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CHAPTER TWO

REVIEW OF RELATED LITERATURE

2.1 Introduction

This chapter presents a review of related literature organized in the

following sub- headings: Theoretical framework, conceptual background:

concept of Behaviour Disorder, Conduct Disorder, and Socio-economic status.

It also presents empirical studies related to the study. The chapter concludes

with a summary and uniqueness of the study.

2.2 Theoretical Framework

2.2.1 Humanistic Theory (Carl Rogers 1946, & Gladding, 1988)

Humanistic theory is a psychological perspective which rose to prominence

in the mid-20th century in response to the psychoanalytic theory of Sigmund

Freud and the behaviourism of Skinner. The theory is sometimes referred to

as a "third force," as distinct from the two more traditional approaches of

psychoanalytic and behaviourism. This theory emphasizes on an individual's

inherent drive towards self-actualization and creativity (Aileen Milne 2003).

The theory acknowledges that an individual's mind is strongly influenced by

ongoing determining forces in both their unconscious and conscious world

around them, specifically the society in which they live. The focus of the

humanistic perspective is on the self, and this view argues that individuals

are free to choose their own behaviour, rather than reacting to environmental

stimuli and reinforces. Here, issues dealing with self-esteem, self-fulfilment,

and needs are paramount. Carl Rogers as a major spokesman in humanistic

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psychology rejected the deterministic nature of both psychoanalysis and

behaviourism and maintained that people behave as observed because of the

way they perceive their situation. "As no one else can know how we perceive,

we are the best experts on ourselves‖ (Rogers, 1959, 1969; McLeod, 2007).

Carl Rogers (1959) believed that humans have one basic motive that is the

tendency to self-actualize (that is to fulfil one’s potential and achieve the

highest level of ‘humanbeingness’. Like a flower that will grow to its full

potential if the conditions are right, but which is constrained by its

environment, so people will flourish and reach their potentials if their

environment is good enough.

Rogers sees people as basically good or healthy or at the very least, not

bad or ill. In other words, he sees mental health as the normal progression of

life, and he sees mental illness, criminality, antisocial behaviours and other

human problems, as distortions of that natural tendency. The entire theory is

built on a single ―force of life‖ which he called ―the actualizing tendency‖. It

can be defined as the built-in motivation that is present in every life-form to

develop its potentials to the fullest extent possible. Rogers believed that all

creatures strive to make the very best of their existence and are not just

concerned with survival (Rogers, 1951 & Gladding, 1988). Rogers (1959) held

that human infants possess the following traits:

Whatever an infant perceives is that which is defined as reality by the

infant. An infant‘s perception is an internal process of which no one else

can be aware.

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All infants are born with a self-actualizing tendency that is satisfied

through goal directed behaviours.

An infant‘s interaction with the environment is an organized whole, and

everything an infant does is interrelated.

The experiences of an infant may be seen as positive or negative based on

whether such experiences enhance the actualization tendency

Infants maintain experiences that are actualizing and avoid those that are

not.

Human Problem is as a result of negative socialization, conditioned

positive regards (Children accepted by parents when ‗good ‘& rejected

when ‗bad ‘; development of view: ‗I ought to be good ‘, ‗I have to be

good ‘; loss of touch with our true nature that is, ‗real self ‘&actualizing

tendency; and development of an ideal self: whom we feel we should be).

Rogers described the self as a social product, developing out of

interpersonal relationships and striving for consistency while the concept

of actualizing tendency implies that there is an internal, biological force to

develop one's capacities and talents to the fullest. The ideal self and real

self-involve understanding the issues that arise from having an idea of

what you wish you were as a person, and having that which does not

match with whom you actually are as a person (incongruence). The ideal

self is what a person believes that he should be, as well as imbibing what

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their core values should be. The real self is what is actually played out in

life (Gladding, 1988; Corey, 1990 & Aileen Milne 2003).

The Problem of Conduct Disorder can be seen as a product of the

inability of the ideal and real selves to be at congruence and also as a result

of negative environment (or socialization) that an individual is exposed to. For

a person to "grow", there is the need for an enabling environment that should

provide them with genuineness (openness and self-disclosure), acceptance

(being seen with unconditional positive regard), and empathy (being listened

to and understood). Without these, relationships and healthy personalities

will not develop as they should, just as a tree will not grow without sunlight

and water (McLeod, 2007). In the humanistic and reflective theory of Carl

Rogers (1963), he suggested that parents use therapeutic skills of empathy to

understand a child‘s needs and feelings. Parents should employ empathy to

understand a child’s needs and or feelings and reflect back on what they are

feeling in order to help them grow in awareness and understanding.

2.2.2 Problem Behaviour Theory (Jessor & Jessor, 1977)

Problem-Behaviour Theory defines problem-behaviour as any behaviour that causes

issues or is seen by society as undesirable, usually causing some sort of negative

response (e.g. verbal disapproval, incarceration).

According to Problem-Behaviour Theory, an adolescent who exhibits problem

behaviours or any risk-taking behaviour (e.g. alcohol and drug use, truancy,

delinquency) is said to have Problem-behaviour Syndrome (PBS). Research suggests

that even when an adolescent exhibit only one or two problem behaviours, the

likelihood of developing more over time is fairly certain. Adolescents with PBS can

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have substance abuse issues, educational underachievement, unemployment, and a

higher rate of suicide than adolescents who do not have PBS.

Problem-Behaviour Theory is a systematic, multivariate, social-psychological

conceptual framework derived initially from the basic concepts of value and

expectation in Rotter's (1954, 1982) social learning theory and from Merton's (1957)

concept of anomie. The fundamental premise of the theory is that all behaviour is the

result of person-environment interaction, reflects a "field theory" perspective in social

science (Lewin, 1951). Problem behaviour is behaviour that is socially defined as a

problem, as a source of concern, or as undesirable by the social and/or legal norms

of conventional society and its institutions of authority; it is a behaviour that usually

elicits some form of social control response, whether minimal, such as a statement of

disapproval, or extreme, such as incarceration. The earliest formulation of what later

came to be known as problem-behaviour theory was developed in the early 1960s to

guide a comprehensive study of alcohol abuse and other problem behaviours in a

small, tri-ethnic community in south-western Colorado (Jessor, Graves, Hanson, and

Jessor, 1968). After its initial application in the Tri-Ethnic Research Project, the

framework was revised in the late 1960s for a longitudinal study of the socialization

of problem behaviour among secondary school students and college students (see

Jessor & Jessor, 1977), and it is this version of the theory that is most widely known

and cited.

In the following three decades, problem-behaviour theory has been revised

and extended during the course of a series of studies by Richard Jessor and his

colleagues. It was first adapted for the follow-up study of the earlier cohorts of

adolescents and youth to encompass the developmental stage of young adulthood

(Jessor, Donovan, & Costa, 1991). Specifically, the framework was expanded to

articulate the important social contexts of young adult life—family, work, and friends

—and to measure key properties of those contexts, such as the stresses and

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satisfactions they are perceived to generate. The most recent reformulation and

extension of problem-behaviour theory re-organizes the main constructs from the

theory into protective factors and risk factors.

Problem-behaviour Theory (PBT) suggests that there are factors, both internal

and external, that influence problem behaviour within an individual. PBT explains

three system: the perceived-environment system, the personality system, and the

behaviour system. There are factors within each system that are responsible for

either encouraging problem behaviour or protecting the individual from problem

behaviour. PBT suggests that it is the balance of instigation factors (encourage

problem behaviour) and protective factors that determines whether or not the

individual will exhibit problem behaviour.

2.3 Conceptual background

2.3.1 Concept of Behaviour Disorder

The term Behaviour Disorder was first used by the National Mental

Health and Special Education Coalition (USA) in 1988 to bring uniform

standards to the field, and has been widely accepted by special education

professionals, psychologists and sociologists. Emotional behaviour disorders

have been defined as those exhibited characters in children that affect their

relations with peers and adults and interfere with schooling. (Ashley, Deni,

Azar, and Anderton, 1999 cited in Anderson, 2012) define the concept

emotional behaviour disorder in children as a disability characterized by

behavioural and emotional responses in school programmes so different from

the appropriate age, cultural or ethnic norms that the responses adversely

affect educational performance, including academic, social, vocational or

interpersonal skills.

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Anderson (2012) on her own defines behaviour disorder as those whose
performance outcomes over a significant time span are grossly affect

ed when such effects are substantial. Newman school children with emotional

(2007) further elucidates on this by defining emotional behaviour disorder as

repetitive persistent patterns of behaviour that result in significant disruption

of other students. Emotional behaviour disorder is defined as conduct

problems in which maladjusted students choose not to conform to socially

acceptable rules and norms of society.

Merrell (2003) defines Emotional behaviour disorder (EBD) as a

disability characterized by behavioural or emotional responses in school so

different from appropriate age, cultural, or ethnic norms that they adversely

affect educational performance. Educational performance included academic,

social, vocational and personal skills. It also refers as a health condition

characterized by alteration in thinking, mood, or behaviour, or a combination

of all three linked to distress and/or impaired functioning in a person.

Learners with behaviour disorder perceive themselves as normal and though

they were capable of behaving appropriately, they choose to break rules and

violate norms of acceptable behaviour. They consider rule breaking as normal

and acceptable.

Forness (1992), in a study conducted globally states that learners with

Emotional Disorder (ED) and those with social maladjustment could be

defined in the same way, in that if not treated, tended to persist into

adulthood with their inappropriate interpersonal social deviant behaviour

often resulting into criminal activity, poor marital adjustment and social

relationship as well as work related problems. Hong and Robert (2003) also

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stated that Maladjusted Child is one who’s behaviour and emotional

difficulties however caused have prevented the child from benefiting from the

ordinary social and educational experiences of home and school and whose

difficulties will persist unless help was given by those with appropriate skills.

A child for whom failure in learning and in socially approved situations is

more probable than success.

Rosenberg, and Owen (2001) opined that people with low self-esteem

were more troubled by failure and tended to exaggerate as being negative.

They are more likely to experience social anxiety and low levels of

interpersonal relationship, and unable to adequately express themselves

when interacting with others. Some of the characteristics and behaviour seen

in children who have emotional disturbance include, hyperactivity (short

attention span/ impulsiveness); aggression/self-injurious behaviours (acting

out, fighting); withdrawal (failure to initiate interaction with others, retreat

from exchange of social interactions, excessive fear or anxiety); immaturity

(inappropriate crying, temper tantrums, poor coping skills) and learning

difficulties (academically performing below grade level) (Wang, Turnbull,

Summers, Little, Poston, Mannan, & Turnbull, 2004). The symptoms of

emotional and behaviour disorders are often divided into two broad

categories. The first is externalizing behaviours that have direct or indirect

effects on other people. Examples include aggression, defiance, disobedience,

lying, stealing and lack of self-control. The second is internalizing behaviours

that primarily affect the student with the disorder. Examples include anxiety,

depression, and withdrawal from social interaction, eating disorders, and

suicidal tendencies

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Ormrod, (2003). Students with externalizing behaviours are those

whom teachers/facilitators are more likely to refer for evaluation and special

services, students with internalizing behaviours are often at just as much at

risk for school failure. Students with EBD who exhibit extreme externalizing

behaviours are a major concern of schools. Practitioners, both teachers and

clinicians, generally agree that these students’ lack of school success is due

to two intersecting forces: the student capacity for compliance and the adult’s

expectation for compliance. These problems are often due to lack of skills in

the domains of flexibility, adaptability, frustration tolerance and problem

solving. More specifically students with EBD tend to lack the capacity to defer

or delay their own goals in response to the imposed demands of those with

authority. This would seem to be a powerful explanation for failure. But

additional descriptors exist in the EBD profile that lead to further frustrations

and inappropriate behaviours. Many of these youngsters have difficulty

expressing thoughts, needs, and concerns in words. They tend to misread

social cues, start conversation, how to enter a group and how to connect with

people, and they have a poor sense of how they are being perceived by others

or to what extend their behaviour is affecting others. In addition, children

with the most serious emotional disturbances may exhibit distorted thinking,

excessive anxiety, bizarre motor acts, and abnormal mood swings, some are

identified as children who have a severe psychosis or schizophrenia.

Emotional and behavioural disorders are manifested in the form of

behavioural excesses or behavioural deficits.

Behavioural Excesses or externalizing behaviours are also referred to as

under controlled behaviour problems and are characterized by multiple

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instances of defiant, aggressive, disruptive, and noncompliant responses.

Almost three-quarters of children with externalizing disorders pass through a

predictable progression from less to more severe forms of social

maladjustment. These behaviours seem to be the focus of teachers, who view

them as intolerable as a result of challenging their authority, the interference

of instruction, disruption of classroom routines, and adverse effect on

classmates (Masi&Favilla, 2000). Behavioural Deficits of EBD are referred to

as internalizing behaviour disorders or over controlled behaviours. This

behaviour is characterized by inner-directed and covert actions. A child with

an internalizing behaviour disorder may be withdrawn, shy, depressed, and

may have dysthymia and other emotional or personality disorders. Just as

externalizing disorders are predictive of social adjustment difficulties and

psychopathology.

Masi and Favilla, (2000). Internalizing Behaviors often occur

concomitantly as impaired cognitive functioning, a lack of social competence

and acceptance, language deficits, limited problem-solving strategies, and

eventually result in nonattendance at school (Quinn & McDougal, 1998). Due

to the nature of internalizing behaviors, they do not often come to the

attention of teachers or other authorities. In cases where the problems are

identified, they are overlooked because they are not seen as difficulties. If

internalizing behaviours are not treated, the consequences carry the same

seriousness as untreated externalizing behaviour disorders (Lambros& Ward,

1998).

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Children with Emotional and behavioural disorders (CEBD) can be

identified through their characteristics that distinguish them from other

children. Several character displays distinguish them in schools and in the

society, following the input of several studies on the issue Encarta, 2009;

cited in Anderson (2012) These include the following:

1. Inability to build and/or maintain acceptable relationships with peers

and/or teachers.

2. Consistent or chronic behavioural inappropriateness displayed under

normal conditions, without cause.

3. Observed pervasive mood of unhappiness or depression. The child always

seems disturbed in this case.

4. A marked lack of appetite and/or disinterest in feeding. Often, such

children either pick at their food or they do not touch it at all.

5. Negative feelings expressed through an intent to harm self of others, and

low self-esteem under conditions that are fairly normal.

6. Observed tendency to develop physical symptoms, unreasonable fears and

pains associated with personal or school problems.

7. Displayed defiance toward constituted authority at home and in school

8. CEBD children are often the object of ridicule and taunts among peers

9. They tend to be suicidal and often entertain thoughts of death.

10. They usually solve problems through disengagement.

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11. They are argumentative and verbally hostile, often using expletives

12. They damage property and care little about the rights of others

13. They often go into fits of rage and throw tantrums at the slightest

provocation.

14. They do not care about the feelings of other persons

15. They are inclined towards tale bearing and passing off their own blame on

others.

16. Usually exhibit some deviant behaviours and show marked dislike for

school work.

17. Lacks good interpersonal relationships

18. Often moody and in a depressed situation

19. Difficulty in learning, which cannot be explained by sensory, health or

intellectual factors.

