The Negative Cultural Impact of Tourism and Its Implication On Sustainable Development in Amhara Regional State

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Cogent Arts & Humanities

ISSN: (Print) (Online) Journal homepage: https://www.tandfonline.com/loi/oaah20

The negative cultural impact of tourism and


its implication on sustainable development in
Amhara Regional State

Gubaye Assaye Alamineh, Jeylan Wolyie Hussein, Yalew Endaweke Mulu &
Bamlaku Taddesse

To cite this article: Gubaye Assaye Alamineh, Jeylan Wolyie Hussein, Yalew Endaweke Mulu
& Bamlaku Taddesse (2023) The negative cultural impact of tourism and its implication on
sustainable development in Amhara Regional State, Cogent Arts & Humanities, 10:1, 2224597,
DOI: 10.1080/23311983.2023.2224597

To link to this article: https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2224597

© 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa


UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis
Group.

Published online: 17 Jun 2023.

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Alamineh et al., Cogent Arts & Humanities (2023), 10: 2224597
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2224597

CULTURAL STUDIES | RESEARCH ARTICLE


The negative cultural impact of tourism and its
implication on sustainable development in
Amhara Regional State
Received: 29 October 2022 Gubaye Assaye Alamineh1*, Jeylan Wolyie Hussein2, Yalew Endaweke Mulu3 and
Accepted: 08 June 2023 Bamlaku Taddesse2

*Corresponding author: Gubaye Abstract: Tourism is a modern and growing industry that has a high impact on
Assaye Alamineh, Depratment of
Social Anthropology, Bahir Dar human life. The interface between culture and tourism is immense, and they have
University, Bahir Dar, Amhara,
Ethopia E-mail: gubayea@gmail.com both negative and positive outcomes for one another. Studying the impact of
tourism on culture has become a hot topic of discussion among concerned scholars.
Reviewing editor:
Lincoln Geraghty, School of Media If it is managed properly, it contributes to the preservation and enhancement of
and Performing Arts, University of
Portsmouth, UK

Additional information is available at


the end of the article ABOUT THE AUTHORS PUBLIC INTEREST STATEMENT
Gubaye Assaye Alamineh is a senior lecturer at This article tries to address the impact of tourism
Bahir Dar University and a Ph.D. candidate in on the destination. Tourism is an emerging
peace and development studies at Haramaya industry that has both positive and negative
University. He has 17 years of teaching, impacts in social, economic, cultural, and envir­
research, and community service experience at onmental dimensions. The concept of tourism is
public universities in Ethiopia. Gubaye has integrated with social, environmental, cultural,
research interests and experience in migration, political, and personal issues. To make tourism
development, peace, tourism, culture, conflict, more sustainable, enhancing positive impacts like
and conflict resolution mechanisms. He has income diversification, job creation, the preserva­
more than seven publications in internationally tion of heritage, and environmental protection are
accredited journals. He has enormous experi­ essential features. On the other hand, minimising
ence presenting various research outputs at the negative impact of tourism, such as economic
national and international workshops. injustice, seasonal jobs, commoditization of cul­
Jeylan Wolyie Hussein is a professor of peace ture (inauthenticity), environmental degradation,
and conflict studies at Haramaya University. His etc., has to be handled to ripen the fruit of tour­
research has focused on the dynamics of iden­ ism. To achieve the stated outcomes, the com­
tity construction and reconstruction in the con­ munity’s awareness of its impact is essential. The
text of inter-ethnic conflicts with resource responsive tourism lens is used for this study to
underpinnings and other related issues. enhance the sustainability of tourism at the des­
Professor Yalew Endawoke Mulu is a professor tinations. As the findings indicate, tourism’s
of psychology and has immense experience in impact is not well pronounced on destinations,
skilled research, e-learning, staff development, even if it is practically increasing.
lecturing, and higher education. He is a strong
education professional who currently works as a
consultant at the Ministry of Education in addi­
tion to his teaching and research engagements.
Bamlaku Tadesse Mengistu (Associate
Professor) in Peace and Conflict Studies He is
currently working in the Faculty of Leadership
and Governance Studies, Department of Peace
and Conflict Studies. He did research concerning
conflict, conflict resolution, and development
issues.

© 2023 The Author(s). Published by Informa UK Limited, trading as Taylor & Francis Group.
This is an Open Access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution
License (http://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/), which permits unrestricted use, distribu­
tion, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited. The terms on
which this article has been published allow the posting of the Accepted Manuscript in
a repository by the author(s) or with their consent.

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cultural diversity and sensitivity. Otherwise, it can destroy the cultures of destina­
tion communities. The Amhara region is known for both tangible and intangible
cultural heritage, which has been the source of tourists’ attractions. The purpose of
this research is to assess communities’ perceptions of the negative cultural impact
of tourism on destinations. A mixed-methods research approach, predominantly
qualitative research, was used. The findings indicate that tourism has contributed to
the commoditization of the culture of society, the erosion of the local communities’
socio-cultural assets, and the production of inauthentic products. Even importing
alien cultural products from abroad in mass and presenting them to tourists were
identified as negative outcomes. Thus, it informs us that the concerned stake­
holders have to take responsibility to minimise its negative impact, which in turn
enhances the positive outcome.

Subjects: Development Studies; Culture & Development; Sustainable Development;


Tourism

Keywords: tourism; culture; negative impact; communities; perceptions

1. Background of the study


Recent research on the impact of the development of tourism provides a far more nuanced picture.
“Impacts” can include both cultural reinforcement and change. For instance, development in remote
areas can reduce labour migration from rural to urban areas by offering alternative employment
opportunities. This helps to preserve intergenerational families and regional ritual observance (Leite &
Graburn, 2009, p. 40). Additionally, in heavily visited locations, travellers and the tourism sector as
a whole can become an essential element of local culture rather than being perceived as an alien
force impinging on otherwise unspoiled native ways of life. The local-global nexus is where contem­
porary research places the development of tourism, showing how cross-sectorial networks, interme­
diaries, and global circuits of symbolic, cultural, and economic capital further complicate postcolonial
relations and ongoing interactions with tourists (Leite & Graburn, 2009; Meethen, 2001; Ness, 2003).

Cultural tourism today appears to be everywhere, and in many people’s perceptions, it also
appears to have attained all-powerfulness. Therefore, local, national, and transnational organisa­
tions have embraced cultural tourism on a worldwide scale. The European Commission supports
cultural tourism as a significant sector, and the newly developing nation-states of Africa and
Central Europe regard it as a support for national identity. UNESCO encourages cultural tourism
as a way to preserve the world’s cultural legacy. It has evolved into an essential method of
financial support for cultural practises and regional inventiveness in many regions of the world
(Richards, 2007; Su et al., 2016).

The cultural impact of tourism needs to be carefully considered because it has the potential to
benefit or harm communities. As a result, tourism as a whole has traditionally been seen as a force
for altering moral standards and social mores. Social change results from interactions between
tourists and the local inhabitants, especially in remote societies. The influence can be felt at the
individual and family levels through the deterioration of conventional norms, as well as at the
societal level (crime, prostitution, etc.). As a result, interactions between locals and visitors can
have an impact on creative expression by presenting fresh opportunities (a good effect) or by
stifling originality (Kim, 2011, p. 2; Zhuang et al., 2019).

Traditional culture is being packaged and handled like a product for sale, with tourists and
businesspeople from the tourist industry having rights over it instead of natives. To give visitors
fleeting images of what art used to be and to provide them with flimsy, fake experiences, shallow,
unauthentic art forms are created. As a result, locals lose their ownership rights to their cultural

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heritage, and the local culture is financially exploited. Various pieces of evidence indicate mass-
produced, widely disseminated local souvenirs or artefacts that have little in common with
authentic, regional creations can be found anywhere (Korstanje, 2017; Reisinger & Dimanche,
2010; Singh, 1985).

When cultural heritage is revived as part of tourism development, interest in the host culture is
frequently renewed, increasing demand for historical and cultural artefacts. If it is not handled
properly by the concerned stakeholders, the social and cultural fabric of the community can be
harmed by changes in lifestyle, such as altering local travel habits to avoid tourist congestion and
forgoing downtown shopping (Kim, 2011). The “demonstration impact” of visitors, which refers to
locals adopting visitors’ behaviours, and the availability of tourist amenities, may change traditions
like dating conventions, particularly those of more structured or traditional cultures. The possibility
of finding and marrying a non-local partner could potentially strain families (Kim, 2011; Zhuang
et al., 2019). Jaafar et al. (2015:3–4) illustrate the social and cultural impacts of tourism as the
mechanism by which modifications are made “in the value systems, individual behaviours, family
relationships, collective lifestyles, moral conduct, creative expressions, traditional ceremonies, and
community organisations of destination communities”.

