service. The chiefs
obtained „Mansabs‟ or ranks. The king was entitled to determine the succession to a „Watan Jagir‟. But
as a rule, the emperor neither took away, nor resumed any part of the Watan Jagir from a ruling
dynasty. Thus Aurangzeb‟s annexation of Jodhpur to the Khalisa in „1679‟ caused greatest resentment.
There are certain cases where ranks were increased for the exceptional services they had rendered. In
addition to Watan Jagir which they held, Jagirdars were given cash salaries.
c. Fiscal Rights of Jagirdars
The fiscal rights of Jagirdars were specified. Jagirdars were not given other rights except that of
collecting Iand revenue and authorized taxes. This was also done in accordance to imperial regulations.
Jagirdars were bound by order; setting forth a procedure according to which land revenue was to be
assessed and collected. Jagirdars were to take not more than half of the produce as revenue. They
could collect only such tax as was permitted by the government.
d. Administration of Jagirs
During Akbar the state government agencies along with agents of Jagirdars collected revenue
and looked after interest of Jagirdar. But in later times Jagirdars were required to employ their own
agents for collection of revenue and taxes. The arrangements which were made by larger Jagirdars
were more systematic than smaller ones. In various „Parganas‟ or areas, „Amils‟ collected revenue,
those who helped in work of revenue collection were called as „Karoris‟. The „Amils‟ and „Karoris‟ were
helped by „Amins who were revenue assessors. „Fotadars‟ acted as treasurer and „Karkhuns‟ acted as
accountants. Work of revenue assessment and collection and work of accountant was given to
separate people. In large no of cases only one person was appointed at all these posts. The chief agent
of ordinary Jagirdar was called ‟Shiqdar‟. Generally Jagirdar compelled Amils to execute land deeds
related to future collections. Jagirdar also collected a certain amount called „Qabz‟. This amount
collected from „Amils‟
Generally a person who gave highest „Qalz‟ was appointed as „Amil‟. Jagirdar appointed only
those people as agents who did not have personal interest. Some Jagirdar passed on burden on the
troops by dividing and parceling out jagirs for troops. The soldiers or troops were required to get pay by
collecting revenue from area assigned to them from main jagir. Also practice of „ljara‟ or revenue
farming was followed by smaller „ljaradars‟. Revenue farming was followed by those who did not have
enough resources for collection of revenue from the distance. Jagirs were farmed out to merchants who
collected revenue with greatest oppression. „ljardars‟ carried out jobs by offering highest bids. Then
they oppressed peasantry for profits and to recover bid money.
e. Jagirdars and the Peasants
Jagirdars had to normally deal with Zamindars and peasantry. The Tendency was to make
collections of Zamindar and to collect revenue from him. The greatest hostility which jagirdars faced
was from Zamindars. A heavy assessment would result in Zamindar being deprived of his incomes and
in some cases powerful „Zamindars‟ would use their army along with peasantry to defy jagirdars.

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Zamindars who regularly gave land revenue were called „Raitjati‟ and those who defied giving land
revenue or were rebellious were known as „Zor-talab‟. If a smaller Jagirdar complained about the
Zamindar, then the Zamindar could forfeit his Zamindari rights and could get replaced.
Zamindar could only be replaced by emperor. Since Jagirdar did not have any permanent
interest in Jagir, in situations when emperor did not have total control over jagirdar, the jagirdar
oppressed the peasantry to take maximum share of revenue. Jagirdar did not possess absolute power
over inhabitants. Authority of Jagirdar was checked by parallel system of government of administration.
In field of revenue collection, ruler‟s interest was represented by „Kanungo‟ and „Chowdhary‟. Offices of
„Kanungo‟ and „Chowdhary‟ were hereditary. But on complaints of misappropriation they could be
removed by the emperor. Jagirdar had to rely on these officials for the assessment and collection of
revenue. It was duty of these officials to assist Jagirdars to check to their accountants and see no
irregular funds were taken from peasants.
Law and order was maintained by „Faujdar‟ appointed by emperor. Very few Jagirdars were
appointed as Faujdars. They were completely independent of Jagirdars. News reporters or „Waqia
Nawis‟ were required to report all matters of importance to Jagirdars. They were also required to report
conduct and activities of jagirdars to emperor. Emperor had total control over Jagirdars and could ask
Jagirdar to bring about reforms in administration.
f. Crises in Jagirdari System
Crises which appeared according to „Athar Ali‟ - was due to a situation what is commonly called
as „Be-Jagiri‟ which meant that at that time there were lesser number of jagirs as compared to
Jagirdars. Due to the policy followed by Jahangir, later by „Shah Jahan‟ and „Aurangzeb‟ in which
„Mansabdars‟ were given very high rank and were given larger Jagir, a situation arose when there was
no „Paibaqi‟ area left. Also since no new areas were annexed and the empire had reached its boundary,
„Paibaqi‟ area became scare. As a result, Jagir of some nobles had to be resumed and were then given
to other Jagirdar. Rulers also cancelled land assignment of a large number of Jagirdars and this
brought about resentment. This was the direct result of the influx of a large number of Deccan nobles
who were given „Mansabs‟ on a general scale in order to prevent them from becoming rebellious.
Scarcity of „Paibaki‟ land made the routine work of Jagirdari system impossible.
People who were appointed to Mansabs found it difficult to get Jagirs and had to wait for several
years to get a Jagir. Even when a jagir was received there was no certainly as to how long the Jagirdar
would retain it and also no certainty about its transfer. Its implication was that influence and money
began to count in allotment of Jagir. Jagirdars generally needed a patron in the court and had to infact
bribe the patrons to get jagir. Those who held small „Mansabs‟ could not manage bribing patrons in the
court so they started resenting the administration. Also factionalism appeared in nobility. Patrons or
chiefs of court preferred to give Jagir to men belonging to their racial caste; as a result of which racial
and caste politics appeared within nobility and different factions were formed in court. Rather than
carrying out administrative work, different factions were trying to outdo each other. As a result of which
over a period of time when control of centre weakened, smaller independent territorial chiefs started
becoming powerful which ultimately brought about downfall of the empire.
J.F. Richards believed that Jagirs had become like local fiefs. Mughal officials tried to keep it for
longer durations. This caused gap between salary demands of Mansabdars and revenue yielded from
lands. Newly acquired areas of „Golconda‟ and „Bijapur‟ during time of Aurangzeb were retained by
Aurangzeb under imperial court. No Jagirs were given from these areas. As a result of it, Jagirdars in
Deccan area were denied access to the new resources obtained by conquest. They were given Jagirs
from other existing area which brought about shortage of jagirs, as a result of which nobility had to wait
for several years to get Jagirs. This brought about resentment. It also caused factionalism, as a result

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several nobles started grouping together and at several places there were uprising against
administration which ultimately resulted in loss of administrative control over several areas.
g. Satish Chandra’s View
According to him crises in Jagirdari System was linked to social and economic relations. In
medieval India especially in agrarian relation and administrative structure, rural society was dominated
by heterogeneous group of „Zamindars‟. They were linked with cultivators organized on basis of caste,
clan or tribes. Concept of Jagirdari implied giving all a vested interest in collecting land revenue from
land holders. Mughal ruler tried to limit power of Zamindars and utilize it in work of revenue collection.
Mughal rulers offered Mansabs to small set of Zamindars where by these came to form part of
administrative structure. Most of them were still involved in of local land revenue system and machinery
for maintenance of law and order. Though village society was divided into segments, Mughal rulers
tried to establish direct relation which cultivators so as to determine productivity of crop. By this, they
tried to set up a revenue administrative system. They tried to limit the power of the Zamindars. With the
growth of central authority, the peasant looked upon central government rather than Zamindars for
redressal of their grievances. This resulted in tripod structure which had Zamindars, Khudkash
peasants and central authority.
Stability would be maintained as long as central government was able to convince the Zamindar
and the cultivator that it was more profitable for them to look to central government for support then to
join hands with each other and fight against central government. Central government also appointed
reporters and informers i.e. „Wazia Nawis‟ to watch activities of Jagirdar. Zamindars could get affected
by many reasons like :
1. Struggle of power at centre.
2. Dissatisfaction of nobility
3. Problems by regional chiefs at local level
4. Increase in power of Zamindars
5. Improvement in position of Khudkash peasants
In first half of the seventeenth century, crises appeared in Jagirdari system. This was seen the
form of a financial and administrative crises. It was seen as a growing gap between revenue needed for
assignments to be given to Mansabdars and availability of this revenue and requirements of revenue. It
was seen that land revenue rate was very high and income of state could be increased only by
expanding the empire by which cultivation could get increased, or through expansion of non-agrarian
production.
The Mughal ruler had tried to adopt all these methods but the basic problem of inadequate
revenue could not be solved. They did not try to change agrarian relation between Jagirdars,
Zamindars and peasantry. The working of the revenue system depended upon the Mughal revenue
policy.
By middle of seventeenth century, a considerable growth of size of ruling class of nobility and
dependents took place. These were directly or indirectly dependent on revenue resources of the
empire. The growing lifestyle of nobility limited surplus revenue available for expanding production,
which caused stagnation and led to slow growth of economy.
Under Aurangzeb, economic crises deepend as he tried to establish austerity measures but it
did not bring the desired results. Expenditure of nobles was not totally unproductive as it gave
employment to artisans, craftsmen within the frame work of slow economic growth.

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 Upto Shahjahan, this situation could be dealt with as despite different factions and growth in
nobility, Mansabs did not outrun revenue sources. Aurangzeb tried to put check on growth of Mansabs
and number of Mansabdars. Introduction of new nobility effected relatives of old one. Due to
inadequacy of lands new nobility did not get jagirs for four to five years. Central machinery was such
that there was a general delay in granting jagirs to new Jagirdars who had to sign a deed that they
would not claim any salary for a period between their preparation of claim and allotment of jagirs.
Aurangzeb tried to limit growth of number of Mansabdars but officials kept on putting new cases
for approval. When he refused to do so it caused resentment. Inability to give Mansabs to children of
Mansabdars caused resentment. This situation became difficult to cope with.
Jagirdars tried to increase revenue demand as they held it for three to four years. They did not
follow a policy of agriculture development. The Mughal machinery was designed to check the rise of
power of the Jagirdar as long as central authority was strong.
During Aurangzeb period, break down of administrative machinery started and after him there
was total lack of central control. Although Jagirdars supervised and collected revenue but there was no
improvement of cultivation. Since Jagirs were transferred frequently, there was uncertainty of whether
he would possess it next year or not. Jagirdars looked for advance payments and did not work for
improvement in cultivation. This led to neglect of Jagirs and ruin of cultivation.
A decay in the system of transfer of Jagir took place; they became hereditary which
strengthened postion of Zamindars. It left peasants at mercy of Zamindars and Jagirdars. Zamindars
strengthened themselves and oppressed cultivators. Since Mughal share of revenue increased they did
not pay anything from their pockets. They joined hands with peasantry against Jagirdars. Crises arose
where many agricultural classes rose against imperial autonomy. They came in conflict with imperial
authority which led to many areas asserting independence after the death of Aurangzeb.
Self Assessment Questions
a. Define the term mansab.
Answer.

b. What are the three classes of mansabdars?

