DAWN Editorials September 2023

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Dawn Editorial September 2023
Table of Contents
Cruel dramas ................................................................................................................................................. 7
Hiding the truth............................................................................................................................................. 8
Continuous decline ....................................................................................................................................... 9
Missing persons .......................................................................................................................................... 10
Bannu ambush ............................................................................................................................................ 11
ECP’s mantra ............................................................................................................................................... 12
Sports and government .............................................................................................................................. 13
Dar’s delusion ............................................................................................................................................. 14
More action, please .................................................................................................................................... 16
Arms for Taiwan .......................................................................................................................................... 17
A senseless wait .......................................................................................................................................... 18
Stymied growth ........................................................................................................................................... 19
IHK media’s siege ........................................................................................................................................ 20
Digging in..................................................................................................................................................... 21
GB unrest .................................................................................................................................................... 22
‘Katcha’ troubles ......................................................................................................................................... 24
Denied health cover .................................................................................................................................... 25
Unreal expectations .................................................................................................................................... 26
School assault.............................................................................................................................................. 27
Elahi’s ordeal ............................................................................................................................................... 28
Sugar prices ................................................................................................................................................. 29
Chitral incursion .......................................................................................................................................... 32
Waking up ................................................................................................................................................... 33
Unreasonable Mr Shah ............................................................................................................................... 35
Currency concerns ...................................................................................................................................... 36
Lawyers’ strike ............................................................................................................................................ 37
Persecuted people ...................................................................................................................................... 38
Lack of clarity .............................................................................................................................................. 39
Increasing oil margins ................................................................................................................................. 41
Buy CSS PMS Books Online as Cash on Delivery www.cssbooks.net or WhatsApp Now 03336042057 Page
4
Abaya ban ................................................................................................................................................... 42

Vulnerable Chitral ....................................................................................................................................... 42
High gas rates .............................................................................................................................................. 44
Duty on imports .......................................................................................................................................... 45
Status unclear ............................................................................................................................................. 46
G20 summit ................................................................................................................................................. 47
Mosquito mayhem ...................................................................................................................................... 49
Torkham closure ......................................................................................................................................... 50
CJP’s legacy ................................................................................................................................................. 51
Pest attack................................................................................................................................................... 53
Afghan reckoning ........................................................................................................................................ 54
Nawaz’s return ............................................................................................................................................ 55
Endgame?.................................................................................................................................................... 56
Monetary policy .......................................................................................................................................... 57
Stray bullets ................................................................................................................................................ 59
Cricket trouble ............................................................................................................................................ 59
Mayday........................................................................................................................................................ 60
Much ado about nothing ............................................................................................................................ 62
Cost-of-living crisis ...................................................................................................................................... 63
Last judgement ........................................................................................................................................... 64
Ram mandir opening................................................................................................................................... 65
Climate and industry ................................................................................................................................... 66
ECP’s ‘bias’ .................................................................................................................................................. 67
Missing anchorperson ................................................................................................................................. 69
MDCAT cheating ......................................................................................................................................... 70
The Isa epoch .............................................................................................................................................. 71
Futures on hold ........................................................................................................................................... 72
ECP’s preparations ...................................................................................................................................... 73
Sikh activist’s murder .................................................................................................................................. 75
Lost generations.......................................................................................................................................... 76
Greater representation ............................................................................................................................... 77
What next?.................................................................................................................................................. 78
5
Another Sharif trip ...................................................................................................................................... 80

Lawless city ................................................................................................................................................. 81
Missing footballers ...................................................................................................................................... 82
No closure ................................................................................................................................................... 82
IMF chief’s advice........................................................................................................................................ 84
Beyond lip service ....................................................................................................................................... 85
Mirwaiz freed .............................................................................................................................................. 86
World Cup squad......................................................................................................................................... 88
Print in digital age ....................................................................................................................................... 89
Sanaullah’s remarks .................................................................................................................................... 89
On the brink ................................................................................................................................................ 90
Unto darkness ............................................................................................................................................. 92
Free and fair? .............................................................................................................................................. 93
Justice or vendetta? .................................................................................................................................... 95
Worrying remarks ....................................................................................................................................... 96
More desecration........................................................................................................................................ 97
Kandhkot tragedy........................................................................................................................................ 98
Israeli normalisation ................................................................................................................................... 99
Accruing more debt .................................................................................................................................. 100
Playing in India .......................................................................................................................................... 102
6
Cruel dramas
THE storyline is old but its insensitivity is impossible to ignore. Our entertainment
industry has, for long, used crimes against women as provocative ploys to spice
up dramas. Its depictions are far from representative of a host of tragedies. So,
we find ourselves hailing a ban to protect victims and crush the rape culture. On
Wednesday, the TV drama Hadsa — clearly a misnomer, as there was nothing
‘accidental’ about the Motorway gang-rape in 2020, on which the serial was
seemingly centred — was taken off air by Pemra. Criticism and complaints
pertaining to the subject and its callous treatment prompted the action. While the
regulator accurately observed that “showing such a serious crime could reopen
the wounds of the victim”, linking it to “the country’s reputation” was unwarranted.
Contrary to the play’s unsettling title, rape has to be seen for what it is — a crime
of power, not to be framed in a way that betrays the uninformed belief that the
victim is ‘dishonoured’ by it. In fact, one-dimensional portrayals of the violated —
from marital rape in intimate partner violence, domestic abuse to other atrocities
— limit societal responsibility and trivialise the reform of male conditioning.
Scores took umbrage at the serial’s shocking insensitivity as it spelt a disconnect
with women’s grievances. Stories of women and transgender persons rarely
explore complexities of gender, victimhood and healing in an artistic and
concerned way. Instead of a sobering approach, our slant is mediaeval: even an
extramarital liaison is validated for the male, becoming a tool to oppress.
Transpeople are reduced to caricatures, with scripts replete with transphobic
slurs and plots that treat their gender identity as a dirty secret, making them living
taboos. We can only expect a shift if narratives originate from the survivor’s lens,
wade into the criminal mind, and the audience sees the painful journey to
recovery. Until then, the cost of an odious mix of fantasy and humiliation will
remain a brutal culture.
Published in Dawn, September 1st, 2023
7
Hiding the truth

THE BJP government has pulled out all the stops since revoking held Kashmir’s
special status in 2019 to convince the world that ‘all is well’ in the disputed
territory. While the Indian leadership is expected to ramp up propaganda efforts
to whitewash its brutal occupation of Kashmir, states and private entities the
world over should not be supporting these dubious endeavours. In this respect,
representatives of the Miss World Organisation were in IHK recently for a photo
opportunity, with the chair of the beauty pageant telling the media that part of the
events scheduled to be held in India later this year will include engagements in
the occupied region. The chair added that “this is a blessed place for tourism”.
That may be so, but tourist events and beauty contests should not be held in a
location where the sons of the soil are treated as conquered peoples by the
occupying power. There was later some confusion about holding the Miss World
events in IHK, as a firm linked to the organisers stated that locations for the
pageant had not been finalised. Perhaps this was an afterthought to dispel
criticism of holding the event on disputed territory.
Earlier this year, the BJP also hosted a tourism-related event linked to the G20 in
Srinagar. That affair was boycotted by G20 members China and Saudi Arabia.
The international community must send a strong message to India that holding
events in a contested region, where ordinary Kashmiris are suffocated in the
name of ‘security’, is unacceptable. It is appalling that foreign organisations are
harping on about the beauty of Kashmir as its people suffer at the hands of the
Indian military machine. Can New Delhi really claim that IHK has been pacified
when hundreds of thousands of its troops remain in the region? Even those
within the Indian system acknowledge that the situation in Kashmir is far from
normal. While hearing petitions related to the revocation of Article 370 in India’s
supreme court, that country’s chief justice asked the government if there was a
“time frame” for the return of IHK’s special status. India’s top judge also observed
that “it [IHK] can’t be a union territory permanently”. Foreign entities must not
support the BJP’s normalisation project in IHK that highlights ‘normalcy’ at the
cost of Kashmiris’ rights.
8
Continuous decline
THE bloodbath at the stock market on Thursday is just another grim reminder of
all that is wrong with the economy. The fundamentals continue to worsen —
faster than before — as the country hurtles towards yet another financial disaster
amid political uncertainty.
The fresh losses suffered by the stock market over the last few days are just one
symptom of declining economic conditions exacerbated by electoral uncertainty.
The KSE-100 Index is said by market watchers to have lost almost 1,250 points
over concerns of another potential hike in interest rates because of changing
expectations regarding inflation as the rupee depreciates and power rates surge.
The already ‘fragile’ investor sentiment also took a hit after the caretaker finance
minister warned of a further hike in electricity and fuel rates, and asserted that
the government did not have the fiscal space for subsidies.
During her appearance before a Senate panel on Wednesday, she said there
was little choice but to adhere to the IMF programme. Could the stock market
bloodbath have been avoided had she not spoken the truth? Experts familiar with
the state of the economy are not convinced.
Likewise, the exchange rate is again sliding after a brief respite following the
approval of the new $3bn short-term bailout loan from the IMF. The rupee is
under pressure due to the surging import bill, the international rise of the dollar,
and the interbank market endlessly chasing the open market rate of the latter
currency to keep the gap below 1.25pc to meet a key IMF goal.
The rupee has lost nearly 26pc of its value since the start of 2023. Again, could
turbulence in the foreign exchange market have been prevented had the IMF not
imposed its condition to narrow the gap between the interbank and open
markets? Not without letting the gap between the two markets widen to an
unsustainable level.
Investors have been closely monitoring the country’s balance-of-payments