Notably, studying the local residents’ attitudes, thoughts, and feelings is one way for researchers
to obtain information about the impact of tourism. As the most instantaneous and directly
affected group, residents are more sensitive to tourism’s impact (Andriotis, 2005), because the
communities’ attitude is essential for visitor retention, satisfaction, and recurrence inspection (Yan,
2013). Therefore, this study is intended to find out the perceptions of destination communities
about the negative cultural impact of tourism on the destination and its implications for its
sustainability. Creating awareness among the local communities about the negative impact of
tourism is an essential condition for developing a well-planned tourism industry at tourist destina­
tions of Amhara Regional State. Therefore, to achieve this stated objective, a mixed research
approach was used.

The concepts of development, human rights, peace, and security are indivisible and inter­
related. Each cannot be treated or achieved on its own. They could be understood as
consistent dimensions of one goal, whether it is called development, well-being, or human
security. There is a general consensus that any deficit in one dimension will have an impact
on the others (Öztürk & Terhorst, 2012). This hypothesis is ascertained by the 2005 UN
Charter, as the notion of “larger freedom” also encapsulates the idea that development,
security, and human rights go hand in hand. The synergies and the three pillars were
affirmed at the 2010 Millennium Development Goal Summit and in the 2005 World Summit
Outcome, which “acknowledged that peace and security, development, and human rights are
the pillars of the United Nations system and the foundations for collective security and well-
being.” The Summit established that development, peace and security, and human rights are
all intertwined and mutually reinforcing. The overall framework of the post−2015 develop­
ment agenda could be framed around these three broad sets of goals (Piece, 2012).

Both culture and tourism are important components of development. Indeed, in the context of
a well-travelled world, it is difficult to consider one without the other. While there is a clear role for
culture and tourism to be part of development in an economic sense, their roles extend beyond
this as integral parts of human development whereby social well-being and basic human freedoms
and rights are exemplified and enriched by travel and cultural exchange (Boukas, 2013; Piece,
2012).

Therefore, from the above definitions, the concepts of tourism and development are interwoven
and interdependent. Hence, it is imperative that the issues of the environment, culture, human
rights, security, economic equity, and environmental sustainability be integrated into the three
concepts. Therefore, studying the structural and cultural aspects of tourism has implied the issue

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of development. This study wants to focus on the culturally sensitive nature of tourism. Thus,
throughout the article, the researcher equated responsive tourism with sustainable development.

The idea of meaningfully including a variety of stakeholder groups throughout the decision-
making process is widely acknowledged as essential to fostering a sense of shared account­
ability for the sustainable exploitation of any resource. An important presumption is that local
stakeholder groups, in particular, have a direct need to minimise the effect of any resource
use on future generations (Landorf, 2009). Additionally, it is believed that local stakeholders
have better knowledge of how to incorporate a community’s demands and resources into
larger regional and national systems, as well as its economic, environmental, and socio-
cultural needs. Aas et al. (2005); Welford et al. (1999), and Landorf (2009) both note that
the extremely fragmented nature of the tourism business highlights the need for formal
coordination and greater collaboration in the planning process than is currently the case to
fully utilise the tourism potential in a proper way.

1.1. Theories on the impact of tourism


Various scholars have tried to identify theories and models concerning the study of how the
impact of tourism influences the perceptions of local communities and vice versa. For this
purpose, Butler’s (1980, 2019] tourism area life cycle model, Doxey’s (1975) index of irritation
model, Smith’s (2012) host and guest model, and the social exchange theory have been
identified. Each model has its own strengths and shortcomings, even if presenting them is
beyond the scope of this article. For the sake of this research, social exchange theory is used
as a lens.

Social exchange theory has been considered an appropriate framework for developing an under­
standing of residents’ perceptions of tourism impacts (Selwyn, 1990; Allen et al., 1993; Ap, 1992;
Nash & Smith, 1991). Social exchange theory suggests that individuals will engage in exchanges if
(1) the resulting rewards are valued; (2) the exchange is likely to produce valued rewards; and (3)
perceived costs do not exceed perceived rewards (Nunkoo, 2016; Zhang et al., 2021). These
principles suggest that residents will be willing to enter into an exchange with tourists if they
can reap some benefit without incurring unacceptable costs. Theoretically, residents who view the
results of tourism as personally valuable and believe that the costs do not exceed the benefits will
favour the exchange and support tourism development (King et al., 1993). The benefit of using
social exchange theory is that it can accommodate explanations for both positive and negative
perceptions and examine relationships at the individual or collective level. The assessment of
residents’ perceptions of tourism’s impact, which is the main cause of support for tourism, is
dependent on what residents’ value (Lopes et al., 2019, Látková et al., 2012; Wang & Pfister, 2008).

1.2. Rationale of the study


Destination communities frequently perform various functions in the tourism industry, includ­
ing those of vendors, service providers, artisans, and even ethnic attractions. They frequently
have an extensive understanding of the local environment, culture, and customs, and they
have the expertise and know-how to handle local meanings and problems. These are essen­
tial components to ensuring that tourist growth is knowledgeable, suitable, and not in conflict
with regional customs and ecosystems (Su et al., 2016). Local citizens must be willing
participants in the process for a tourism-based economy to flourish there. Their views of
tourism and how it affects communal life must be continuously evaluated (Allen et al., 1988;
Kim, 2011). The fact that they affect how the local population views tourism makes under­
standing its socio-cultural effects crucial. Whether or not they have a friendly attitude may
play a significant role in the successful development of tourism in a destination. Effective
tactics to prevent potential conflicts between visitors and hosts are aided by the capacity to

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characterise and quantify the varied sociocultural effects of tourism on the local populations
(Daye, 1997, Brunt & Courtney, 1999; Kim, 2011; Zhuang et al., 2019).

The development of tourism policy and practise in Ethiopia has a history spanning more
than half a century. The present government of Ethiopia, in its plan for accelerated and
sustainable development to end poverty (MoFED, 2006) and in the growth and transformation
plan (MoFED, 2012), has identified tourism as one of the key sectors of economic growth, and
more emphasis is given to its contribution as a job creation means, source of income, and
economic growth for citizens (Amogne, 2020: 49). The impact of tourism in Ethiopia is huge in
terms of socio-cultural, environmental, and economic dimensions (Eshetu, 2014; Feseha,
2012, Alamineh et al., 2015; Tesfaye Zeleke, 2015). Ethiopia, which is considered the cradle
of humanity and the only uncolonized nation in Africa, stands first in the region with 12
UNESCO-designated world heritage sites. Although there is enormous potential, the country’s
tourism industry does not perform as well as it could. In 2015, Ethiopia placed 118th out of
141 nations in terms of its competitiveness in travel and tourism across all categories
(Wassie & Dhaliwal, 2017, p.1). In the recent past, the tourism sector in Ethiopia has been
flourishing in tandem with its relative economic growth. It was also stretching out under
relatively stable peace and security as compared with some other African countries. For this
reward, Ethiopia got the accreditation of “Top Destination in the World for Tourists” by the
European Council on Tourism and Trade (ECTT) in 2016 (Ali, 2016, p. 7).

Despite some of the aforementioned improvements in the sector, the impact of tourism in
Ethiopia is expressed in terms of absurdities and doubts. The ownership of abundant tourism
resources, on the one hand, and the failure to connect these resources for development, on
the other, was meager considerations of the prevailing contradictions (Mulugeta, 2012;
Tesfaye Zeleke, 2015). Ethiopia, “a mosaic of more than 80 ethnic groups,” has many tourist
attractions, including “. . . historic routes, Lucy., Lake Tana., the Great Rift Valley lakes, Danakil
Depression and Dallol., World Heritage Sites, and National Parks (MoCT, 2015: Tesfaye Zeleke,
2015, p. 4). Appropriately, it has also set the explanation as “the birthplace of coffee, and the
home of the Arch of the Covenant.” While these mentions specify the presence of ample
tourism resources, the notion of reaping substantial benefits from these resources remains
unconvincing and persistent, making them less significant (MoCT, 2006:17; Tesfaye Zeleke,
2015).