Answer.

c. Define Do Aspa Sih Aspa.

Answer.

d. What do youunderstand by Zabt?

Answer.

6.4 SUMMARY
This lesson has examined the Mansabdari systemthat was the main institution of the Mughal
Empire, which embraced both civil and military sectors of administration. The system was developed to
create a centralized administrative system as well as creating a large force. Mansabdars and their large

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forces were used to expand the empire and administer it effectively. The Jagidari system formed the
very basis of the administrative structure of the Mughal empire. However by the time of Aurangzeb‟s
rule the central authority was weaked and therefore a decay in the jagirdari system took place and this
has been highlighted in this lesson.

6.5 REFERENCES
Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughal Empire, Patna: Janaki Prakashan,
(reprint), 1979.
John F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, New Delhi: Foundation Books/Cambridge University
press, 1993.

6.6 FURTHER READING

Satish Chandra, Medieval India : From Sultanate to the Mughals, 2 volume., New Delhi : Har-
Anand Publications, (Reprint), 2003.

6.7 MODEL QUESTIONS

1. Trace the evolution of the Mansabdari system.
2. What are the salient features of the Jagir System ?

***********

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 Lesson - 7

DEVELOPMENT OF THE LAND REVENUE SYSTEM

UNDER AKBAR

Structure
7.0 Objectives
7.1 Introduction
7.2 Development of the Land Revenue System under Akbar
7.3 Summary
7.4 References
7.5 Model Questions

7.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to :
* acquire a better understanding of the land revenue system under Akbar and Mughals
* know about types of assessment
* gain information about the machinery of the revenue administration
7.1 INTRODUCTION
Students this lesson deals with the development of land revenue system under Akbar and also later
developments. Rates of assessment as well as types of assessment that form an integeral part of
revenue administration will be examined in this lesson. For the management of revenue administration
different kinds of officials were appointed. This lesson will focus on the duties of these officials for a
better understanding of the land revenue system.
7.2 DEVELOPMENT OF THE LAND REVENUE SYSTEM UNDER AKBAR
The central feature of the agrarian system of Mughal India was that the alienation from the
peasant of his surplus produce (i.e. produce above the required for his subsistence) took largely the
form of land revenue (mal) exacted on behalf of the state. Numerous statements are found which define
the land revenue as amounting to a particular position of the total produce.
Sher Shah framed three crop rates and the principle adopted was to fix at one third of the
average of these rates for each crop. But the revenue was fixed in cash not in kind.
a. Rates of Assessment
In Kashmir, Akbar‟s administration found demand at one-third of the produce, but amounting in
reality to two-thirds : Akbar ordered that one half should be demanded. In the province of Thatta, a third
was realized through crop sharing. In the Ajmer province, proportion taken amounted to just one-
seventh or one eighth of the crop. Gujarat was made to part with three fourths of the crop. Peasants
near Surat were able to keep up only a fourth of the produce for themselves. In the Dakhin, Quli Khan

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took half the produce from ordinary lands, but one third from those irrigated by wells and down to one-
fourth from high grade crops.
The demand under Zabt did not exceed one third of the actual produce but in practice, real rate
came much above one third.
The preparations fixed for Kankut and crop sharing under Akbar adopted the ratio of 1:2 for all
crops except wheat. Under crop sharing, it shows a third as the state‟s share, but this proportion is also
allowed, by Aurangzeb‟s farman to Rasikdas.
b. Magnitude of Land Revenue Demand
Lands revenue arrangements of Mughal administration consisted mainly of two stages first,
assessment (Tashkhis) and, second the actual collection (Tahsil). The term Jama signified the amount
assessed as opposed to Hasil, the amount collected.
The assessment was separately made for Kharif (Autumn) and Rabi (Spring) harvests, when
revenue had been assessed, as authorities issued a written document called Patta, Qual or Qual-
Qarar, setting out the amount or rate of the revenue demand. At same time, assesses gave, his
Qabuliyat or acceptance of obligation imposed upon him, stating when and how he could make the
payments.
c. Types of Assessment
i) Ghalla-Bakhshi (Crop Sharing)
There are three types of sharing. The first consisted of division of crop at threshing floor in the
presence of both parties. The second was Khet Batai, the division of the field or the standing crops and
the third, Lang Batai, where the crop after being out was stacked in heaps, which were then divided.
1. It was preferred by peasants as they were enabled to share the risks of the seasons with
the authorities.
2. It was best suited to such villages or peasants as were suffering from exceptional
distress.
3. It was a good method of checking productive capacity of a village where standing
assessment gave cause for doubt.
4. It was also profitable for authorities when grain was fetching high prices in the market.
The main objection was that it required a large number of alert watchmen. There were
also chances of dishonesty and misappropriation of funds.
ii) Hast-o-Bud
Another method was Hast-o-Bud. The assessor inspected the village and viewing good and bad
lands together, made an estimate of the total produce, on the basis of which he fixed the revenue.
iii) Ploughs
Yet another method was to simply count the ploughs and assess the revenue by applying to
them rates fixed according to localities.
Defects of these practices
All would depend on the personal capacity and integrity of the assessor. The second would
have resulted in an extremely uneven distribution of the revenue demand.

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iv) Kankut of Dana-Bandi
It consisted of two stages. In the first, the land was measured either by means of a rope (Jarib)
or by pacing. After this, the yield of each crop per unit of area i.e. the crop rate was estimated and
applied to the whole area under the crop. If the assessor found it difficult to fix the crop rate on the
basis of observation only, he was to make three sample cuttings, from good, middling and bad lands
and these made his estimate. The demand was primarily assessed not in cash, but in kind. Kankut
system was far less expensive than crop sharing since it required no watch on reaping and threshing of
the crop.
v) Zabti System
This was the most important method of assessment. Its origin is traced to Sher Shah Suri. He
had established a rai or per bigha yield of lands which were under continuous cultivation (Polaj) or
those lands which were rarely allowed to lie fallow (Parauti). The rai was based on three rates,
representing good, middling and low yields and one third of the sum of these was appropriated as land
revenue. Akbar adopted Sher Shah‟s rai. He introduced his so called Karori experiment and appointed
Karoris all over North India. Entire Jagir was converted into Khalisa. On the basis of information
provided by Karoris regarding the actual produce, local prices, productivity etc., Akbar instituted a new
system Ain dahsala, where the average produce of different crops as well as the average prices
prevailing over the last ten years were calculated. One third of the average produce was the State‟s
minimum share. Under Karori experiment, measurement of all provinces took place. Bamboo rods with
iron rings called tanab were used instead of hempen ropes. On the basis of productivity and prices
prevailing in different regions, they were divided for revenue purposes into dastur circles. The rates of
assessment in cash for each crop in every dastur were decided and the demand was fixed accordingly.
The main features of the Zabti system were :-
I. Measurements of land was essential.
II. Fixed cash revenue rates known as dastur-ul-amal or dastur for each crop.
III. All the collection was made in cash.
From an administrative point of view, Zabti system had some merits :
I. Measurement could always be rechecked.
II. Due to fixed dasturs, local officials could not use their discretion.
III. With fixing the permanent dasturs, the uncertainties and fluctuation in levying the
land revenue demand were greatly reduced.
There were some limitations also :-
i. It could not be applied if quality of the soil was not uniform.
ii. If the yield was uncertain, this method was disadvantageous to peasants because
risks were borne by them alone. Abul Fazl says, “if the peasant does not have the
strength to bear Zabt, the practice of taking a third of the crop as revenue is
followed.”
iii. This was an expensive method as a cess of one dam per bigha known as Zabitana
was given to meet the costs towards the maintenance of the measuring party.
iv. Much fraud could be practiced in recording the measurement.

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 Zabti system was adopted only in the core regions of the empire. The main provinces covered
under Zabti were Delhi, Allahabad, Awadh, Agra, Lahore and Multan, Even in these Zabti provinces
other methods of assessment were also practiced.
NASAQ
Nasaq was not an independent method of assessment it was subordinate to other methods.
Nasaq meant the suppression of annual measurement. It was a method or procedure which could be
adopted whatever be the basic method of revenue assessment and collection that was in force. In north
India, it was Nasaqi Zabti. While in Kashmir it was Nasaqi Ghalla Bakhshi. When it was applied under
Zabti the annual measurement was dispensed with and previous figures were taken into account with
certain variations. Since Zabti system included annual measurement, administration and revenue
payers both wanted to replace it. Zabti lharsala or annual measurements was, therefore, set aside with
some modification.
d. THE BASIC UNIT OF ASSESSMENT : INDIVIDUAL PEASANT HOLDING AND THE VILLAGE
The ideal before Mughal administration was to deal with each peasant separately, particularly
when determining or levying the revenue demand. “The amalguzar should reach individual cultivator
and graciously give him a written document and take one from him”.
The Bitikchi, or accountant, should record the name of each peasant, together with that of his
ancestor, the crop sown by him and the jama assessed upon it, and then put down the total of the
individual assessments as the revenue (Mahsul). When the revenue had been collected, the Bitikchi
was to examine the Sarkhats i.e. receipts or memoranda, given by the Muqaddams and Patwaris to the
peasants, in order to see whether collections had been conformed to the assessments.
Aurangzeb‟s farman to Rasikdas prescribes individual assessment, yet in the description, that it
is the village not the peasant that appears as the primary unit of assessment. As a general rule, the
amin, or assessor contented himself with fixing the assessment of the village leaving the detailed of the
peasants to be fixed by the head men.
e. THE MEDIUM OF PAYMENT
The methods of assessment involved the direct statement of the revenue demand in terms of
cash. When the methods of crop sharing and Kankut were used, commutation into cash was permitted
at market prices. Collection of revenue in kind was regarded as an exceptional practice. A letter
reporting actual facts about the collection of revenue in three villages belonging to a jagir assigned in
Haryana may well be illustrative. For two of the villages, revenue was assessed in terms of and
required to be paid in cash. The third village was under crop sharing and revenue had been collected in
kind.
In Kashmir, revenue was collected in terms of “assloads” of rice and was never paid in cash. It
may be assumed that in Gujarat, demand would have been set in cash, but under crop sharing, in kind.
In Mughal Dakhin, payment of revenue in cash is described as an old practice.
In Garh, in central India, the peasant paid the revenue in gold Muhrs and copper pieces. In
Bengal, the peasants usually paid the revenue in cash and crop sharing was, but rarely practiced.
Apart from isolated territories such as Kashmir and Orissa, or the desolate portions of
Rajputana, the cash nexus was firmly established in almost every part of the empire. Its prevalence
meant simply that the peasant was normally compelled to sell a very large, in not a few cases, the
larger portion of his produce in order to meet the revenue demand.

