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Business Canadian 8th Edition Griffin Solutions Manual
Business Canadian 8th Edition Griffin Solutions Manual
https://testbankfan.com/download/business-canadian-8th-edition-griffin-solutions-man
ual/
CHAPTER 2
UNDERSTANDING THE
ENVIRONMENTS OF BUSINESS
CHAPTER SYNOPSIS
CHAPTER OUTLINE
three components of most concern are the rate of economic growth, level of
unemployment and rate of inflation.
drop, consumers can purchase more, and the standard of living improves. There are
several factors that help or hinder the growth of an economic system.
The Senatorial term of Douglas was drawing near to its close, when
in July, 1858, he left Washington to enter upon the canvass for re-
election. The Republican State Convention of Illinois had in the
month previous met at Springfield, and nominated Abraham Lincoln
as a candidate for United States Senator, this with a view to pledge
all Republican members of the Legislature to vote for him—a practice
since gone into disuse in most of the States, because of the rivalries
which it engenders and the aggravation of the dangers of defeat sure
to follow in the selection of a candidate in advance. “First get your
goose, then cook it,” inelegantly describes the basic principles of
improved political tactics. But the Republicans, particularly of the
western part of Illinois, had a double purpose in the selection of
Lincoln. He was not as radical as they, but he well represented the
growing Republican sentiment, and he best of all men could cope
with Douglas on the stump in a canvass which they desired should
attract the attention of the Nation, and give shape to the sentiment of
the North on all questions pertaining to slavery. The doctrine of
“popular sovereignty” was not acceptable to the Republicans, the
recent repeal of the Missouri compromise having led them, or the
more radical portion of them, to despise all compromise measures.
The plan of the Illinois Republicans, if indeed it was a well-settled
plan, accomplished even more than was anticipated, though it did
not result in immediate success. It gave to the debate which followed
between Lincoln and Douglas a world-wide celebrity, and did more
to educate and train the anti-slavery sentiment, taken in connection
with the ever-growing excitement in Kansas, than anything that
could have happened.
Lincoln’s speech before the convention which nominated him,
gave the first clear expression to the idea that there was an
“irrepressible conflict” between freedom and slavery. Wm. H. Seward
on October 25th following, at Rochester, N. Y., expressed the same
idea in these words:
“It is an irrepressible conflict between opposing and enduring
forces, and it means that the United States will sooner or later
become either an entire slaveholding Nation, or an entirely free labor
Nation.”
Lincoln’s words at Springfield, in July, 1858, were:
“If we could first know where we are, and whither we are tending,
we could better judge what to do, and how to do it. We are now far
into the fifth year, since a policy was initiated with the avowed
object, and confident promise of putting an end to the slavery
agitation. Under the operation of that policy, that agitation has not
only not ceased, but has constantly augmented. In my opinion it will
not cease, until a crisis shall have been reached and passed. ‘A house
divided against itself cannot stand.’ I believe this government cannot
endure permanently half slave and half free. I do not expect the
Union to be dissolved—I do not expect the house to fall—but I do
expect it will cease to be divided. It will become all one thing, or all
the other. Either the opponents of slavery will arrest the further
spread of it, and place it where the public mind shall rest in the belief
that it is in the course of ultimate extinction; or its advocates will
push it forward, till it shall become alike lawful in all the States, old
as well as new—North as well as South.”
Douglas arrived in Chicago on the 9th of July, and was warmly
received by enthusiastic friends. His doctrine of “popular
sovereignty” had all the attractions of novelty and apparent fairness.
For months it divided many Republicans, and at one time the New
York Tribune showed indications of endorsing the position of
Douglas—a fact probably traceable to the attitude of jealousy and
hostility manifested toward him by the Buchanan administration.
Neither of the great debaters were to be wholly free in the coming
contest. Douglas was undermined by Buchanan, who feared him as a
rival, and by the more bitter friends of slavery, who could not see
that the new doctrine was safely in their interest; but these things
were dwarfed in the State conflict, and those who shared such
feelings had to make at least a show of friendship until they saw the
result. Lincoln was at first handicapped by the doubts of that class of
Republicans who thought “popular sovereignty” not bad Republican
doctrine.
On the arrival of Douglas he replied to Lincoln’s Springfield
speech; on the 16th he spoke at Bloomington, and on the 17th, in the
afternoon, at Springfield. Lincoln had heard all three speeches, and
replied to the last on the night of the day of its delivery. He next
addressed to Douglas the following challenge to debate:
Chicago, July 24th, 1858.
Article VII.—Slavery.
Free Negroes.
Bill of Rights, Sec. 23. Free negroes shall not be allowed to live in
this state under any circumstances.
Sec. 1. Every male citizen of the United States, above the age of
twenty-one years, having resided in this state one year, and in the
county, city, or town in which he may offer to vote, three months
next preceding any election, shall have the qualifications of an
elector, and be entitled to vote at all elections. And every male citizen
of the United States, above the age aforesaid, who may be a resident
of the state at the time this constitution shall be adopted, shall have
the right of voting as aforesaid; but no such citizen or inhabitant
shall be entitled to vote except in the county in which he shall
actually reside at the time of the election.
The Topeka Constitution.
Slavery.