There is little research on the perception of local communities in Ethiopia, in general, and in
the Amhara area, specifically, on how tourism affects the local communities’ cultural heritage
negatively. There are few and fragmented studies on tourism that concentrate on historical
past of the industry (Birtukan, 2017; Binayew & Yeheyis, 2016; Getachew, 2007, Ayalew, 2009;
Tafesse, 2016). There have been few literatures on the Lake Tana Region’s potential for
ecotourism that take into account its complex problems (Sefrin, 2012; Woldu & Coetzee,
2018). Alamineh et al. (2022) conducted a study on empowering women in ecotourism,
emphasising their involvement in the tourism industry. The aforementioned study did not
address the negative cultural impact of tourism and its repercussions for sustainability by
taking the local communities’ perceptions into consideration. Even if the cultural impact of
tourism is a recurrent problem in the study sites in particular and Amhara Regional State as
a whole, and the study sites, there is a lacuna of knowledge to address the issue. Therefore,
this study focused on giving due attention to the negative cultural impact of tourism at the
destinations by assessing the perceptions of local communities. Studying communities’
awareness about the negative impact of tourism is essential for future tourism development
by minimising the negative impact, which in turn can enhance its positive contribution, which
is in turn a prerequisite for sustainable tourism development. Responsible tourism has at
present become the inclusive concept for the presence of sustainable tourism, which is the

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perspective of this study. To address the stated objective, this research article is guided by
the following research questions:

● To what extent do the local communities perceive the contribution of tourism to cultural commo­
ditization at the destination?
● To what extent do the local communities perceive the contribution of tourism to the expansion of
inauthentic culture at destinations?
● To what extent do local communities believe tourism contributes to the destruction of cultural
norms and values at the destinations?

2. Research methodology

2.1. Justification for the site selection


For the quantitative method of data collection, two tourist attraction sites were selected
(Bahir Dar and Debark Town). The Bahir Dar tourism corridor is known for both natural tourist
attractions (like Lake Tana and its ecological diversity and Tis Abay Fall) and cultural attrac­
tions (the different monasteries that are found around Lake Tana). Debark was selected due
to its position in the famous natural attraction of Semien National Park, which is attributed to
its unique flora and fauna and its astonishing natural landscape. For qualitative research, the
three tourism routes (Bahir Dar, Gondar, and Debark) were selected for this study. Since most
of the key informants and focus group discussants were tourism experts, tour guides, and
other tourist service providers, the information they provided included the main tourism
routes in Amhara regional states (Lalibella, Bahir Dar, Gondar, and Semain National Park
tourism routes).

2.2. Limitation of the study


The perception of local communities may be affected by the distance in which the local
people live from the main centre of the tourism destination, the extent on which their
livelihood depends, and the issue of gender and age factors not taken into consideration by
the quantitative research design. Thus, the researcher recommended that future research
incorporate the aforementioned variables to make communities’ knowledge about the impact
of tourism more inclusive.

2.3. Research design


In terms of philosophical stance and research schemes, this study used a blend of methods.
Various researchers acknowledge that the investigation of a specific social phenomenon is
frequently accomplished through the use of various methods. Kalof et al. (2008) stated that
mixed methods. . . enhance understanding of a topic typically studied from a qualitative or
quantitative perspective. It also enabled a shift towards thinking that qualitative and quanti­
tative orientations are complementary rather than competing perspectives. Researchers could
consider both causal (quantitative) and interpretive (qualitative) questions when designing
their research projects.

An exploratory sequential mixed methods design was used for this research. In this design,
qualitative data was collected first to explore the experience of informants with the phenom­
enon under investigation, which was followed by quantitative data collection. Two principal
alternatives of the exploratory design are the theory development alternative, in which the
bigger objective of the mixed methods study is to develop a theory, and the instrument-
development alternative, in which the objective is to develop a refined instrument to test
a hypothesis (Bowen, Rose, and Pilkington, 2017). For this dissertation, an exploratory
sequential mixed-methods design was used to address the latter objective. Fundamentally,
the study employed multiple strategies for collecting data, using multiple sources of data,

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and applying diverse approaches to analysing the data. This will help to triangulate the
results obtained from different sources, which will maximise their validity, reliability, and
trustworthiness. Then the triangulation data analysis technique was used to substantiate
the collected data, as well as indicated in the data analysis section.

2.4. Sources of data and participants of the study


The study used a community approach that involved residents, tourism entrepreneurs, tour­
ism authorities, owners or managers of accommodation establishments (AEs), travel agen­
cies, car rentals, restaurants, bars, and tourist shops, who are assumed to have major
influences on the Amhara region’s state tourism development. The participants of the study
were chosen based on purposive and snowball sampling, which are very essential sampling
techniques to get suitable informants for the study.

NB. From the indicated Table 1 informants, the number of female informants’ is only six.
Women only participate in tourism authorities and as owners of tourist hotels. The other
tourism-related activities (hotel manager, tour guide, tour operator, and car rental) are
predominantly occupied by men.

2.5. Quantitative data collection procedures and sampling


Residents of Sefeneselam from Bahir Dar city and residents of Kebele 03 from Debark town
have been in one way or another dependent on tourism for employment and/or income and
were selected for this study. A self-administered questionnaire survey was conducted on
a face-to-face basis with a proposed sample of about 300 head households. 1726 households
were selected from Sefeneselam kebele from Bahir Dar town and 1858 heads of households
from kebele 03 of Debark town. To minimise the sample error, 20 households were included
in the sample, which means 10 households per study site. One way of selecting a suitable
size of sample for the purpose of surveying is that set out by Ryan (1995, p. 177), which is
based upon certain assumptions. The simple random sampling method looks suitable when
the lists of the units studied are accessible. This technique was worth it in the sample survey
conducted with households. It is possible to access the lists of the residents from the
respective study kebeles. Thus, in this study, a simple random sampling technique was
employed. According to Ryan, in the case of a finite population where the population size is
known, the formula used to calculate the sample size is:

n = Ns2

(N−1)B2 + s2

Z2

Where n = sample size

N = population size

s = standard deviation or estimate

B = allowable error

z = z score based on desired confidence

The total population of the study was acquired from the Amhara National Regional State Bureau of
Finance and Economic Development (ANRS BOFED). The bureau estimates or calculates the

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Table 1. Informants profile and their number for semi-structured interview
Category of Tour guides Tour operators Tourism authority Tourism experts and Other Total
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informants and expert hotel managers stakeholders


Number of informants 6 3 6 8 9 32
pre category
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Table 2. Sample size for the household survey per respective sites (Residents sample)
Study site Region Zone Name of Sample HHHs at kebele sample Added total
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2224597

District kebele size sample


Bahir Dar ANRS Bahir dar Bahir dar Sefeneselam 1726 141 10 151
Debark ANRS North Gondar Dabark Kebele 03 1858 139 10 149
Alamineh et al., Cogent Arts & Humanities (2023), 10: 2224597

Total sample for residents is equal 300. NB: The researcher took additional 10 samples for each study population to minimize 280 20 300
sample error.
Source: The Amhara National Regional State Bureau of Finance and Economic Development ANRS BOFED (2019)

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households of the region based on the household forecast rate of the country. Based on this
estimation, the household of Sefeneselam is 1726, while kebele 03 of Debark is 1858.

In this specific case, the population size is 1726 and 1858in the aforementioned Kebeles. The
sum is 3584 (from ANRS BOFED details). As referred to by Ryan (1995), the standard deviation is
estimated at 1.25 (or the range divided by 4), and taking a confidence level of 95% gives a z-value
of 1.96, which is customary. Setting the allowable error for the measurement item at a 4%
tolerance level (B = 0.2) gives the above sample outcomes.

2.6. Data sources and sampling for qualitative method


For this study, data from both primary and secondary sources were used. We did key informant
interviews and in-depth interviews. Interviews were conducted with senior citizens, tour guides,
tour operators, tourism officials, hotel managers, transportation service providers, and other
people who are thought to be more knowledgeable about the topic of the cultural influence of
tourism. All interviews were taped with the participants’ permission. Participants for the conversa­
tion were carefully chosen by taking into account factors like social obligations, gender, and age.
As a secondary source of information, we also used print and online research publications that are
closely related to the impact of tourism. We used non-probability sampling while using such
qualitative methodologies, concentrating particularly on purposive and snowball samplings. This
tactic gives me the flexibility to interact with individuals (of all ages and genders) who have
a variety of experiential knowledge and to investigate their perspectives and interests. To find
competent and suitable informants in the study locations, we often used snowball sampling and
purposive sampling strategies.