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f. COLLECTION OF LAND REVENUE
Except under crop sharing, detection of revenue and its assessment were quite different
operations. The revenue detection (Alamguzar) should begin the deduction for the Rabi (season) from
Holi and that of Kharif from Dasehra. In the Kharif season, harvesting of different crops was done at
different times and revenue had accordingly to be collected in three stages. The Rabi harvest was all
gathered within a very short period and the authorities seem to have been usually anxious to get the
revenue collected before the harvest was cut and removed from the fields.
The revenue was paid into treasury usually through the email or revenue collector. The
peasants or rather their representatives or village officials were entitled, whether they paid directly or
indirectly to obtain proper receipts for their payments. The treasurer on the other hand was also asked
to get the village accountant, Patwari‟s endorsement in his register to establish the amount of payment.
These regulations were largely in the nature of precautions that administration took to protect itself and
incidentally, the revenue payers from fraud and embezzlement.
g. RURAL TAXES AND EXACTION OTHER THAN LAND REVENUE
There were a number of other taxes which were known as Trujuhat. These were divided into
Jihat, (taxes on certain trades), and sair-jihat, (market and transit dues). The two major objects of
taxation in an ordinary village were the cattle and the orchards. Moreover, no tax was to be levied upon
the Gaushalas or herds of cows kept for religious or charitable purposes. All orchards were exempted
from taxation.
The imposition of the Jiziya or the poll tax on non-muslims by Aurangzeb meant an important
increase in magnitude of rural taxation. A separate organization of collectors (umana) was created for
this purpose.
Another source of revenue was the property of those who died without heirs. This “abominable
practice” was called ankora.
h. THE MACHINERY OF REVENUE ADMINISTRATION
Since Jagirdars were transferred after every two or three years, they had no knowledge of
revenue paying capacity of the people and local customs. So we find three types of officials :-
(a) Officials and agents of Jagirdars.
(b) Permanent local officials many of whom were hereditary. They were generally not affected
by frequent transfers of Jagirdars.
(c) Imperial officials to keep and control the “Jagirdars”.
At the rural level there were many revenue officials :-
(i) KARORI
The Karori was incharge of both assessment and collection of revenue. During Shah Jahan‟s
reign, Amirs were appointed in every Mahal and they were given the work of assessment. After this a
change took place and the Karori remained concerned chiefly within collection of revenue which the
Amin had assessed. The Karori was appointed by the Diwan of the province. He was expected to look
after the interests of the peasantry. The accounts of the actual collection of the Karoris and their agents
were audited with the help of village Patwaris‟s papers.

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(ii) AMIN
Office of the Amin was created during Shahjahan‟s reign. His main function was to assess the
revenue. He was appointed by the Diwan. He was responsible jointly with the Karori and Faujdar for the
safe transit of the collected revenue. The Faujdar of the province kept a vigilant eye on the activities of
Amin and Karori.
(iii) QANUNGO
The Qanungo was the local revenue official of the Pargana, and generally bgelonged to one of
the accountant castes. It was a hereditary past, but an imperial order was essential for the nomination
of each new person. A Qanungo could be removed by an imperial order on the ground that he indulged
in mal practices or on account of negligence of duty. He was supposed to maintain records concerning
revenue receipts, area statistics, local revenue rotes and practices and customs of the Pargana. It was
generally believed that if a Qanungo was asked to produce the revenue records for the previous
hundred years, he should be able to do so.
The Jagirdars agents were generally unfamiliar with the localities and they usually depended
heavily on the information supplied to them by the Qanungos. The Qanungo was paid 1% of total
revenue as remuneration, but Akbar started paying them salary.
(iv) CHAUDHARI
He was also an important revenue official like the Qanungo. In most cases, he was the leading
Zamindar of the locality. He was mainly concerned with the collection. He also stood surety for the
lesser Zamindars. The Chaudhari, distributed and stood surety for the repayment of the Taqavi loans.
He was a counter check on the Qanungo.
(v) SHIQDAR
Under Sher Shah, he was the incharge of revenue collection and maintained law and order. In
Akbar‟s later period, he seems to be a subordinate official under the Karori. Abul Fazl mentions that in
case of an emergency, the Shiqdar could give the necessary sanction for the disbursement which was
to be duly reported to the court. He was also responsible for thefts that occurred in his jurisdiction.
(vi) MUQADDAM AND PATWARI
The Muqaddam was a village level official. He was the village headman. In lieu of his services,
he was allowed 2.5% of the total revenue collected by him. The Patwari was to maintain records of the
village land, the holdings of the individual cultivators, variety of crops gown and details about follow
land. The names of the cultivators were entered in his bahi (ledger). On the basis of information
contained in his bahi, the Bitikchi used to prepare necessary papers and recods according to which
assessment and collections was carried out.
OTHER OFFICIALS
In each Pargana there were two other officials, the Fotadar or Khazndar (The treasurer) and
Karkun (or Bitikchi) the accountant. Under Sher Shah, there were two Karkuns, one for keeping the
records in Hindi and other in Persian.
The Faujdar represented military or police power of the imperial government. One of his main
duties was to help the Jagirdar or Amin in detecting revenue from the Zortaras (refractory) Zamindars
and peasants.

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Self Assessment Questions
a. What do you understand by Jama?
Answer.

b. Define Kankut.
Answer. _

c. Who was a kakori?

Answer.

d. What was the duty of a Chaudhari?

Answer.

e. What was Hast-O-Bud?

Answer.

7.3 SUMMARY
Students, in this lesson we have taken up the functioning of the land revenue system under
Akbar. An interesting account of the rates of assessment as well as types of assessment is given in
detail. Reference is also made to other kinds of taxes that were implemented. Different kinds of
revenue officials like the karori, amin, qanungo, chaudhari, shiqdar, muqaddam and patwari were
appointed for the smooth running of the revenue administration.
7.4 REFERENCES
Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, 2 volume, New Delhi : Har-
Anand Publications, (Reprint), 2003.
John F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, New Delhi: Foundation Books/Cambridge University
press, 1993.
7.5 FURTHER READING
Ishtiaq Husain Qureshi, The Administration of the Mughal Empire, Patna: Janaki Prakashan,
(reprint), 1979.
7.6 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. Critically analyses the revenue administration under Akbar.
2. Write a note on the types of assessment adopted.
3. Briefly discuss the role played by the functionaries in the running of revenue
administration.
***********

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 Lesson - 8

MUGHAL EXPANSION IN THE DECCAN DURING THE FIRST HALF

OF THE SEVENTEENTH CENTURY; POPULAR UPRISINGS IN
NORTHERN INDIA DURING THE REIGN OF AURANGZEB

Structure
8.0 Objectives
8.1 Introduction
8.2 Mughal Expansion in the Deccan during the First Half of the Seventeenth Century
8.3 Popular Uprisings in Northern India during the Reign of Aurangzeb
8.4 Summary
8.5 References
8.6 Further Reading
8.7 Model Questions

8.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to :
* trace the Mughal expansion in the Deccan during the first half of the seventeenth century.
* gain information about the popular uprisings in northern India during the reign of
Aurangzeb.
8.1 INTRODUCTION
Students, in the discussion of Mughal expansion in the Deccan during the first half of the
seventeenth century we will take up the policy and action of two emperors first, Jahangir and then Shah
Jahan in this lesson. This lesson will also focus on the Jat and the Sikh movements in northern India
which were extremely significantduring the rule of Aurangzeb. The Afghans made an effort to rise
during this period and this lesson will deal with their activities.
8.2 MUGHAL EXPANSION IN THE DECCAN DURING THE FIRST HALF OF THE
SEVENTEENTH CENTURY
In order to understand the Mughal expansion in the Deccan, it is first necessary to know about
Malik Ambar, a noble of Ahmadnagar who played a pivotal role in the Deccan and frustrated the
Mughal attempt at consolidation.
a. Emperor Jahangir
Malik Ambar (1601-27) rose in the service of Chingiz Khan, the famous and influential minister
of Murtaza Nizam Shah of Ahmadnagar. When the Mughals during Akbar‟s reign invaded Ahmadnagar,
Ambar at first went to Bijapur and Golconda to try his luck there. But he soon came back and enrolled
himself in the powerful Habshi (Abyssinian) party.

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 Murtaza Nizam Shah II had been proclaimed ruler at Parenda in 1595. Malik Ambar and Raju
Dakhani harassed the Mughals in Telengana and Balaghat. Malik Ambar became the chief man of
Murtaza Nizam Shah II, and began to be called Peshwa - a title which was common in Ahmadnagar.
Ambar gathered around him a large band of disbanded Deccani Soldiers, including Afghans and
Habshis. He also enlisted in his service a large number of Maratha troopers or bargis.
Although guerilla mode of warfare was traditional with the Marathas in the Deccan, the Mughals
were not used to it. With the help of the Marathas, Malik Ambar made it difficult for the Mughals to
consolidate their position in Berar, Ahmadnagar and Balaghat.
The Mughal commander in the Deccan at the time was Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan, a shrewd
and wily politician and an able soldier. He inflicted a crushing defeat on Malik Ambar in 1601 in
Telingana at a place called Nander. However, he decided to make friends with Ambar since he
considered it desirable that there should be some stability in the remaining Nizam Shahi kingdom. In
turn, Ambar also found it useful to cultivate the friendship of the Khan-i-Khanan since it enabled him to
deal with his internal rival, Raju Dakhani. This led to the pact between them in 1601.
The political situation of the Deccan during the next eight to nine years remained extremely
complex. Ibrahim Adil Shah, the ruler of Bijapur, was keen to preserve the Nizam Shahi dynasty. The
struggle between Ambar and Raju Dakhani continued. Murtaza Nizam Shah tried to play between the
two which led to his depositions and death in 1610, despite the efforts of the Adil Shah to persuade
Malik Ambar to remain loyal to him.
Following the death of Akbar, and Jahangir‟s preoccupation with the rebellion of Prince
Khusrau, Malik Ambar unleashed a fierce campaign to expel the Mughals from Berar, Balaghat and
Ahmadnagar. In 1608, Jahangir appointed Abdur Rahim Khan-i-Khanan to the Deccan again. The
Khan-i-Khanan made the impossible promise of not only recovering within two years the areas lost to
Malik Ambar but also bringing Bijapur within the imperial dominions. Faced with this threat, Ambar
petitioned the Adil Shah of Bijapur for help, arguing that the two kingdoms were one for all intents and
purposes. The Adil Shah agreed to Ambar‟s request of restoring to him the powerful fort of Qandahar
so that he could keep his family, stores and provisions there and fight the Mughals with an easy mind.
He also appointed a picked army of 10,000 troopers to help Ambar who set apart a Jagir worth three
lakh huns for their payment. The treaty was cemented by a marriage alliance, the daughter of one of
the leading Ethiopian noble of Bijapur marrying Fath Khan, the son of Malik Ambar
Fortified with the support of Bijapur, and with the active aid of the Marathas, Ambar soon forced
Khan-i-Khanan to retreat to Burhanpur. Thus, by 1610, all the gains in the Deccan made by Akbar were
lost. Although Jahangir sent prince Parvez to the Deccan with a large army, he could not meet the
challenge posed by Malik Ambar. Even Ahmadnagar was lost, and Parvez had to conclude a
disgraceful peace with Ambar.
In 1611, Jahangir sent two armies, one commanded by Khan-i-Jahan Lodi and including Raja
Man Singh, and the other by Abdullah Khan. These armies were to attack from two sides, and converge
on Daulatabad. However, mutual wranglings and lack of co-ordination led to their failure.
The affairs of Malik Ambar continued to prosper and the Mughals were not able to re-assert
themselves as long as Ambar had the solid support of the Marathas and other elements in the Deccan.
But in course of time, Malik Ambar became arrogant and alienated many of his allies. The Khan-i-
Khanan, who had again been posted as the Mughal viceroy of the Deccan, took advantage of the
situation and won over to his side a number of Habshi and Maratha nobles, such as Jagdev Rai, Babaji
Kate, Udaji Ram, Maloji and Kanhoji Bhonsle etc. With the help of the Maratha sardars, the Khan-i-
Khanan inflicted a crusing defeat on the combined forced of Ahmadnagar, Bijapur and Golconda in