2.3.2 Concept of Conduct Disorder

Conduct Disorder is a persistent pattern of antisocial behavior that

significantly interferes with school, family and social functioning, (Sprague,

2000). Pupils with conduct disorders violate the basic rights of others or

major age- appreciate societal norms or rules.

Conduct disorder is a psychiatric syndrome occurring in childhood and adolescence,

and is characterized by a longstanding pattern of violations of rules and antisocial

behavior. As listed in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders, 4th

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ed. (DSM-IV), 1 symptoms typically include aggression, frequent lying, running away

from home overnight and destruction of property. Conduct disorder (CD) is located

within the category of disruptive, impulse-control, and conduct disorders of the

DSM-5 (5th ed.; DSM–5; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013). The criteria

of CD include (a) aggression to people or animals, (b) destruction of property, (c)

deceitfulness or theft, and (d) serious violations of the rules. The onset of the

symptoms occurs between childhood and adolescence. Furthermore, the DSM-5 has

included a “limited prosocial emotions” (p. 470) specifier to determine if the

individual experiences the following: a lack of remorse or guilt, lack of empathy, lack

of concern about performance, or exhibits shallow or deficient affect (APA, 2013),

characteristics that are closely associated with psychopathy (Frick, 2012).

However, the broad range of factors correlated with CD and the relationships

among these factors have resulted in challenges in expanding these findings into

comprehensive models. Such models would be useful for understanding the etiology

of serious conduct disordered behavior in children and adolescents (Frick, 2004).

The probability of youths developing CD increases as the number of risk factors

increases (Murray & Farrington, 2010). The problem has been identifying those risk

factors are correlated with CD and those that are merely markers for developing the

risk factors for CD (Murray & Farrington, 2010).

It is noteworthy that there are significant amounts of evidence to support the

association with CD and other psychiatric disorders during childhood and

adolescence (Loeber et al., 2000). There is a strong correlation between CD and the

following disorders: attention deficit/hyperactivity disorder (ADHD; especially in

males), depression, and substance use or abuse (Capaldi, 1992; Satterfield & Schell,

1997; Zoccolillo, 1996). Some research suggests that the presence of comorbid

disorders with CD may result in higher degrees of impairment than in CD alone,

however, assessment of the youths at high-risk for developing comorbid disorders is

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still in its infancy. When assessing or treating youth with CD, it is important to also

assess for the presence of other disorders that require treatment. Common

comorbidities are not included in the scope of this critical analysis as the focus is

primarily on CD.

The prevalence of CD, and associated features, has been shown to be consistent

across studies in incarcerated youths. One such study of 149 male juvenile offenders

found that 81% met the criteria for Conduct Disorder (CD), 62% met the criteria for

cluster B personality disorders, and 21% had psychopathic features (Kohler,

Heinzen, Hinrichs, & Hunzermeier, 2009). The high prevalence of CD was also

documented in a study of 261 incarcerated juvenile offenders that found very high

prevalence rates for boys (92.6%) and for girls (86.4%; Pechorro et al., 2013). Finally,

a study of 50 incarcerated youths found that 60% met the criteria for CD (Pliszka,

Sherman, Barrow, & Irick, 2000). These numbers demonstrate the alarming

representation of CD among youths within the juvenile justice system. The exact

prevalence of Conduct Disorder is difficult to establish and estimates vary among

studies and among differing segments of the general population (Loeber, et al.,

1993). Dryfoos (1990) stated that there is no way to estimate the prevalence in any

given population as defined by psychiatrists. Kazdin's (1986) review of the literature

on this subject found estimates of the syndrome ranging from 4 to 10 percent of all

children. Differences in definition as well as socioeconomic and familial factors

influence the number and kinds of problems reported (Kazdin, 1995). Nonetheless,

aggression, as well as antisocial, oppositional, and similar behaviors certainly are

among the most common childhood problems as reported by Wells & Forehand

(1985). In their review of prevalence studies, Wells and Forehand (1985) noted that

33 to 75 percent of clinic referrals were for Conduct Disordered behavior.

Gender differences in the numbers of persons having Conduct Disorders are

evident. Kendall and Hammen (1995) discussed how the precise gender ratio in the

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prevalence of this disorder is difficult to determine because of the varying types of

assessments that have been used. Quay (1986) estimated that in most cases the

reported ratio is at least 2:1 or 3:1 (males-females). Earles (1994) reported that

estimates varying from 3:1 to 5:1 (males-females) are common.

Gender differences are also apparent in the age of onset for Conduct Disorders

(Kazdin, 1990). According to Kazdin's findings, boys more frequently have an onset

before age ten and exhibit more anti-social behaviors such as theft than girls before

age 10. Kazdin (1990) further reported that the onset of Conduct Disorders for girls

is concentrated in early teen’s years (age thirteen to sixteen) in the acting out of

sexual misbehavior.

Furthermore, CD is also among the most serious in its implications throughout the

life course compared to other childhood psychiatric conditions. Children with CD

have been demonstrated to be at a high risk for early initiation of substance use

(Zeitlin, 1999) and increased high school dropout rates (Breslau, Saito, Tancredi,

Nock, & Gilman, 2012) compared to their non-CD peers. Moreover, consequences of

CD are not isolated to childhood and adolescence; the disorder can continue to

significantly impact individuals into adulthood. For example, adults with a history of

CD are more likely than their peers with no such history to be jailed, unemployed,

divorced, and at a high risk for psychiatric disorders, a broad range of physical

disorders, and premature mortality (Breslau et al., 2012). Other negative

implications for adults with a history of CD include fewer years of education, lower

income, lower levels of life satisfaction, and increased probability of incarceration

(Olino, Seeley, & Lewinsohn, 2010).

In addition to the above negative outcomes, CD has been demonstrated to be a

precursor to possible psychopathy in adulthood. According to Loeber, Burke, Lahey,

Winters, & Zera (2000), “psychopathy includes one dimension of the personality

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traits egocentricity, callousness, and manipulativeness. The second dimension is

more similar to (antisocial personality disorder), encompassing impulsivity,

irresponsibility, and antisocial behavior. Burke, Loeber, and Lahey (2007) found that

a history of CD and teacher-rated interpersonal callousness predicted stable and

persistent interpersonal and affective traits of psychopathy (e.g., callousness,

selfishness, and remorseless use of others), as well as impulsivity and antisocial

behavior, for a significant number of youths. These results further indicated that the

presence of CD as well as interpersonal callousness in childhood and teenage years

was predictive of later antisocial behavior and psychopathic traits into young

adulthood in the longitudinal component of the study.

The literature illustrates a close link between CD and psychopathy, namely that

CD in childhood and adolescence may lead to psychopathic traits along with a

myriad of negative outcomes in adulthood as mentioned.

2.3.3 Conduct Disorder Sub Types/ Developmental Pathway

Profiles of children and adolescents with CD are diverse in terms of the potential risk

factors, age of onset, and life course outcomes. Because of the array of possible

characteristics, there is neither a simple formula for the development of CD nor one

overarching factor that can be emphasized in its development (Frick & Viding, 2009;

Moffitt, 2003). This dilemma has led to the theoretical view that CD is a

heterogeneous outcome with unique sets of interacting risk factors leading down

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different pathways to the disorder (Frick, 2012). Thus, three significant

developmental pathways have been formulated in order to recognize the presence of

multiple pathways through which youths can develop CD (Frick, 2012). These

pathways are useful for examining CD due to their consistency with the theoretical

view of heterogeneity in CD, which allows for comparisons of pathways within the

diagnosis on variables of interest, such as, affective empathy, practical importance,

or risk for violence (Frick, 2012).

The proposed developmental pathways have also been useful in predicting different

outcomes associated with CD. According to Frick (2012), individuals with adolescent-

onset of CD are less likely to show antisocial behavior into adulthood when

compared with youths with childhood-onset CD. Frick (2012) further delineates the

childhood-onset into two categories, childhood-onset with emotional and behavior

regulation problems and childhood-onset with CU traits. While the proportion of

youths in each pathway is not specifically noted, it is known that the childhood-

onset with CU traits pathway of CD is less common than the other two pathways of

CD. The following sections examine the risk factors and outcomes involved with each

pathway.

Adolescent-onset. Adolescent-onset CD is demonstrated by those youths whose

onset of CD symptoms overlaps with the onset of adolescence, since these youths do

not demonstrate significant behavioral problems in childhood (Frick, 2012; Frick &

Viding, 2009; Moffitt, 2003; Moffitt, 2006). Due to the nature of this developmental

trajectory with its appearance in adolescence, it has been hypothesized that this

pathway is an amplification of nonpathological adolescent rebellion against

authority. Research has demonstrated that, when compared to other youths with

CD, these adolescents display elevated levels of rebelliousness, as demonstrated by

being more rejecting of conventional values and status hierarchies (Dandreaux &

Frick, 2009). Specifically, boys with adolescent-onset CD showed significantly lower

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scores than those with childhood-onset CD on a measure of traditionalism, such as

an individual’s tendency to endorse conventional attitudes towards authority and

traditional institutions. Furthermore, the adolescent onset pathway to CD is

proposed to be more likely a result of an increased environmental, rather than

genetic risk, such as deviant peer groups, since CD becomes apparent later in

development (Moffitt, 2003).

Youths in the adolescent-onset CD group tend to demonstrate behavior problems

that are limited to adolescence and display fewer risk factors than their childhood-

onset peers (Frick & Viding, 2009). In general, adolescents in this subgroup tend to

be less aggressive and violent than those in the other two developmental pathways to

CD (Dandreaux & Frick, 2009; Frick, 2012; Moffitt, 2003). They are also less likely to

show criminal behavior beyond adolescence when compared to their peers with CD.

A literature review by Frick and Viding (2009) of this subtype of youths determined

that, overall, the adolescent-onset CD type is less likely than the childhood-onset CD

types to show neuropsychological deficits, show cognitive deficits, have

temperamental or dispositional factors, and is less likely to have family instability or

conflict. Since the adolescent-onset pathway of CD appears to be due to the

amplification of processes specific to adolescence with fewer risk factors, the

adolescent-onset pathway has a low predictive value of continuing into adulthood as

discussed in the research. However, this group may show impairments in adulthood

related to consequences of behavior in adolescence (e.g., dropping out of school or

criminal record; Frick & Viding, 2009; Moffitt, 2003).

Childhood-onset with emotional and behavioral regulation

problems. There are two subgroups within the childhood-onset type of CD. The

first is CD with significant problems in emotional and behavioral regulation (Frick,

2012; Frick & Ellis, 1999). As the name of this pathway implies, the etiology of this

trajectory appears to lie in deficits in cognitive or emotional regulation of behavior,

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which relate to possible deficits in executive function control (Frick & Viding, 2009),

including an inability to anticipate negative consequences of behavior, inability to

delay gratification, and high levels of impulsivity (Moffitt, 2003). These children tend

to be less aggressive than those in the other pathways of CD (Frick & Viding, 2009).

However, when aggressive behavior is present, it is more likely to be reactive, versus

proactive, in nature. Thus, children in this pathway are highly reactive to emotional

stimuli, provocation by peers, and demonstrate heightened autonomic reactivity

(Frick, 2012). Youths in this subgroup of CD are also likely to present with deficits in

verbal intelligence and demonstrate the hostile attribution bias (Frick, 2012). Both

the cognitive deficits (e.g., hostile attribution bias) and emotional deficits (e.g., high

reactivity) in conjunction with possible executive control problems appear to make

these children more apt to develop problems in regulating behavior due to their

inability to regulate their emotional and cognitive responses. These apparent deficits

in emotional regulation may lead to increased impulsive and reactive antisocial acts

that are not easily controlled by the child.

Youths with CD in this subgroup have been found to come from families with

elevated rates of inconsistent parenting more than the other childhood onset

pathway, as well as have inadequate socializing experiences (Frick, 2012; Wootton,

Frick, Shelton, & Silverthorn, 2010). It has been conjectured that these early

experiences or lack thereof may relate to the development of problems in executive

control.

When compared with the other childhood-onset pathway of CD, antisocial behavior

associated with this developmental trajectory of CD does not appear to be explained

by insufficiencies in conscience development since these youths do not appear to

display deficits in empathy and guilt (Frick, 2012). In addition, one of the most

significant differences between the two childhood-onset pathways of CD, per the

literature, is that these youths have been shown to exhibit anxiety and appear to be

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distressed by the effects of their behavior on others. Therefore, it is conjectured that

a sense of morality is present but counteracted by the high levels of impulsivity and

lack of emotional regulation within this pathway of CD.

The research points to the low predictive validity of this pathway for significant

conduct problems into adulthood due to the presence of morality, guilt, and potential

anxiety in the child. However, the problems with emotional regulation could result in

difficulty controlling behaviors into adulthood.

Childhood-onset with callous-unemotional traits . The final proposed

subgroup is considered the most severe of those with CD as well as the smallest

group of youths with CD (Frick, 2012; Frick, Cornell, Barry, Bodin, & Dane, 2003a;

Frick & Viding, 2009; Moffitt, 2003). As in the earlier discussion of CU traits, the

childhood-onset CD with callous unemotional traits (CU) suggests a more severe,

chronic, and aggressive pattern of behavior, especially when compared to both the

adolescent-onset and childhood-onset without CU traits pathways. Additionally, this

behavioral pattern is more likely to persevere into adolescence and adulthood than it

is in youths from other subgroups of CD (Frick & Viding, 2009).

Comparisons between the pathways further elucidate the severity of behaviors and

course of CD within this pathway. Compared to the childhood-onset CD with

emotional and behavioral deregulation, childhood-onset CD with CU traits is

characterized by aggression that is both proactive and reactive in nature and does

not exhibit a significant presence of the hostile attribution bias (Frick et al., 2003;

Frick & Viding, 2009). Research comparing this trajectory with the adolescent-onset

subgroup of CD has found that boys with CU traits show significantly more self-

reported delinquency than their peers with adolescent-onset CD, especially in higher

self-reported, violent delinquency (Dandreaux & Frick, 2009). Therefore, early

identification of children with CU traits is extremely important as research

demonstrates that they are at an increased risk for engaging in violent, more serious

20
aggressive acts.

Overall, deficits in youths with childhood-onset CD with CU traits have been the

extensive focus of research and a large focus of attention on youths with severe

conduct problems. More specifically, deficits have been found in these children’s

autonomic activity, reactivity to signs of fear and distress in others and

understanding of negative emotional stimuli (Frick & White, 2008). A study on

children with CU found that, they displayed difficulties in emotional activity, i.e.,

response to emotional stimuli, and emotional understanding, while older children

and adolescents with CU traits only displayed deficits in emotional activity (Dadds et

al., 2009). This finding demonstrates that these youths may learn to recognize and

understand emotions in others over development, which suggests possible

malleability in CU traits.

It has been suggested that there may be a genetic link due to the age of CD onset

and pervasiveness of the CU traits in children within this developmental pathway to

CD (Frick & White, 2008). The temperament differences in this subgroup of CD, such

as fearlessness and insensitivity to punishment, may interfere with the adaptive

development of the conscience, which further perpetuates the heightened risk for

developing a severe pattern of CD (Frick & Viding, 2009).