2.7. Qualitative data collection techniques and analysis


Despite the fact that there isn’t a completely clear-cut distinction between the different phases of
fieldwork, the stages of getting to know farmers and familiarising ourselves with various local
lifestyles in houses, fields, and social gatherings comprised the first phase of my fieldwork (Eriksen
2001; Anteneh et al., 2021). As a result, we began to take part in a variety of sociocultural activities
and events that gave us insight into how people behave, think, speak, and act, as well as how they
express and justify their worldviews and reasons. We had numerous opportunities to take part in
events like cultural festivals, ceremonies, religious celebrations, and commemorations, as well as
various social gatherings, throughout the entire ethnographic fieldwork. This gave me the chance
to close the communication gap between the community and us as researchers. We were able to
construct a forum and have discussions with community members both individually and in groups
thanks to this strategy. As a result, we were able to get first-hand reports of how the locals
perceived the effects of tourism.

We created a set of leading questions for semi-structured interviews based on participant observa­
tions and casual chats. Elders, tour guides, tourist agencies, tourism officials, hotel management,
transportation service providers, and others were all interviewed for these purposes. We had the
freedom to ask follow-up questions depending on the discussion because the interview guide’s open-
ended questions were made that way. If a participant has already provided an answer during the
conversation, we integrated some of the mentioned questions. As a result, the semi-structured
interviews’ guiding questions were continuously adjusted to reflect any new themes that emerged
from earlier interviews or observations. As a result, we were able to better understand the impres­
sions, knowledge, and views that were communicated and follow the participants’ own sense of what
is vital and important (Anteneh et al., 2021).

The majority of the interviews took place over protracted periods of time and in circumstances
where taking notes was insufficient in and of itself. Based on each informant’s previous informed
consent, we recorded using tape. After that, the recorded interviews were arranged, translated,
and transcriptions made for additional study. We conducted FGDs (each group consisting of 8 to 12
people) with elders, tour guides, tourist agencies, tourism officials, hotel management,

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transportation service providers, and others, following qualitative approaches and semi-structured
interviews in particular. Each FGD sought to complement semi-structured interviews with partici­
pants by gathering additional information (Anteneh et al., 2021). We also took advantage of the
chance to converse with focus group participants to learn more about their differing opinions and
the varying depths of their knowledge on the sociocultural, economic, and political problems that
lead to blood feuds in the neighbourhood.

In terms of data analysis, preliminary data analysis began even as data collection was taking
place. We summarised our fieldwork diary while on the field in order to describe and document
actions. Every day, we participated in fieldwork and conducted first-hand analysis. In order to
identify major themes and issues, field data was rigorously evaluated. To find the earliest patterns
of data, I reorganised, semi-analysed, and summarised the contents. In order to grasp the overall
structure of the data, we also engaged in transcription, categorization, and coding of incomplete
data. Then, using the predetermined codes and subcodes, we used indexing (Denzin 2000). In
order to enhance the additional qualitative information gathered through interviews and field
notes, audio tapes were also transcribed, themed, and coded (Anteneh et al., 2021). The entire
collection of reorganised and tagged field notes as well as condensed reports was read again, and
the critical passages were underlined in accordance with the themes that were emerging. To make
it easier to handle for the final write-up, the interpreted and summarised field notes were
transcribed and analysed in the form of a report.

2.8. Quantitative data analysis


The initial step in analysing the data will be putting together descriptive statistics. Thus, the mean
(or average value) and standard deviation will be reported. The Chi-square test of association will
be an essential tool for looking at the prevailing associations among the interactional variables.
Cross-tabulation results will help to discern the general patterns seen among the associated

Map of the study sites with its


tourism Routes, 2023.

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variables. Hoyle et al. (2002) expounded on the measures of association as a form of descriptive
statistics instrumental in summarising the relationship between variables. The results discussed
the prevailing relationships among the variables compared through column percentages. In the
analysis, the perception of the community using the Likert-scale was used. On the Likert-scale, 4
represents a higher amount, 3 represents a medium amount, 2 represents a small amount, and 1
represents not at all.

2.9. Triangulation analysis


The analysis applies a mixed-convergent design. Convergent Mixed Methods Design: One-phase design
where both quantitative and qualitative data were collected and analysed, and then the analyses of
the quantitative and qualitative data were compared to see if the data confirmed or contradicted each
other. According to Creswell et al. (2011:77), this design was optimal as it allowed the researcher to
“triangulate, . . . compare, and contrast quantitative statistical results with qualitative findings for
justification and validation purposes”. Thus, a convergent design that mixed the data from qualitative
and quantitative sources was used for the overall analysis.

3. Ethical considerations

3.1. Research ethics


Research ethics need to be observed during the study to protect participants from harm and
ensure their confidentiality of information. Research ethical issues to consider include:

● Obtain consent from respondents


● Maintain confidentiality of issues obtained from respondents
● Make sure respondents are not harmed in any way
● Do not manipulate answers
● Respect respondents’ right, e.g., when they refuse to answer certain questions
● Adhere to standards set in the research area where the study is taking place
● Avoid using technical jargon when possible;
● keep language simple
● Respect the right of the respondents to withdraw their participation from the study at any time
● Gender awareness: assign as many female enumerators as possible and provision of awareness
creation on how to collect data in gender norm conservative community.

3.2. Consenting
The research adheres to international best practises in research ethics. The study will use verbal
consent from the informants and written consent from the Bahir Dar University of Social Sciences
Ethical Clearance Evaluation Committee (Ref. No.: PGRCS 698/2022) at the approval date of
10 December 2022. The researchers got informant consent from each participant by addressing
their rights as participants in the study, giving them time to ask questions, and then giving verbal
consent if they agreed to participate in the household survey, focus group discussion, and key
informant interview. To use the tape recorder and photo, the permission of the informants and
their consent were obtained (See Table 2).

3.3. Confidentiality
It is important that the researcher protect the confidentiality of study information. As part of
research, the work may involve collecting confidential information. The researchers must not show
any materials collected to anyone who is not a member of the study team. The presentation of
photos in the study is only done based on the ethical clearance we got from the Bahir Dar
University of Social Sciences Ethical Clearance Evaluation Committee and the consent of the
informants in the field and from archival sources.

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Table 3. Tourism destroys the tradition and value of the local communities
Frequency Percent Valid Cumulative Median Mode
https://doi.org/10.1080/23311983.2023.2224597

Percent Percent
Valid not at all 122 41.2 41.2 41.2 2.00 1.00
A small amount 90 30.4 30.4 71.6
Alamineh et al., Cogent Arts & Humanities (2023), 10: 2224597

A moderate amount 61 20.6 20.6 92.2


A High amount 23 7.8 7.8 100.0
Total 296 100.0 100.0

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The researchers must always use discretion when expressing personal opinions or debating
points during discussions. This is important because an expression of disapproval can cause people
to change or conceal their behaviour, which means that the researcher cannot observe the
behaviour that he or she has been trained to record.

4. Data analysis and presentation

4.1. The negative impact of tourism on the indigenous culture


As much as tourism has a positive impact on the destination, it also has a negative impact. Thus, in
this research article, the negative impact of tourism on the destinations was addressed by asses­
sing the perceptions of the local communities.

4.1.1. Destroys the tradition and value of the society


The perception of the local communities about the negative impact of tourism on destroying the
culture and values of their society is expressed to a lower degree as indicated in the above Table 3.
41.2% and 30.4% of the respondents’ perceptions are expressed as not at all and a small amount,
respectively. According to 20.6% of respondents, the negative impact of tourism on destroying the
tradition and value of the local community is moderate amount. While only 7.8% of respondents
believe it has a greater impact on destroying societal traditions and values. The perceptions of
local communities about the negative cultural impact were at ebb, which indicates that the
communities can support the development of the industry in the future if responsible types of
tourism are implemented.

According to data collected from the key informants and FGDS, the negative impact of tourism
at the destination is not well recognised by all sections of the community. However, informants
who have direct relations with the industry identify some of its negative impact, as illustrated
hereunder.