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1616. Ibrahim Adil Shah had sent twenty-five thousand troops under Mulla Muhammad Lari, and the
Qutb Shah five thousand horsemen. The Mughals occupied the new Nizam Shahi Capital, Khirki, and
burnt all its buildings before they left. This defeat shook the Deccani alliance against the Mughals.
In 1617, Jahangir sent a grand army under his son, prince Khurram (later Shah Jahan), and
himself moved to Mandu to support the prince. Faced with this threat, Ambar had no option but to
submit. All the territory of Balaghat recently seized by Ambar were restored to the Mughals. The key of
Ahmadnagar fort was also delivered. It is significant that in the treaty, Jahangir did not try to enlarge the
conquests made by Akbar in the Deccan. This was not due to any military weakness on the part of
Jahangir, but due to deliberate policy. He was still hopeful that his moderation would enable the
Deccani states to settle down, and live in peace with the Mughals. Jahangir then tried to win over
Bijapur to his side, and sent a gracious farman to Adil Shah, calling him „son‟ (farzand).
Despite these reverses, Malik Ambar continued to lead the Deccani resistance against the
Mughals, and reconquered large portions of Ahmadnagar and Berar. In 1621, Prince Shah Jahan was
deputed to lead the Mughal campaign. The combined Deccani forces again suffered a severe defeat at
the hands of the Mughals. Ambar had to restore all the Mughal territories, and another 14 kos of
territory adjoining Ahmadnagar. The Deccani states had to pay an indemnity of rupees fifty lakhs.
The two defeats of the combined Deccani forces, coming one after the other, shattered the
united front of the Deccani powers against the Mughals. The old rivalries between the Deccani states
now came to the surface. There had been an old standing rivalry between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur
over Sholapur and Bidar. The Adil Shah of Bijapur had not only kept Sholapur while helping Ambar, but
had occupied the pargana of Shirwal while handing over Qandahar to Ambar. In 1619, the Adil Shah
had invaded and captured the kingdom of Bidar.
Malik Ambar assumed an arrogant attitude and forgot the past favours to him by his benefactor,
Ibrahim Adil Shah. He had also alienated many Nizam Shahi nobles by his authoritarian ways, and his
harsh treatment of Murtaza Nizam Shah II. Hence, a showdown between Ahmadnagar and Bijapur
appeared imminent, and both sides bid for an alliance with the Mughals. After careful consideration,
Jahangir decided in favour of Bijapur. Perhaps he felt that an alliance with a restless, ambitious person
like Ambar would unnecessarily draw the Mughals into the internal politics of the Deccan states. Also,
for the stabilization of the Mughal position in the Deccan, it was necessary to isolate Malik Ambar. In
accordance with the agreement, the Adil Shah sent a force of 500 troops under one of his ministers,
Mulla Muhammad Lari, for service with the Mughal governor at Burhanpur.
Ambar meanwhile invaded Golconda and forced the ruler to pay arrears of two year‟s tribute. He
also concluded a defensive offensive alliance with Golconda. Safe from that quarter, he surprised and
routed a Bijapur army at Bidar, and then advanced plundering upto Bijapur. The Adil Shah was forced
to take shelter in the fort, and sent urgent summons to Muhammad Lari at Burhanpur. Mahabat Khan,
the Mughal governor, deputed Lashkar Khan and a strong Mughal force to accompany Muhammad Lari
to Bijapur. Malik Ambar, asserting his loyalty to the Imperial throne, asked the Mughal forces to stand
aside, and to allow the Nizam-ul-Mulk and the Adil Shah to settle their old standing differences without
interference. The Mughals refused since this would have meant breaking their alliance with Bijapur.
Ambar surprised the combined forces at Bhaturi near Ahmadnagar (1624). In the first attack,
Muhammad Lari died, and the Adil Shahi and Mughal forces disintegrated.
The victory at Bhaturi over the combined Adil Shahi Mughal forces raised the prestige of Malik
Ambar to its pinnacle. Since the Mughals were pre-occupied with dealing with Shah Jahan‟s rebellion,
no Mughal response was forthcoming. After his victory, Ambar besieged Ahmadnagar, but finding it too
well defended, he again turned to Bijapur, burning and plundering Nauraspur, the new city built in its
neighbourhood by Ibrahim Adil Shah. He also recaptured Sholapur. He then over ran the Mughal

77
territories in the Balaghat, and besieged Burhanpur. Shortly afterwards, Shah Jahan returned from his
revolt in Orissa, Bengal and Bihar. Ambar assigned him the responsibility of storming Burhanpur. But
Shah Jahan failed.
Jahangir now decided to patch up with his most competent son, Shah Jahan. Around this time
Malik Ambar died (1627) and Shah Sahan ascended the throne. According to a contemporary Mughal
historian, Mutammad Khan, “in warfare, command, in sound judgement", and in “administration, he
(Ambar) had no rival or equal. (He) maintained his exalted position to the end of his life and closed his
career in honour”.
b. Emperor Shah Jahan
Shah Jahan ascended the throne in 1627. Having commanded two expeditions to the Deccan
as a prince and spent a considerable period in the Deccan during his rebellion against his father, Shah
Jahan had a great deal of experience and personal knowledge of the Deccan and its politics.
After the death of Malik Ambar, and following the confused situation in the last years of
Jahangir‟s reign, the Mughal Governor, Khan-i-Jahan Lodi, had made a deal, surrendering Balaghat to
the Nizam Shahi ruler of Ahmadnagar, allegedly for a sum of three lakh of huns.
Shah Jahan‟s first concern was to recover the territories in the Deccan which had been lost to
the Nizam Shahi ruler of Ahmadnagar. For the purpose, he deputed the old and experienced noble,
Khan-i-Jahan Lodi. However, Khan-i-Jahan Lodi failed in the enterprise, and was recalled to the court.
He rebelled, and joined the Nizam Shah who deputed him to expel the Mughals from the remaining
portions of Berar and Balaghat. Giving asylum to a leading Mughal noble and refusing to recognize the
Mughal position in Berar and Balaghat was being persisted by the Nizam Shahi ruler. Shah Jahan,
therefore, came to the conclusion that there could be no peace for the Mughal‟s in the Deccan as long
as Ahmadnagar continued as an independent state. He wrote to the Adil Shahi ruler of Bijapur offering
to cede to him roughly one-third of the Ahmadnagar state if he would cooperate with the Mughals in the
projected campaign against Ahmadnagar. This move aimed at isolating Ahmadnagar diplomatically and
militarily.
At first, Shah Jahan was successful in his overtures. Malik Ambar had defeated and killed Mulla
Muhammad Lari, and a number of other Bijapuri nobles. The Adil Shah of Bijapur accepted Shah
Jahan‟s proposal, and posted an army at the Nizam Shahi border to cooperate with the Mughals.
A number of other prominent Maratha Sardars also joined Shah Jahan. Among them were
Shahji Bhonsale, who was given a Masab of 5000 and also Jagirs in the Poona region. In1629, Shah
Jahan deputed two armies against Ahmadnagar. One to operate in the west in the Balaghat region, and
the other in the east to operate in the Telengana region. The Emperor himself moved to Burhanpur to
coordinate their movements. Large parts of the Ahmadnagar state were brought under Mughal
occupation. Parenda, one of the last outposts of the kingdom, was besieged. The Nizam Shah now
sent a piteous appeal to the Adil Shah of Bijapur, stating that if Parenda fell it would mean the end of
the Nizam Shahi dynasty, after which, would come the turn of Bijapur.
The Adil Shah of Bijapur made a somersault, and decided to help the Nizam Shah who agreed
to surrender Sholapur to him. This political situation compelled the Mughals to raise the siege of
Parenda, and to retreat in Ahmadnagar. Fath Khan, the son of Malik Ambar, who had also been
appointed the Peshwa by Nizam Shah, opened secret negotiations with Shah Jahan, and at his
instance, murdered Burhan Nizam Shah and put a puppet on the throne at Daulatabad. He also read
the Khutba and struck the Sikka in the name of the Mughal emperor. As a reward, Fath Khan was taken
in Mughal service, and the Jagir around Poona, previously allotted to Shahji Bhonsale, was transferred
to him. As a result, Shahji defected from the Mughal side. These events took place in 1632.

78
 Shah Jahan appointed Mahabat Khan as Mughal Viceroy of the Deccan and himself returned to
Agra. Mahabat Khan, faced with the combined opposition of Bijapur and the local Nizam Shahi nobles
of Ahmadnagar including Shahji, found himself in very difficult situation. Parenda surrendered to
Bijapur. The Mughals found it difficult to hold on to their positions.
The Mughals and Bijapur were, engaged in a contest for dividing between themselfes the
prostrate body of Ahmadnagar. The Adil Shah sent a large army under Randaula Khan and Murari
Pandit for the surrender of Daulatabad and for provisioning its garrison. Shahji Bhonsale was also
enrolled in Bijapur‟s service to harass the Mughals. But the combined operations of the Bijapuri forces
and Shahji were of no avail. Mahabat Khan closely invested Daulatabad and forced the garrison to
surrender (1633). The Nizam Shahi was sent to prison in Gwaliyar. This marked the end of the Nizam
Shahi dynasty. However, even this did not solve the problems facing the Mughals. Shahji found a
Nizam Shahi prince, and raised him up as ruler. The Adil Shah sent a force of 7,000 to 8,000 horseman
to aid Shahji. Many disbanded Nizam Shahi soldiers joined Shahji whose force swelled to 20,000
horses. With these he harassed the Mughals and took control of large portions of the Ahmadnagar
State.
Shah Jahan realized that the crux of the situation was the attitude of Bijapur. He, therefore
deputed a large army to invade Bijapur. The advance of Shah Jahan to the Deccan brought about
another change in Bijapur politics. The leaders of the anti-Mughal group, were displaced and killed, and
a new treaty was entered into with Shah Jahan. According to this treaty, the Adil Shah agreed to
recognize Mughal suzerainty, to pay an indemnity of twenty lakhs of rupees, and not to interfere in the
affairs of Golconda which had been brought under Mughal protection. Any quarrel between Bijapur and
Golconda was, in the future, to be referred to the Mughal emperor for his arbitration. The Adil Shah
agreed to cooperate with the Mughals in reducing Shahji to submission. In return for these, territory
worth about 20 lakhs huns annually belonging to Ahmadnagar was ceded to Bijapur.
Shah Jahan completed the settlement of the Deccan by entering into a treaty with Golconda as
well. The ruler agreed to include the name of the Shah Jahan in the Khutba. The Qutb Shah was to be
loyal to the emperor. The annual tribute of four lakh huns which Golconda was previously paying to
Bijapur was remitted. Instead, it was required to pay two lakh huns annually to the Mughal emperor for
his protection.
The treaties of 1636 with Bijapur and Golconda were statesmenlike. In effect they enabled Shah
Jahan to realize the objectives of the previous rulers. Peace with the Mughals enabled the Deccani
states to expand their territories towards the south. In the decade following the treaties of 1636, Bijapur
and Golconda overran the rich and fertile Karnataka area from the river Krishna to Tanjor and beyond.
This area was divided into a number of petty principalities. A series of campaign were conducted by
Bijapur and Golconda against these states.
For some time, the Mughals welcomed this development. The Mughal emperor played a definite
role in the agreement between Bijapur and Golconda in 1646 where the territories and the booty won
by their armies in the South were to be divided by them in the proportion of two shares to Bijapur and
one to Golconda.
The Mughal attitude of benevolent neutrality towards the Deccan states began to gradually
change after 1648. A clear index of this was provided by the Mughal interference during the arrest of
Shahji Bhonsale by Adil Shah in 1649.
The Mughal attitude towards the Deccan states changed rapidly after the expansionist phase of
these states. Shah Jahan abandoned the promise that he had made to these states that the Mughals
would never ever conquer Bijapur and Golconda (according to the treaty of 1636). In 1657-58 Golconda