One of the most important distinguishing components of youths with CU traits is the

relationship between these traits, adult psychopathy, and antisocial personality

disorder (APD). Researchers are beginning to examine the presence of psychopathy

in the formative years to increase understanding of adult antisocial behavior. Some

of this research has shown that CU traits predict APD outcomes in adolescents

(Loeber, Burke, & Lahey, 2002). Additionally, it has been demonstrated that the

specifier for CU traits in the CD diagnostic criteria increases the positive prediction

of serious antisocial outcomes with a very low false-positive rate of .01, which

increases the reliability of the diagnostic criteria for CD (McMahon et al., 2010). In

21
addition, higher levels of CU traits have been shown to predict higher levels of self-

reported delinquency, more juvenile and adult arrests, a greater number of DSM-5

APD diagnostic criteria endorsed, and a high likelihood of receiving an APD diagnosis

(McMahon et al., 2010).

In summary, this pathway has been demonstrated to have a high predictive

validity of continued antisocial behaviors and conduct problems into adulthood.

Furthermore, the behaviors exhibited by youth in this pathway are also the most

consistently severe across time.

2.3.4 Causes of Conduct Disorder

The three most commonly cited risk factors for developing CD include

aggression, impulsivity, and callous-unemotional traits (Frick, 2012; Lacourse

et al., 2010; Moffitt, 2003). Research suggests that early physical aggression

and impulsiveness are specifically related to later violent behaviors, which

can forecast a pattern of persistent antisocial and violent behavior into

adolescence and adulthood (Dodge & Pettit, 2003; Nagin & Tremblay, 1999;

Porter & Woodworth, 2006; Tremblay, 2000). In addition to aggression,

impulsiveness—the ability to regulate emotion and behavior (Frick & Viding,

2009)—is one of the most fundamental predictors of antisocial behavior

(Murray & Farrington, 2010). Callous-unemotional traits, or the inability to

feel empathy and guilt, are also correlated with the development of CD (Frick,

2012). There is substantial evidence that the presence of these traits

identifies a subset of individuals with serious conduct problems that are more

likely to continue into adulthood (Frick & White, 2008). Youths with elevated

22
CU traits exhibit more severe conduct problems that tend to be less

responsive to treatment than their CD counterparts with low CU traits. For

example, Rowe et al. (2010) found that children with CD and high levels of CU

traits had higher levels of conduct problems than those children with CD and

low levels of CU traits.

In addition to these three risk factors for CD, there are a multitude of other

associated risk factors that are less central to the disorder and may relate

more to specific pathways of the disorder. Examples of other risk factors

include dispositional characteristics (e.g., temperamental or neurocognitive

deficits) and contextual factors (e.g., prenatal factors, early environmental

variables, or neighborhood variables; Burke, Loeber, & Birmaher, 2002).

Some research has shown that oppositional defiant disorder (ODD), a

childhood disruptive disorder, is a predictor for developing CD (Loeber et al.,

2000). For example, one study demonstrated that the risk of onset of CD was

four times higher for children with ODD than children without ODD (Cohen &

Flory, 1998). The relationship between ODD and CD is acknowledged and in

parsimonious fashion was explored at length.

Aggression. Aggression, a key risk factor of CD, is broadly defined as a


behavior intended to hurt others (Lee, Salekin, & Iselin, 2010). Historically,

the terms aggression and physical violence have often been considered

synonymous in that aggression is linked to the physical harm of another

(Ohan & Johnston, 2005). Even under the DSM 5 criteria for “aggression to

people or animals” (p. 470), all but one criterion describes physical violence

(5th ed.; DSM–5; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 2013). However,

there is an inherent heterogeneity in aggressive behavior as well as

23
perspectives of the construct from different theories beyond the scope of the

diagnostics of CD. Thus, a discussion of the traits, cognitions, and

motivations of aggression is warranted to understand the complex construct

of aggression and its relationship to CD.

Research has suggested that aggression is best understood on a continuum

of behaviors resulting in normative and maladaptive outcomes (Bobadilla,

Wampler, & Taylor, 2012). Persons with CD tend to exhibit aggression on the

pathological and maladaptive end of, this continuum. Aggressive behaviors

can be exhibited in a variety of ways in CD, which is often a reflection of

differing motivations for the behavior. Thus, there has been a general

movement away from focusing on aggression as a global construct and,

instead, focusing more on the idiopathic nuances of aggression.

Specifically, there are unique factors that lead to the expression of

physical aggression in CD. These factors include cognitions related to

aggression, such as ruminations, grudges, and thoughts of revenge. Research

has shown that rumination, i.e., one’s fixated attention on the object of

provocation, reduces self-control and increases aggression when an individual

with CD is provoked (Denson, Pedersen, Friese, Hahm, & Roberts, 2011).

Similarly, Waschbusch et al. (2002) demonstrated that children who exhibited

higher levels of aggression in response to provocation also held grudges

against peers longer. Conversely, the effect of rumination was mediated by

self-control capacities, which decreased the likelihood of aggressive behaviors

(Denson et al., 2011). Thus, an important component of examining an

individual’s aggressive behaviors can be to increase understanding of the

24
thought processes after a trigger event and to teach self-control techniques in

order to ameliorate aggression.

Another cognitive factor related to aggression is the hostile attribution

bias (Nasby, Hayden, & DePaulo, 1980), a tendency to attribute hostile intent

to others’ actions and to blame others for one’s negative outcome rather than

blaming the self. Social information processing theory further built upon the

term by proposing that the tendency to make these hostile attributions will

also lead to a predisposition toward aggressive behavior (Dodge, 2006).

Dodge (2006) proposed that aggressive behavior can occur as a function of

making a hostile attribution that the self has been threatened regardless of

the intent of the other person. In fact, Dodge, Price, Bachorowski, and

Newman (2002) studied 128 male juvenile offenders with CD in a maximum-

security prison and found that these juveniles were likely to perceive stimuli

as hostile while watching video recordings of a variety of scripted peer

interactions. Thus, it was projected that youths with CD display hostile

attribution bias more frequently than youths without conduct problems due

to the high prevalence of aggressive behaviors seen in CD. Dodge (2006)

developed a model that described the relationship between hostile attribution

biases and conduct problems. The model suggested that hostile attribution

biases are universal in early life (Dodge, 2006). A benign attribution style,

e.g., that some provocations are not hostile, is later learned through life

experiences, such as socialization. Therefore, Dodge (2006) proposed that

interventions aimed at changing an individual’s attribution biases (e.g.,

through cognitive reframing) could alter further antisocial development.

25
Hostile attribution bias is also linked to another important component of

aggression in CD: the motivation behind aggressive acts. Aggression can be

reactive or proactive in terms of motivation to engage in aggressive behaviors,

both emanating from different cognitive and emotional processes as well as

severity. Reactive aggression, dubbed hot aggression, is associated with an

impulsive response to a perceived or actual threat while proactive aggression

is calculated aggression with anticipation of self-serving outcomes (Bobadilla

et al., 2012; Dodge & Coie, 1987; Waschbusch et al., 2002). Reactive

aggression’s genesis has been strongly linked to increased hostile attribution

biases, negative psychosocial outcomes, and lower levels of verbal ability

(Arsenio, Adams, & Gold, 2009).

Proactive aggression has been linked to an individual’s ability to consciously

delay aggressive behaviors because of specific circumstances, such as for

personal gain in youth with CD (Porter & Woodworth, 2006). Hence, this

relates to the cool and calculated demeanor that dominates this form of

aggression demonstrated in more severe cases of CD (Moffitt, 2003). In

proactive aggression, an individual’s motivation is not based on perceived

threats but perceived gains from an aggressive act (Bobadilla et al., 2012;

Porter & Woodworth, 2006). Arsenio et al.’s (2009) findings further suggest

that proactive aggression may be characterized by disruptions in certain

morally relevant values, e.g., willingness to use aggression to get what they

want despite victims’ cost, rather than by any social cognitive deficits, which

is more linked to reactive aggression. The distinction between proactive and

reactive aggression helps to delineate the more severe cases of CD, such as

youth who engage in aggressive acts for reward or gain.

26
Comparisons between proactive and reactive aggression have shown that

proactive aggression increases the risk for later maladjustment and

foreshadows a pattern of long-term antisocial behavior as seen in CD (Porter

& Woodworth, 2006; Woo & Keatinge, 2008). Additionally, proactive

aggression has been associated with decreased sensitivity to punishment, low

anxiety, and negative social adjustment, which are related to a severe

expression of CD (Bobadilla et al., 2012; Dodge & Coie, 1987; Poulin &

Boivin, 2000).

Examining the construct of aggression as it relates to CD has provided a

detailed picture of the differences within the presentation of aggressive

behaviors. This examination is important, as physical aggression is a main

criterion in CD. However, aggression is more than simply a behavior. It is a

combination of cognitive and emotional factors that lead to the expression of

physical aggression. Within the context of CD, understanding the specific

cognitive and emotional processes can help to predict the risk for and severity

of physical aggression for youth with CD.

Impulsivity. Another core risk factor for developing CD is impulsivity, which

is defined as the lack of premeditation – the tendency to think and plan prior

to action (Frick & Viding, 2009; Murray & Farrington, 2010; Whiteside &

Lynam, 2001). Developing proper impulse control is a normative

developmental milestone for children and adolescents. However, the lack of

adequate impulse control or tendencies towards impulsive behaviors may lead

to social deficits, behavioral concerns, and involvement in crime (Mathias,

Marsh-Richard, & Dougherty, 2008). A meta-analysis found that impulsivity

is a key factor that differentiates children who are likely to have lifelong

27
versus short-term conduct problems (Waschbusch, 2002).

The presence of high rates of impulsivity has also been shown to relate to the

prevalence of aggression and criminality in CD. DeWall, Deckman, Gailliot,

and Bushman (2011) suggested that individuals who have low capacities for

self-control, otherwise labeled impulsivity, have a significant likelihood for

demonstrating an aggressive response to provocation. Meta-analyses have

further demonstrated that high levels of impulsivity can lead to antisocial

behavioral problems (Morgan & Lilienfeld, 2000). In fact, poor impulse control

has been cited as one of the most reliable predictors for criminal behavior

(Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). High scores of impulsivity have also been

found in adults with psychopathic traits and criminal histories (Daderman,

1999). Thus, these results taken together further indicate the importance of

impulsivity in the development and maintenance of behaviors of aggression

and criminality that are associated with CD.

In children with CD, there is consistent evidence to suggest that youths with

CD have a similar cognitive profile as youths who exhibit impulsivity without

conduct problems. This suggests that there is a high correlation for youths

with CD to have significantly elevated levels of impulsivity. Behavioral and

neuropsychological evidence has shown that children with CD show problems

with impulsivity and are impaired in motor tasks of inhibitory control (Herba,

Tranah, Rubia, & Yule, 2006). Specifically, children with conduct problems,

compared to controls, showed reduced likelihood of inhibiting a response and

made more premature responses, both indicative of an impulsive response

style. Furthermore, adolescents with conduct problems demonstrated deficits

28
in both inhibitory and executive processes on the motor response task, which

were not due to comorbidity with attentional problems.

Studies focusing on CD further highlight the strong association of impulsivity

seen in these youths. Youths with CD have consistently scored higher than

youths without CD on self report measures of impulsivity, supporting the

correlation with impulsivity and CD (CastellanosRyan & Conrad, 2011; Pihet,

Suter, Halfon, & Stephan, 2012). Impulsivity has also been found to

contribute to the risk of criminal involvement over and above the risk

associated with early conduct problems alone (Babinski, Hartsough, &

Lambert, 1999).

Callous-unemotional traits. Callous-unemotional (CU) traits are

another significant risk factor implicated in the development of CD (Frick &

Viding, 2009). CU traits are defined as a lack of guilt or remorse, a lack of

concern about the feelings of others (i.e., empathy), a lack of concern about

performance in important activities, shallow or deficient affect, and less

sensitivity to punishment than other youths without CU traits (Frick, 2012;

Moran et al., 2009). Lack of guilt and concern for the feelings of others has

been linked to deficits in understanding or recognizing fear and distress in

others as well as general deficits in empathy and emotionality (Moran et al.,

2009). However, there is evidence to support that individuals with CU traits

are able to elicit emotions in circumstances that require superficial show,

such as personal gain (Frick, 2012). Personal gain also plays a role in

decreased sensitivity to punishment in individuals with CU traits due to an

increased focus on the positive aspects of aggression, such as gains, versus

29
the repercussions (Moran et al., 2009).

CU traits are not exhibited in all youths with CD; however, their presence

delineates a group of youths with more severe conduct problems. Research

suggests that CU traits reflect at least one component of child psychopathy

and identify a group of children who are at risk for more severe and persistent

antisocial behaviors (Burke et al., 2007). Similarly, a meta-analysis on CU

traits suggests that the presence of these traits predicts a more severe course

of CD and high rates of delinquent behaviors and aggression as seen in CD

(Frick, Kimonis, Dandreaux, & Farell, 2003). Kolko and Pardini (2010) found

that children who met the DSM-5 criteria threshold for CU traits (i.e.,

prosocial specifier) were more likely to be diagnosed with CD than

oppositional defiant disorder, specifically with the CU subtype of CD

representing 59.5% of all childhood-onset cases.

CU traits have also been linked to adult psychopathy and adult

manifestations of conduct problems as well as precipitating CD. Furthermore,

psychopathic personality features are thought to be an antecedent to conduct

problems and antisocial behavior (Cooke, Michie, Hart, & Clark, 2004). These

findings have prompted interest in whether conduct problems in youth might

be explained by a similar psychopathic correlate as with adults. In their

longitudinal study of 754 children, McMahon, Witkiewitz, and Kotler (2010)

found that higher levels of CU traits were predictive of higher levels of self-

reported juvenile delinquency, more arrests, and a high likelihood of a

diagnosis of antisocial personality disorder. In the same study, a childhood

diagnosis of CD with CU traits had the highest positive predictive value of

30
later antisocial outcomes or antisocial personality disorder with a very low

false positive rate of 0.01.

Organic. There is evidence to support the relationship between Conduct

Disorder youth and organic abnormalities. The Harvard Medical School

Mental Health Letter, Part I (1989) found that children and adolescents with

the most severe Conduct Disorder, were are often mentally retarded or

neurologically impaired. This finding was most evident among the violent

individuals. This source further state that the same kind of behavior that is

regarded as a sign of organic pathology in young children is often interpreted

as simply antisocial or criminal behavior in adolescents. The source further

states that these organic problems can be difficult to detect (The Harvard

Medical School Mental Health Letter, Part I, 1989). Negative affect and

constraint were also considered by Coninger, (1987) to have specific

neurobiological undertones (Coninger, 1987). Past research has explored a

possible connection between the rate at which the brain expands its

neurotransmitter substances and the dimension of personality. For example,

abnormally low levels of a metabolite by-product from the neurotransmitter

called serotonin have been found in the cerebrospinal fluid of prison inmates

whose criminal history is habitually violent and impulsive (Linnoila,

Virkunnem, Nuutila, Rimon, & Frederick, 1983; Virkunnen et. al, 1987).

These findings have led many theorists to outline the neural mechanisms by

which low serotonin levels in the brain could simultaneously produce

impulsivity and greater negative affect (Depue & Spoot, 1986; Spoot, 1992).