Commoditization is observed at a few tourist destinations. There is a practise of selling every­


thing regardless of its religious and social values. People are presenting their tangible and intan­
gible assets for sale. This is a social crisis, and presenting everything to the market destroys the
identity of society. As I ascertained from observation field data and ascertained from key infor­
mant interviews, in Gondar and the Zege Peninsula religious artifacts like crosses, books and
religious clothes have been presented for sale everywhere and by everybody. They have been
presented as commodities to be sold and purchased for tourists.

In most cases, religious organisations like churches and monasteries have been opened for
foreign tourists to visit. For foreign tourists, everything is open, regardless of their religion or other
criteria. There are two types of artefacts in and around the church. Those artefacts that can be
accessed by every member of the community and other types of artefacts are considered sacred,
and it is religiously forbidden for ordinary people to see and touch them. Only those priests who
have the right or are religiously acknowledged can access them. So they are preserved in the inside
circle of the church and no one is allowed to visit them (KIIs in Zege Peninsula, February, 2022).

The Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahdo and monasteries have their own dogmas and norms for
anyone who wants to visit them. Among these dogmas and norms is the prohibition of non-
believers from entering the church compound. Non-believers also know these rules and regulations
so that they respect the norms and values of the church. In the same vein, the national tourists do
not visit the church and the monastery since they know the aforementioned issues. However,
foreign tourists are permitted to visit all parts of the church except the Bête Mekidese (the inner
circle of the church where the Tabot, or replica of the Arch of Covenant, is located). Most of the tour
guides and administrators allow foreign tourists to visit the churches and monasteries in lieu t of
money. Tourists do not respect religious values and norms because they are unfamiliar with them.
Their desire is to see and learn new things at any place they visit. Foreign tourists consider

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everything to have material value, and they want to have it or buy it for their own purposes. In due
course, the tourism industry is inculcating their ideology, thinking, and ways of life on the alien
culture at the destination, even if it is not well recognised by the local people at the moment
(Ibid.).

The above argument is supported authors Skoll and Korstanje (2014) as religion and tourism can
be incompatible adversaries that diminish the peace endorsing developments which give emphasis
intercultural variations rather than harmonies. Some activities bringing by tourists may be not be
fit with the religious beliefs of the local people. Due to this, two or more values may cause
immutable divergences that lead groups to disagreement and violent conflict. Conflict arises in
this situation because tourism fosters intergroup connections more quickly.

According to KIIs and FGDs, the other negative impact of tourism is related to the erosion of the
local communities’ social assets. In the past, every stranger had been considered a guest and had
received respect from the people. And the local people had been treating them with hospitality,
and there was no expectation of an equivalent return for their services. But over time, due to the
development of the tourism industry, the local people changed their behaviour when receiving
guests. Social exchange developed between the tourists and the local people. The local people
present their cultural products for the tourists’ consumption in return for their service, for which
they have received money. Through time, the concept of monetization, or commercialisation, of
everything has been adapted by the destination communities. As a result, local communities
develop the wrong perception that foreigners are the source of money. In the worst scenario,
the youth are rushing to ask for money rather than considering them as guests and treating them
as the local culture dictates. At some destinations, tourists have been asked to pay for any activity
or interaction they have with the locals. For instance, if a tourist comes and asks to take a photo
with someone, he or she may have to pay for it. The other thing is dependency syndrome. The local
people assume the tourists have everything and are undermining themselves for economic gain.
For them, tourists are considered to have everything.

As the data collected from FGDs, KIIs, and field observation ascertained, due to the presence of
mass tourism and to satisfy the lust of tourists, the local people began to produce different
artefacts for sale. The indigenous people have been producing various artefacts to represent
their social, religious, and political identities or achievements. Thus, they have been produced by
professionals who have detailed knowledge of the destination community. As the arrival of tourists
increases over time, the original artifacts or cultural heritage that can be produced by cultural
specialists become insufficient to satisfy the visitors’ interest. Non-professionals or ordinary people
have begun to get involved in the production of these artefacts in order to meet the interest of the
tourism demand. In due course, the artifacts have been produced by the local community as
a whole. The cultural heritage that has been produced in such a manner does not represent the
socio-cultural, political, and religious values of the local communities. They are not produced by
incorporating the arts and the values that they represent. Most patricians and crafters are
uneducated and lack the skills and knowledge of how and for what purpose they can produce it.
The artefacts have been produced from simple materials and decorated with non-authentic ones.
At present, the materials used for producing the artifacts have been imported from abroad, and do
not have aesthetic, cultural or social values.

For instance, there is a general belief and practise that the cross was made of wood, metal, and
other precious materials. But now one can find a cross that is made from plastic and related
materials. In the past, only Meskel (cross) was found in fixed and appropriate places around the
church and monasteries, and it was sold by church communities. But now you can find it every­
where and buy it from by anyone, even those who do not have a religious affiliation. The church
clothes that can be worn by the priests at the moment are produced by anyone. But in the past, it
was used by church communities and was made from fixed raw materials. But now the raw
materials are imported from abroad, such as Kenya, China, and other countries. Thus, the local

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industry cannot become competent in producing much production for tourism, even if they
produce original cultural products (KIIs and Field Observation, January, 2022).

The above illustration is affirmed by the literature, as indicated hereunder. It is sometimes


asserted that as international travel increases and there is an excessive demand for tourism-
related goods, local cultures, traditional ways of life, and indigenous cultures, among others, are
being lost in many communities. The non-traditional artisans are given assignments to produce
“original art,” which is pseudo-native items, in order to meet tourist demand for local arts. The
original artistic shapes were supplanted with crude, mass-produced forms that were frequently
constructed haphazardly and carelessly. As a result, conventional artistic shapes and designs
become less high quality, and their artistic, symbolic, and meaningless qualities and meanings
disappear. Traditional artistic genres are being replaced by worthless, commercially-driven
pseudo-traditional arts (Haug, 2007; Terzidou et al., 2008).

According to a generally accepted theory in the literature, tourism devalues culture by


turning it into a product that is packaged and sold to visitors. Researchers have looked at
how the presence of tourists has changed hospitality, identity, performance, photography, and
crafts. Graburn has talked about the transition from “authenticity to memento” in traditional
art to souvenirs (1984:415; Cole, 2007). Additionally, the performing arts have been commer­
cialised. Performances have been reduced and made more diverse to appeal to tourists, much
as artefacts have been made smaller (Soejono 1997). One response to the result of difference
and “otherness” being consumable tourism commodities is the recognition and affirmation of
local identity (Macdonald 2002) and the (re)creation of ethnicity (Adams, 1997: 101; Cole, 2007;
MacCannell, 1984).

4.1.2. Commoditization of culture


The other negative impact of tourism is the commoditization of local cultural products, as
explained by key informant interviews. At present, the practise and presentation of cultural
products and the production of cultural artefacts is not based on their real meaning. Religious
and other socio-cultural manifestations have been presented to the tourists. But in some circum­
stances, their presentation does not really represent the original products, and the purpose of
presenting them is mostly based on monetary values. For instance, clothes, crosses, and other
artefacts that have been produced by Chinese companies are presented at different monasteries
on Lake Tana, ascertained by informants and field observation. The Chinese company has been
imitating and producing the style and design of the traditional clothes and other artifacts of the
Amhara Region State and importing them to both national and international consumers. Even if
religious clothes and other artefacts were produced somewhere else and imported to tourist
destinations, the merchants could present them for sale at a cheaper price than the locally
produced ones. The imported clothes, crosses, and artefacts are not produced by keeping the
quality, style, socio-cultural, and religious representation of local people. Even the raw materials
used to produce these artefacts and traditional clothes are not original and are produced from
standardised industrialised products. Generally, it loses the indignity and uniqueness of art.

The above-illustrated argument about the negative impact of tourism is supported by the
literature. Religious rites, traditional ethnic rites, and festivals might be simplified and sanitized
to comply with visitor expectations as a result of tourism, creating what has been referred to as
reconstructed ethnicity. Basic changes in human values may take place once a place is marketed
as a tourist destination and the visitor’s desire for mementos, arts, entertainment, and other goods
starts to exert influence (Kim, 2011).