79
and Bijapur were threatened with extinction. Golconda had to pay a huge indemnity and Bijapur had to
agree to the surrender of Nizam Shahi territories granted to it in 1636. The justification for this was that
both these states had made big conquests in Karnataka and that compensation was due to the
Mughals on the grounds that these two states were Mughal vassals.
In the case of Bijapur, the death of Muhammad Adil Shah in 1656, and the resulting confusion in
Bijapur, as also arrears in payment of tribute and siding with Golconda in the recent war were used as
an excuse to invade it. Aurangzeb had wanted the annexation of the entire kingdom of Golconda, and
had used all kinds of arguments to persuade Shah Jahan to order annexation. However, Shah Jahan‟s
objectives were limited : he wanted to fleece Qutb Shah and gain access to Ramgir district which was
an added bonus. However, soon a controversy began whether Mir Jumla‟s (a noble of Golconda) Jagir
in Karnataka belonged to the Mughal emperor or to Qutb Shah.
A Mughal army under Shah Beg Khan, Qazi Muhammad Hashim and Krishna Rao had entered
Karnataka. Since Qutb Shah had refused to give up possession, Shah Jahan‟s objectives, it seems,
were still hazy, for he now instructed Aurangzeb to conquer Golconda after settling the affairs of
Bijapur. As for Bijapur, Shah Jahan instructed Aurangzeb to annex, if possible, the whole of the
kingdom; else to recover the old Ahmadnagar territory, and to spare the rest for an indemnity of one
and a half crores and recognition of the Emperor‟s suzerainty.
By the treaty of 1657, Bijapur was compelled to agree to surrender the Nizam Shahi areas
ceded to it by the accord to 1636. This, and the demand on Golconda to cede to the Mughals as part of
Mir Jumla‟s Jagir the rich and fertile tract on the Cormondal, which had already become an important
centre for the export of textiles and indigo, signified that the accord of 1636 was dead and buried.
8.3 POPULAR UPRISINGS IN NORTHERN INDIA DURING THE REIGN OF
AURANGZEB
The Jat and the Sikh movements led to the setting up of separate regional states, the Jats
succeeding in this earlier than the Sikhs. The Afghans also tried to carve out a separate tribal state of
their own, but their movement was crushed till an Afghan state arose under different circumstances.
a. The Jats and Satnamis
The Jats living on both sides of the river Jamuna of the Agra Delhi region had a strong sense of
clan brotherhood and egalitarianism reflected in their clan brotherhoods. The Jats were mostly peasant
cultivators, with only a few Zamindars in the doab and the trans-Jamuna plains. Early in 1669, the Jats
of the Mathura region rose in rebellion under the leadership of Gokla, a small zamindar. The revolt
spread, many peasant sin neighbouring villages joining the rebels whose numbers swelled to 20,000.
Abdun Nabi, the Faujdar of Mathura, was killed in a battle with the rebels. In view of the growing
plundering activities of the jats, towards the end of the year, Aurangzeb moved from Delhi to Agra. In a
hard fought battle, Gokla was defeated and captured. Killed brutally, his son converted to Islam, and
the daughter married to one of the Emperor‟s slave of high rank.
The Jat uprising had all the characteristics of a peasant uprising. In 1672, there was another
armed conflict between the peasants and the Mughal state at Narnaul, not far from Mathura. This time
the conflict was with a religious body called Satnamis. They were mostly peasants, artisans and low
caste people, called goldsmiths, carpenters, sweepers and tanners by a contemporary writer. They did
not observe distinction of caste and rank. The Satnamis were a sect of bairagis who had their own
scriptures.
The Satnamis plundered many villages, and after defeating the local Faujdar, seized the towns
of Narnaul and Bairat. Aurangzeb sent a large force of 10,000 including artillery under Radandaz Khan

80
and many high officials including Raja Bishan Singh. The rebels fought well but could not prevail
against such a large, well organized force. It is interesting to note that the local Hindu Zamindars, many
of whom were Rajputs, sided witht the Mughals in this conflict.
Discontent among the Jats had continued to simmer, assuming the classic character of
withholding of revenue. In retaliation, in 1681, Multafat Khan, the Faujdar of the environs of Agra,
attacked the Jat village of Sinsani. In course of time, Rajaram, the Zamindar of Sinsani organized the
Jats of the region and imparted them military training. The character of the struggle now changed
subtly, primacy being accorded to ousting non-Jat Zamindars of the region, and moving towards a Jat
dominated state. This led to a conflict between the Jats and the Rajputs over Zamindari rights. Most of
the primary Zamindars who owned the land were Jats and the intermediary Zamindars, that is, those
who collected the land revenue were Rajputs. Taking advantage of this situation, Aurangzeb
approached Raja Bishan Singh, the Kachhwaha ruler to crush the uprising. Bishan Singh was
appointed Faujdar of Mathura and the entire area was granted to him in Zamindari. The Jats put up stiff
resistance, but by 1691, Rajaram and his successor, Churaman, were compelled to submit. Unrest
among the Jat peasants continued and their plundering activities made the Delhi Agra road unsafe for
travelers.
b. The Afghans
Aurangzeb came into conflict with the Afghans also. Conflict with the hardy Afghan tribesmen
who lived in the mountain region between the Punjab and Kabul was not new. Akbar had to fight
against the Afghans and, in the process, lost the life of this close friend and confidant, Raja Birbal.
During the rule of Aurangzeb, there was no stirring among the Pathans. In 1667, Bhagu, the
leader of the Yusufazai tribe, proclaimed as king a person named Muhammad Shah who claimed
descent from an ancient royal lineage and proclaimed himself as Wazir. A religious revivalist movement
called the Raushanai, which emphasized a strict ethical life and devotion to a chosen Pir, had provided
an intellectual and moral background to the movement.
Bhagu‟s movement spread till his followers started ravaging and plundering the Hazara, Attock
and Peshawar districts and brought the traffic in the Khyber to a standhill. To clear the Khyber pass and
crush the uprising, Aurangzeb deputed the Chief Bakshi, Amir Khan. A Rajput contingent was posted
with him. After a series of hard fought battles, the Afghan insistence was broken. But to watch over
them in 1671, Maharaja Jaswant Singh of Marwar was appointed as Thanedar of Jamrud.
There was a second Afghan uprising in 1672. The leader of the opposition this time was the
Afridi leader, Akmal Khan, who proclaimed himself king. He declared war against the Mughals and
summoned all the Afghans to join him. Moving forward to clear the Khyber pass, Amir Khan, the Chief
Bakshi, advanced too far and suffered a disastrous defeat in the narrow defile. The Khan managed to
escape with his life, but 10,000 men perished, and cash and goods worth two crores were looted by the
Afghans.
In 1674, another Mughal noble Shujaat Khan, suffered a disastrous rout in the Khyber. But he
was rescued by a heroic band of Rathors sent by Jaswant Singh. At last, in the middle of 1674,
Aurangzeb himself went to Peshawar and remained in the neighbourhood till the end of 1675. By force
and diplomacy, the Afghan united front was broken, and peace was slowly restored.
c. The Sikhs
Although there had been some clashes between the Sikh Gurus and the Mughals under Shah
Jahan, there was no clash between the Sikhs and Aurangzeb till 1675. In fact, conscious of the growing
popularity of the Sikhs, Aurangzeb had tried to engage Ram Rai, the elder son of Guru Har Rai, at the
court. However, Ram Rai‟s conduct at the court displeased Guru Har Rai, and he nominated instead his

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younger son, Har Kishan, who was then six years old as Guru. Har Krishan died soon after and was
succeeded by Guru, Tegh Bahadur in 1664. Ram Rai put forward his claims to the Gaddi, both before
the accession of Har Krishan and after his death. Aurangzeb did not interfere and gave a grant of land
at Dehradun to Ram Rai to build hid Gurdwara there. After his succession Guru Tegh Bahadur had
come to Delhi, but to escape the intrigues of Ram Rai he journeyed to Bihar, and joined Raja Ram
Singh, son of Raja Jai Singh of Amber, in his Assam campaign in 1671.
Guru Tegh Bahadur returned to the Punjab in 1671. From the account of Mustaid Khan in
Maasir-i-Alamgiri, based on official records, it is clear that from April 1674 to the end of March 1676,
Aurangzeb was out of Delhi, supervising the operations against the Afghans who had risen in rebellion.
The Sikh Sakhis indirectly support the account in the Persian sources, saying that “the Guru was in
violent opposition to the Muslim rulers of the country.” According to Sikh traditions, the Mughal
Governor of Kashmir, Sher Afghan, had been trying to force the Hindus of Kashmir to convert, and that
the final sacrifice of Guru Teg Bahadur was a protest against this persecution. Various accusations
were made against the Guru and he was asked to recant his faith which he refused. Therefore, as
punishment he was beheaded.
The Mughal officialdom saw the Guru only as a disturber of peace and as an outlaw to whom it
was legitimate to give the option of Islam or death. The Sikhs saw the Guru as a religious leader who
was fighting against oppression and who gave up his life in defence of cherished religious beliefs.
The execution of the Guru paved the way for the final transformation of Sikhism into an armed
opposition movement. A major role in this was played by Guru Gobind Singh. Guru Gobind Singh
showed considerable organizational ability and founded the military brotherhood or the Khalsa in 1699.
Retreating into the Punjab hills, the Guru soon collected a small army around him which was used by
the Raja of Nahan for sometime. The Hill Rajas who had invited the Guru to help in their internecine
wars found that the Guru had become too powerful. The combined forces of a number of hill Rajas
attacked the Guru at Anandpur, but were forced to retreat. The Hill Rajas now pressed the Mughal
government to intervene against the Guru on their behalf.
Aurangzeb was concerned with the growing power of the Guru. He now wrote to the governor of
Lahore and the fuajdar of Sirhind, Wazir Khan, to aid the hill Rajas in their conflict with Guru Gobind
Singh. The Mughal forces assaulted Anandpur but the Sikhs fought bravely and beat off all assaults.
The Mughals and their allies now invested the fort closely. When starvation began inside the fort, the
Guru was forced to open the gate, apparently on a promise of safe conduct by Wazir Khan. But when
the forces of the Guru were crossing a swollen stream, Wazir Khan‟s forces suddenly attacked. Two of
the Guru‟s sons were captured, and on their refusal to embrace Islam, were beheaded at Sirhind. The
Guru lost two of his remaining sons in another battle.
When the Guru wrote to Aurangzeb in the Deccan, apprising him of the events, Aurangzeb
invited him to meet him. Towards the end of 1706, the Guru set out for the Deccan and was on the way
when Aurangzeb died.
Self Assessment Questions
a. Who was Malik Amber ?
Answer.

b. Whowas Bhagu ?
Answer.