position because the next review by the IMF will not happen for a few months,
and there is not much clarity over the planned investments from the Gulf nations.
9
That means foreign capital inflows will remain subdued, at least over the next
several months, which would prolong the pressure on the rupee.
The main question is: can the caretakers stop the economic decline? With their
limited mandate and powers, it looks unlikely. The current state of the economy
demands tough decisions that a temporary set-up is not capable of making.
The rupee will keep shedding value, inflation will remain elevated, and stocks will
continue to suffer mounting losses unless the prevailing election uncertainty
ends, and a stable new elected government takes over with the mandate to take
difficult decisions. Meanwhile, we continue our journey towards a bigger
economic disaster.
Missing persons
THE reaction of the interim Balochistan government to criticism of enforced
disappearances in the country lays bare a deep disconnect with reality, and
indicates how little the administration cares about the wholesale violation of
human rights. Where past governments buried their heads in the sand or paid
mere lip service to the issue of missing persons, the current set-up has
effectively gaslighted the families of missing persons by saying that the issue has
been ‘politicised’. The government’s reaction comes after BNP-M chief Sardar
Akhtar Mengal declared that his party would contest the next election under the
slogan of ‘the recovery of missing persons’. Mr Mengal talked about the enforced
disappearance of his own brother in the 1970s, and the anguish his family feel
even today, despite being told that his brother had passed. His phrase that “we
are still waiting for him” describes the trauma experienced every day by scores of
families that have marched, begged and pleaded for the return of their loved
ones — with little success. His words that “there isn’t a single home in
Balochistan which hasn’t received a dead body or is not awaiting the recovery of
a missing relative” are simply chilling.
The Balochistan government’s reaction, therefore, is shameful. To claim such

remarks are politicising the issue of missing persons is tone deaf, and will fool no
one. What those at the helm need to realise is these are not ‘issues being
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exploited’ but brutal human rights violations that are causing Baloch families
generational trauma. Unexplained disappearances with scant information, no
trials and virtually no trace of the victim points to a callous mentality. If the state
is going to pretend these protests and cries for recovery are ‘agenda-driven’ and
not the genuine pleas for help they are, it risks further alienating young people in
a province that has always been a low priority for successive governments. The
state may end up paying a heavy price.
Published in Dawn, September 2nd, 2023
Bannu ambush
TERRORIST violence continues to take a heavy toll on our security personnel. At
least nine troops were martyred when a suicide bomber targeted a military
convoy in Bannu’s Janikhel area on Thursday. Only a few days earlier, militants
had ambushed a police vehicle in neighbouring Lakki Marwat district, resulting in
the martyrdom of two police personnel. According to reports on social media, a
little-known group calling itself Lashkar-i-Sufyan Karvan has claimed
responsibility for the Bannu attack. Though this group may not be a known entity
in the murky world of terrorism, it is said to be linked to the Hafiz Gul Bahadur
outfit, which has a well-earned reputation for militant violence, and is part of the
TTP conglomerate. In a related development, two militants reportedly associated
with the Lashkar-i-Islam outfit were eliminated in Peshawar’s outskirts by KP’s
Counter Terrorism Department in an intelligence-based operation. This outfit was
at one time headed by dreaded militant Mangal Bagh, now dead, and is also
linked to the TTP.
After analysing the latest acts of violence, two major concerns need to be
addressed by the state. Firstly, terrorists have a wide footprint across KP and
northern Balochistan, and have, in fact, indulged in acts of violence within the KP
capital. Their freedom to act across an extensive geographic space needs to be
curtailed. Secondly, the recent acts of violence are nearly all linked to the banned
TTP. While the terrorist group owns some attacks and keeps quiet about others,
there is little doubt that it retains its penchant for lethality, and neutralising it
should be the security establishment top priority. In the world of militancy, it is not
unusual for fighters to adopt new names for their groups. Therefore, the
authorities should not get caught up in nomenclatures, but go after key
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individuals and dismantle the terrorist infrastructure. More also needs to be done
to protect the security forces — both military and police personnel. Militants have
reportedly had access to sophisticated American gear abandoned in Afghanistan;
these supply lines need to be choked, and our forces equipped with gear to
defend themselves. And while the state should turn up the heat on the Afghan
Taliban to shut down terrorist sanctuaries on their soil, protecting Pakistani
territory and ejecting and/ or eliminating militants operating here is the
responsibility of our military.
ECP’s mantra
JUST because the chief election commissioner keeps insisting on it, and the
government keeps repeating it, does not make it an incontestable fact:
determining when a general election is to be held is arguably not the ECP’s ‘sole
prerogative’, whether one goes by the Constitution or even by the updated
statute books the watchdog has been citing.
This questionable assertion continues to be repeated ad nauseam, but it does

not change the fact that the Elections Act, just like other laws, remains subject
and subservient to the Constitution, which is rather clear regarding how long the
election watchdog has to hold elections in case any assembly is dissolved before
its tenure is up (Article 2242), and the president’s responsibility to appoint a date
for a general election when the assembly in question has been dissolved by his
hand (Article 483).
The ECP has recently been assuring political parties that it intends to hold
general elections in the country by late January or mid-February 2024; once
constituencies have been delimited afresh under the census notified by the PDM
and its allies shortly before the National Assembly was dissolved. Regrettably,
only a handful of political actors appear concerned that this will necessarily entail
yet another violation of the Constitution.
It may be recalled that, earlier this year, the ECP had refused to hold elections
for the Khyber Pakhtunkhwa and Punjab assemblies within the mandatory 90-
12
day period. It did so in direct defiance of the Constitution as well as the Supreme
Court’s orders.
At the time, the ECP had offered to hold the due elections at a later date — Oct
8, to be precise. However, it clearly seems to be in no mood to stick to that
timeline now.
It is also worth recalling that, as recently as July, the ECP had ruled out any
delay in the general elections, promising it was ready to hold polls within 60 or 90
days, depending on whenever the National Assembly was dissolved.
In a July 20 press conference, addressed by ECP Secretary Omar Hamid Khan

and Special Secretary Zafar Iqbal Hussain, the latter had also ruled out the
possibility of fresh delimitations, saying that elections would be held under the
previous census and delimitation. Within a month, the ECP abruptly changed its
stance.
Its volte-face was immediately protested by the PPP, which later revealed that it
had been assured that the notification of the census would have no bearing on
election dates.
Given these precedents, how can the ECP be trusted? As long as it continues to
believe that no law or court order can compel it to do its constitutional duty within
stipulated time frames, it may find it more convenient to continue delaying the
exercise on one pretext or the other.
Sports and government

CLEARLY, sports and politics are joined at the hip. This means that governments
have a large say in the running of the game. The latest example is the Pakistan
Hockey Federation, whose top officials the government wants to change through
fresh elections. However, the incumbents reject such interference in the game’s
governing body, saying the latter is autonomous, and affiliated with the
International Hockey Federation and the Pakistan Olympic Association. PHF
president Khalid Sajjad Khokhar got himself re-elected last year, holding
13
elections on his own despite the Pakistan Sports Board’s formation of an election
committee. The PSB suspended all PHF officials last month in order to conduct
fresh polls. The wheels are in motion for a no-confidence vote against PHF
officials, including Mr Khokhar and secretary Haider Hussain, to be passed in a
meeting next week. The PHF is the latest sports federation to be at odds with the
government, the turmoil coming at a time when the national team is due to take
part in crucial events.
Like the PHF, the FIFA-appointed Pakistan Football Federation Normalisation

Committee has also seen its relations sour with the government. The Ministry of
Inter-Provincial Coordination, which oversees sports matters, has slammed the
committee for delay in holding elections. The committee has also suffered delays
in the issuance of the no-objection certificate for two tours of the national team.
FIFA and the Asian Football Confederation are due to meet officials from the
government and the normalisation committee soon to decide the way forward for
elections — highlighting that the world’s governing body has understood that
working with the government is necessary for resolving issues. Unfortunately, the
state’s role in sports remains undefined post the 18th Amendment, when sports
was devolved to the provinces. It is high time Pakistan came up with a proper
policy and legislation to govern sports. Not only would this ease funding
pressures, it would also ensure government oversight over how they are being
run.
Published in Dawn, September 3rd, 2023
Dar’s delusion
ISHAQ Dar lives in a world completely divorced from reality, a world where he
can be a self-styled ‘saviour’. During a media talk in London, the former finance
minister once again boasted of having rescued Pakistan from the verge of
defaulting on its foreign debt payments.
As always, he conveniently skipped the part where he botched the previous IMF
loan programme that his predecessor and party colleague had helped revive
after significant fiscal adjustments and months of tough talks with the lender. Nor
did he mention his own role in bringing the country to the brink of the default he
now claims to have averted.
14
Indeed, Pakistan’s economy was not faring very well when PML-N leader Nawaz
Sharif removed Miftah Ismail unceremoniously from the Q Block and dispatched
Mr Dar to Islamabad to replace him. Yet, investor confidence had clearly started
to improve on the revival of the loan deal with the IMF, and Pakistan was
expecting to successfully complete the next programme review that would have
paved the way for more official capital inflows and ameliorated its balance-of-
payments position.
However, Mr Dar’s advent totally changed the scene, reversing whatever little
progress had been made since the revival of the IMF loan facility. His
preoccupation with manipulating the exchange rate for a stronger rupee, as well
as controlling interest rates, sabotaged Pakistan’s relationship with the IMF.
No matter what he did later — for instance, imposing huge additional taxes on
already taxed persons through a supplementary finance bill and devaluating the
currency — he was unable to convince the IMF to complete the pending review
and release the money.
The deepening economic crisis, characterised by entrenched inflation, steep

rupee depreciation and rising costs of power and fuel that we have on our hands
today is largely because of his obsession with a strong rupee and low interest
rates, as well as his failure to cut the huge fiscal deficit by taxing the undertaxed
and untaxed sectors.
He says his party has paid a heavy political price to avert a sovereign default.
What about the unimaginable price the majority of Pakistanis are forced to pay
every day, and will continue to pay for the next several years because of his
flawed policies and gimmickry? No wonder many don’t want him to return, at
least not to Q Block.
15
More action, please