31
Researchers have investigated genetic factors as a possible force in Conduct

Disorders (Plomin, Nitz, & Rowe, 1990). When examining aggressiveness in

studies of twins, these researchers found hints that aggressiveness shows no

consistent pattern of genetic influences. However, Dilalla and Gottesman

(1989) and Wicks-Nelson and Israel (1991) reported on research that has

suggested a genetic relationship to criminal activity. It should also be noted

that the relationship between genetic factors and antisocial behavior is higher

with adult (crime) than with youth (delinquency), (Dilalla & Gottesman, 1989;

WicksNelson & Israel, 1991).

Family Environmental Factors. Gardner (2001) described how the

relationship between deprivation of parental affection and the development of

psychogenic pathology in the child has a direct correlation with the diagnosis

of Conduct Disorder. Although Gardner considered a wide variety of parental

deficiencies, most of his clients had a common basic impairment in the

parent's capacity to provide the child with love, guidance, affection,

nurturance and protection.

Other research findings have supported the notion that the family is a

contributing factor in the development of Conduct Disorders (Jouriles, Bourg

& Farris, 1991). Hetherington and Martin (1986), cited in Kenall and

Hammen (1995), listed four alternative patterns they believe are common in

the families of youngsters with Conduct Disorder: parental deviance, lack of

discipline or supervision of children, parental rejection and coerciveness, and

marital conflict and divorce. Kendall and Hammen (1995) described how

extreme permissiveness, inconsistent discipline, and harsh discipline have

32
been associated with Conduct Disorder. They further reported how extremes

in parental control, too much or none at all, seem to contribute to the

appearance of aggressive and defiant behavior. In three additional studies of

Gabel and Shinsledecker (1992), and Kendall and Hammen (1995), reported

how the parents of Conduct Disorder children were often found to be deviant,

to display maladjustment, criminal behavior, and alcoholism. These factors

often put the child at greater risk for the disorder.

Patterson, Chamberlain, and Reib (1982) claimed that family

environment has a pervasive influence on parents and on the personality

development of their children, particularly on the development of antisocial

behavior. Other factors shown to predict late aggression include harsh,

inconsistent disciplinary practices and a chaotic home environment (Loeber &

Stouthamer-Loeber, 1986). For these youth, living under constant threats of

emotional or physical harm increases the negative effects more than those

with a simple perceptual bias. The youth's view is that the harsh realities of

their everyday living is a constant reinforcer of their need for defensive coping

skills.

Constraint may also affect family dynamics. For example, parental conflict

has been found to predict children's scores on constraint at age eighteen

(Vaughn et al., 1988). Thus, a personality configuration involving high levels

of negative effects and low levels of constraints may develop when children

grow and learn in a discordant family environment in which parent-child

interactions are harsh and inconsistent.

33
Patterson (1986) summarized his findings from three interlocking structural

equation models. These models defined a set of relations between stress and

family management skills and between parental discipline and antisocial

child behavior. In the third model, it was hypothesized that inept parenting

skills set a process in motion that causes the child to be rejected by peers, to

fail academically, and to have low self-esteem.

The risk for a child having a Conduct Disorder increases in children whose

biological or adoptive parents are Antisocial Personality Disorders or who

have a sibling with Conduct Disorder (American Psychiatric Association,

1995; Rutter & Quinton 1984). This disorder is also common in children

whose biological parents are alcohol dependent, have a mood disorder, are

Schizophrenic, have Attention-Deficit/Hyperactivity Disorder or have Conduct

Disorder (American Psychiatric Association, 1995). There appears to be a

relationship between alcoholism and antisocial personality in the fathers, in

combination with low socioeconomic status and unsocialized Disorder in

children (Earls et al., 1988). Robin (1966) and West (1982) found that

criminal behavior and alcoholism, particularly in the father, put the child at

high risk for Conduct Disorder.

Garder (2001) explained how parents can overtly or covertly sanction a child's

antisocial behavior. This may be overtly accomplished by direct intraction or

covertly accomplished by parental modeling that supports the antisocial

behavior and by parental failure to properly guide, and provide structure,

proper discipline and consequences for their antisocial child. The result of

overtly or covertly sanctioning a child's antisocial behavior is the same. There

34
is parental support for the child's acting out. Finally, parents of Conduct

Disorder children tend to respond coercively and often negatively to their

children. Loeber (1990) stated that, although measuring parental practices is

difficult, there seems to be a strong association between a negative parent-

child relationship and antisocial conduct between children. According to

Patterson, Chamberlain, & Reid (1982), the parents of children with Conduct

Disorder tended to reward positive and negative behaviors inconsistently. In

particular, the parents reinforced (by attention or laughter) coercive child

behaviors such as demanding, defying, yelling, and arguing. Meanwhile,

positive behaviors were often ignored or responded to inappropriately. Thus,

according to Patterson, families with children with Conduct Disorder are

characterized by coercive interactions. Poor parenting skills, he argued,

produce and promote antisocial behavior.

Societal. Barclay and Hoffman (1990) researched how societal

contributions also influences the likelihood of a youth being diagnosed with a

Conduct Disorder. Conduct problems are more prevalent among those of low

socioeconomic status, and of urban (8 percent) rather than rural (4 percent)

youth. DSM IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1995) described how the

prevalence of Conduct Disorders seems to have increased over the last

decades and may be higher in urban than in rural settings. Estimated rates

range from 6 percent to 16 percent for males under the age of eighteen and

from 2 percent to 9 percent for females, under the age of eighteen. Kendall

and Hammen (1995) speculated regarding different reasons put forth for

gender differences in the diagnosis of Conduct Disorder. One speculative

explanation these authors give is that the socialization process, in both

35
families and schools, shape boys and girls differently. Kendall and Hammen

(1995) concluded that aggressiveness is tolerated more in boys than in girls

and boys are encouraged to discharge their frustrations more physically than

are girls.

Whether the diagnosis for Conduct Disorders is influenced by organic,

genetic, family, societal factors or by a combination of two or more of these

factors, diagnosable youth are difficult children to raise, teach and interact

with. They are challenges in the school systems and in the communities.

Without proper treatment, these children are likely to grow up to be

challenging adults. Understanding the possible reasons for Conduct

Disorders would facilitate development and implementation of appropriate

treatment procedure to produce positive change in these young people.

2.3.5 Characteristics of Children with Conduct Disorder

According to the DSM IV (American Psychiatric Association, 1995), the

essential feature for the diagnosis of Conduct Disorder is a persistent pattern

of behavior that violates the basic rights of others and major age-appropriate

social norms. Conduct Disorders are part of the larger DSM IV, (American

Psychiatric Association, 1995) category of Disruptive Behavior Disorders

which also includes Attention-Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder, and

Oppositional-Defiant Disorder. Conduct Disorder occurs as early as 5 or 6

years of age and is usually diagnosed in late childhood or adolescence, but

rarely after age 16. The list of characteristics given by the DSM IV (American

36
Psychiatric Association, 1995) to describe manifestations of Conduct Disorder

are as follows:

Aggression to people and/or animals

1. Often bullies, threatens or intimidates others.

2. Often initiates physical fights.

3. Has used a weapon that can cause serious physical harm to others (e.g., a

bat, brick, broken bottle, knife, and gun).

4. Has been physically clruel to people.

5. Has been physically cruel to animals.

6. Has stolen while confronting a victim (e.g., mugging, purse snatching,

extortion, armed robbery).

7. Has forced someone2 into sexual activity.

Destruction of property

1. Has deliberately engaged in fire setting with the intention of causing

serious damage.

2. Has deliberately destroyed others’ property (other than by fire setting).

Deceitfulness or theft

1. Has broken into someone else’s house, building or car.

2. Often lies to obtain goods or favors or to avoid obligations (i.e., “cons”

others).

3. Has stolen items of nontrivial value without confronting the victim (e.g.,

shoplifting, but without breaking and entering; forgery).

37
Serious violations of rules

1. Often stays out at night despite parental prohibitions, beginning before age

13 years.

2. Has run away from home overnight at least twice while living in a parental

or parental surrogate home (or once without returning for a lengthy period).

3. Is often truant from school, beginning before age 13 years.

Ugwu(1994) cited in O.keke (2001) identified the following characteristics

such as:

i. Show of aggression which include biting, fighting, hitting, kicking

ii. Destructive tendencies: destroying things at home and at schools.

iii. Truancy: most of these children dislike going to school and this makes

them stay away from school

iv. Poor attention span: such children are usually restless and find it

difficult to be attentive in class

v. Most of them are withdrawn, day dream and they refuse to interact

with their environment

vi. They are unable to maintain satisfactory relationships with peers,

siblings and teachers.

vii. They lack self-controls and have dependency tendencies.

viii. Many of them have pervasive mood of unhappiness or depression even

in situation where other children are excited.

ix. They display temper tantrums which refers to unnecessary and,

excessive anger with everybody, everything and even themselves or

others

38
x. Some of them are egocentric and domineering (control other people

without considering their feelings or ideas) which makes them

unpopular among their peers who isolate them.

xi. They may have a very poor self-concept

xii. They may, also express unnecessary fears, like being unable to get

close to big trees or go into a dark room or approach animals/insect

2.3.6 Treatment of Conduct Disorder

School Based Intervention

Dryfoos (2003) reported that despite the number of individual and family

attributes that have been linked to delinquent behaviour of youth, another set

of attributes relates to the quality of that school. Dryfoos described certain

characteristics of schools that are associated with high delinquency rates.

These include large school size, absence of individual attention, ability

grouping and negative labelling, low teacher expectations, lack of structure,

and inconsistent treatment by teachers and administrators. Hawkins and

Lam (2010) concluded that the strong effects of school environments and the

probability of misbehaviour called for required delinquency prevention

strategies directed at bringing about improvements in academic achievement

accompanied by emphasis on positive peer influence strategies.

Dryfoos (2003) concluded that there are few evaluations of school based

interventions specifically designed to influence social behaviour and

39
delinquency. The examples of school-based interventions cited here fall into

five broad categories: classroom management (teacher-training), cooperative

(student-staff) learning arrangements, school team approaches, alternative

schools, and special services and counselling.

When looking at classroom management, Hawkins and Lam (2001)

conducted an experimental study of 7th graders in Seattle Washington. They

tested instructional strategies intended to promote greater bonding of the

school, increase achievement, and lessen antisocial behaviour. Strategies

included: proactive classroom management, interactive teaching, and

cooperative learning. At the end of the first year very few positive results were

found in improved bonding among students and they did not do any better in

school. There was, however, some evidence that students were more likely to

engage in learning activities, did more homework, did better in math classes,

and upgraded their educational expectations. Students whose teachers were

trained in classroom management, interactive teaching and cooperative

learning were less likely to be suspended or expelled from school, but there

was no difference in self-reported truancy, theft, or the frequency of getting in

trouble at school for drugs or alcohol.

Dryfoos (2003) discussed cooperative learning arrangements as being

beneficial in helping in the prevention of delinquency among youth. The first

primary intervention of this approach is a participatory decision-making

process which staff, parents, and student groups can be involved in decision

making concerning management issues, which include discipline policies. The

second intervention is student team teaching in which heterogeneous

40
students were put together to work on academic tasks in a cooperative

atmosphere.

According to Dryfoos (2003), the school team approach is a joint problem

solving process. Teams consist from six to eight people, including parents,

students, school staff and community residents. Teams are trained in a two-

week session to deal with problem behaviours in the school by acting as a

group and developing a plan of action. Dryfoos described interventions as

including setting up a timeout room for disruptive students in lieu of

suspension, making home visits to problem students, and using students as

monitors and advisors.

Grant and Cappell (1999) reported on the school team approach that was

implemented in 200 schools over a two-year period. Evaluation results were

more favourable in the middle school than in the high schools. School crime

and disruptive behaviour were reduced in middle schools, attributed by the

evaluators to improved parent-teacher relations and successful handling of

discipline and security problems within the schools. In the high schools the

most effective school teams appeared to improve communication between

students and teachers through joint student-teacher problem-solving groups.

The largest decreases in school crime occurred early in the program,

described by the evaluators as a honeymoon effect.

Alternative schools offer another approach Dryfoos (2003) discussed as a

way to help behaviour problem youth. In this approach troubled youth are to

separate from other youth and placed in separate classes or schools. Self-

paced individual instruction, intensive counselling, paid employment, an

41
open "rec room," and "contingency contracting" for behavioural modification

are among strategies used.

Special services and counselling is the fifth approach by (Dryfoos, 2003) he

described this approach by the Primary Mental Health Project (PMHP) as

being used for approximately three decades in hundreds of schools

throughout the United States. Repeated evaluations have demonstrated that

this training has resulted in decreased antisocial behaviour among those who

are shy and withdrawn, but with less successful among very aggressive

children. In this approach, children at high risk of school maladjustment are

identified by teachers in the early grades. Targeted children meet with a

trainer either individually or in small groups for approximately 25 sessions.

Children are taught to recognize feelings and set limits on their own

behaviour.

Residential Treatment

Conduct Disorder is one of the leading reasons for admission to child

psychiatric inpatient units and to residential treatment centres (Kashani &

Cantwell, 2000). This was true in 2000, and nothing more recent has been

found in the literature by this writer. The admission for treatment may be

based on the need to determine detailed differential diagnosis, to establish the

presence of other psychiatric disorders, and for immediate control of

aggressive behaviour or threats of such behaviour (Earles, 1999). The

impatient setting also allows the psychiatrist a greater opportunity for more

intensive observation of the youth than could be allowed in an outpatient

setting. Earles (1999) reported that residential treatment is usually reserved

42
for youth who are so seriously disturbed that they require intensive, long-

term management.

Family Intervention

The family environment often has a large influence on the personality

development of children and on the development of antisocial behaviour

(Patterson et al., 2001). This has do to with an impairment in the parent's

capacity to provide love, guidance, affection, nurturing and protection

(Gardner, 2003), he report on how the parents inability to supply discipline,

supervision or marital conflictt may also influence the frisk on Conduct

Disorder. Do to these factors several therapeutic techniques will be reviewed:

parent management training, functional family therapy Parent management

training, multi-systemic therapy, cognitive problem-solving skills training.

Parent management training (PMT) refers to procedures in which

parents are trained to alter their child's behaviour in the home (Kazdin,

2004). Parents meet with a therapist or trainer who teaches them to use

specific procedures to alter interactions with their child, in order to promote

prosocial behaviour, and to decrease deviant behaviour (Kazdin, 2004).

Training is based on the general view that conduct problem behaviour is

inadvertently developed and sustained in the home by mal-adaptive parent-

child interactions. The training focuses on developing several different

parenting behaviours such as establishing the rules for the child to follow,

providing positive reinforcement for appropriate behaviour, delivering mild

forms of punishment to suppress inappropriate behaviour, negotiating

compromises, and other procedures. Kendall and Braswell (2003) supported

43
Kazdin regarding the importance of parent training and the teaching of

discipline practices

According to Kazdin (2004), PMT is probably the best researched therapy

technique for the treatment of Conduct Disorder youths. Scores of outcome

studies have been completed with youths varying in age and degree of severity

of dysfunction (e.g., oppositional, conduct disorder, delinquent youth)

(Dishpan, & Chamberlain, 2004). The effectiveness of this treatment has been

evident in marked improvements in child behaviour on a wide range of

measures, including parent and teacher reports of deviant behaviour, direct

observation of behaviours at home and at school, and various institutional

records (e.g., arrests). Follow-up assessments have shown that, gains are

often maintained for 1 to 3 years after treatment. Longer follow-ups are rarely

used, although one program reported maintenance of gains 10 to 14 years

later (Forehand & Long, 1988; Long, Forehand, Wierson, & Morgan, 2000).