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c. Who were the Satnamis ?
Answer.

d. Who was Shahji Bhonsale ?

Answer.

8.4 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson we have given a detailed description of the Deccan policy and
campaigns of Jahangir and Shah Jahan. The rebellions of the Satnamis and the Afghans in northern
India weakened the empire of Aurangzeb and have been dealt with in this lesson. Aurangzeb‟s conflict
with the Sikhs has also been examined in this lesson. Aurangzeb faced great difficulty in fighting
against Guru Gobind Singh, the tenth Guru of the Sikhs.

8.5 REFERENCES
John F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, New Delhi: Foundation Books/Cambridge University
press, 1993.
Jadunath Sarkar, A Short History of Aurangzeb 1618-1707, New Delhi: Orient Longman, 1979.

8.6 FURTHER READING

Satish Chandra, Medieval India: From Sultanate to the Mughals, 2 volume, New Delhi: Har-
Anand Publications, (Reprint), 2003.

8.7 MODEL QUESTIONS

1. Discuss the Deccan policy of Jahangir and Shah Jahan in the first half of the seventeenth
century.
2. Describe the conflict between the Sikhs and Aurangzeb.

************

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 Lesson - 9

AURANGZEB’S BREACH WITH MARWAR AND MEWAR;

AURANGZEB’S MILITARY CONFLICT WITH THE MARATHAS;
AURANGZEB’S CONQUEST OF BIJAPUR AND GOLCUNDA

Structure
9.0 Objectives
9.1 Introduction
9.2 Aurangzeb‟s Breach with Marwar and Mewar
9.3 Aurangzeb‟s Military Conflict with the Marathas
9.4 Aurangzeb‟s Conquest of Bijapur and Golcunda
9.5 Summary
9.6 References
9.7 Further Reading
9.8 Model Questions

9.0 OBJECTIVES
After reading this lesson you will be able to:
* learn about Aurangzeb‟s breach with Marwar and Mewar
* acquire knowledge of Aurangzeb‟s military conflict with the Marathas
* critically analyse Aurangzeb‟s conquest of Bijapur and Golconda
9.1 INTRODUCTION
Students in this lesson we will focus on Aurangzeb‟s relationship with Marwar, Mewar, Bijapur,
Golcunda and the Marathas. The Rajput policy of Aurangzeb was different from that of his
predecessors. The two territories of Marwar and Mewar continued to be in conflict with Aurangzeb. His
reign was marked by military conflicts with the Marathas. Aurangzeb fought with Shivaji and Sambhaji.
Aurangzeb tried to implement in the Deccan the policy he had been pressing upon Shah Jahan, his
father. The intervening period between 1658 and 1687 is divided into three phases to form a clear
understanding of Aurangzeb‟s conquest of Bijapur and Golconda.
9.2 AURANGZEB’S BREACH WITH MARWAR AND MEWAR
Sir Jadunath Sarkar considered it a consequence of the growing rift between Aurangzeb and
the Rajputs following Aurangzeb‟s narrow religious policy. Aurangzeb wanted to annex or weaken
Marwar because “his plan of forcible conversion of the Hindus required that Jaswant‟s state should sink
into a quiescent dependency or a regular province of the empire.”

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 Maharaja Jaswant Singh who died at the age of 52 had no surviving heir. The death of Jaswant
Singh raised the problem as to who was to succeed to the Gaddi. There were no definite principles
regulating the succession in Marwar. Aurangzeb issued orders that the state of Marwar including
Jodhpur should be taken into Khalisa, and a detailed inventory of the property left behind by Jaswant
Singh was prepared. He also decided to march to Ajmer personally.
Apart from the disputed succession, another reason for the state being taken into Khalisa, and
of Aurangzeb‟s decision to march to Ajmer, was that on the death of the Maharaja, the various
Zamindars and other elements who had been subject to him, withheld revenues. In many cases, such
as Ranthambhor, Sojat and Jodhpur disturbances were created. Some of the Parganas, such as
Phalodi and Pakharan, which had been allotted in Jagir to the Maharaja, were claimed by the
neighbouring states.
The escheating of Jaswant Singh‟s property was not unusual either. Jaswant Singh owed
money to the state. As Governor of Gujarat till 1672, he owed “a large sum to the government” had
been ordered to pay back in instalments of two lakhs of rupees annually.
Following the death of Jaswant Singh, claims to the Marwar Gaddi were put forward by Indra
Singh, who was the grandson of Jaswant Singh‟s elder brother, Amar Singh. Indra Singh argued that a
great injustice had been done when the claims of Amar Singh were passed over. He pleaded that this
ancient wrong should now be put right. He also offered to pay twenty lakhs of rupees as Peshkash.
Rani Hadi, the chief queen of Raja Jaswant Singh, objected to vacating the town pleading that
Jodhpur was the Watan of Jaswant Singh and that it was against custom that his descendants should
be dispossessed. She had no objection if, leaving the Pargana of Jodhpur, the rest of Marwar remained
under Khalisa. The claim of Rani Hadi was backed by a strong body of Rathors, and by Rana Raj Singh
of Mewar, who deputed an army of 5000 horses under one of his leading men, Sanwal Das, to help
Rani Hadi.
On behalf of Aurangzeb, it was pointed out by the Imperial Faujdar at Ajmer, Iftekhar Khan, that
“mansab and Raj could not be conferred on women and servants.” He also conveyed Aurangzeb‟s
willingness to convert the Pattas of Jaswant‟s followers into Imperial Pattas. But at the instance of Rani
Hadi, the Rathors refused to yield Jodhpur, and prepared to offer resistance.
Aurangzeb left Delhi for Ajmer on January 9, 1679 at the head of a strong army. He also
summoned Asad Khan, Shaista Khan and prince Akbar to his side. The supporters of Rani Hadi were in
no position to withstand these overwhelming forces. Rani Hadi, therefore, gave way, and the Imperial
forces entered Jodhpur. A full complement of Mughal officers, including a Qazi and a Muhtasib, were
posted at Jodhpur and in other towns and Parganas of Marwar. But Jodhpur fort itself remained in the
possession of Rani Hadi.
News was received on 26 February 1679 of the birth of two posthumous sons to the Ranis of
the Maharaja Jaswant Singh at Lahore. The claims of the sons of Jaswant Singh were now supported,
among others, by Rao Anup Singh, the ruler of Bikaner, and by Khan-i-Jahan, the Imperial Bakshi.
However, finally on May 26, Aurangzeb gave the Gaddi of Marwar to Indra Singh for a Peshkash of
thirty-six lakhs of rupees.
On 15 April, the two minor sons of Jaswant Singh reached Delhi along with their mothers and
Durga Das who led the Rathor Sardars. The Rajputs again pressed the claims of the two sons with
great vehemence. But Aurangzeb had already decided to partition the kingdom in order to satisfy the
claims of both the sides. Before the grant of the Tika of Jodhpur to Indra Singh, Aurangzeb had offered
a Mansab to Ajit Singh, the son of Jaswant Singh, who had been presented at the Court. After the

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event, it was again suggested the since Ajit Singh had Sojat and Jaitaran, he should serve the Emperor
by keeping a Chauki of 500 men in the Deccan. (Bahi)
The assessed income of Sojat and Jaitaran was Rs. 4 lakhs, as against an assessed income of
about 6 lakhs for Jodhpur and Nagor. Such a division would have seriously weakened Jodhpur. The
Rathor Sardars, rejected this preferred compromise. Aurangzeb ordered that the princes and their
mothers be put in confinement at the fort of Nurgarh. This alarmed the Rajput Sardars who escaped
from Delhi with one of the princes after a valiant fight. The arrival of Ajit Singh and Durga Das in
Jodhpur led to great rejoicing, and was the beginning of a Rathor uprising against the Mughals. Tahir
Khan, who had been posted at Jodhpur, was compelled to retreat to Merta, while Indra Singh, who had
been camping near Jodhpur, had to retire to Nagor. Thus, all the arrangements made by Aurangzeb
collapsed, and a new stage was reached in the Marwar crisis. The Rathors trooped into Jodhpur and,
amid great rejoicing and on an auspicious moment, the Tika was given to the elder of the two sons, with
the title of Ajit Singh, The Rathors ousted Mughal officials from a number of other areas such as
Jaitaran and Siwana.
Aurangzeb deputed a strong force under Sarbuland Khan to march on Jodhpur. Heavy
reinforcements were called in from the distant provinces. Soon afterwards, Indra Singh was removed
from the Gaddi. The child who had also been left behind by the Rajputs at Agra, whom Aurangzeb
pretended to regard as genuine and was converted to Islam, lost all claim to his hereditary principality.
After defeating Jujhar Singh Bundela, Shah Jahan had conferred the gaddi on his cousin, Devi
Singh, and had either killed the sons of Jujhar Singh or converted them to Islam in order that they may
forfeit their right to the Gaddi for all time.
Aurangzeb insisted that Ajit Singh who had escaped with Durga Das was an imposter. He thus
ruled out any negotiations with him. There was a sharp engagement near Ajmer in August with
Tahawwur Khan, the Imperial Faujdar. The Rathors did not risk any further pitched battles with the
Mughals, but retreated into the desert tracts, to carry on sporadic warfare. Towards the end of
September, Aurangzeb himself reached Ajmer. For the time being, resistance in Marwar had been
crushed and the Rathor capital, Jodhpur, occupied. Even Rani Hadi submitted after some time, and
was allotted the Pargana of Baran for her maintenance. Durga Das escaped with Ajit Singh to the
Mewar territories where he was welcomed by the Rana Raj Singh, and the Jagir of Kelwa was allotted
for the maintenance of Ajit Singh.
The close involvement of Mewar in the Marwar succession from the outset made it likely that the
war in Marwar would extend to Mewar also. The Maharana Raj Singh fortified Chittor and closed the
Debari pass leading to the Mewar capital, Udaipur, from the north. The real reason for Aurangzeb‟s
moving upto Ajmer, assembling such a large army and summoning important commanders, including a
number of princes, was based on a conviction on his part that an extension of the conflict involving
Mewar was inevitable.
Aurangzeb struck the first blow, and in November 1678, advanced up on Mewar. A strong
detachment under Hasan Ali Khan penetrated upto Udaipur from the east and even raided the Rana‟s
camp in the interior. The Rana abandoned the plains and retired into the deep hills to conduct a
harassing warfare against the Mughals.
Rana Raj Singh passed away in September 1680. His death removed the chief bond of unity
between the Sisodias and the Rathors. There had been friction between the Rathors and the Rana,
Durga Das declining to accompany Kunwar Bhim Singh on a raid into Gujarat, and refusing to resort to
a guerilla type of warfare on the ground that it was the Rajput custom to fight an open war. It had also
been proposed to the Mughals by Sonak Bhati on behalf of Durga Das that the Pargana of Gorwar