THE caretaker prime minister has faced a major challenge managing public
expectations over the past week or so. When protests over the significant
increase in electricity tariffs had first broken out, Prime Minister Anwaar-ul-Haq
Kakar moved quickly to assuage the public’s concerns, promising the people he
would secure some manner of relief. It appears he hadn’t done his homework on
the state of the country’s finances. Having received a reality check from his
cabinet and the IMF, he is now telling the people that they “have to pay the bills”.
But many of those bills had already been burnt. Many are also likely to have
become overdue, incurring additional penalties as citizens waited for the PM to
deliver. It is a bad look for Mr Kakar, who has inadvertently ended up causing
more trouble rather than solving anything. Perhaps the episode should serve as
a lesson on how even the best of intentions can end up exacerbating public
harm.
It may not be within Mr Kakar’s means to deliver any instant ‘relief’, but he is still
responsible for steering the country during these fraught times. Instead, as the
man tasked with ‘taking care’ of Pakistan till elected representatives are sworn in,
he seems a little detached from ground realities. On Friday, Mr Kakar told a
delegation of journalists and TV anchors that he sees the breakout of public
protests against rampant inflation as a manoeuvre orchestrated by political
parties. “I realise their position. If I were to contest the [upcoming] election, I
would have done the same,” he is reported to have said. If nothing else, the
statement speaks volumes about the perspective with which the PM is assessing
the situation. But the desperate citizenry is no opportunity for politicians to
squeeze for electoral gain; it is a grave threat to the country’s stability.
Mr Kakar need only read the Ministry of Finance’s Fiscal Risk Statement 2023-24
to understand how big a risk inflation poses to the country’s external stability. The
report highlights that uncertainty surrounding energy prices is “the main upside
risk” to Pakistan’s inflation outlook. In simpler terms, unless the dollar somehow
stops appreciating and global fuel prices suddenly decline, the people in charge
in Islamabad need to work very hard to keep the Pakistani economy from
imploding. With the cost of living having already risen to an unbearable level for
most citizens, the government can no longer consider their daily challenges ‘non-
issues’ in its larger game plan. Sustained adversity in economic conditions may
16
trigger wider social unrest, which in turn will make economic management an
even more difficult task than it already is. Before the country enters that vicious
cycle, the decision-makers should act. This is no longer a political problem but an
existential one.
Arms for Taiwan

JUST as the Western effort to oust Russia from Ukraine has within it the seeds of
a much bigger conflict in Europe, America’s constant brinkmanship where the
China-Taiwan question is concerned could spark the next great conflict in Asia.
While Washington speaks of protecting ‘democracy’ by aiding the self-ruling
island — which the People’s Republic considers its inseparable part — the fact is
that military aid and sales to Taiwan, as well as the strengthening of anti-Beijing
alliances such as the Quad and AUKUS, give the impression that the US is trying
to contain China in the Asia-Pacific. The latest US arms sales to Taiwan only
strengthen this impression. While Washington has long sold arms to Taipei, and
is, in fact, bound by US law to support Taiwan’s defence, the recent decision to
supply arms under the Foreign Military Financing scheme has raised eyebrows,
particularly in Beijing. This is because the aforesaid programme is usually used
to provide weapons to sovereign states, which Taiwan is not, as the majority of
the international community recognises only China. The State Department says
the US “has an abiding interest in peace and stability in the Taiwan Strait”,
though Beijing clearly disagrees. The Chinese foreign ministry’s spokesperson
said that the arms sale “undermines China’s sovereignty and security interests”.
The US seems to be sending mixed signals to China. While senior American

officials have been visiting Beijing over the past few months to discuss
differences, the Biden administration continues to disregard China’s reservations
and maintain strong links with Taiwan. The problem with this mixed messaging is
that it can very rapidly lead to misunderstandings, and result in hostilities. Neither
side may want war, but if the US continues to prod Beijing on Taiwan to gauge its
reaction, it could result in unintended — and unfortunate — consequences. The
Taiwan question should be resolved amicably between Beijing and Taipei, and
external actors should stop fanning the flames.
Published in Dawn, September 4th, 2023
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A senseless wait
THE claim by PML-N’s Maryam Nawaz that her father Nawaz Sharif will “end
inflation” when he comes to Pakistan leads to the obvious question: why is the
elder Mr Sharif still in London? As chief organiser, Ms Nawaz made this
statement to a crowd of young party workers in KP, with the obvious intention of
giving the party’s support base hope that the PML-N supremo will return to the
country. But it is hardly a sensible statement to make, considering there has
never been any official explanation for Mr Sharif’s prolonged stay in a foreign
country for so many years. His absence is especially puzzling now when the
cost-of-living crisis in the country is dire and affecting voters on whom his party
has pinned its electoral hopes. Although he had gone abroad on the pretext of
medical complications that arose during his incarceration, it is evident that Mr
Sharif seems to have made a good recovery and is reasonably healthy now —
certainly enough to be able to travel. Over the past year, he has visited Saudi
Arabia, the UAE and several cities in Europe for leisure and other matters.
Surely, he is fit enough to travel to Pakistan — and should do so if he wishes to
remain politically relevant, even at the cost of confronting legal challenges on his
return. Instead, though the party’s key decision-maker, he continues to live in
London, where key members of the PML-N party rush at the drop of a hat to seek
his guidance or blessings. It is an absolutely ridiculous state of affairs, and one
that the already dejected voter will remember when election time approaches.
If, as Ms Nawaz avers, Mr Sharif is able to “end inflation”, his stay in London is
even more indefensible. His party members claim that he has ability to fix
Pakistan’s challenges if given a chance, but are unable to explain why their
leader does not return to the country to engage with potential voters as they are
crushed under soaring electricity bills, fuel prices and food inflation. A new date
of mid-October has been floated by his brother for his return, but because the
senior Sharif has never really revealed why he has taken so long to come back,
no one is holding their breath for the Oct 15 deadline to become a reality.
18
Stymied growth
A NEW report, published by the Pakistan Institute of Development Economics,
shines a light on the multiple obstacles hampering the growth of the country’s
fledgling engineering industry — and, by default, its small and medium
enterprises.
The study, based on a survey of 328 engineering firms, apparently operating in

the SME sector, points out unreliable electricity supply, lack of access to formal
bank credit, exclusion from global supply chains, branding, pricing, product
quality, informality, etc, as major factors affecting the growth and productivity of
such enterprises.
These issues are faced by SMEs in every sector. The report underlines that a
majority of industrial units — 83pc — in the country do not have plans for future
expansion, owing primarily to the non-availability of electricity.
A few entrepreneurs, however, intend to invest in technology, machinery, land,

and skilled labour to boost their business prospects. Likewise, the lack of access
to credit for most of these firms, owing to inadequate collateral, is highlighted as
another major snag in the realisation of their potential.
The report underscores the significance of addressing these challenges,

recommending that the engineering firms adopt international and national quality
standards.
The study also emphasises the importance of strong ties between businesses
and the government, adding that political instability and unfavourable economic
policies have led to mistrust and dissatisfaction among business owners.
SMEs, especially in the engineering sector, are globally regarded as the

backbone of economies. Their crucial role in fostering growth, creating large-
scale employment opportunities and reducing poverty is universally recognised.
Hence, successive governments here have repeatedly pledged to boost the

‘ease of doing business’ for them since the 1990s so that they can help boost
overall economic growth.
19
However, practically speaking, little has been done to solve their problems. For
example, the SME policy of 2021-25, which was widely welcomed because of its
generous incentives, such as tax reductions and a Rs60bn bank credit line for
collateral-free loans offered to small and medium entrepreneurs, is yet to be
implemented.
Already faced with formidable challenges, SMEs are believed to have been
affected the most by the ongoing economic slowdown and surging inflation.
Numerous units have already closed down because of financial troubles caused
by increased costs, and thousands of workers have been fired by others to
minimise losses as industries struggle to survive the present crisis.
The crisis has especially hit units operating in the domestic market. The ones
linked to global export markets, directly or indirectly, have fared better, despite
the difficulties.
For long-term economic stability, more exports and greater job creation for
millions of individuals entering the labour market each year, Pakistan’s
policymakers need to immediately focus on addressing the long-standing issues
holding SMEs back from realising their full potential.
IHK media’s siege