Kazdin (2004) claimed the impact of PMT is relatively broad. The effects of

treatment are evident for child behaviours that are not a direct focus of

treatment. Kazdin saw this as an important effect because siblings of Conduct

Disorder youth are at risk for severe antisocial behaviourd. In addition,

maternal psychopathology, particularly depression, has been shown to

decrease systematically following PMT (Kazdin, 2004). These changes suggest

that PMT alters multiple aspects of dysfunctional families.

Functional Family Therapy

Functional family therapy (FFT) reflects an integrative approach to

treatment that has relied on systems, behavioural, and cognitive views of

44
dysfunction (Alexander & Parsons, 1982). Clinical problems are

conceptualized from the standpoint of the functions they serve in the family

as a system, as well as for individual family members. The assumption is

made that problem behaviour evident in the child is the only way some

interpersonal functions (e.g., intimacy, distancing, and support) can be met

among family members (Kazdin, 2004). FFT requires that the family see the

clinical problem from the perspective of relational functions it serves within

the family. The therapist points out interdependencies and contingencies

between family members in their day-to-day functioning with specific

reference to the problem that has served as the basis for seeking treatment.

Once the family sees alternative ways of viewing the problem, the incentive for

interacting more constructively is increased. The main goals of treatment as

summarized by Kazdin are to increase reciprocity and positive reinforcement

among family members for behaviours that are desired from each other.

Other goals are to negotiate constructively, and to help identify solutions to

interpersonal problems.

Relatively few outcome studies have evaluated FFT (Alexander et al., 1982).

These author have examined the processes in therapy to identify in-session

behaviours of the therapist and how these influence responsiveness among

family members.

Multi-Systemic Therapy

Multi-Systemic Therapy (MST) is a family systems-based approach to treatment

(Henggeler & Borbuin, 1999). Family approaches maintain that clinical problems of

the child emerge within the context of the family, therefore the focus of treatment is

45
at the family level. MST expands on that view by considering the family as one, albeit

a very important, system (Kazdin, 2004). Because multiple influences are entailed,

many different treatment techniques are used. Thus, MST can be viewed as a

package of interventions that are deployed with children and their families.

Treatment procedures are used on an "as needed" basis directed toward addressing

individual, family, and system issues that may impact the individual. This approach

method serves as a basis for selecting multiple and quite different treatment

procedures.

Central to MST is a family-based treatment approach (Kazdin, 2004). Several

family therapy techniques (e.g., joining, reframing, enactment, paradox, and

assigning specific tasks) are used to identify problems, increase communication,

build cohesion, and alter how family members interact. Among the goals of treatment

are to help the parents develop behaviors, the adolescent to overcome marital

difficulties that impede the parents' ability to function as parents, to eliminate

negative interactions between parent and adolescent, and to develop or build

cohesion and emotional warmth among family members (Henggeler, Melton, &

Smith, 2000).

Several outcome studies are available for MST and are consistent in showing that

treatment leads to change in adolescents and that the changes are sustained. A

strength of the studies is that it includes youth that are treated who are severely

impaired (e.g., delinquent adolescents with a history of arrest). Another strength or

rational of the study is the conceptualization of conduct problems at multiple levels-

namely, as dysfunctional in relation to individual, family, and extra-familial systems

and the transaction (Kazdin, 2004). In fact, youths with Conduct Disorder experience

dysfunction at multiple levels, including individual repertoires, family interactions,

and extra familial systems (e.g. peers, schools employment among later adolescents).

Alternative treatment approaches invariably identify one of these as the main

46
treatment focus (Henggeler et al. 1999). MST begins with the view that many

different domains are likely to be relevant; these domains need to be evaluated and

addressed in treatment.

Cognitive Problem-Solving Skills Training

Kazdin (2004) provided his view on problem-solving skills training (PSST) that

consists of developing interpersonal cognitive problem-solving skills. Although many

variations of PSST have been applied to Conduct Disorder youth, Kazdin suggested

that several characteristics usually shared. First, the emphasis is on how children

approach situations. Although it is obviously important that children ultimately

select appropriate means of behaving in everyday life, the primary focus is on the

thought processes rather than the outcome or specific behavioral acts that result.

Second, children are taught to engage in step by-step approach to solve

interpersonal problems. They make statements to themselves that direct attention to

certain aspects of the problem or tasks that lead to effective solutions. Third, over

the course of treatment structured tasks involving games, academic activities, and

stories are used. Fourth, therapists usually play an active role in treatment. They

model the cognitive process by making verbal self-statements, applying the sequence

of statements to particular problems, providing cues to prompt the use of the skills,

and delivered feedback and praise to develop correct use of the skills. Finally,

treatment usually combines several different procedures, including modeling and

practice, role-playing, reinforcement and mild punishment (loss of points or tokens)

Several outcome studies which would support programs such as PSST have been

completed with impulsive, aggressive, and Conduct Disorder children and

adolescents (Fuhrman & Lampman, 2000). Findings in several of these studies have

indicated that cognitively-based treatment has led to significant reductions in

aggressive and antisocial behavior at home, at school, and in the community, and

that these gains are evident up to 1 year later. Also, some evidence suggests that

47
older children profit more from treatment than younger children, perhaps due to

their cognitive development (Kazdin, 2004).

Parent Training

Kendall and Hamen (1999) described another approach called "parent training."

They suggested that there is an association between Conduct Disorders and

ineffective, punitive, and inconsistent parenting. He described action oriented family

therapy as an approach in which parents are taught skills for managing their

children. This type of treatment is aimed at undermining the coercive family

interactions associated with antisocial behavior (Kendall and Hammen, 1999).

Treatment uses interventions such as written manuals, practice with the therapist,

and homework assignments.

Patterson's (1998) studies have indicated that action-oriented family therapy can

lead to improvements in children's functioning, including reductions in antisocial

behaviors and continuing improvement for at least brief follow-up periods. His

studied documented that after treatment the frequency of a target behavior dropped

to a level within the range found in non-deviant families.

Medication

Campbell, Ganzatez, and Silva (1999) stated that use of drug therapy for Conduct

Disorder youth is also a source of treatment for acting out, defiant behaviors.

According to their research, Neuroleptics are the most commonly used psychotropic

drugs in the treatment of aggressive children and adolescents, particularly with

children who are hospitalized consistently or are mentally retarded. According to

these authors, the Neuroleptics that are most commonly used are

haloperidomolindone, thioridazine and chlorpromazine. Campbell et al. (2000) stated

that lithium may also be useful in reducing aggression. If a therapeutic dosage is

48
used and careful clinical and laboratory monitoring is maintained, this drug is

effective and has less frequent side effect than do other such drugs. Anticonvulsant

carbamazepine and propranodol and beta-blockers also have psychoactive properties

for both antiaggressive and antimanic behaviors, which are promising agents for

these youth. Campbell et al (1999) did point out that stimulants should be

considered the first choice of drug treatment in coexisting Conduct Disorder and

ADHD or in milder forms of aggression.

2.3.7 Behavioural Strategies and Approaches for Pupils with (CD).

When working with pupils who have conduct disorder, it's important to implement

effective behavioral strategies and approaches to address their specific needs. Here

are some strategies and approaches that can be helpful:

1. Clear and Consistent Expectations: Establish clear and consistent rules and

expectations for behaviour. Ensure that these expectations are communicated to the

pupil in a clear and understandable manner. Reinforce these expectations regularly

and provide reminders as needed.

2. Positive Reinforcement: Focus on positive reinforcement to encourage and

reinforce desired behaviours. Praise and reward pupils when they exhibit appropriate

behaviour, such as following rules, completing tasks, or showing self-control. This

can be in the form of verbal praise, privileges, or small incentives.

3. Behavior Contracts: Use behaviour contracts to set specific goals and rewards

for the pupil. Involve the pupil in the process of setting these goals and discuss the

49
rewards they find motivating. The contract should outline the desired behaviours,

consequences for non-compliance, and the rewards for meeting the goals.

4. Social Skills Training: Conduct social skills training to help pupils with

conduct disorder develop appropriate social skills. Teach them how to communicate

effectively, manage anger and frustration, resolve conflicts, and make positive

choices. Role-playing, group activities, and coaching can be effective in developing

these skills.

5. Anger Management Techniques: Teach the pupil effective anger management

techniques, such as deep breathing, counting to 10, or taking a break to calm down.

Help them identify triggers for anger and develop strategies to cope with them.

Encourage them to seek support from trusted adults when they feel overwhelmed.

6. Self-Monitoring and Self-Reflection: Help pupils develop self-awareness by

engaging in self-monitoring and self-reflection activities. Encourage them to

recognize their own behaviour patterns, identify triggers, and evaluate the

consequences of their actions. This can help them develop a sense of accountability

for their behaviour.

7. Collaborate with Parents and Guardians: Maintain open communication with

parents or guardians. Share information about the pupil's progress, challenges, and

strategies being used at school. Work together to establish consistency between

50
home and school environments and ensure that strategies are reinforced across

settings.

8. Individualized Support: Recognize that each pupil with conduct disorder is

unique, and their needs may vary. Provide individualized support tailored to their

specific challenges and strengths. Collaborate with special education professionals,

counsellors, and other relevant stakeholders to develop and implement personalized

interventions.

9. Crisis Management: Develop a crisis management plan in collaboration with

relevant school staff and professionals. This plan should outline steps to be taken in

case of aggressive or disruptive behaviour to ensure the safety of the pupil and

others. Train staff members on crisis prevention and intervention techniques.

10. Therapeutic Interventions: Consider the involvement of mental health

professionals or therapists who specialize in working with conduct disorder. They

can provide additional support through individual counselling, family therapy, or

group therapy sessions. Picked (from the Suffolk public schools website;

https://students.spsk12.net).

2.3.8 Instructional Strategies and Classroom Accommodations for Pupils with

Conduct Disorder (CD)

When working with pupils with Conduct Disorder, it is important too to

implement effective instructional strategies and provide appropriate

classroom accommodations to support their learning and manage their

behaviors. Here are some strategies and accommodations that can be helpful:

51
1. Individualized Behavior Plans: Develop an individualized behavior plan in

collaboration with the student, their parents, and any other relevant

professionals. This plan should include specific strategies for managing

challenging behaviors and promoting positive alternatives. Regularly review

and update the plan based on the student's progress.

2. Structured Environment: Create a structured and predictable classroom

environment. Use visual schedules, clear routines, and consistent transitions

to help students with Conduct Disorder feel more secure and understand

what is expected of them throughout the day.

3. Breaks and Movement Opportunities: Allow for frequent breaks and

movement opportunities to help students release excess energy and reduce

restlessness. Incorporate short physical activities or brain breaks into the

daily schedule to promote focus and attention.

4. Small Group Instruction: Provide opportunities for small group or one-on-

one instruction to ensure that students with Conduct Disorder receive

personalized attention and support. This can help them stay engaged and

address any specific learning needs or challenges they may have.

52
Picked (from the Suffolk public schools website;

https://students.spsk12.net).

Other Strategies highlighted include:

a. Rewards and Encouragement Strategies

In general, it is helpful to reward and encourage desirable behaviours

and to remove attention from undesirable behaviours. Where desirable

behaviours are not occurring, consider rewarding lower rates of the undesired

behaviour. Rewards should be removed if the behaviour becomes disruptive

again.

Some examples of rewards for primary school age children include:

(a) Verbal praise (b) Positive attention (c) Thanks(d)Nods and smiles (e) Pat on

the shoulder(f) Writing a letter or making a phone call to pupil's

parents/carers (g) Present a certificate to take home (h) Week award and extra

computer time (I) Allowing the pupils to choose an activity(j) Implement a

point system with points or stickers for good behaviours where child receives

a small gift after so many points collected e.g. a book; (j) Time for special

interest’s work (k) Get fun worksheet (l) First pick of recess equipment (m)

Help the librarian (n) Sit at the teacher's desk(o) Have lunch with the teacher

or headmaster (p) Be a helper in a room with younger children; and (q)

Homework. For children of all ages it is helpful to tailor rewards to the

individual, knowing the pupil’s interests will help (a publication of the

response ability initiative: www.responseability.org)

53
b. Body Language Strategies

Besides verbalizing your concerns about undesirable behaviour as a

teacher, there are other non - verbal means of communicating for appropriate

behaviour. In other words, body language as non - verbal communication is

one strategy that the teacher can use to eliminate unacceptable behaviours of

CD/ODD "as quickly and undisruptive as possible" (Good & Brophy, 1991).

The teacher may use strategic techniques as means of maintaining his or her

authority. Techniques that the teacher can use to reduce' disruptive,

behaviour (CD) and keep the lesson going on are suggested by Kruger and

Muller (1990) Good, and Brophy (1991). They are eye contact, physical

proximity, bearing, and gestures, Body language therefore redirects learners

who are distracted, Inattentive and misbehaving.

c. Eye Contact

Kruger and Muller (1990) further add that eye contact also helps the

teacher in giving him or her feedback, whether learners are still concentrating

or not. For instance, the teacher may catch John Whispering something to

Audu, then without award the teacher may just stare at him while continuing

teaching. In their realization that the teacher is looking at them, both learners

may automatically stop the unacceptable behaviour.

54
d. Physical Proximity

Continued movement in the classroom by the teacher keeps the

learners alert and attentive, with chance of reducing their deviant behaviour.

Movement therefore helps the teacher to be closer to learners and to form

relationships with them as well as enabling the teacher to detect any potential

problems, Dudu and Sindi may be caught passing notes, or candy to one

another. The teacher can just walk towards them and stand next to them.

This behaviour is an indication that the teacher is aware of what is going on.

The two girls will stop their inattention behaviour because of the teacher's

presence next to them. Kruger and Mutter's (1990: 259) position that every

learner pays attention to what the teacher does as he/she walks or stands

next to them. In other words, the learners then stop misbehaving and

problems is eliminated or reduced to the nearest minimum.

a. Bearing

Mannerisms, bodily attitude and deportment are an indication of how

enthusiastic and confident the teacher is about in his or her lessons. If the

teacher stands apologetically each time he or she teaches, the Conduct

Disorder child will tend to make jokes about him or her and become

disorderly. Therefore, disruption occurs. However, if you show seriousness

and decisiveness your learners will display appropriate behaviours.

b. Gestures

Kruger and Muller (1990) maintain that gestures must be functional

and not meaningless because the latter may be irritating. The communication

55
cues that the teacher gives are a way of supplementing whatever the teacher

might say. The teacher, without talking, may therefore use gesticulations to

cue appropriate behaviour, especially with the CD/ODD child in the course of

the lesson.