86
should be detached from Mewar, and allotted to Ajit Singh as his Jagir, presumably to compensate him
for the loss of Jodhpur.
The rebellion of Prince Akbar in January 1681, his attempt to seize Ajmer in alliance with Durga
Das and Tahawwur Khan failed and he fled to Maharastra. The new Maharana Jagat Singh was forced
to cede the Parganas of Mandal, Bidnur and Mandalgarh in lieu of Jizyah, and to promise not to support
the Rathors. Apparently, the Parganas of Dungarpur, Devaliya, etc. which had been granted to Raj
Singh in view of a rise in his Mansab from 5000 to 6000 were also sequestered. Regarding Ajit Singh,
Aurangzeb was prepared only to reiterate his earlier promise that Mansab and Raj would be given to
him when he came of age.
In the period from 1681 to 1707, the Rathor war continued to be waged intermittently and with
varying degrees of intensity. From 1681 to 1686 the struggle was conducted by individual captains in
isolation from each other. With the return of Durga Das to Marwar in 1686, and with the appearance of
Ajit Singh in person to head the resistance, the Rathors gained a number of victories. But Shujaat
Khan, a brave and intrepid warrior who held the charge of Mughal Faujdar of Jodhpur and Governor of
Gujarat from 1689 to 1701, once again put the Rathors on the defensive. In 1696, the Rana of Mewar
married his niece to Ajit Singh, thus giving a final blow to Aurangzeb‟s pretence that he was an
imposter. In 1698, Ajit Singh reluctantly agreed to let Jodhpur remain in Mughal possession, and was
recognized as the ruler of Marwar, along with grant of a Mansab. He remained dissatisfied on account
of Jodhpur, and rose in rebellion in 1701, and again in 1706, but without success.
The Rana of Mewar, remained dissatisfied. He demanded the restoration of the Parganas of
Mandal, Bidnur and Mandalgarh before he would agree to supply the contingent of 1000 horse for
service as required by the Rana‟s Mansab. In 1684, Aurangzeb restored the Parganas, but stipulated
that the Maharana agree to pay in cash a sum of rupees one lakh annually by way of Jizyah. The Rana
also attempted to reassert his control over Dungarpur, Banswara, which led to complaints to the
Emperor. There was no change in the situation till Aurangzeb died in 1707.
The breach with Marwar and Mewar weakened the Mughal alliance with the Rajputs at a crucial
time. Above all, it created doubts about the firmness of Mughal support to old and trusted allies and the
ulterior motives of Aurangzeb.
9.3 AURANGZEB’S MILITARY CONFLICT WITH THE MARATHAS
Before we discuss Aurangzeb‟s conflict with the Marathas, let us briefly learn about the rise of
Shivaji. The Marathas did not have any large well established states as the Rajputs did. The credit for
setting up a large state goes to Shahji Bhonsale and his son Shivaji. With the death of his father and
guardian, Shivaji in 1647, became his own master and had full control of his father‟s Jagir (Poona). He
embarked on a career of conquests. He occupied the territories of Javli and a series of hill forts near
Poona.
The Mughal invasion of Bijapur in 1657 saved Shivaji from the Bijapuri reprisal. Shivaji first
entered into negotiations with Aurangzeb, then changed sides and made deep inroads into the Mughal
area, seizing rich booty. When Aurangzeb came to terms with the new Bijapuri ruler, he pardoned
Shivaji also. But he distrusted Shivaji. When Aurangzeb was away in the north, Shivaji resumed his
career of conquest at the expense of Bijapur. He occupied the northern part of Konkan. In 1659 the
Maratha troops overran the fort of Panhala, south Konkan and Kohlapur districts.
Aurangzeb anxiously watched the rise of Maratha power so near the Mughal frontiers. He
instructed the new Mughal Governor of Deccan, Shaista Khan, to invade Shivaji‟s dominions. Shivaji
fought bravely and infiltrated the camp of Shaista Khan, killing his son and wounding the Khan in 1663.

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Aurangzeb in anger transferrd Shaista Khan to Bengal. Meanwhile Shivaji attacked Surat, which was
the premier Mughal port in 1664 and looted it.
Now Aurangzeb deputed Raja Jai Singh of Amber to deal with Shivaji. Jai Singh did not
underestimate the Marathas and careful diplomatic and military preparations. He appealed to all the
rivals and opponents of Shivaji and even tried to win over the Sultan of Bijapur to isolate Shivaji. Jai
Singh attacked the heart of Shivaji‟s territories, fort Purandar and besieged it in 1665, beating off all
Maratha attempts to relieve it. Shivaji had no choice but to open negotiations with Jai Singh and the
treaty of Purandar was signed in 1666. According to the terms of the treaty Shivaji had to give to the
Mughals 23 forts while 12 forts were left with Shivaji on the condition of service and loyalty to the
throne. A Mansab of 5000 was granted to his son Sambhaji.
Aurangzeb had not lost his reservations regarding Shivaji. In order to reconcile Aurangzeb and
Shivaji, Jai Singh persuaded Shivaji to visit Aurangzeb at Agra. However, this visit proved to be a
disaster as Shivaji felt insulted when he was put in the category of Mansabdars of 5000, also
Aurangzeb did not take time out to speak to Shivaji. Shivaji walked off and refused imperial service, for
which he was arrested, but he soon escaped in 1666.
Shivaji then resumed his career of conquest disregarding the treaty of Purandar. He renewed
the contest with the Mughals, sacking Surat a second time in 1670. During the next four years Shivaji
recovered a large number of his forts including Purandar from the Mughals and made deep inroads into
the Mughal territories, especially Berar and Khandesh. Finally in 1674, Shivaji crowned himself formally
at Raigarh and was now regarded as the most powerful Maratha chiefs. Shivaji died in 1680.
By 1684, Prince Akbar had been virtually bottled up in Shivaji‟s Swarajya. The ease with which
Aurangzeb could divert the bulk of the Mughal army for prolonged sieges of Bijapur and Golconda was
an index of his confidence in his ability to deal with the Marathas. Some sections of the old Golconda
nobility were unhappy at their eclipse by the brothers Madanna and Akhanna whom they accused of
filling all the important offices of state by their relations and Brahmans, and had even appealed to
Aurangzeb to intervene in defence of Islam. Aurangzeb had accused the Qutb Shah of handing over
the entire control of the affairs of the kingdom to infidels, that is, the brothers Madanna and Akhanna,
not permitting the free practice of Islam. These charges were meant to prepare the ground for the
Mughal invasion and occupation of Golconda, for there was a sharp difference of opinion in the matter
at the court. In the case of both Bijapur and Golconda, Shah Alam wanted that the entire kingdoms
should not be annexed. The unwillingness of the princes and the leading nobles to continue the
campaign in the Deccan, once the threat from Prince Akbar‟s side had subsided, the prince having
embarked for Iran in 1683, is underlined in a dispatch from the Amber Wakil in 1683. Aurangzeb
wanted to return to north India after the rains, leaving behindKhan-i-Jahan Bahadur as the Viceroy of
the Deccan. Khan-i-Jahan Bahadur scouted the proposal, saying that the situation in the Deccan was
such that the Marathas came within five to six kos of the royal encampment. Khafi Khan‟s complaints of
Be-Jagiri, apparently refers to the period after the conquest of the Deccani states when many Deccani
nobles had to be absorbed in the Mughal service.
Aurangzeb had triumphed but he soon found that the extinction of Bijapur and Golconda was
only the beginning of his difficulties. Aurangzeb was able to concentrate all his forces against the
Marathas. Aurangzeb was able to put the Marathas on the defensive, and virtually seal off the routes
across which the Marathas would have to traverse in order to aid Bijapur and Golconda. Sambhaji‟s
preoccupation with internal enemies and with those in his immediate neighbourhood, that is, the Sidis
and the Portuguese, also aided Aurangzeb in his scheme of isolating the Deccani states.
In 1689, Sambhaji was surprised at his secret hide-out at Sangameshwar by a Mughal force. He
was paraded before Aurangzeb and executed as a rebel and an infidel. This was a major political

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mistake on the part of Aurangzeb. He could have set a seal on his conquest of Bijapur and Golconda
by coming to terms with the Marathas. In fact, some of the nobles advocated Sambhaji being kept a
prisoner and asked to surrender all forts. By executing Sambhaji, Aurangzeb not only threw away the
chance of a compromise but provided the Marathas a cause. In the absence of a single rallying point,
the Maratha Sardars were left free to plunder the Mughal territories, disappearing at the approach of
the Mughal forces. Instead of destroying the Marathas, Aurangzeb made the Maratha opposition all-
prevasive in the Deccan. Rajaram, the younger brother of Sambhaji, was crowned as king, but decided
to excape when the Mughals attacked his capital. Leaving Ramchandra Amatya as his vice-regent
(Hukumat Panah), Rajaram sought shelter at Jinji on the east coast and continued the fight against the
Mughals from there with the help of his half cousin, Shahji of Tanjore. Thus, Maratha insistence spread
from the west to the east coast.
Convinced that the Maratha power had been crushed after 1690, Aurangzeb concentrated on
annexing the Karnataka region. He unduly extended his lines of communication which became
vulnerable to Maratha attacks. During 1690 and 1703, Aurangzeb refused to negotiate with the
Marathas. Rajaram was besieged at Jinji, but the siege proved to be long drawn out. Jinji fell in 1698,
but Rajaram escaped. Maratha resistance grew and they recaptured many of their forts and Rajaram
was able to come back to Satara. Aurangzeb again set out to win back all Maratha forts. From 1700 to
1705 Aurangzeb dragged his weary and ailing self from one fort to another. There was weariness and
disaffection among the Mughal nobles and army.
In 1703 Aurangzeb opened negotiations with the Marathas. He was prepared to release Shahu,
son of Sambhaji who had been captured at Satara. He was prepared to recognize the special position
of Shahu. Over 70 Maratha Sardars assembled to receive Shahu, but Aurangzeb at the last moment
cancelled the arrangements as he did not trust the Marathas. By 1706, Aurangzeb realized the futility of
his efforts to capture all Maratha forts. He retreated to Aurangabad. When he died in 1707, he left
behind an empire which was distracted and had numerous internal problems.
9.4 AURANGZEB’S CONQUEST OF BIJAPUR AND GOLCONDA
Aurangzeb would have tried to implement in the Deccan the policy he had been pressing upon
Shah Jahan. The intervening period between 1658 and 1687 can be divided into three phases. The first
phase lasted till 1668 during which the main attempt was to recover from Bijapur the territories
belonging to the Ahmadnagar state surrendered to it by the treaty of 1636, second phase lasted till
1684 during which the major danger in the Deccan was considered to be the Marathas, and efforts
were made to pressurize Bijapur and Golconda into joining hands with the Mughals against Shivaji and
then against his son and successor, Sambhaji. The last phase began in 1684 when Aurangzeb
despaired of getting the cooperation of Bijapur and Golconda against the Marathas, and decided that to
destroy the Marathas it was necessary first to conquer Bijapur and Golconda.
a. First Phase (1658-68)
On coming to the throne, Aurangzeb had two problems in the Deccan: problem posed by the
rising power of Shivaji, and the problem of persuading Bijapur to part with the territories ceded to it by
the treaty of 1636. Kalyani and Bidar were secured in 1657. Parenda was secured by bribe in 1660.
Sholapur still remained. Aurangzeb asked Jai Singh to punish both Shivaji and Adil Shah of Bijapur.
Jai Singh was the only Mughal politician who advocated an all out forward policy in the Deccan.
He decided to adopt a policy of divide and rule. Jai Singh was of the opinion that the Maratha problem
could not be solved without a forward policy in the Deccan.
With his limited resources, Jai Singh‟s Bijapur campaign (1665) was bound to fail. The
campaign recreated the united front of the Deccani states against the Mughals, for the Qutab Shah of