THERE was a time when journalists in Indian-held Kashmir were the cynosure of
Indian media — tenacious, reliable, courageous and resourceful with ear to the
ground. Embassies in New Delhi had point persons to pick the brains of many of
these intrepid news hounds working in a tricky place, among the world’s most
heavily militarised zones. Many of the journalists are now in prison or facing
trumped-up cases often with daily dire threats from state agencies. And the
embassies have mostly turned their backs on the trauma. The situation has
worsened manifold since the annexation of IHK by a parliamentary fiat in August
2019. Though the annexation is being questioned in India’s supreme court, the
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terror and normalisation of the insidious violence against the media goes mostly
underreported.
Still, a recent BBC report ‘Any story could be your last’ described the crackdown
on Kashmiri media in some detail. It cites several specific cases to describe a
“sinister and systematic campaign to intimidate and silence the press” in IHK.
The report has incensed the police, who say that the State Investigation Agency,
the elite counter-militancy agency, “reserves the right to initiate further legal
action” against the BBC for “misreporting facts in a case which is sub judice”. The
BBC says it stands by the report. The specific case relates to the incarceration of
Fahad Shah, a Srinagar-based journalist, for publishing a “seditious” article in his
online media outlet, The Kashmir Walla. The Srinagar-based digital media house
shut down last month after the government took down its website and social
media accounts. The BBC report quotes seven journalists and one editor, all
anonymously, who told the British media group that they felt “choked and
suffocated” due to an atmosphere of “fear and intimidation.” The report on the
eve of the G20 summit in India makes it particularly noteworthy, raising hopes
that it won’t go as unnoticed as others did before it.
Digging in
WITHIN what is a very narrow space these days, there seems to be some effort
to renegotiate the PTI’s relationship with the state. A message was recently sent
from Attock jail: Imran Khan is ready to talk, but only on elections. But who does
Mr Khan think still wants to talk to him? The statement could have been a signal
to other political parties, or it could have been a tentative ‘yes’ to someone
making efforts to tape together the PTI and establishment’s long-torn ‘same
page’. With the PTI, it is always difficult to tell. While a new political configuration
seems like a tall order at this point in time, the latter possibility appears more
likely. The party’s leaders have made no secret of their yearning for a soft corner
in the hardened hearts of their once benefactors. They know, as well as anyone,
that their predicament is unlikely to change till the PTI is ready to share its
political capital with unelected quarters again.
21
The question, therefore, is: is there even a remote chance of a rapprochement in

the current circumstances? The unyielding will of Mr Khan — a man notoriously
difficult to reason with once he makes up his mind — has repeatedly come in the
way of past efforts. The PTI chief, who seems to be in good health and spirits
and in no mood to leave the country, according to his lawyers, also remains a
thorn in the side of the establishment despite being confined to jail.
Notwithstanding the brutal crackdown on his party post-May 9, the narrative
crafted by the former prime minister continues to endure. With the state
beginning to feel the enormity of public discontent as the cost of living soars to
unbearable levels, it will soon realise, if it hasn’t already, that the current situation
is untenable and brute force alone cannot solve the country’s problems. The
problem is neither side has been willing to cede an inch. Clearly, Mr Khan needs
to engage on more than just elections, especially if he hopes to take the country
forward under his leadership. The other side must realise that it cannot continue
to weaken the social fabric with heavy-handed interventions if it wishes to see
Pakistan stronger. Both need to realise that the fortunes of more than 240m
souls are at stake.
GB unrest
AWAY from the glare of mainstream media, trouble has been brewing in Gilgit-
Baltistan in recent weeks. Demonstrations and counter-protests have been held
in the mountainous region, with key thoroughfares blocked and mobile internet
shut, as sectarian hatreds have returned to cast a long shadow over the area.
According to reports, action was sought against a religious leader belonging to

one school of thought, who had made a controversial statement last month.
After protests in Chilas and elsewhere, a case was registered against the said
cleric. This led to protests in Skardu and other towns, while allegedly derogatory
remarks were made by another cleric, resulting in the filing of a case against this
individual.
Communal differences may only be a trigger for the protests, as there are several
underlying factors in GB fuelling disaffection.
22
However, the state’s bulldozing of the Criminal Laws (Amendment) Bill, 2023,
through parliament has certainly breathed new life into sectarian discourses that
were largely dormant.
GB may only be the first area where narrow communalism is being revived,
thanks to this debatable legislation, and unless democratic forces and
enlightened clerics speak up, the fire of hatred may spread, especially to those
spots in the country where sectarian tensions are already high.
There are signs that matters are improving, as the region’s chief minister met
both Shia and Sunni clerics, who have promised to maintain calm. The caretaker
federal information minister has said the area is experiencing “peace and
stability”, while adding that the military had been called in only to maintain peace
during Chehlum.
Though GB has witnessed sporadic sectarian violence over the past several
decades, matters, over the past few years, had been improving where inter-
communal relations are concerned.
Therefore, the local administration, as well as clerics from both sects, need to
support efforts for peace-building and shunning those who promote divisive
agendas.
In particular, hate groups must not be allowed to spread their toxic views in an
effort to fan communal flames. But beyond GB, unless the bill in question,
specifically the amendments to the blasphemy law, is reconsidered, it will only
add to extremism and widen fault lines in society.
As this paper has argued before, blasphemy cannot be condoned, and all
religious figures should be respected. But bringing complicated theological and
historical issues before parliament — which are better addressed by subject
specialists and scholars of the highest calibre — and then rushing them through
without any debate will only add to divisions in the country.
Such sensitive issues should not be codified in law in such a haphazard manner.
For over four decades, Pakistan has been reeling from the effects of terrifying
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sectarian violence. To prevent the misuse of blasphemy laws, and the violence
this begets, the amendments need to be rethought.
‘Katcha’ troubles
DESPITE months of ‘action’, yet another state-sponsored operation to rein in the
lawless elements who rule large swathes of the riverine areas of upper Sindh and
lower Punjab has failed to bring peace to these troubled lands. Gangs of dacoits
continue to brazenly challenge the state, perhaps emboldened by the fact that
they seem better equipped and more determined than the law-enforcement
personnel sent in to establish the state’s writ. The ongoing operation, as
countless others before it, seems to be meandering, and the authorities have
very little to show for the men, money and ammunition they have expended in
what increasingly looks like an aimless campaign.
It is particularly concerning that the katcha gangs have continued to target the
minority Hindu communities that live in the affected areas with impunity,
abducting both young and old, rich and poor, for ransom. A protest has been
ongoing in Kashmore for several days to highlight the matter. According to a local
leader, around 40 citizens have been kidnapped over the past few months. On
Sunday, large protests were also held in several cities, including Karachi, against
increasing incidents of robberies and abductions in the katcha areas, with
citizens inviting the army to intervene in the katcha operation. With anecdotal
accounts suggesting that powerful elements patronise these dangerous gangs, it
seems obvious why the problem refuses to go away. Compared to the alacrity
with which the police forces of both provinces have cracked down on unarmed
protesters in urban areas, their helplessness when going up against actual,
hardened criminals presents a rather unflattering assessment of their capabilities
as professionals and strategic planners. The authorities must stop wasting public
resources and give the operation more attention. With the economic situation
turning dire, vulnerable communities cannot continue to be left to the wolves. At
the very least, the security of life and property must be ensured in these testing
times.
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Denied health cover

THE government must probe the reasons and factors behind the denial of free
medical treatment to over 80pc of almost 105,000 patients, who visited district
headquarters hospitals across Punjab between July 1 and July 25, under the
Sehat Sahulat Programme. Those who could not have free treatment included
pregnant women, as well as people requiring heart and other surgeries, dialysis
and intensive care. A new report puts the opportunity cost of the refusal of
treatment under the universal insurance programme for such a large number of
patients visiting DHQ hospitals at Rs9.2bn on an annualised basis. The loss
incurred over the 25 days was estimated at Rs645m. It is difficult to say at this
stage if the ‘denial’ of the facility was wilful or whether the patients were turned
away by these hospitals due to lack of equipment, space, medicines, doctors and
other facilities. By ascertaining the reasons, the data will help the authorities plan
the health budget in a better way to provide the missing facilities at DHQ
hospitals to fill gaps where they exist.
Unless the real factors are investigated, most people will end up assuming that
patients are being discouraged deliberately as the caretaker set-up has on a few
occasions indicated its plans to fully or partially roll back the scheme because of
political reasons. It is already reported to have excluded from the facility
households earning above Rs65,000 a month, and patients preferring private
hospitals for treatment are now required to pay 30pc of the cost of their
hospitalisation and procedures upfront. Private hospitals were included in the
programme owing to large gaps in the public healthcare infrastructure. Indeed,
there have been reports of hospitals in the private sector misusing the facility and
charging very high rates. But it should be the responsibility of the insurer to keep
a check on them as is done all over the world. Punishing the people is no
solution. Proper healthcare is the universal right of all individuals and
communities. No one should have to suffer financial hardship to access medical
treatment when they need it. It is well-documented that healthcare expenditures
in Pakistan are responsible for aggravating economic shock in poor to middle-
income families. The Sehat Sahulat initiative is just one step towards progress in
increasing public access to better healthcare and reducing financial hardship
caused by its costs.
25
Unreal expectations
THOUGH the nation is going through a painful cost-of-living crisis, the civilian
and military leaderships are of the view that better days are just around the
corner.
They base their optimism on the hope that our friends in the Gulf are ready to
pour in tens of billions of dollars into Pakistan in the shape of deposits as well as
investments.
While speaking on Monday, interim Prime Minister Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar said