The FGDs affirmed the above argument as such; tourists do not identify which one is authentic or
inauthentic; their preferences mainly depend on the price of cultural products. And the local
people also do not understand its negative impact on their religious and cultural practises. They
only see it from the standpoint of monetary gain. Experts from the Bureau of Culture and Tourism

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know the cause of this and have expressed the challenge as such. The local cottage industries as
well as individuals who have the skills do not produce much production in a short period of time
while keeping the arts and designs that really inculcate the social and religious values of the
communities. Due to this, it has failed to meet the needs of tourists adequately. As an alternative,
the local merchants have begun to import clothes, crosses, and artefacts from alien cultures that
they could imitate and produce.

Experts from the Culture and Tourism Bureau of Amhara Regional State expressed the extent
and the reasons why the local people initiated the importing and presenting of alien cultural
products for local and international tourists at the celebration of Kirstos Samra1 and Christmas
religious festivals. For instance, if one takes religious tourism in Kirstos Samra, the pilgrimage
number is between 50,000 and 60,000. The other well-known religious tourist attraction in the
Amhara region is the Lalibela which is celebrated in Tahsas 29 of the Ethiopian calendar (January 7
in Gregorian calendar) can be attended by 250,000–300,000 tourists. Local industries and indivi­
dual crafters do not produce a sufficient number of local products to address the interests of both
local and international tourists. So, to address the high demand from tourists, merchants prefer
importing such products at lower prices, and at the same time, they can get more profit from such
imported materials. As a result of the tourists’ high demand for cultural and religious artefacts, the
local people import alien cultural products, which have been eroding the local culture.

Tourists’ desire mementos, arts, crafts, and cultural expressions, as shown by Kim (2011), and in
many tourist locations, artisans have responded to the rising demand by changing the design of
their wares to better suit the preferences of the new clients. Tourists’ attention benefits artists’
self-worth and contributes to the preservation of a cultural tradition; yet cultural loss might result
from the commoditization of cultural items. Getz (1991) stated that a lot of writers have expressed
concern about how tourism is affecting traditional cultures. Cultural items like festivals, music,
dance, and rituals are frequently subjected to commoditization. Residents of destination areas
quickly discover that culture is not always what it appears to be. “In both cases, the rewards
became monetary and divorced from their cultural meaning” (Getz, 1991: 60).

Some key informants, particularly tour guides and the culture and tourism bureau, gave infor­
mation about the preparation of tourism in artificial ways. In the Amhara region of Ethiopia, the

Photo 1. Religious artefacts


were presented for sale in the
town of Gondar. Field Photo,
January 2022, by the
researcher.

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dominant artefacts have been found in and around churches and monasteries. There are two types
of artefacts in and around the churches and monasteries. Those artefacts that can be accessed by
every member of the community and other types of artefacts are considered sacred, and it is
religiously forbidden to see and touch such sacred religious artefacts. Only those priests who have
the right or are religiously acknowledged can access them. So they are preserved in the inside
circle of the church, and no one is allowed to visit them.

The religious books that have been used to teach religious ethics and norms to the community
have served as a means of attracting tourists from different parts of the world. They are made of
goat skin (brana) and are unique and indigenous to the Ethiopian church. So they served cultural
tourist attractions in the monasteries of Ethiopia as well as in the churches. In different monas­
teries, there are museum centres which can serve as a means of displaying the ancient artefacts
and religious books at the respective monasteries and churches. The above presentation of
different worldviews, that is, the categorization of cultural-religious products into accessible and
inaccessible domains, is articulated by the literature as such.

The contemporary man is driven to become a tourist in order to “go off the beaten road” and “in
with the indigenous” by his desire for authentic experiences, which is seen as being comparable to
a religious journey to the ultimate reality. This is accomplished by attempting to enter society’s
“back area,” which is said to contain and expose people’s secrets or true lives. Tourists are not,
however, being shown the institutional “backstage,”. Instead, it is a “manufactured” rear area that
was created to seem real; this is known as “staged authenticity,” and as a result, it merely
becomes another “front stage”. As a result of being trapped in these “fake” backstage areas,
visitors’ quest for authenticity is futile (Haug, 2007, p. 31).

Key informants from churches and monasteries expressed their views about the interface
between tourism and cultural heritage as follows. People have produced cultural heritage without
respecting the culture and religious values of the communities it represents. They are not produced
by incorporating the arts and the values that they represent. Most patricians and crafters are
uneducated and lack the skills and knowledge of how and for what purpose they can be produced.
Works of art are produced from simple raw materials and decorated with non-authentic materials.
Since the imported materials from abroad are produced by machines, they do not have aesthetic,
religious, or socio-cultural values. For instance, if one looks at the variation on how to make a cross
in the Orthodox Tewhdo Church, there has been a difference across time. In the past, it was made
of wood, metal, and other precious materials. However, it is now made of plastic and other readily
available materials. In the past, the cross was found in areas where the church considered it
appropriate, which had been around the church or monasteries, and it was owned and sold by
church communities. But now you can find it everywhere and buy it from anyone, even those who
do not have a religious affiliation.

In addition, the church clothes that can be worn by the priests at the moment are produced by
anyone who does not have knowledge or skill about them. But in the past, it was produced by
church communities and was made from culturally or religiously acknowledged raw materials. But
now the religious clothes are made of raw materials that are imported from foreign countries, as
well as any materials that are used by any person. Thus, the local industry cannot become
competent at producing much for tourism. This is due to the fact that they have been producing
original clothes from religiously acknowledged raw materials.

Another attempt was made to change the celebration of the Epiphany holiday in Gondar to
carnival tourism. The Epiphany of Gondar has been celebrated only for religious purposes, and
along the way, it serves as a tourist attraction. But most of the Gondar Diaspora and investors
developed a proposal to change its name to Gondar Carnivals, which is aimed at incorporating
different socio-cultural and economic activities. Carnival tourism can inculcate an expression of
culture that encapsulates music, dance, costumes, pageantry, and performance. This proposal

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shows that they want it to be more inclusive and participatory, regardless of religious affiliations.
However, such a claim incited resentment among orthodox Christian adherents. In order to
preserve the unique culture of Epiphany as a religious holiday and to preserve its cultural and
religious traditions and norms, the communities do not accept the proposed claim.

The above finding, which indicates the negative impact of tourism on the value and religious
tradition of the local community, is backed up by literature. Value is changed as a result of cultural
commercialization from holy to profane and from authentic to unauthentic (Shahzalal, 2016;
Shephered, 2002). One of the greatest examples of commodification is found in a case study by
Greenwood (2012) in Spain, who uses the ritual as an example of commodification by modifying or
even erasing the original meaning for outsiders before selling it in an exhibition. In this sense, Cole
(2007) summarises that tourism is the process of gathering numerous cultural elements, occa­
sionally adding something artificial to make it eye-catching, packaging it, and then selling it to
visitors.

When culture is viewed as a product to be bought and sold and monetarily abused, it is
transformed into a paid performance. Traditional festivities and rituals are advertised as daily
entertainment options and are prepared in advance. As a result, tourists have inaccurate ideas
about the country they are visiting that are shallow and pre-planned. The right to own and use
their culture may be taken away and turned into a commodity, as evidenced by the commercia­
lization of culture. Usually, the described cultural practises are what result in culture change (Cole,
2007; Reisinger & Dimanche, 2010).

According to key informants, horse races have historically been used to commemorate the
Epiphany and obtain religious rewards. But now the trend has changed and horses have been
serving as a means of acquiring income for their owners. Horse owners are paid for a portion of
their horse’s time (usually no more than five minutes). The locals have to pay 100 Ethiopian birr
while foreign tourists have to pay between 300 and 500 Ethiopian birr to get the service. In the
past, the horse race was used only to celebrate the Epiphany festival annually. It was not used for
commercial purposes. Literature also supports this finding. People watch feres gugs, or conven­
tional horse races, to pass the afternoon of Timket (Epiphany). This festival-related activity mimics
jousting from the Middle Ages in Europe. Participants don headdresses made of baboon hair and
capes fashioned of lion’s manes. Their horses are adorned with vibrant velvets, brocades, and
tassels. The military techniques used by mounted soldiers in earlier times may have inspired the

Photo 2. Horse riding as


a means of income generating
at Gondar Epiphany; Field
Photo, January 2022.