2.4 Concept of Socio-Economic Status (SES)

Socioeconomic status is a term which comprises two variables: the social and

the economic variables. Social status is acquired position one occupies in a

society while the economic status is associated with the wealth of a person. In

fact, the socioeconomic status has always been measured by the same

parameters by experts from varied fields including sociologists, educationists

and psychologists. Parson, Stephanie and Deborah (2001) define socio-

economic status as an expression which is used to differentiate between

people’s relative status in community regarding family income, political

power, educational background and occupational status. Also, Saifi and

Mehmood (2011) submit that socio-economic status is a combined measure of

an individual or family’s income and social position relative to others based

on income, education and occupation. In fact, it is a definite background

variable that represents a feature of the social structure in society (Oakes &

Rossi, 2003). Thus, the concept “class” or “status” implies some people are

either superior or inferior in some respect. One can be found at the top,

middle or at the bottom. Socioeconomic status therefore means that the social

and economic standing of a person depends on these key variables, thus

wealth, education, occupation and influence. Indeed, this index of social

56
position utilizes occupation, education and residence to locate people within

the status hierarchy (Agyemang, 2006).

Socioeconomic status is the position of an individual or group on the

socioeconomic scale, which is determined by a combination of social and

economic factors such as income, amount and kind of education, type and

prestige of occupation, place of residence, and—in some societies or parts of

society—ethnic origin or religious background. Examinations of

socioeconomic status often reveal inequities in access to resources, as well as

issues related to privilege, power, and control, Okunniyi (2004).

Socioeconomic status is a sociological classification that describes the close

relationship between someone's relative wealth and their social status. It

could also be seen as a division of citizens by wages, which can be daily,

weekly, monthly and yearly. It may also be attributed to schooling and the

work class, (Vellymalay, 2012). Okunniyi (2004) described three distinct

socio-economic groups or statuses common to many countries. They are:

1. Upper / Higher Class:

High socioeconomic status refers to a person or group's position or rank in

society based on various economic and social factors. It indicates a relatively

higher level of wealth, income, education, and occupation compared to others

in society. Individuals or families with a high socioeconomic status generally

enjoy greater access to resources, opportunities, and privileges, which can

significantly impact their quality of life. Here are some common indicators of

high socioeconomic status:

57
1. Income and Wealth: Individuals with high socioeconomic status often have

high incomes, significant financial assets, and access to investment

opportunities. They may possess properties, businesses, or substantial

savings.

2. Education: High levels of education, such as advanced degrees or

professional certifications, are commonly associated with high socioeconomic

status. This includes attending prestigious universities or specialized training

programs.

3. Occupation: High-status jobs, such as executives, professionals, or those

in leadership positions, are often linked to high socioeconomic status. These

positions typically come with higher salaries, benefits, and greater influence

within organizations.

4. Access to Healthcare: People with high socioeconomic status typically have

better access to quality healthcare, including private health insurance,

regular check-ups, preventive care, and access to advanced medical

treatments.

5. Housing and Neighborhood: Those with high socioeconomic status tend to

live in affluent neighborhoods characterized by well-maintained homes, good

58
infrastructure, low crime rates, and access to amenities like parks, schools,

and recreational facilities.

6. Social Capital: High socioeconomic status often leads to extensive social

networks and connections, including participation in exclusive clubs,

organizations, and social circles. These networks can provide access to

business opportunities, influential individuals, and important resources.

7. Lifestyle and Consumption: High socioeconomic status allows for a more

comfortable and luxurious lifestyle, with the ability to afford high-quality

goods and services, travel to exotic destinations, and engage in recreational

activities that may be out of reach for individuals with lower socioeconomic

status.

It's important to note that socioeconomic status is a multidimensional

concept influenced by various factors, and these indicators can vary across

different societies and cultures. Also, socioeconomic status is not an absolute

measure of a person's worth or happiness but rather reflects their relative

position in society.

Middle class:

Middle socioeconomic status refers to a position within the broader

socioeconomic structure of a society that falls between the lower and upper

ends. It is a categorization based on factors such as income, education,

occupation, and wealth. Individuals or households with a middle

59
socioeconomic status typically have a moderate level of financial resources,

educational attainment, and occupational prestige compared to those at the

lower or upper ends. People with a middle socioeconomic status often have

stable employment in skilled or semi-skilled occupations, such as teachers,

nurses, office managers, small business owners, or skilled tradespeople. Their

income allows for a comfortable lifestyle, including the ability to meet basic

needs, afford housing, healthcare, and education for themselves and their

families. In terms of education, individuals with a middle socioeconomic

status often have completed high school or obtained some form of post-

secondary education, such as vocational training, college, or university

degrees. This level of education enables them to pursue a variety of careers

and potentially earn higher incomes compared to those with lower

educational attainment. Wealth accumulation for those with a middle

socioeconomic status can vary, but they typically possess some assets, such

as savings, investments, and home equity, which contribute to their financial

security. However, they may not have the same level of accumulated wealth

and assets as those in the upper socioeconomic status. It is important to note

that the definition and characteristics of middle socioeconomic status may

vary across countries and cultures, as different societies have unique

economic systems, standards of living, and income distributions. Additionally,

socioeconomic status is a multidimensional concept, and factors beyond

income, education, occupation, and wealth, such as social capital and access

to resources, can also influence one's socioeconomic standing.

3. Lower class.

60
Low socioeconomic status (SES) refers to a measure of an individual or

family's economic and social position in relation to others in society. It is

typically determined by factors such as income, education, occupation, and

access to resources. When individuals or families have a low SES, they often

face various challenges and disadvantages that can impact their well-being

and opportunities. Here are some key points by Okunniyi, (2004) to consider

regarding low socioeconomic status:

1. Limited Financial Resources: One of the primary challenges of low SES is

limited financial resources. Individuals or families may struggle to meet basic

needs such as food, housing, healthcare, and education. Limited financial

resources can lead to a higher risk of poverty, food insecurity, and inadequate

access to quality healthcare.

2. Education Disparities: Low SES can impact access to quality education.

Affordability of education-related expenses, such as tuition fees, school

supplies, and extracurricular activities, can be a barrier for those with limited

financial resources. This can result in lower educational attainment, which

may limit future employment opportunities and perpetuate the cycle of low

SES.

3. Health Disparities: Low SES is associated with poorer health outcomes.

Limited access to healthcare, including preventive services and timely medical

61
treatments, can contribute to health disparities. Additionally, individuals

from low SES backgrounds may face environmental hazards, inadequate

nutrition, and higher levels of stress, which can negatively impact their

overall health and well-being.

4. Limited Social Capital: Social capital refers to the resources and social

networks available to individuals. Low SES individuals may have limited

access to supportive social networks, mentors, or role models, which can

impact their opportunities for social mobility and access to information or

resources.

5. Higher Levels of Stress: Living with limited financial resources and facing

multiple challenges can lead to higher levels of chronic stress for individuals

with low SES. Stress can have detrimental effects on physical and mental

health, as well as cognitive functioning, which can further exacerbate the

disadvantages faced by individuals from low SES backgrounds.

6. Educational and Occupational Opportunities: Low SES individuals may

have fewer opportunities for higher education or vocational training, limiting

their access to better-paying jobs. This can perpetuate a cycle of limited

economic mobility and higher likelihood of intergenerational poverty.

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7. Community Disadvantages: Communities with a high concentration of low

SES individuals may also face challenges. These can include limited access to

quality infrastructure, transportation, recreational facilities, and safe

neighborhoods. The lack of resources and opportunities within the

community can further compound the disadvantages experienced by

individuals from low SES backgrounds.

In the words of Jencks (2008), “the Central focus of each family always rests

on the bearing and rearing of child and its adjustment in the society. Laosa

(2005) states that “the differences among the students exists due to the family

backgrounds such as nutrition and health status, environment at home,

income of parents, their educational level and experiences, means of

recreation in the family are the main factors that affect the behavior and

social achievement of students”. In their findings, Oni and Omoegun (2007)

have concluded that a significant difference exists among the rate of deviation

behavior among the students belonging to different socioeconomic statuses.

Muhammad (2010) is of the opinion that “the cultural heritage of a society

and other values reach to a generation from the previous one. The only means

in this transfer is education and the parents are responsible for training the

children for this. Machebe (2012) has made the conclusion that the socio-

economic status of parents influences the behavior of children to a certain

2.4.1 Socioeconomic status and conduct disorder

In his finding, Machebe (2012) there is a correlation between socioeconomic

statuses and conduct disorder, although the relationship is complex and

influenced by various factors. Some of these factors include:


63
Risk factors: Lower socioeconomic status is often associated with a higher

risk of developing conduct disorder. Adverse living conditions, limited access

to resources, exposure to violence, and stressful environments can increase

the likelihood of engaging in disruptive or antisocial behaviors.

Environmental influences: Socioeconomic status affects the quality of an

individual's environment, including their neighborhood, school, and access to

healthcare. Living in disadvantaged neighborhoods with high crime rates and

limited social support systems can contribute to the development of conduct

disorder.

Parenting styles and family dynamics: SES can influence parenting styles and

the quality of parent-child interactions. High levels of stress, limited

resources, and lower educational attainment among parents in lower SES

groups may lead to less consistent discipline, reduced supervision, and fewer

positive parenting practices. These factors can contribute to the development

and maintenance of conduct disorder symptoms.

Peer influences: Socioeconomic status can influence the social networks and

peer groups that individuals are exposed to. Disadvantaged neighborhoods

may have a higher prevalence of delinquent peer groups, increasing the

likelihood of engaging in antisocial behaviors and developing conduct

disorder.

64
Access to treatment: Socioeconomic status can impact access to mental

health services and interventions. Individuals from lower SES backgrounds

may face barriers such as limited financial resources, lack of insurance

coverage, and reduced availability of mental health professionals. These

barriers can delay or impede access to appropriate diagnosis and treatment

for conduct disorder.

It is important to note that while there is a correlation between socioeconomic

status and conduct disorder, not all individuals from lower SES backgrounds

will develop the disorder, and individuals from higher SES backgrounds can

also experience conduct disorder. Many other factors, such as genetics,

individual temperament, and other environmental influences, also play a role

in the development of conduct disorder. Machebe (2012)

2.4.2 The association between socioeconomic status and cognitive

development in early childhood.

McCoy et al. (2017) used pooled ECDI data collected in 35 low- and middle-

income countries between 2005 and 2015 to estimate the number of

preschool-age children with low cognitive and/or socio-emotional scores. They

estimated that 80.8 million children ages 3 and 4 years in LMICs countries

fail to meet some basic milestones in their cognitive or socioemotional

development in 2010, with the largest number of affected children in sub-

Saharan Africa (29.4 million; 43.8% of children ages 3 and 4 y), followed by

65
South Asia (27.7 million; 37.7%) and the East Asia and Pacific region (15.1

million; 25.9%). In addition, the authors found positive associations between

low scores in these two domains and stunting, poverty, rural residence and

lack of stimulation by caregivers.

Genetic, cerebral, perceptual, emotional, and behavioral mechanisms include

cognitive growth (Boivin, Kakooza, Warf, Davidson, & Grigorenko, 2015;

Sastre-Riba, 2006). Neuropsychological realms can be influenced during

cognitive development by nutritional, infectious, and toxic causes, children's

upbringing (Harmony, 2004), and their parents' socioeconomic status (SES)

(Brito & Noble, 2014; Ghosh, Chowdhury, Chandra, & Ghosh, 2015).

SES is a complicated system that takes into accounts not only family income

and parental education/occupation, but also mental and physical wellbeing,

family climate, housing conditions, and characteristics of the community

(Hackman, Farah, & Meaney, 2010). In particular, in executive function

assessments, parental education and parental occupation were found to be

responsible for more than 14 percent of the variance in the children's scores

(Noble, Norman, & Farah, 2005). A higher level of parental schooling, superior

living conditions, greater cognitive stimulation at home, and enhanced

cognitive output in children have been correlated with a larger family income

(Clara Mazzoni, Stelzer, Alejandro Cervigni, & Martino, 2014; Crookston,

Forste,

McClellan, Georgiadis, & Heaton, 2014; Hamadani et al., 2014) indicate that

SES influence on executive function during infancy is mediated by the

relationship of parents with their children and their ability to reduce stress.

66
In another study, kids who lived in better physical conditions and whose

mothers had a higher level of education received greater executive function

scores (Filippetti, 2011).

A retrospective analysis of children aged 4 months, 1 and 7 years showed that

substantial neurological defects occurred in lower-SES children at a younger

age, implying a lasting effect of prenatal conditions (Chin-Lun Hung et al.,

2015). A longitudinal analysis of the relationship between SES and the growth

of memory and language in children less than 2 years of age showed no

differences between SES groups at 9 and 15 months of age, but reported a

lower output at 21 months in children from families with a low level of

education (Noble, Engelhardt, et al., 2015). In a study of older medium- and

low-SES children in two separate age groups (8 - 9 vs. 10 - 12 years), main

effects of age, SES, and their interaction with language, attention, and

memory were found (Arán Filippetti, 2012); however, main effects of age and

SES but not their interaction were identified for executive function (working

memory, flexibility, inhibition, and planning) in comparisons between age and

SES. Taken together, these results suggest that in certain neuropsychological

domains (e.g. language, memory, attention) but not in executive function,

older children with lower SES perform worse.

In countries with less educational and social progress (Crookston et

al., 2014; Lawson et al., 2017), where exposure to abuse or violence and

malnutrition may be more likely, a low SES may have a greater effect on the

neuropsychological development of children (Peterman, Neijhoft, Cook, &

Palermo, 2017). The effect of low SES on neurocognitive function is linked,

among others, to decreased linguistic stimulation and increased stress

67
experience, and this negative impact may be greater in developing countries

compared to developed ones (Sripada, Swain, Evans, Welsh, & Liberzon,

2014; Ursache & Noble, 2016). Previous studies have often restricted the

impact of SES and age in children to specific domains rather than doing a

complete neuropsychological examination, and most have examined one or

two age groups alone. Therefore, it has not been determined whether the

influence of SES is the same at all childhood ages, or whether it has unique

effects at various ages on certain neuropsychological domains.

Neurodevelopment in low-SES children has been indicated to be slower and

this distinction with medium-/high-SES children is widened during

neurodevelopment (Brito & Noble, 2014; Grieve, Korgaonkar, Clark, &

Williams, 2011). In particular, authors have identified a worse output in

memory, attention, and language at older ages among low-SES children

(Arán-Filippetti, 2013; Arán Filippetti, 2012; Hackman, Gallop, Evans, &

Farah, 2015), due to their longer exposure to the unfavorable conditions of a

low SES (Hackman et al., 2010). Previous research has demonstrated that

SES has a positive correlation with parent - child connectedness (Clark &

Ladd, 2000). The undesirable relationship may deprive children of

advantageous psychological circumstances that benefit their cognitive

development. By contrast, parents in high SES families have much more

time, energy and knowledge about education, and they are inclined to express

more warmth and affection in order to cultivate a favorable parent–child

relationship (Dixson, Keltner, Worrell, & Mello, 2018; Kraus, Piff, Mendoza-

Denton, Rheinschmidt, & Keltner, 2012).

68
2.4.3 The association between socioeconomic status and physical

development in early childhood

In a study done by Grantham-McGregor et al.(2017) in developing countries

estimated that more than 200 million children do not reach their full

developmental potential in the first 5 years. Children living in these

developing countries are exposed to multiple risk factors including poverty,

malnutrition, poor health, and non‐stimulating home environments, which

negatively affect their language–cognitive, social–emotional, and physical

development .(Grantham-McGregor et al., 2007). Also, in a national

representative study involving 1459 children aged 36-59 months in Viet Nam,

protective and risk factors for being developmentally on track were identified

using the ECDI. The risk factors associated with being off track on the overall

developmental trajectory included low level of maternal education, family

ethnicity, lack of preschool attendance, inadequate learning support, physical

punishment, not being breastfed and stunting. Results show that the girls

were less likely than boys to be physically developmentally on track (Duc,

2016).Similarly, in a nationally representative sample involving 1332 children

aged 3-6‐year‐old from 150 communities in Madagascar who were followed up

since when they were age 0-3 years old in order to examine socioeconomic

gradients and child development. As expected, children with educated

mothers had better scores in physical development and other domains

(Fernald, Weber, Galasso, & Ratsifandrihamanana, 2011).