that Saudi Arabia and other Middle Eastern states were likely to invest $25bn in
the country over the next two to five years. Similar comments were reportedly
made by the army chief while meeting business tycoons in Karachi recently.
As reported, the COAS told businessmen he had asked the Saudis and Emiratis
to deposit $10bn each to help shore up Pakistan’s dwindling foreign exchange
reserves. Moreover, the army chief is reported to have said that between $75bn-
100bn could be invested in the country by the Gulf states.
While Pakistan needs all the investment it can get, we must ask how realistic
these projections are.
For example, the country went through an excruciating period of uncertainty —

when default seemed to be staring us in the face —before the IMF approved a
mere $1.2bn in July, the first tranche of a $3bn bailout.
What guarantee do we have that our friends and benefactors will be willing to
shower us with dollars — amounts much larger than the bailout — when we were
made to jump through multiple hoops for $1.2bn?
The fact is that even our trusted partners, including the Gulf states and China,
sent not-so-subtle messages that unless we comply with IMF demands, they
were unlikely to help. Quite clearly, the age of the free lunch is over.
The international community, including our traditional allies, expects us to

address the fundamentals of our sputtering economy, as well as political
26
instability, before they put more money into Pakistan. Mr Kakar had also alluded
to this, when he mentioned that reforms were needed in taxation and the power
sector.
Questions also arise about the caretakers’ intentions — their long-term plans are
puzzling in view of their constitutionally limited stay. The interim set-up should
only focus on keeping the economy stable, ensure timely polls, and then call it a
day.
Long-term economic policymaking is the responsibility of the next elected

government, that should not feel the need to rely on input from the security
establishment.
Without doubt, this country has ample resources and a hardworking populace.
Yet unless we fix our fundamentals — taxing the untaxed, curbing corruption,
reining in wasteful spending — this potential will remain unutilised.
Moreover, those who put money in Pakistan will expect decent returns on their
investments, which can only be achieved through the rule of law, political stability
and democratic continuity.
School assault
SHOCKING details about a series of assaults, reportedly committed at a Karachi
school, point to the ugly fact that sexual predators often operate in society while
hiding behind the veneer of ‘respectability’. According to police, the
owner/principal of a school located in the metropolis’s Gulshan-i-Hadeed area is
accused of assaulting numerous women, and filming the crimes to blackmail the
victims. The suspect would allegedly lure the women by offering them
employment and then assault them. Some reports say up to 45 women may have
been assaulted, while five victims have confirmed they were raped by the
individual. Police say incriminating video clips have been recovered from the
suspect’s phone. The scandal surfaced after a technician repairing CCTV
cameras at the school discovered the videos, which were later uploaded on
social media by the worker’s associate. This crime bears disturbing similarities to
27
the Islamia University Bahawalpur sex and drugs scandal that broke a few
months ago. Officials of the varsity have been accused by police of providing
drugs to students, while also making obscene videos of female teachers and
students. The IUB matter is currently being probed by a tribunal.
It is a matter of concern that none of the staffers of the Karachi school, members
of the local community or police officials were aware of the crimes being
committed on the premises. It needs to be probed whether the suspect was
acting alone, or was abetted by others in this monstrous crime. If found guilty,
this individual deserves the maximum punishment under the law. Female police
officers need to be involved in the case so that the victims can record evidence
with ease. Unfortunately, there are far too many such cases being reported
countrywide, particularly involving technology and the uploading of obscene
content online to blackmail girls and women. The FIA and other law-enforcement
agencies need to actively pursue such predators, so that they are unable to
destroy lives.
Elahi’s ordeal
THE extent of institutional capture is stunning. It appears that no authority in
Pakistan, bar one, has it within its power to set an ailing septuagenarian free.
Repeated contempt of court warnings and show-cause notices have failed to
deter senior administrative officials, who have been openly defying court orders
to keep Chaudhry Parvez Elahi behind bars. He barely walks out of a courtroom
on bail that he is dragged back into custody in connection with some freshly
discovered case. This cat-and-mouse game has greatly frustrated several
honourable justices, but the high-ranking bureaucrats who keep crossing them
seem unfussed. They are, after all, perceived as merely following the orders of a
‘higher’ authority. It is no secret that those running the country these days wish to
see anyone who refuses to renounce their allegiance to Imran Khan’s party
suffer. The executive appears in no mood — or position — to deny them that
pleasure. The PTI president is certainly not the only one to have been arrested
and rearrested following the events of May 9. However, he does seem to have
the distinction of having been made to suffer the experience the most. He has
been arrested 11 times since June.
28
Chaudhry Elahi should be punished according to the law if he has been involved
in any misdoing. However, any punishment should follow due process. This has
clearly not been the case with Mr Elahi, or any of the prisoners taken by the state
in the aftermath of its decision to crack down on the PTI. Scores, including
dozens of women, continue to be held without charge or trial, deprived of their
liberty simply because it has been decided that they should be ‘taught a lesson’.
Such arbitrariness hurts the state’s interests. There has lately been much talk
about Pakistan’s impending turnaround following large foreign investments.
However, given the sorry state of law and order, we should not expect much
change in our overall trajectory. No amount of dollars pumped into the economy
will be enough to ‘save’ Pakistan if its justice system is kept in its current
weakened and compromised state. As long as the law remains susceptible to
easy manipulation, smart investors will steer clear. No one wants to put their
money in a place where the laws change based on the whims of a few. The
authorities would do well to heed that.
Sugar prices
SUGAR prices are a major political economy issue in Pakistan. Any small or
large upward change in domestic sugar prices tends to trigger much noise in the
media, with the government activating its administrative machinery to launch a
‘crackdown’ against sugar mill owners and traders to bring down retail rates.
Sometimes the judiciary also intervenes because of the massive public attention
sugar prices draw, thanks to the political profile of most mill owners.
A ‘probe’ is ordered, lengthy reports are prepared and recommendations

formulated to ‘reform’ the sugar trade and keep prices in check. But nothing
really changes.
The reason for the recurring ‘sugar price crises’ is well known: the government’s
involvement in the sugar economy to protect politically powerful large cane
growers and factory owners.
29
The solution is also obvious: withdrawal of the government from the market, and
removal of restrictions on free import and export of the sweetener to let demand-
and-supply forces take their own course.
However, no government — civil or military — has shown enough political will to

implement the solution for fear of losing the support of large growers and wealthy
millers. Hence, both farmers and factory owners remain deeply invested in this
crop because of guaranteed, risk-free profits.
It was, then, not surprising when the discourse over sugar’s rising cost gained
momentum recently. Many accused the previous PDM government of allowing
the export of ‘surplus stocks’ lying with mill owners earlier this year, blaming it for
the current price spike.
Others held sugar’s unchecked smuggling to Afghanistan, due to the large gap
between the domestic and international prices of the commodity, responsible.
Punjab’s caretaker government has blamed the price surge on an interim Lahore
High Court order that stopped it from monitoring the commodity’s supply chain to
ensure implementation of the notified price of Rs100 per kilo.
Interestingly, the caretaker administration has done nothing to get the interim
order, that was passed in May, vacated, despite consistently rising retail prices
and awareness of sugar smuggling to Afghanistan via Balochistan. The
administration’s report on the matter, presented to the Punjab chief minister
recently, is self-incriminating at best.
Past experience shows that the issue will fade away in the next few days or
weeks. The retail rate will also come down to settle at a level matching the
increased official support price for the next harvest. Sugar forms only a small
portion of household expenses.
If the government wants to stabilise the market it should extricate itself from the
supply chain. It is incorrect to say that the price of sugar can aggravate or
mitigate economic shocks in poor or middle-income families.
30
If the authorities want to help these families, they should focus on reducing the
overall cost of living for them — and not just that of sugar.
‘ India that is Bharat’