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Table 4. Tourism contributes to the expansion of inauthentic culture and history at destination
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative
Percent
Valid not at all 100 33.8 33.8 33.8
A small amount 93 31.4 31.4 65.2
A moderate 80 27.0 27.0 92.2
amount
A High amount 23 7.8 7.8 100.0
Total 296 100.0 100.0

game itself. The members of one band of riders attempt to knock the members of the opposing
band off their horses while brandishing bamboo lances (ENA, 2019).

The majority of Awi people practise Orthodox Christianity. In actuality, each community has
a sizable number of churches. As seen throughout the fieldwork, each church celebrates its yearly
feast and blessing with exceptional religious fervour. Due to the abundance of horses in the region,
riders contribute significantly to the religious celebration by escorting the Arc of the Covenant and
by performing horse gugis, an activity that has been prevalent in the studied area for a very long
time. Every parish has a big gathering of horsemen who accompany the Arc of the Covenant from
its church to the location of the holy water sprinkler on the day of the yearly religious event. They
add colour to this holy ceremony by hoisting the national flag and raising the horsemen’s chants,
which are accompanied by trumpets (Kebede & Were, 2020).

4.1.3. Contributes for the expansion of inauthentic culture and history


As shown in Table 4, tourism’s negative impact on the expansion of inauthentic culture and history
at local destinations is expressed by the residents’ perception as follows. The perceptions of
respondents on tourism’s impact on the expansion of inauthentic culture and history at destina­
tions are expressed as not at all and a moderate amount by 33.8% and 31.4% of respondents,
respectively. While 27.0% and 7.8% of the respondents expressed their perception of the negative
impact of tourism on disseminating inauthentic culture, and history in moderate amount and
a high amount, respectively. As illustrated by the figure, almost two-thirds of the respondents
negate the impacts of tourism on the expansion of inauthentic culture and history. Thus, tourism’s
negative impact on this issue is not well understood by the local community. In other words, the
negative impacts of tourism on infiltrating inauthenticity are not well recognised by the local
communities.

The KIIS and FGDs asserted that producing original cultural products is costly, time-consuming,
and not able to produce enough amounts to satisfy tourist demand. So people prefer to produce
inauthentic products and even import them from abroad in mass and present them to tourists.
Since the tourists are aliens to our culture, they do not identify which one is authentic and which
one is not. Their preference is determined only by price rather than the originality of the cultural
products.

As evidences were acquired from KIIS, the local people imitate the food habits, clothing styles,
hearing styles, and behaviours of tourists, which in turn results in the loss of an indigenous way of
life. The negative cultural and social impact of tourism is immense and unforeseen for the local
people as well as the policymakers. There are various problems that arise concerning the handling
of heritage. Heritages that have religious and social values may be found in inappropriate places
and have been subjected to being sold illegally. At present, most people do not have knowledge
about its social, cultural, and religious values. They only want to get money from the tourists. As
long as they can get money, the people can present their entire heritage, whether communal or
private, for sale. In particular, traditional closures, what we call “Shema,2” are presented for sale in

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mass production, but most of them are not the real representative of indigenous Shema. Worse, at
the moment, merchants have imported the inauthentic clothing from abroad. Because they are
mass-produced without quality and true design, imported and inauthentic clothing is less expen­
sive than indigenous clothing. For instance, they are imported from abroad, but they are not good
enough at representing the culture and traditions of the local community. They are not made from
original materials and are designed so that they do not represent the reality of destination culture.
The local artisans and craftsmen produced quality clothes but faced competition from those with
inauthentic products. The other thing is that the local producers are not able to transform
indigenous technology since it can be substituted by foreign industries. And they are also losing
their indigenous culture since it has been overtaken by the global market.

Staged authenticity refers to the adaptation of cultural manifestations to suit the interests of
visitors or even the staging of performances as though they were in real life. Staging will always
occur as long as visitors only seek a fleeting look at the local scene and way of life without any
knowledge or even interest. Tourists are occasionally given a marketed and styled depiction of
a destination’s cultural identity, which may lack authenticity, according to Lickorish and Jenkins
(1997). For instance, this is now taking place in several regions of South America. Native Americans
have turned into mercenaries and modified their traditional dances for the advantage of visitors
(Kim, 2011).

Because contemporary living promotes increasing levels of reproduction and hence lacks the
authenticity that is thought to be found in the lives of other primitive people, MacCannell stated
that modern man seeks experiences of “authenticity” through tourism. Modernity (or “moderniza­
tion”) cannot advance without a sense of instability and unreality. Modern people believe that
realism and authenticity may be found elsewhere, in other historical eras, other civilizations, and in
simpler, more uncomplicated ways of existence (Haug, 2007, p. 31).

It may be claimed that the tourist sector plays a significant role in the process of establishing or
defining authenticity because a large portion of tourism is based on instantly recognisable visual
images or symbols (Olsen, 2002). It is sometimes required to essentialise culture in order to win
over visitors by endorsing a few chosen, reified, and clichéd signs or pictures that may be engraved
as emblems of a culture and serve as outspoken declarations of cultural distinctions. Usually, the
signs that have the most opposing implications and are the most readily apparent to travellers are
chosen as emblems. Signs that mention “traditional,” “hunting,” and “gathering,” for instance,
stand in contrast to what one may consider “modern,” which is purchasing food with money.
Indigenous peoples fit well into the tourism image of the real Others because they are frequently
seen as “Noble Savages,” leading pristine, simple lives uncontaminated by civilization (Haug, 2007,
p. 32). Travel brochure, guidebook, and postcard publishers are one example of how they try to
appeal to particular images in “Western” awareness of how the others are supposed to be. In order
to approach tourism as the consumption of genuine cultural symbols, the problem of cultural
commercialization or commoditization must be addressed (Adam, 1984; Haug, 2007, p. 32).

Table 5. Tourism contributes to the introduction of alien culture and norms


Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative
Percent
Valid not at all 92 31.1 31.1 31.1
A small amount 99 33.4 33.4 64.5
A moderate 70 23.6 23.6 88.2
amount
A High amount 34 11.6 11.6 99.7
Missing system 1 .3 .3 100.0
Total 296 100.0 100.0

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4.1.4. Contributes for the introduction for alien culture and norms
The inhabitants’ assessment of tourism’s detrimental effects on the spread of foreign culture and
norms at local locations is shown in Table 5, as follows. According to 31.1 percent and 33.4 percent
of respondents, respectively, there is no influence at all and a moderate amount of tourism on the
spread of foreign culture and customs in destinations. While a moderate number (23.6%) and
a high amount (11.5%) of respondents, respectively, indicated that they perceived tourism have
a detrimental influence on the spread of foreign culture and traditions.

In the first place, the local people, particularly the youth, imitate the behaviour and ways of
life of tourists. The local people imitate the dress styles, hairstyles, and ways of acting. Imitation
is considered a means of modernization at some destinations in the region, which are the
epicentre of tourists’ arrival. Speaking the language of tourists even without internalising its
meaning is becoming common practise and is considered a manifestation of modernization.
Others like homosexual practises, lesbians, prostitution, etc., have been expanding. At present,
the one who has the dollar can do everything. So tourism becomes a destructive industry by
importing alien culture and ways of life (KIIs, April 2022).

The other is the importation and imitation of western types of culture in the service sector.
The majority of hotel services, in particular, adopted western or modern types of service for
their customers. The type of clothes the employees wear as a service providing modality
mostly follows western style. Food items, utensils, beverages, and other types of services
have been imported from abroad. This is due to the fact that the owners have believed that
the importation of such items makes them more competent to attract foreign as well as local
tourists (Ibid.).

Literature comes up with two opposite results concerning imitation or demonstration effects as
such. The demonstration effect in tourism refers to how locals adopt the behaviours and manners
of visiting tourists. The locals are envious of the visitors’ superior material goods and long for
similar possessions. The demonstration effect has the advantage of encouraging residents to
increase their output and productivity. Particularly in developing nations, hosts may be inspired to
work more because they may observe the lifestyle that visitors aspire to. However, the pricey
cameras and watches that tourists are carrying might be a cause of resentment, even menace, in
addition to appreciation and inspiration to work more (C. Monterrubio, 2016). Demonstration
effects can be disruptive, and residents may grow resentful of visitors if they cannot purchase the
products and lead the lifestyles they model. The exposure of the host society to the products or
lifestyles of tourists may make the hosts unhappy with what they previously thought was
acceptable. When locals realise they cannot be as wealthy as visitors and have the same
standard of living, the demonstration effect can frequently lead to jealousy, anger, and even
hatred of tourists in developing host nations (C. Monterrubio, 2016; J. C. Monterrubio & Mendoza-
Ontiveros, 2014).