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Golconda sent a large force to aid Bijapur. The Deccanis adopted guerilla tactics, luring Jai Singh on to
Bijapur while devastating the coutryside so that the Mughals could get no supplies. Jai Singh found that
he had no means to assault the city since he had not brought siege guns, and to invest the city was
impossible. This disappointment and the censures of Aurangzeb hastened Jai Singh‟s death (1667).
The following year (1668), the Mughals secured the surrender of Sholapur by bribery.
b. Second Phase (1668-84)
The rapid internal decay of Bijapur after 1672 following the death of Ali Adil Shah led to a new
situation. Aurangzeb had three options :-
(1) To adopt a policy of strict neutrality towards the Deccan states even if it implied the
conquest or domination of Bijapur by Shivaji, singly or in alliance with Golconda; or
(2) To attempt shore up Bijapur against Maratha incursions, even against its wishes, by
finding a reliable instrument or faction at the Bijapur court to support this policy, and, if
possible, to get Golconda to join in this enterprise; or
(3) Outright annexation of both the Deccani states, or of Bijapur to begin with. The first
option was never considered seriously. Aurangzeb therefore veered round third option in
1684 when he was at last convinced, on the basis of his personal experience, that the
Deccani states would never join hands with him to completely crush the Marathas.
The growing feebleness of Bijapur following the accession of the boy king, Sikandar, in 1672,
and faction fights at the Bijapuri court were the starting point of a new forward policy in the Deccan,
signalized by the replacement of Shah Alam by the “energetic and successful” general, Bahadur Khan,
as Subahdar of the Deccan (1673). During this phase, Aurangzeb‟s objectives were still limited. No
extra forces were assigned to Bahadur Khan and, with the ordinary contingent of a provincial governor
the task of subduing Shivaji, who was then at the height of his power, and at the same time to conquer
Bijapur was impossible.
A new factor during the period was the rise to power of Madanna and Akhanna in Golconda.
Madanna Pandit, a Telegu Brahman, who had been secretary and personal assistance to Saiyid
Muzaffar, the Golconda Wazir, was appointed Wazir and Peshwa by Abul Hasan after his accession in
1672. These two gifted brothers virtually ruled Golconda from 1672 almost till the extinction of the state
in 1687. The brothers followed a policy of trying to establish a tripartite alliance between Golconda,
Bijapur and Shivaji. This policy was periodically disturbed by faction fights at the Bijapur court, and by
the overweening ambition of Shivaji. The factions at Bijapur could not be depended upon to follow a
consistent policy. Shivaji looted and alternately supported Bijapur against the Mughals. Aurangzeb, it
seems, was keen to limit Mughal expansion in the Deccan. Hence, repeated efforts were made to
install and back a party at Bijapur which would cooperate with the Mughals against Shivaji, and which
would not be led by Golconda.
On being posted to the Deccan, Bahadur Khan adopted a cautious and conciliatory policy. He
entered into negotiations with Khawas Khan, the leader of the Deccani party, and tried to induce him to
join the Mughals actively in the campaigns against Shivaji. Bahadur Khan met Khawas Khan at
Pandarpur in October 1675 where the latter promised to get the sister of Sikander Adil Shah married to
one of Aurangzeb‟s sons, and to have his own daughter married to the son of Bahadur Khan. Khawas
Khan agreed to join in the campaign against Shivaji personally. In return, the Mughals promised to pay
three lakhs to Khawas Khan to pay off the rebellious Afghan soldiers. Bahadur Khan advanced to the
river Bhima to help Khawas Khan in disbanding the Afghan soldiers and in stripping Bahlol Khan, the
leader of the Afghan faction, of the post Sar-i-Lashkar. However, he was foiled in this enterprise by the
arrest and overthrow of Khawas Khan by Bahlol Khan. This was the immediate background to Bahadur

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Khan‟s invasion of Bijapur in 1676. Bahadur Khan succeeded in wresting Gulbarga and Naldurg from
Bijapur (1677). The conquest of Naldurg and Gulbarga not only linked together the Mughal possessions
enclosed by the Bhima and the Manjira in the west; it also brought the Mughals within easy striking
distance of both Bijapur and Golconda cities.
Aurangzeb was dissatisfied with these limited successes and replaced Bahadur Khan by his
lieutenant, Diler Khan, who reversed Bahadur Khan‟s policy of allying with the Deccani party at Bijapur
against the Afghans. Diler Khan listened to Bahlol Khan‟s grandiloquent plea for a joint expedition
against Golconda. The invasion of Golconda failed, and only furthered the policy of Madanna and
Akhanna in building up a united front of the Deccani power against the Mughals. Madanna had already
negotiated a subsidiary treaty with Shivaji, promising him an annual sum of one lakh huns for the
defence of the realm. Treaty had been concluded in 1676 between Shivaji and Bahlol Khan, who had
just succeeded Khawas Khan. The terms of this treaty were that the Bijapur government would pay
Shivaji a sum of rupees three lakhs as a contribution, and one lakh huns annually as subsidy for
protection against the Mughals. This was followed by Golconda‟s support to Shivaji in his Karnataka
campaign. However, Shivaji‟s overweening ambition and faction fights at the Bijapur court between the
Afghans and the Deccanis created serious obstacles in the realization of such a policy. The plea of
Massaud Khan, Bahlol Khan‟s successor, fell on deaf ears.
The year 1678 may be considered the high water mark of the influence of the brothers Madanna
and Akhanna in Deccani politics. Golconda and Mughal policies vis-a-vis Bijapur appeared to run on
parallel lines.
The only result of Mughal diplomatic and military efforts was the reassertion of the united front
of the three Deccani powers against the Mughals. A last desperate effort of Diler Khan, the Mughal
Viceroy in 1679-80 to capture Bijapur failed. A new element, the Karnataki foot soldiers were a major
factor in withstanding the Mughal siege of Bijapur. Shivaji, too, sent a large force to relieve Bijapur and
raided the Mughal dominions in all directions.
c. Third Phase (1684-87)
Following the breach with Shivaji in 1676, Aurangzeb had tried to repeat Jai Singh‟s earlier
success against the Marathas but failed completely. He resorted to a futile policy of pinpricks against
Bijapur and nibbing at its territories. Aurangzeb made no real effort to conquer the Deccani states,
either single handed or in conjunction with the Marathas, as had been advocated earlier by Jai Singh.
Aurangzeb dreaded the idea of the conquest of the two Deccani states since he realized that the
process would be a long-drawn out one, and that it could not be achieved without the use of large
forces.
The arrival of Aurangzeb in the Deccan in 1680 in pursuit of Prince Akbar did not lead to any
immediate change in the Mughal policy towards the Deccani states.
By 1684, Aurangzeb had come to the conclusion that he could not achieve his objectives
without first undertaking the outright annexation of one or both of the Deccani states. Aurangzeb called
upon the Adil Shah as a vassal to supply provision to the imperial army, to allow the Mughal armies free
passage through his territories and to supply a contingent of 5000 to 6000 cavalry for the war against
the Marathas. He also demanded that Sharza Khan, the leading Bijapuri noble opposed to the Mughals,
be expelled. The Adil Shah appealed for help both to Golconda and Sambhaji. Even the combined
forces of the Deccani states could not withstand the full strength of the Mughal army. Even then, it took
18 months of siege, with Aurangzeb being personally present during the final stages, before Bijapur fell
(1686).

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 A campaign against Golconda was inevitable following the downfall of Bijapur. Qutb Shah had
given supreme power to the infidels, Madanna and Akhanna, and helped Shivaji on various occasions.
His latest “treachery” was sending 40,000 men to aid Bijapur, despite Aurangzeb‟s warning. In 1685,
despite stiff resistance, the Mughals had occupied Golconda. The emperor had agreed to pardon the
Qutab Shah in return for a huge subsidy, the ceding of some areas and the ousting of Madanna and
Akhanna. The Qutab Shah had agreed. Madanna and Akhanna were dragged out into the streets and
murdered (1686). After the fall of Bijapur, Aurangzeb decided to settle scores with the Qutb Shah. The
siege opened early in 1687 and after more than six months of campaigining the fort fell on account of
treachery and bribery.

Self Assessment Questions

a. Who was Shaista Khan?
Answer.

b. Who was Sahu?

Answer.

c. Who was the ruler of Bijapur?

Answer.

d. Who was Jai Singh?

Answer.

9.5 SUMMARY
Students in this lesson we have discussed Aurangzeb‟s breach with Marwar as well as Mewar.
This greatly weakened his empire. The ongoing conflict with the Maratha chiefs too proved to be
harmful in the long run and has been examined. His campaigns against Bijapur and Golconda were
long drawn and tedious and kept him away from the capital for a long time. In this lesson it has been
highlighted that Aurangzeb‟s military conflicts shook the financial foundations of his empire.

9.6 REFERENCES
Satish Chandra, Mughal Religious Policies, the Rajputs and the Deccan, New Delhi: Vikas
Publishing House, 1993.
John F. Richards, The Mughal Empire, New Delhi: CUP, 1993.

9.7 FURTHER READING

Jadunath Sarkar, A Short History of Aurangzeb 1618-1707, New Delhi : Orient Longman, 1979.

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9.8 MODEL QUESTIONS
1. Discuss Aurangzeb‟s breach with Mewar and Marwar.
2. Critically analyse Aurangzeb‟s Deccan campaign.
3. Trace the military conflict of Aurangzeb with the Marathas.

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