A CURIOUS controversy has stalked India ever since the G20 leaders were sent
dinner invitations from the president of Bharat, instead of the usual president of
India. Two names were given to the country by the framers of India’s constitution.
Article 1 of the constitution speaks of “India, that is Bharat”. Nehru made a
reference to Bharat in his Discovery of India, a seminal book on the history of the
new nation in the making. He wrote in prison. “Often, as I wandered from meeting
to meeting, I spoke to my audience of this India of ours, of Hindustan and of
Bharata, the old Sanskrit name derived from the mythical founder of the race.”
Ace historian Irfan Habib says the idea of ‘Bharat Mata’ is a European import as
is ‘maadar-i-watan’. He says ‘Bharat’ was used as a name in Prakrit script for his
country in the first-century BC by the king of Kalinga. Hindu revivalists used
‘Hindustan’, ie, place of Hindus. “Hindustan is the land of the Hindus and is the
terra firma for the Hindu nation alone to flourish upon”. Thus proclaimed Guru
Golwalkar of the RSS in 1939. The RSS was in the company of the first Mughal
Emperor Babar who it reviles with little evidence as the destroyer of a temple in
Ayodhya. “Hindustan is a country of few charms,” Babar noted in his lauded
memoirs.
In recent years, Prime Minister Narendra Modi has been promoting a new
industrial policy he calls, ‘Make in India’. Above all, his government told the
Indian supreme court in 2015 in an affidavit that there was no need to change the
name of the country from India to ‘Bharat’. So, what has happened now? There’s
speculation that the opposition’s new collective name, INDIA, the acronym for the
Indian National Inclusive Development Alliance, is worrying the government
ahead of the general elections in May.
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Chitral incursion
TWO cross-border infiltration attempts by militants, as well as tensions at the
Torkham frontier, point to the disturbing reality that both on the security front and
where bilateral ties are concerned, Pak-Afghan relations are going through a
highly dysfunctional phase.
Though bilateral ties with Kabul have never been tension-free, some within our
ruling structure had great expectations that an Afghan Taliban dispensation
across the western border would benefit Pakistan. That has not been the case.
Perhaps the most disturbing of the aforesaid incidents was the militant incursion
in Chitral on Wednesday. At least four troops were martyred when a “large group
of terrorists”, as per ISPR, crossed over from the Afghan side and attacked two
Pakistani positions.
Though the military’s media wing has not mentioned the number of attackers,
some foreign outlets have said ‘hundreds’ of terrorists belonging to the banned
TTP were involved. Intelligence reports had been circling for some time,
indicating that a cross-border attack was imminent.
In the second incident, several militants were killed when they tried to infiltrate
North Waziristan and were repulsed by security forces. Meanwhile, the situation
remained tense on Thursday at the Torkham border crossing after Pakistani and
Afghan security men traded fire a day earlier. The dispute emerged after the
Afghan side reportedly started work on building a checkpoint in the vicinity.
Though TTP activity has been observed in several parts of KP and northern
Balochistan, Chitral has not been known as a hotbed of militancy. This indicates
that terrorists are feeling confident enough to extend their area of activity, which
should set off alarm bells.
As for the trouble at Torkham, this is not the first time personnel from both sides
have been involved in violent exchanges; sadly, several such encounters have
occurred this year alone.
32
It is clear that effective mechanisms need to be put in place so that officials can
swiftly contact their Afghan counterparts at higher levels and prevent
misunderstandings from spiralling into violent exchanges.
Meanwhile, the interim administration and security establishment should realise

that the TTP is arguably amongst the gravest threats facing the country at the
moment, and while the issue needs to be pursued with the Afghan Taliban, all
the state’s efforts need to be concentrated on preventing this outfit from making
further inroads into the country, and on neutralising or expelling the militants.
Waking up
SIX hundred billion rupees is not pocket change; not for a country stumbling from
one crisis to another as it tries to keep ahead of a possible default.
In a responsible government’s hands, such a sum could be utilised for immense

public good, such as funding hospitals, establishing schools, creating roads or,
simply, paying off national debt.
Yet, if our caretakers are to be believed, this is the ballpark figure for annual theft
and recovery losses in the country’s power sector.
Just the scale of it makes it seem like the ultimate scam: how else does one
describe some groups of people being allowed for years to consume electricity
worth hundreds of billions for free, while the government subsidised this theft
either with public funds or by burdening honest citizens with higher costs to pay
for others’ misdoings.
As long as the government was picking up most of the tab, few were bothered.
Now that the burden has started shifting to the public, the inflation-weary are
asking difficult questions, which the authorities are struggling to answer.
The caretaker government on Wednesday blamed the “jet-black integrity” of

some officers in the power distribution network, as well as the politicised
33
management of power distribution companies, for facilitating this daylight robbery

of public resources.
It was a rather incriminating statement to make. The citizenry has a right to know
why nothing was ever done to bring such elements to book, especially when
hundreds of billions of rupees in losses were being recorded.
The government has finally resolved to go after the parasitic elements in the
power distribution network, and it is hoped that there will be no further delay in
securing results.
Meanwhile, it is also promising a three-pronged strategy to minimise theft and

recovery losses, which includes mobilising the police and administration to
launch a crackdown in high-theft areas. All of these look good on paper, but their
efficacy can only be gauged once there are results to discuss.
It must be highlighted that it will not be easy to overhaul the power sector’s
recoveries in a short period. The availability of ‘free’ electricity has likely created
significant distortions in local economies where theft and refusal to pay are
endemic.
The sudden imposition of high electricity bills in these areas during what is an
already fraught economic climate will, therefore, cause considerable upheaval,
and police alone may not be able to contain the resulting social fallout.
However, this cannot be the reason to keep putting off the exercise. Theft and
recovery losses have grown to the hundreds of billions because successive
governments kept kicking the can down the road.
The authorities must now ensure that bill-payers will no longer be cheated out of
their hard-earned money by unscrupulous elements.
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Unreasonable Mr Shah
IT was an uncalled-for statement, especially when Pakistan held its allotted
matches of the Asia Cup, which it was supposed to host in full. Perhaps emotions
got the better of Asian Cricket Council president Jay Shah, who is also the
secretary of the Board of Cricket Control in India.
Criticised for scheduling the Asia Cup after the India-Pakistan clash in the Sri
Lankan town of Pallekele was reduced to a damp squib, Mr Shah refused to
entertain the offer by the Pakistan Cricket Board to shift matches of the Super
Four stage from rainy Colombo to drier Lahore.
Hambantota also got a mention. Sri Lanka had been BCCI’s choice of venue
after it claimed its government had refused to allow its team to travel to Pakistan.
That refusal saw a hybrid model was agreed upon, allowing Pakistan to stage
some matches.
Instead of a simple statement regarding the choice to retain Colombo, Mr Shah

stated that teams had been reluctant to play the entire tournament in Pakistan
due to security and economic challenges, though Pakistan hosted at least a
game each of every participating team apart from India.
Further, BCCI president Roger Binny and vice-president Rajiv Shukla visited
Pakistan to witness the matches — the first trip by BCCI officials here since
2008. Mr Shah also cited changes in PCB as a reason for ‘back-and-forth
negotiations’.
All this for a request to change the host city is excessive and irked the PCB,
which has lodged an official protest with Mr Shah. Sunday’s India-Pakistan Super
Four match in Colombo also faces the threat of rain, forcing PCB to include a
reserve day.
In effect, Mr Shah is running the tournament that PCB was supposed to host.
Even Indian analysts agree that his position as ACC chief is a conflict of interest
due to his BCCI role. Cricket will continue to be politicised for as long as he
remains the ACC chief.
35
Currency concerns
A NATION-WIDE military-backed crackdown launched by the FIA against illegal
foreign currency trade and smuggling has started showing signs of success as
reflected by a 1.35pc rise in the value of the rupee after slumping to a record low
of 307.25 to a dollar in the interbank earlier this week. Besides shutting down
unlicensed currency shops and arresting many allegedly involved in illicit foreign
currency trade, the authorities have deployed security officials in plainclothes at
money exchanges to monitor dollar sales. The hundi/ hawala players are
believed to have gone underground and the open market rate has begun
converging with the interbank rate. The dollar supply in the open market has
increased. Those who had bought dollars to hedge against exchange losses are
also offloading their stash, with the retail dollar price falling below its official rate.
Exporters are coming for their export bill discounting in the interbank and
remittances through formal banking channels are said by bankers to be
improving. The State Bank has introduced significant structural reforms to
consolidate the exchange companies and their franchises and asked banks to
deepen their engagement with retail foreign currency business. So far so good.
But it is unclear at this stage if the rupee will sustain this momentum and for how
long since the economic fundamentals remain unchanged. It is also not clear at
what point the exchange rate will settle. If people are sceptical of the long-term
impact of the crackdown against illicit money changers and smugglers, it isn’t
without reason. Similar campaigns were launched in 2021 and 2022. However,
each time the sentiment reversed in a few weeks or months because
administrative actions can do only so much. Unless official and private capital
inflows increase, inflation decreases, business confidence improves and electoral
uncertainty ends, chances are that volatility will return to the foreign exchange
market. Then finance minister Ishaq Dar made the same mistake a year ago
when he tried to bolster the currency through administrative actions. He didn’t
use the stick the way the military can, but he did pressure exchange companies
and placed curbs through the State Bank to restrict outflows. The rupee
improved, but for how long? Thus, it is imperative to fix the core issues of the
ever-worsening balance-of-payments, and consistently high fiscal deficit to
sustain any improvement in the exchange rate.
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Lawyers’ strike
THE call for a nationwide strike today by the Supreme Court Bar Association has
stirred memories of 2007, when the black coats took to the streets to put
pressure on a military-led dispensation to cede to constitutionalism.
The Lawyers’ Movement, as it came to be known, was won due to the efforts of
the legal fraternity, but there were significant contributions too from politicians,
the media, and civil society, each of which played a distinct role in pushing back
against an oppressive regime that had persistently refused to obey the laws of
the land.
The dictator in question was eventually convicted of high treason, but lessons
from their mistakes and excesses were never learnt. Over time, the tumult and
turbulence which marked the end of that regime seem to have been forgotten,
and we now see a new set of actors toying with the Constitution, undermining the
judiciary, suspending civil liberties and suppressing dissent.
It is, therefore, no surprise that the veterans of that movement are once again
taking the lead in efforts to mobilise the legal fraternity against what they see as
a ‘creeping martial law’ disguised as an effort to ‘stabilise’ the country.
The resolution passed at the All Pakistan Lawyers Convention organised by the
SCBA reads like a charge-sheet against the state: it demands the release of all
political prisoners, an end to the security establishment’s meddling in political
matters, upholding the Constitution and rule of law, and the primacy of civilian
supremacy.
It also opposes the trial of any civilian in military courts, calling it a negation of fair
trial, due process and other fundamental rights, demands general elections within
the 90-day period defined in the Constitution; warns the government to stop
interfering in the judiciary’s working; and seeks punishment for those who
continue to defy the court’s orders.
These demands can hardly be described as radical or revolutionary. Indeed, they