2.4.4 The association between socioeconomic status and

socioemotional development in early childhood

69
The socio-emotional competence of young children is a significant precursor

to effective and acceptable behavior (McClelland, Acock, & Morrison, 2006)

and to establish and sustain positive relationships with peers. Subsequent

well-being, such as social adaptation and psychopathology, has also been

linked with early socio-emotional maturity (Henricsson & Rydell, 2006) and

criminal conduct and adult unemployment. With the growing focus on the

significance of early socio-emotional development for school readiness, school

performance, and later social adjustment (Ackerman & Barnett, 2005; Blair,

2002) and recognizing the socioeconomic status that can predict the socio-

emotional competence of children is important.

Early childhood socio-emotional changes are mainly affected by the sense of

the family (Johnson, Martin, Brooks-Gunn, & Petrill, 2008; Mashburn,

Hamre, Downer, & Pianta, 2006). By actively and regularly engaging in

interactions with parents, children develop social skills (Dunham, Dunham,

Tran, & Akhtar, 1991) and the home atmosphere is where children learn how

to respond to social signals and how to behave in social circumstances

(Pachter, Auinger, Palmer, & Weitzman, 2006). Parental relationship status or

family structure has a profound effect on a wide variety of home

environments, including socioeconomic and parental resources that have a

direct impact on the early socio-emotional growth of children (Cavanagh &

Huston, 2008). Studies have repeatedly reported that the breakup of parents'

relationships that is, divorce or separation or relationship dysfunction that is,

single parenthood or cohabitation have adverse effects on home

environmental resources associated with socio-emotional development in

children.

70
In early childhood, the influence of family structure on the socio-emotional

development of children is particularly significant. Children experiencing

conflict and breakdown of parental relationships in early childhood are less

likely to establish a safe bond with the primary caregiver (Clarke-Stewart,

Vandell, McCartney, Owen, & Booth, 2000). Often, early childhood is when

children expect parents to provide the most intensive care and support. Thus,

in the home setting, young children can be more susceptible to parental

distress and disturbances (Phillips & Shonkoff, 2000). When parents

themselves are struggling with emotional stress, this can be reflected in

children feeling. To be precise, Cavanagh and Huston (2008) found that at the

end of elementary school, social change was primarily affected by the

enduring impact of early childhood family instability, rather than by middle

childhood family instability. The early experience of children in family life can

have a strong effect on their growth, and family structure can be one of the

profound risk factors for the socio-emotional development of children.

2.5 Empirical study

Tobi David Olabiy, (2015) Examined the effects of parental socio-


economic status on the academic performance of mathematics students
in some selected secondary schools in Ibarapa East Local Government
Area of Oyo State, Nigeria. The descriptive research design was adopted
for the study. The population of the study covered the entire secondary
schools mathematics students (both males and females) in the area of
study. Out of this population sixty (60) students used as sample was
selected from the senior secondary schools (SSS) mathematics students
for the study; using the random sampling techniques. The instrument
used to collect data for the study was a twenty-two items self-
structured questionnaire. Four hypotheses were formulated and tested
during the study using the Chi-square statistical tool. Each of the
results obtained from the tests was compared with its critical value at

71
5% level of significance. On the basis of the findings made in the study,
he conclude that parental socio-economic status influences the
secondary school students ‘academic performance in Mathematics.
Based on the findings made in the study, he recommend that non-
governmental organizations should reach out more to children from
low/poor socio-economic backgrounds by providing scholarships
opportunities for them as well as through offering of direct financial
assistance to homes in order to empower them and sustain them
economically as these homes are the immediate environment of the
children. Consequently, he suggest that further research be conducted
in areas like “Family issues and its effects that affects Mathematics
students ‘academic performance in secondary school” and “Effects of
parental involvement in Mathematics in Secondary school”.

Abubakar Garba (2020 Investigate socioeconomic status on


academic performance among pre-service teachers of Kano State
College of Education and Preliminary Studies, Kano, Nigeria. The study
adopted an ex post-facto form of research design. The Parental
Socioeconomic Status Questionnaire (PSESQ) developed by Niles (1981),
was also use as data collection instrument. The target sample for this
study consisted of 120 second year pre-service teachers selected using
simple random sampling from three units of the School of General
Education. Descriptive statistics of mean and standard deviation were
used and t-test (Independent sample) was used to test hypotheses at
0.05 alpha level of significance. It was analyzed after the data was
collected. The findings of the study showed that students with a high
socio-economic status had a high academic output compared to
students with a middle socio-economic status. On the other hand, there
was also a significant difference between middle and low socio-
economic status students in terms of their academic success. The
researcher further recommend that government should provide ample
reading resources and a driving learning environment for less privileged
pre-service teachers so that they can also compete favorably with their
peers with higher socio-economic status.

Nora, Sebastian, Zheng, Armin, Patric, Paul, Thomas, and Henrik


(2014) conducted a research on identification of gender specific association
between the behavioural problems (ODD/CD) like problems and the
neurodevelopmental disorder (ADHD), autism spectrum disorder (ASD) and to
investigate underlying genetic effects. 17,220 twins age 9 or 12 were screened

72
using the Autism-Tics, ADHD and other comorbidities inventory. The main
covariates of ODD and CD - like problems were investigated, and the relative
importance of unique versus shared hereditary and environmental effects was
estimated using twin model fitting. In their findings, social interaction
problems (one of the ASD subdomains) was the strongest neurodevelopment
covariate of the Behavioural problems in both genders, while ADHD - related
hyperactivity/impulsiveness in boys and inattention in girls stood out as
important covariates of CD - like problems. Genetics effects accounted for
50% - 62% of the variance in behavioural problems except in CD - like
problems in girls (26%) genetic and environmental effects linked to ODHD
and ASD also influenced ODD - like problems in both genders and, to a lesser
extent, CD - like problems in boys, but not in girls.

Somaieh Salehi, 2013, investigate the EFFECTS OF


PSYCHOEDUCATIONAL ON PEER REJECTION AND AGGRESSION
AMONG CHILDREN WITH CONDUCT DISORDER The research
methodology used was true experimental design, under the design of
randomized, pre-test, post-test, control group design. One hundred and
thirty six children (boys and girls) between 8 to 10 year old with
childhood onset type of CD selected from centers under the license of
rehabilitation administration and educational-vocational organization in
Tehran, Iran. The instruments of this study include Peer Rejection
Questionnaire (PRQ) and Child Behavior Checklist (CBCL). This study
conducted with four groups and three kinds of interventions include
Making Choices Program (MCP - for children) for the first group,
Barkley Behavioral Parent Training (BBPT) for the second group, and
combination of MCP and BBPT for the third group. It is important to
note that parents (mothers) of children in group two and three
participated in the intervention of this study. Descriptive statistics and
inferential statistics procedures were applied to answer the research
questions concerning the effects of each intervention within the groups
and between the groups on both peer rejection and aggression.
Additionally, semi structured interview with three parents of each
experimental group was conducted to confirm the quantitative findings
and gain more understanding of the interventions. Overall, the Two-way
Repeated Measure ANOVA was conducted to study the effects of groups
across test. The results showed that the interaction between groups
and test for peer rejection was significant. It means that the average of
mean score for peer rejection across time (test) was significantly
different among four groups (F (6, 264) = 1122.64, p < .05, η2 = .962, f

73
=5.03). Furthermore, the average of mean score for aggression across
time (test) was significantly different among four groups (F (4.86,
213.80) = 1600.82, ƞ2 = 0.99, f = 6.003). This study found that the
effect for the combination of both MC program and BBPT was more
than each program on peer rejection. However, the mean score of this
variable remained permanent in the follow-up. Therefore, three kinds of
psychoeducational group interventions in this study suggested for the
peer rejection of children with Conduct Disorder. The other finding of
this study was that combination of both MCP program and BBPT is
more effective in post-test and follow-up compared with other
interventions. The results of semi-structured interview presented that
peer rejection and aggression of children with CD decreased after the
intervention. It is recommended to conduct a global study on teachers;
parents; parents and children; parents and teachers; and parents,
teachers, and children to compare effectiveness of interventions on peer
rejection and aggression of children with CD. In addition, it is suggested
that another researcher conduct a qualitative research to gain more
understanding of the effects of the interventions on peer rejection and
aggression among children with CD.

Roser, Leonie, and Lourdes, (2015) conducted-a study, to investigate

the mediating mechanisms of Oppositional Defiant Disorder (ODD) in pre-

schoolers; the sample included 622 three - years old children from the general

population. Multi-informant reports from parents and teachers were

analysed. Structural equation modelling showed that the association between

socio-economic status (SES),executive functioning (EF), parenting style and

ODD levels differed by children’s gentler, (a) for girls, the association of low

SES and high ODD scores was partially medicated by difficulties in EF

inhibition, and parenting practices define by corporal punishment and in

consisted discipline obtained a quasi-significant indirect effect into the

association between SES and ODD: (b) for boys, SES and EF (inhibition and

emotional control) had a direct effect on ODD with no mediation. Therefore,

74
SES seems a good indicator to identify children at high-risk for prevention

and intervention programs for ODD. Girls with ODD m families of low SES

may particularly benefit from parent training practices and training in

inhabitation control.

Oparaduru 2022, investigate the INAPPROPRIATE BEHAVIOURS

IN MAINLAND PUBLIC AND PRIVATE PRIMARY SCHOOLS OF LAGOS

STATE, NIGERIA: NEED FOR COUNSELLING SERVICES using a survey

research design. The population of the study comprised all the pupils in

both public and private schools in Mainland Area of Lagos State.

Through random sampling from randomly selected schools in Lagos

Mainland, 53 male and 95 female respondents were respectively

selected for the study. An Instrument called Childhood Misbehavior

Inventory was constructed and validated to obtain the data used for the

study. Research questions were answered using descriptive statistics

(mean and standard deviation) while the hypotheses were tested at 0.05

level of significance using t-test statistics. It was found that

inappropriate behaviors in mainland schools among pupils are bullying,

lateness, not paying attention in the class, hatred for teachers, noise

making, truancy, walking out of the class during lesson without

permission, and sleeping in class. The study also revealed that these

inappropriate behaviors in primary schools are as a result of lateness to

class by teachers, child abuse, and poor parenting styles, peer

75
influence, sibling rivalry, poverty, unconducive environment and poor

parental care among others. The study recommends that counselling

should be introduced and made compulsory for all primary schools in

Lagos Mainland as a panacea to incessant cases of inappropriate

behaviors among the pupils in primary schools so as to catch them

young to exhibit appropriate behaviors.

Dunsmore, Booker, and Ollendick, (2013), assessed linkages of

mothers’ emotion coaching and children’s emotion regulation and emotion

liability/negativity with children’s adjustment in 72 mother–child dyads

seeking treatment for oppositional defiant disorder (ODD/CD). Couples

completed the questionnaires and discussed emotion-related family events.

Maternal emotion coaching was associated with children’s emotion regulation,

which in turn was related to higher mother-reported adaptive skills, higher

child-reported internalizing symptoms, and lower child-reported adjustment.

When children were high in emotion liability/ negativity, mothers’ emotion

coaching was associated with lower mother and child reports of externalizing

behaviour.

Results suggest the role of emotion regulation and emotion liability in

child awareness of socio-emotional problems and support the potential of

maternal emotion coaching as a protective factor for children with ODD/CD,

especially for those high in emotion liability.

Sussan, Taiwo, &Abiodun, (2014) also conducted a study examining the

prevalence of conduct disorder among purposefully selected 90 adolescent’s

76
resident in two correctional centres in Lagos state, Nigeria. Descriptive survey

design was employed- Conduct disorder scale (CDS) was used to generate

data. The items in the scale depict the specific diagnostic behaviours that are

characteristic of persons with conduct disorder. Their findings showed that

in- order of prominence female participant exhibited more deceitfulness and

theft than the male participants. Similarly, unlike the male counterpart more

females reported moderate and severe cases of conduct disorder and there

was no significant difference in the order of prominence of conduct disorder.

Hosssein Khanzadeh (2017), Investigated the effect of child

centred therapy on the self-efficacy in peer relations among students with

oppositional defiant disorder symptoms. Considering the importance of

interpersonal interactions in the social development of childhood. The

researcher employed semi experimental design with a pre-test post-test

design with control group. The statistical included all children aged 8-12

years with Oppositional Defiant Disorder symptoms that referring to

psychiatric and psychological centres in the first six months of 2017, among

which 30 children were selected through convenient sampling entry, and

assign into two experimental and control group randomly. To collect data, the

scale of rating Oppositional Defiant Disorder symptom, structured clinical

interview and self- efficacy in peer relations were used. Child centred play

therapy intervention was provided to the to the experimental groups in 10

sessions of 60 minutes with interval of three days between sessions while the

control group receive no training.

77
The result of one-way covariance analysis showed that child centred

play therapy improves the self-efficacy of children with oppositional defiant

disorder symptoms in the overall level and in conflict situations in the

interpersonal interactions, play therapy in a manner consistent with the level

of children’s development, objectively and tangibly provide them skill learning

experience, and this practical exercise directly and indirectly lead to improve

self-efficacy in interactive interaction in children.

Smith, Handler and Nash, (2010) investigated therapeutic assessment

for preadolescent boys with oppositional defiant disorder: a replicated single-

case time-series design the study examines the efficacy of this model with

preadolescent boys with oppositional defiant disorder and their families. A

replicated single-case time-series design with daily measures is used to

assess the effects of Therapeutic Assessment (TA) and to track the process of

change as it unfolds. All 3 families benefitted from participation in TA across

multiple domains of functioning, but the way in which change unfolded was

unique for each family. These findings are substantiated by the Behaviour

Assessment System for Children (Reynolds & Kamphaus, 2004). The TA

model is shown to be an effective treatment for preadolescent boys with

oppositional defiant disorder and their families. Further, the time-series

design of this study illustrated how this empirically grounded case-based

methodology reveals when and how change unfolds during treatment in a way

that is usually not possible with other research designs.

2.6. Summary and Uniqueness of the study

2.6.1 Summary of the Study

78
Summarily, this chapter had so far discussed extensively about review

of related literature in relation to the vital issues concerning the concept of

Conduct Disorder. The literatures significantly reveal that identifying pupils

with Conduct Disorder, parental influencing factors play an important role in

improving their behavior, this is in line with the findings of Lassen, Steele, &

Sailor, (2006). That improving student behaviour has been shown to improve

academic performance.

Similarly, the characteristics of Conduct Disorder was discussed, it’s

identification procedure such as aggression to people and animals,

destruction of property, deceitfulness or theft, serious violation of rules,

initiating physical fight were also discussed. More so, treatment of Conduct

Disorder such as multi-systematic therapy, cognitive problem-solving

training, parent training and types of Conduct Disorder such as childhood

onset with emotional and behavioral regulations problems, childhood onset

with callous- unemotional traits and adolescent onset were explicitly

reviewed.