Table 6. Tourism contributes for the development of low- self-esteem in the local communities
concerning their cultural value and norms
Frequency Percent Valid Percent Cumulative
Percent
Valid not at all 122 41.2 41.2 41.2
A small amount 74 25.0 25.0 66.2
A moderate 55 18.6 18.6 84.8
amount
A High amount 45 15.2 15.2 100.0
Total 296 100.0 100.0

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4.1.5. Contributes to the development of low self-esteem concerning culture values and norms
of the communities
As the perception of the respondents indicates in Table 6, above, tourism did not contribute to the
development of low self-esteem in the local communities to high amount. 41.2% of the respon­
dents perceived that tourism did not contribute to the development of low self-esteem at the
destinations. 25.0% of the respondents perceive that tourism contributes to the development of
low self-esteem to a small amount. 18.2% and 15.5% of the respondents perceived that tourism
contributes to the development of low self-esteem indicated moderate amount and a high
amount, respectively. Thus, the perception of local communities concerning the negative impact
of tourism is at emerging or developing stage. Almost two-thirds of the respondents’ perceptions
indicated that tourism has a positive contribution to make in developing self-esteem.

As articulated from qualitative data sources (KIIs and FGDs), tourism is a global force, it induced
an alien culture, which can destroy our ways of life. Most of our communities have perceived that
the whites are superior and their products and style of life are assumed to be better than their
own. This comes from the wrong assumptions or perceptions of the local people about westerners.
They think that their products are inferior and that the imported goods have good quality. So the
young generation has begun to imitate the style of dressing, the way one acts, feeding habits,
smoking and its style, using packed foods and other cultural and social norms.

As ascertained by tour guides, some international hotels have given only their services to
international tourists. There are hotels and lodges that do not want to serve the local people.
They call the national people as “habesha3”. They have invested in the hotel industry to serve
international tourists who can come with dollars.

Even the local tour guides, who can create a direct link with the hotel and foreign tourists, do not
have their services. They provide hospitality services for foreigners, unlike local customers. Almost
all standardised hotels in Amhara Regional State have been constructed and give service mainly to
international tourists. They set their prices according to the standards of foreign tourists. So it is
very difficult for national tourists in general and for local people in particular to get the necessary
services. This is an indication of how tourism, in one way or another, creates low self-esteem in the
community, particularly among those stakeholders who can reap the benefits of it. The other is the
expansion of begging in tourist destinations. The local people have developed a kind of stereotype
that being white is rich and being non-white is poor. Thus, many of the local people, particularly
the younger generation, have been involved in begging when they see tourists. As the findings
from quantitative and qualitative data show, tourism mainly creates pride in their culture, tradi­
tion, and history. However, some host-guest interactions create the opposite of that. Thus, the
development of responsible tourism is essential to enhancing the fruit of tourism and minimizes its
negative repercussions.

5. Concluding and recommendation

5.1. Conclusion
The result of quantitative data showed that the perception of local communities about the negative
impact of tourism on their culture is small. This shows that the negative impact of tourism on the
culture of the communities is not well pronounced or known by them. But as qualitative data sources
affirm, tourism has a negative impact on the culture of local communities, even if its impact is not well
understood by commoners. The main negative impact of tourism is expressed in terms of the
commoditization of the society’s culture. The trend of selling everything regardless of its religious
and social values has been increasing. In some tourism destinations, people have been presenting
their tangible and intangible cultural assets for sale. Among the study sites, the commoditization
practices have been well pronounced in Gondar, Bahir Dar, and the Zege Peninsula. Religious artefacts
like cross, books and priest clothes have been presented for sale everywhere and by everybody.

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The other negative impact of tourism is erosion of the local communities’ socio-cultural assets.
In the past, every stranger had been considered a guest and had received respect from the people.
And the local people had been treating them with hospitality, and there was no expectation of an
equivalent return for their services. But over time, due to the development of the tourism industry,
the local people changed their behaviour when receiving guests. Social exchange developed
between the tourists and the local people. The local people present their cultural products for
the tourists’ consumption in return for money. The harmonious interaction between the gusts and
hosts is deteriorating with time.

As the findings indicate, in due course, as the influx of tourists has increased, producing original
products is costly, time-consuming and not able to produce enough amounts to satisfy their
demand. So people prefer to produce inauthentic products and even import them from abroad
in mass and present them to tourists. Since the tourists are aliens to the culture of the destina­
tions, they do not identify which one is authentic and which one is not authentic.

As the finding of this study shows the negative impact of tourism is not well understood by the
mass of the communities. Only those individuals who have direct contact with the industry clearly
recognise the negative impact of tourism on the culture of the local communities. If such negative
impact is continued and expanded, it may affect the perceptions of the local communities which
are the necessary condition for their support in tourism development. Without the community
support it is unthinkable to implement the issue of sustainable tourism development in the region.

5.2. Recommendations
● The main negative cultural impact of tourism is expressed in terms of the commoditization of
society’s culture. The trend of selling everything regardless of its religious and social values has
increased. This has resulted from a lack of awareness among the local communities and other
stakeholders about the long-term negative impact of it on their unique and indigenous culture.
Therefore, the culture and tourism bureau, in collaboration with other stakeholders, has to create
awareness among the communities and other concerned bodies about the impact of tourism in the
future.
● The other negative cultural impact of tourism is creating an inauthentic culture at the tourists’
destinations, even if what is authentic and inauthentic is subjective for interpretation based on time
series and the viewers’ point of view. Thus, appropriate tourism development planning is essential in
order to present authentic culture and preserve it for future generations.
● For the success of any tourism industry, minimising its negative impact on destinations is essential.
The knowledge and participation of different stakeholders are essential for reducing the negative
cultural impact on the one hand and for culturally responsible tourism development on the other.
Therefore, the Culture and Tourism Bureau, in collaboration with national and international stake­
holders, has to design and implement responsible tourism development strategies and plans at each
tourism destination based on its own specific cultural context.

Funding Citation information


The work was supported by the Haramaya University Cite this article as: The negative cultural impact of tourism
and its implication on sustainable development in Amhara
Author details Regional State, Gubaye Assaye Alamineh, Jeylan Wolyie
Gubaye Assaye Alamineh1 Hussein, Yalew Endaweke Mulu & Bamlaku Taddesse,
E-mail: gubayea@gmail.com Cogent Arts & Humanities (2023), 10: 2224597.
Jeylan Wolyie Hussein2
Yalew Endaweke Mulu3 Notes
Bamlaku Taddesse2 1. Kristos Samra (Ge’ez: , romanized:
1
Depratment of Social Anthropology, Bahir Dar University, Kristos Šemra, c. 15th century) was an Ethiopian
Bahir Dar, Amhara, Ethopia. female saint who founded an eponymous monastery
2
Department of peace and development studies, in Lake Tana. She is one of Ethiopians over two-
Haramaya University, Dire Dawa, Ethiopia. hundred indigenous saints and the earliest of about 14
3
Department of Psychology, Bahir Dar University, Ethiopia. Ethiopian female saints. After the Virgin Mary, she is
considered one of the female saints by Ethiopians who
Disclosure statement conceived as virgin and totally sinless. She is venerated
There is no conflict of interest in this work. All sources of by the Eritrean Orthodox Tewahedo Church, the
information in the article are properly acknowledged. Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church, and the Coptic

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Orthodox Church of Alexandria, with her feast day on Tourism Planning & Development, 10(3), 285–306.
30 August. (en). https://doi.org/10.1080/21568316.2012.747986
2. Traditional clothes which made of Cotton. Bowen, P. W., Rose, R., & Pilkington, A. (2017). Mixed
3. Habesha means: Habesha refers to Ethiopian-Eritrean methods-theory and practice. Sequential, explana­
people, regardless of their nationality, tribe ethnicity or tory approach. International Journal of Quantitative
citizenship. It also includes any other cultures they and Qualitative Research Methods, 5(2), 10.
may have. This term is inclusive of the Ethiopian- Brunt, P., & Courtney, P. (1999). Host perceptions of
Eritrean Diaspora and various Ethnic groups in Ethiopia sociocultural impacts. Annals of Tourism Research, 26
(3), 493–515.
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