seem rather straightforward in that they simply reiterate that the respective roles
each stakeholder has been assigned by the state must be adhered to.
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It reflects poorly on Pakistan’s civil society leadership that it is not organisations

dedicated to protecting basic liberties and fundamental rights that are taking the
lead in asserting these demands, but professional lawyers distressed at our
escalating social decline. In the past, advocates for human rights — Asma
Jahangir and I.A. Rehman foremost among them — would boldly fight for what
few dared demand.
But with these icons no longer among us, it seems as if somewhere, somehow,
even those who were once dedicated to the prosperity of our people have
gradually lost their conviction. One continues to hope that the silence of
Pakistan’s brightest is born more of inexperience or inaction, rather than any
enduring disillusionment or apathy.
Persecuted people
THE hate spread is fast and furious. A spate of attacks on minority settlements
and worship places came complete with the usual allegations of blasphemy and
denial of the right to practise beliefs freely.
From the arson attack in Faisalabad’s Jaranwala area that targeted the Christian
community, leaving charred homes, churches and defaced graveyards to the
broken arches of an Ahmadi worship place in Lahore and encroachment of
gurdwaras and surrounding lands, all lay bare the ineptitude of administrative
forces.
Once again, law enforcers failed to fathom the urgency of frenzied

circumstances; either controlling faith-based mob fury is not their forte or there is
a criminal lack of will to arbitrate. Whatever the reason, the all too frequent
collapse of the police machinery is beginning to reek of complicity.
But what makes matters even more frightening is Friday’s shocker: the apex
court was taken aback when it learnt of an alleged ‘monitoring agreement’
between the Sargodha DC and a far right organisation, which says that Christian-
dominated areas will be monitored for blasphemous content.
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Clearly, when the past is left unsettled in the form of Joseph colony, the routine
persecution of Ahmadis and desecration of religious spaces, it sets the agenda
for future attacks. Therefore, regardless of whether the alleged collusion exists or
not, the mere notion of such a possibility threatens to aggravate vigilantism,
taking it from its sporadic present to an organised, endorsed prospect.
In a climate of worsening militancy, elements that support violence and bigotry

should be overpowered, not appeased with ‘agreements’. These menacing
assaults strike at the vitals of society, leaving no choice to the victims but to flee
or wait for their turn.
It’s time officialdom moved to thwart the weaponisation of laws to settle personal
scores, perpetrate loot and plunder and usurp land as is evident in abandoned
Ahmadi and Jaranwala homes.
Moreover, any policing activity that impinges on the right to life, liberty, property
and worship sanctions an obscurantism-driven majoritarian culture that will turn
Pakistan into an outcast in a multicultural region.
Finally, Sikhs, a community overtly supported by the state, are also scathed in
this scenario, indicating that failed state policies can spawn narratives focused on
hurting any ‘errant’ threshold. Hence, as we mark the 75th death anniversary of
the Quaid tomorrow, Pakistan is a sad reflection of his ideals.
Lack of clarity
THE chaos and confusion within the ranks of those hoping for the Constitution to
be upheld has weakened their hand. Consider the PTI, which has recently
demanded that President Arif Alvi exercise his constitutional power and
announce a date for the general elections forthwith.
According to a press release, the party’s core committee passed a unanimous

resolution to this effect during a recent meeting. Interestingly, there was no
mention of who actually attended the meeting or where it was held.
39
With most of the party’s senior leadership currently in prison or on the lam, the
PTI is trying to put up a brave face. However, it clearly is in no position to be
making demands.
Then there is the PPP, which seems rather confused about its commitment to
constitutional principles. Just days ago, the party’s central executive committee
said it would push the Election Commission — legally, if need be — to ensure
elections were held within the stipulated time frame.
Publicly, however, top PPP leaders have seemed a lot more flexible on election
dates. It is, therefore, unsurprising that many believe the party’s sudden
remembrance of democratic values is little more than a bargaining chip.
Meanwhile, the legal fraternity, too, has entered the fray. But while the Supreme
Court Bar Association and the Pakistan Bar Council both seem to be in
agreement that elections must not be delayed, they stand divided on other
matters. The former recently hosted the All Pakistan Lawyers Convention to put
forth the legal community’s demands from a single platform, but the PBC chose
not to attend.
President Alvi stands at the centre of the crisis, but he, too, seems to be having
second thoughts after a tentative attempt to assert his position. With the pressure
building on him to announce a date, rumours have been circulating that a recent
visit from two high-profile officers might be the reason why he has been keeping
a low profile.
Whatever the separate challenges being faced by each of these stakeholders,

they need to demonstrate some unity of purpose if they are truly committed to
upholding the Constitution. There are some in this country who view the law as
an inconvenience in the way of their grand plans.
Much damage has already been done thus far because the resistance to their
unlawful actions has been weak and unorganised. Now, the only hope for those
who wish to see the constitutional order restored is to refocus their energies on
the core demand — free and fair elections within 90 days.
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The ongoing assault on the Constitution must be resisted if the nation is to

continue hoping for a democratic future. It may yet be an attainable goal. The
mistake made in allowing the KP and Punjab elections to be delayed must not be
repeated.
Increasing oil margins

THE Economic Coordination Committee has hiked the per litre commission
margins of petroleum dealers and oil marketing companies by Rs1.64 and
Rs1.87, respectively, on their petrol and diesel sales. The margins for both
petroleum dealers and the OMCs will be increased incrementally in four equal
fortnightly instalments from Sept 15. With the fresh increase, the dealers’
margins will go up to Rs8.64 from the existing Rs7, while OMCs will see them
increase to Rs7.87 from the present Rs6. The commitment to raise the dealers’
and OMCs’ margins in four steps from Sept 1 was given by the previous PDM
coalition government in July after dealers threatened to shut down pumps and
stop sales. But it did not notify the increase. Both the OMCs and dealers have
been demanding 100pc increase in their profit margins on the sale of petroleum
products for several months to ‘ensure the survival’ of the industry. The dealers’
margin on petrol and HSD used to be Rs4.90 and Rs4.13 per litre until mid-July
last year, but has since been raised to Rs7. Likewise, the OMCs’ margin was
later hiked from Rs3.68 per litre to Rs6 in phases.
The increase in margins will definitely put more financial burden on consumers at
a time when domestic oil prices are being raised since Aug 1 to pass on to them
the impact of rising global oil prices and the precarious exchange rate. But it was
important to mitigate the stress on the dealers and OMCs considering the
continued surge in the prices of utilities, interest rates, and labour costs that have
more than doubled in the last one year. The 30pc reduction in their sales due to
the unabated smuggling of cheaper Iranian oil in large quantities has also been
eroding their sales revenues and profits. While escalating inflation remains a
major worry, it needs to be dealt with by fixing the economic fundamentals rather
than straining one industry or sector.
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Abaya ban
THE recent announcement by the French government to ban the abaya in state
schools has sparked a contentious debate about secularism and religious
freedom in a country that is often in the news for policing Muslim women’s attire.
Many are recalling the ban on ‘conspicuous’ religious symbols in 2004, which led
to the banning of headscarves and large Christian crosses. The abaya ban
follows a similar pattern. Where there may have been some logic to arguing that
an abaya worn by a student would cover the school uniform, this is not the
rationale the French government has used to outlaw abayas at schools. The
roots of the abaya ban lie in the 2004 legislation. The idea stems from a strong
belief in protecting children from “undue influence” of political or religious beliefs.
The government’s announcement has been criticised by feminist activists and
other rights groups, but defended by scores of others who say this law is to
protect laïcité — secularism — a pillar of the French school system.
Muslim rights groups argue that there is no legal definition of an abaya in the law,
therefore a ban is unlawful. But the apex French court does not agree, and has
rejected an appeal by Muslim organisations who hoped to successfully challenge
the ban. As a result, Muslim girls going to school in France are being sent home.
Some of these young women were allowed to attend school after they removed
their abaya — though it may be that this removal of the garment happened under
pressure. Those who refuse to do so are denied entry. However, at the heart of
the matter is the rationale underlying the abaya ban. The core issue that
deserves our attention is not what these young girls wear but rather the policies
implemented by the French state to control racial minorities. True secularism
should protect the freedom of individuals to express their religious or cultural
identities without discrimination.
Vulnerable Chitral
THE Chitral region of KP has been in the headlines of late due to the Sept 6
deadly cross-border incursion in which a large band of TTP militants reportedly
crossed over and attacked Pakistani positions before being pushed back into
Afghanistan.
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Though the authorities have not given any numbers, the raiders were reported to
be in the ‘hundreds’. The interim foreign minister insists this was an “isolated
incident” and that the Afghan Taliban rulers did not sanction the attack, while the
Foreign Office has repeated the mantra that Pakistan’s concerns have been
communicated to the relevant quarters in Kabul.
State functionaries may be giving the impression that all is well in the region, but
more information is needed on the exact details of the attack, while the local
people need to be reassured that their lives and properties will be protected by
the state.
Chitral lies in a strategically sensitive area, bordering Afghanistan and with only
the Wakhan Corridor separating it from Tajikistan. China’s Xinjiang region is also
in the vicinity.
This makes it an attractive location for transnational jihadists looking to expand