In consistent with the above, Causes of Conduct Disorder such as

impulsivity factor that has to do with the lack of premeditation and the

tendency to think and plan prior to action, aggression factors that has to do

with behavior intended to hurt others were intensively discussed, more so,

callous unemotional traits factors that concern with lack of guilt or remorse,

lack of concern about the feeling of others, lack of concern about performance

in an important activities, shallow or deficient effect and less sensitivity to

punishment were also highlighted. At the same time, Organic Factors such as

79
organic abnormalities mental retardation and neurological impairment, etc.

were extensively explained, the Instructional Strategies and Classroom

accommodation for pupils with CD such as Rewards and Encouragement

Strategies, Body Language Strategies, Eye Contact, Physical Proximity,

Bearing, and Gestures were also explained. However, the Concept of

Socioeconomic status as it evolves a difference between people's relative

status in community regarding family income, political power, educational

background and occupational status, association between socioeconomic

status and cognitive development, physical development and socioemotional

development were clearly reviewed. More so, the concept of Emotional and

Behavioural Disorder were remarkably discussed as these disorders was

clearly explained to include inability to learn that cannot be explained by

intellectual, sensory, or health factors and also inability to maintain

satisfactory interpersonal relationship with peers and teachers.

The Humanistic Theory developed by Gladding (1988) which prioritise on the

self, which argues that individuals are free to choose their own behaviour,

rather than reacting to environmental stimuli and reinforces as well as

Problem Behaviour Theory by Jessor and Jessor (1977) were all fully

elaborated in this chapter. However, Empirical studies were carried out from

different scholars in different ways with intents to ascertain the degree level of

the influence of parental socioeconomic status, prevalence and issues

associated with Conduct Disorder.

2.6.2 Uniqueness of the study

80
This study is unique from the above reviewed studies, some of the above

research like that of Tobi David (2015) emphasize on the effect of parental

socioeconomic status on the academic performance of Mathematics students.

While the current research is going to investigate the effect of parental

socioeconomic status among primary school pupils with Conduct Disorder.

However, the data was collected from a sample of sixty (60) senior secondary

schools Mathematics students while the present study is to collect data from

parents and school pupils in selected primary schools in Talata- Mafara,

Zamfara State.

Another observable uniqueness of this study is in the research carried out

by Somaieh Salehi, (2013) who investigated the effects of Psychoeducational

on peer rejection and aggression among children with Conduct Disorder. His

research did not consider formal school children with Conduct Disorder, more

so, his research is strictly restricted to children between the ages of 8 to 10

years old with a specific type of Conduct Disorder (childhood onset). While

this research will investigate the effect of parental socioeconomic status on

primary school pupils with Conduct Disorder in general without age

limitation. And this research will also use formal school children as target

population.

Although Oparaduru, (2022), examined the inappropriate behavior in

Mainland public and private primary schools of Lagos State, Nigeria: Needs

for counseling services. The geographical scope covered by his research did

not extend to other areas (such as Northern Nigeria with Zamfara State in

particular).

81
This study is also unique from the research of Nora et al (2014), who

contacted their research on identification of gender specific association

between their behavioral problems (ODD/CD), Autism Spectrum Disorders

(ASD) and underlying genetic effects. While this research is limited to only two

variables i.e. Socioeconomic and Conduct Disorder; this make it very

comprehensive.

Another Uniqueness of this study from the above empirical studies

reviewed so far is in terms of data collection tools, this study is going to

employ both Teacher Nomination Scale and Checklist for Identification of

Conduct Disorder to identify the pupils experiencing Conduct Disorder. More

so, Parental Socioeconomic Status Questionnaire (PSESQ) developed by Niles

(1981) is going to be employed to ascertain parental socioeconomic status of

identified pupils. While David Olabiy (2015) for example, employed twenty-two

items self-structured questionnaire in investigating effects of parental

socioeconomic status on the academic performance of Mathematics students.

Even though most of the research design employed in the empirically

reviewed studies are descriptive and experimental research design, the

present study will employ ex post Facto design. The sample population are

unique as it's going to use pupils in Talata -Mafara primary schools, Zamfara

State.

82
CHAPTER THREE

METHODOLOGY

3.1 Introduction

This chapter present the methods and procedures to be used in the

study, the sub-headings covers research designs, population of the study,

sample of the study, sampling technique, data collection instruments, scoring

83
procedure, validity of the instruments, reliability of the instruments, data

collection procedure and procedure for data analysis.

3.2 Research Design

This research will adopt ex-post-factor research design method to

investigate the effect of parental socioeconomic status on primary school

pupils with conduct disorder in Talata Mafara, Zamfara State. Ngwagu (2005)

ex-post-factor research design is a systematic empirical inquiry in which a

researcher does not have a direct influence over independent variable. The

goal of ex-post-factor research design is to identify variables that tend to be

closely related to such behaviours, incidents, prevalence or conditions. Ex-

post-factor research design is considered suitable for this study because it is

both practical and versatile. It allows the research to obtain the original data

from the respondents themselves and describes the present condition in their

natural family settings. Consequently, the fact that the independent variable

under analysis has already been taken place and cannot be manipulated by

the researcher.

3.3 Population and Sample.

3.3.1 Population of the Study.

The population of this study will comprise all pupils within Abubakr

Dogo Model Primary School, Abubakar Tunau Model Primary School, Dr Bello

Barmo Primary School and Comprehensive Primary School Talata-Mafara

Local Government area of Zamfara State. The selection of this population will

84
be based on the fact that this study intends to investigate the effect of

Parental Socioeconomic Status on Primary School Pupils with Conduct

Disorder in Talata-Mafara, Zamfara State. The offices of the Head Teachers’

record showed the total number of pupils in the schools. Therefore, the

population distribution can be seen as follows:

Table 1.1 shows the schools and the population distribution categorized into

males and female students with their respective total.

S/N JSS 1 ENROLLMENT JSS 2 ENROLLMENT JSS 3


ENROLLMENT

1 A 70 A 52
75

2 B 80 B 75
73

3 C 85 C 80
77

4 D 85 D 80
78

TOTAL 320 287


303

GRAND TOTAL
910

Source: Office of the primary schools Head Teachers’ Talata-Mafara,


Zamfara State.

3.3.2 Sample Size

The sample size of this study will be drawn from class 3 to class 6 of

the selected primary schools which comprises both male and female pupils in

Talata-Mafara Local Government area of Zamfara State. For the purpose of

this study the researcher will select only the subjects who exhibited or

85
manifested the symptoms of Conduct Disorder (CD) using checklist for

identification of Conduct Disorder (CDC). Therefore, the actual sample size of

this study will be selected based on the manifested characteristics of the

participants in the course of investigation.

3.3.3 Sampling Technique

This study intends to investigate the effect of parental socioeconomic

status on primary school pupils with Conduct Disorder in Talata-Mafara,

Zamfara State. The researcher will employ purposive sampling technique

which is also known as judgmental sampling technique. In purposive

sampling technique, sampling will be done with a purpose in mind. It is a

sampling technique that is selected based on the manifested characteristics of

the population and the objectives of the study. With this, the researcher will

select the subjects who manifested the characteristics that meet the criteria.

Purposive sampling can be very useful for situations where one needs to

reach a targeted sample quickly and where sampling for proportionality is not

the primary concern, (Anaekwe, 2002). Therefore, the subjects will be selected

based on the manifested characteristics of the participants in the course of

investigation.

3.4 Data Collection Instruments

Two instruments are going to be used at various stages of this research.

Conduct Disorder Checklist (CDC) and Socioeconomic Status Scale

Questionnaire (SSSQ) Developed by Kuppuwamy (1987). The first instrument

i.e. Conduct Disorder Checklist (CDC) was developed by the researcher using

86
Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (2013) guidelines while

Socioeconomic Status Scale Questionnaire (SSSQ) was an adopted

instrument.

3.4.1 Checklist for the Identification of the CD

The Conduct Disorder (CD) checklist was developed by the researcher

using Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM)

guidelines. The instrument is going to have two sections. The first one

contains the general information of the pupil to be studied while the second

part contains the specific information that requires clarity of the behaviour

exhibits by the pupil on target before being regarded as having Conduct

Disorder. The information needed include exhibiting behaviour like physical

cruel to people and or animal, destructiveness and argument with older ones

and those in the position of authority etc.

More so, any pupil that exhibits seventy (70%) of the following

characteristics very frequently will be considered as having Conduct Disorder.

Therefore, pupils that show less than seventy (70%) of the following

characteristics very frequently will not be regarded as experiencing Conduct

Disorder problems.

The characteristics are as follows:

i. Often bullies, threatens or intimidating others. 10%

ii. Been physically cruel to animal. 05%

iii. Theft. 05%

iv. Force someone in to sexual activity. 05%

87
v. Initiate physical fight. 10%

vi. Use of weapons that can cause serious physical harm to others ( e.g.

knife, brick, broken bottle etc. 05%

vii. Deliberate destroyal of others’ property. 05%

viii. Often lies to obtain goods or favor or to avoid obligations. 10%

ix. Forgery. O5%

x. Often coming to class late after leaving home on appropriate time. 10%

xi. Poor attention span. 05%

xii. Displaying temper tantrums. 05%

xiii. Unsatisfactory relationship with peers and teachers. 05%

xiv. Pervasive mood of unhappiness in situations where other children are

excited. 05%

xv. Arguing with peers, older ones, those in the position of authority and

refusal to comply with simple instructions or directives. 10%

The frequency rate of the above characteristics will be determine using Likert

scale on the basis of frequency as follows:

i. Very Frequently

ii. Frequently

iii. Often

iv. Occasionally

v. Rarely

3.4.2 Validation of the Checklist for the Identification of CD

The instrument to be used was developed by the researcher using

Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (DSM) guidelines. More

88
so, the instrument will be given to the supervisor to ascertain face and

content validity, it will also be given to expert for recommendation in the

Department of Special Education, Bayero University, Kano in the area of

Emotional and Behavioural Disorders.

3.4.3 Reliability of the Checklist for the Identification of CD

The reliability of the Checklist for the identification of Conduct Disorder

behaviour will be determined by conducting a pilot study at Danfodio

Academy Primary School Bakura Local Government area, on a sample of four

pupils, which were not part of the study. The instrument will be administered

to the same pupils at the interval of one week. The scores obtained will be

analysed using Cronbach alpha correlation coefficient to obtain (a—value).

3.4.4 Socioeconomic Status Scale Questionnaire

The researcher is going to adopt Socioeconomic Status Scale

Questionnaire from the work of Bichi (2014) and Garba, A (2020). The

instrument was developed by Kupuwammy (1987). Due to some peculiar

differences and nomenclatures, the instrument will be used with little

modification to suit the study respondents. The questionnaire consist of two

sections A and B. Section A of the questionnaire sought information on the

head of the household demographic data such as: name, age and area while

section B request information on level of education, type of occupation and

total monthly income.

More so, any head of the household member that scored a total marks

of 15 marks and above will be regarded as having high socioeconomic status

89
consequently, anyone that scored 14 marks and below will be considered as

having low socioeconomic status.

The characteristics of the questionnaire are as follows:

Education:

1. Postgraduate (PhD). 7 marks

2. Postgraduate (Master Degree/Postgraduate Diploma). 6 marks

3. Graduate (Bachelor Degree/ Higher National Diploma). 5 marks

4. NCE/Diploma. 4 marks

5. SSCE/Certificate 3 marks

6. Primary/ Junior Leaving Certificate. 2 marks

7. Illiterate and others 1 mark

Occupation

1. Politicians (Executives/Legislators). 10 marks

2. Chief Executive Officers/ Senior Managers. 8 marks

3. Professionals (Doctors, Teachers, Lawyers, Accountants etc.) 7

marks

4. Technicians and Associate Professionals. 6 marks

5. Semi-skilled worker (e.g. truck-drivers, waiters, security etc.).

5 marks

6. Skilled Agriculturalists, Fishery workers, Craft and related

trade workers. 4 marks

7. Petty traders. 3 marks

8. Elementary occupation (truck pushers, bricklayers etc.). 2

marks

90
9. Unemployed. 1 mark

Monthly income

1. 150,400 - Above. 12 marks

2. 120,200 - 150, 300. 10 marks

3. 100,200 - 120,200. 6 marks

4. 70,564 - 85,564. 4 marks

5. 55,564 - 70,564. 3 marks

6. 40,564 - 55,564. 2 marks

7. 25,564 - And below. 1 mark

The socioeconomic status class from the above will be

determined using Likert scale on the basis of value as

follows:

I. High

II. Low

3.4.5 Validation of Socioeconomic Status Scale Questionnaire

The Socioeconomic status scale questionnaire developed by

Kupuwammy (1987) was found valid as it has been use by many researchers

in Nigeria like Bichi (2014) and Garba A. (2020) among others. Similarly, it

had faced validity by expert in the field of Psychology, Test and Measurement

at Zamfara State College of Education, Maru. Subsequently, the instrument

will also be subjected to the scrutiny of the supervisor and expert for

recommendation in the Department of Special Education, Bayero University,

Kano in the field of Emotional and Behaviour Disorder.

3.4.6 Reliability of Socioeconomic Status Scale Questionnaire

91
The reliability coefficient of the Socioeconomic Status Scale

Questionnaire was determined by the test re-test method. The results were

correlated using Pearson Product Moment Correlation Coefficient. The

reliability index obtained through this method was 0.92. This also shows that

the correlation is high. Going by the guideline provided by Ughamadu,

Onwuegbu and Osundu (cited in Ugoduium 2008) which stated that any r

value that falls between 0.60 – 0.80 is regarded as high and r value that falls

between 0.40 – 0.60 is considered as moderate, it can be said that this

instrument is highly reliable since its r value falls between 0.60 and 0.92.

All the two data Collection Instrument discussed above are herewith

attached in the Appendix.

3.5 Data Collection Procedure

The researcher will obtained a letter of introduction from the post graduate

co-ordinator (Masters) of the department of special education, Bayero University

Kano and take it to the selected primary schools for permission and collaborative

assistance from the schools management, teachers and non-teaching staff.

Considering the nature of the research population (mainly young children) they

can’t respond to the questions in the socioeconomic status scale questionnaire;

the researcher with the help of trained research assistants (form masters)

therefore will make use of the first instrument i.e. conduct disorder checklist to

identify children suffering with the disorder from the population and then latter

follow every possible way to meet with their parent and administer the second

instrument i.e. socioeconomic status scale questionnaire to obtain a direct and

reliable data.

92
3.6 Data Analysis Procedure

Going by the research work nature, two different statistical tools will be used to

analysed the obtained data as follows: Descriptive statistics of mean and

percentage will be used to answer the research questions 1, 2, 3 and 5 that seek

to determine the influence of low, high and parental educational background on

primary school pupils with conduct disorder as well as gender difference among

these children. Also inferential statistics (t-test independent sample) will be

used to answer question 4 and to test hypothesis at 0.5 alpha level of

significance.

3.7 Four Weeks Sessions Activity Schedule for Pupils with CD and their

Parents

A four (4) weeks schedule activity is design to be carried out by the


researcher to collect the data from pupils in their respective schools and their
parents at their possible tracked locations.

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