their operations, even though Chitral itself has largely been shielded from
terrorist activity.
Moreover, the region is culturally, linguistically and ethnically distinct from the
rest of KP. While Swat and erstwhile Fata suffered the most during earlier waves
of terrorism, Chitral managed to weather the storm. The area where the incursion
took place is close to the traditional lands of the Kalash people, and Chitral also
has a significant Ismaili population.
Therefore, the state needs to beef up security in the area, as the banned TTP
and sectarian militants thrive on targeting minority communities. While there have
been reports of small-scale infiltration from Afghanistan, the last major incursion
occurred in 2011 when reportedly a very large number of terrorists staged
attacks, leading to several fatalities among security men.
Simply expecting the Afghan Taliban to ‘do more’ may not be enough, especially
when there is speculation that some Taliban factions may actually be
encouraging attacks within Pakistan.
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The best option is for the military to provide iron-clad security to all vulnerable
border regions, and ensure that no groups are again able to violate Pakistan’s
territory.
A jirga in Chitral has asked the army chief to visit the area, and called upon the
authorities to fence the border with Afghanistan.
Reports indicate that the Afghan Taliban had started relocating TTP fighters from
the border area; the process must be sped up so that this ever-present threat on
the country’s frontiers is neutralised.
The terrorist threat on the borders must be handled proactively. In the past, the
country has suffered immensely by allowing malevolent actors to establish
fiefdoms on Pakistani territory. This mistake must never be repeated.
High gas rates

GAS prices are set to rise again, and consumers should brace themselves for
bloated bills in the winter months. The government had increased gas tariffs by
up to 113pc for different categories of consumers in February for six months in
order to strike a bailout deal with the IMF. This time around, gas prices are
projected to go up by 50pc across the board to meet one of the key conditions of
the short-term IMF loan facility approved in July. The gas price increase is going
to be quite painful for consumers who are still grappling with inflated electricity
bills for August. But as the interim ministers told a presser on Friday, the increase
in gas rates ahead of winter was inevitable to contain the gas-sector circular debt
that is growing at the rate of Rs350bn per year. Going up briskly, the gas sector
has already piled up a debt, including interest, of Rs2.7tr — more than the
Rs2.4tr debt in the power sector chain. The situation is indeed very alarming;
there is no way around raising the tariffs for slowing down the debt build-up and
discouraging the use of gas for heating purposes during winters.
However, just as we have seen in the case of electricity, periodic price hikes are
not an answer to the country’s gas woes. The government needs to move
beyond intermittent revisions of prices of the fuel for longer-term sustainability of
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the gas sector, given that we are fast exhausting the domestic resource through
its wasteful and inefficient use. Gas pricing should be linked to the global market.
Even though it would be quite difficult for low-income residential and small
industrial consumers, they will accept it, provided the two gas companies also
take effective measures to reduce their large system losses and control
widespread gas theft to mitigate the burden on consumers who pay their bills.
Gas utilities have launched a crackdown against gas theft in Punjab and KP
under the orders of the army chief, and have arrested several people for stealing
the fuel. The scale of the theft shows that such action will not yield the desired
result without the help of the staff of the utilities. The question is: will the gas
authorities continue the drive against gas thieves once the pressure on them is
lifted after a few weeks?
Duty on imports
PAKISTAN’S interim government is reportedly contemplating the imposition of
‘prohibitive’ regulatory duties on luxury and non-essential imports. The idea is to
shrink the trade gap and restrict dollar outflows. The plan is said to have been
debated in the military-backed SIFC and is part of a broader strategy to curb the
rapid depletion of our foreign exchange reserves that have dropped below $8bn.
A report in this paper suggests that the new regime will cover at least 30pc more
products than the 860 or so that had come under regulatory duties in August last
year. Many items under consideration pertain to essential intermediary material
for industry as well as cooking oil. We have seen governments take similar
decisions previously, but without much success. Such import restrictions work in
economies that have strong border controls in place to thwart the influx of
inbound shipments through illegal means, and that display zero tolerance,
officially and socially, for smuggled goods. Pakistan is not among them. The
measure will only increase smuggling and result in a bigger loss of revenue for
the exchequer, unless the government takes strict action to prevent smuggled
goods from entering the country and reaching the markets.
Any effective anti-smuggling plan calls for stringent punishments for both sellers
and buyers beyond reinforcing border controls. The proposed strategy may prove
counterproductive if the government actually places regulatory duties on
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intermediary raw industrial material and basic food ingredients like edible oil. We
have recently seen the consequences of a ban on imports, which proved to be
disastrous for the productive and export sectors of the economy, despite bringing
short-term advantage in terms of a reduction in the trade deficit. Besides, the
application of such curbs on imports for saving forex reserves betrays a lack of
confidence over claims of massive investment and other inflows from the Gulf
nations. Why curb imports if we are about to receive billions of dollars in the next
six months?
Status unclear
EVER since the president made it known that recent amendments to the Army
Act and Official Secrets Act were enacted without his assent, the legal status of
both laws has been open to question. Given the state’s refusal to acknowledge
the issue and the president’s inability or unwillingness to take action after his
startling disclosure, it seems the Supreme Court will ultimately decide whether or
not presidential assent can be ‘deemed’ to have been given in this case. The
amendments in question, bulldozed through parliament by the PDM government
despite allies’ and civil society’s vocal protests, have far-reaching implications.
Through the amendments, the movers of the bills sought to cede considerable
new powers to the Pakistani military and the army chief, including powers to
retaliate more forcibly against critics and suppress dissent, as well as the power
to control armed forces personnel’s professional and political decisions even
after their career in the forces had ended. Other provisions had given blanket
cover to the armed forces’ ‘extracurricular’ activities, as long as they could be
argued to be in relation to national development or strategic interests.
The Supreme Court registrar had returned an earlier petition against the
amendments on technical grounds, but two recent petitions, filed by the Sindh
Bar Council and PTI chief Imran Khan, seem to mount a more serious challenge.
Both petitions have argued that the amendments should be struck down on the
grounds that the two bills through which they were enacted never received
presidential assent. They have also argued for the amended laws to be
suspended while the court deliberates this matter, considering that they allow the
state to aggressively encroach on a slew of civil rights. It is regrettable that the
46
president himself has chosen to remain quiet despite being responsible for much
of the confusion surrounding the laws. Meanwhile, separate challenges against
the trial of civilians in military courts are also pending before the apex court, but
the Supreme Court is unlikely to issue any judgements anytime soon owing to
the impending change of guard at the institution. Until the new chief justice is
sworn in and sets these matters for deliberation, the apex court should issue an
interim injunction suspending the application of the assailed laws to prevent any
grave injustice. Fundamental rights should not remain in jeopardy until the
judiciary sets its house in order.
G20 summit
SEVERAL noteworthy developments occurred at the just concluded G20 summit
in New Delhi, reflecting the rapid state of flux the international order is
experiencing.
The grouping of the world’s 19 top economies, along with the EU, just admitted
the African Union, while Xi Jinping was conspicuous by his absence, sending an
unsubtle message to the host nation as well as Western members of the bloc.
Vladimir Putin also stayed away.
Though the official declaration denounced the use of force and violation of the
territorial sovereignty of any state, there was no express criticism of the Russian
invasion of Ukraine, a compromise solution that was reportedly reached to bridge
the wide geopolitical differences between members of the grouping.
Another major announcement was the launch of the India-Middle East-Europe

Economic Corridor, a massive scheme described as a modern ‘Spice Route’
designed to link India with Europe, via the Arabian Peninsula.
Termed a “real big deal” by Joe Biden, the project is being seen as a rival to
China’s Belt and Road Initiative that involves transcontinental transportation,
energy and data linkages.
47
From the aforesaid details, it appears that the G20, as well as the G7, are trying
to transform themselves from West-led old boys’ clubs to more ‘inclusive’
organisations ready to invite more states from the Global South.
The expansion of BRICS and the SCO may have played a role in these changed
priorities, which is why the AU has been courted as a partner. Geo-economics
and geopolitics are also at play, with the Spice Route taking an aim at the BRI
and the Russia-led International North-South Transport Corridor.
Despite being a G20 member, Beijing was not invited to join the new project
linking India and Europe. The scheme will also come in handy by connecting
Israel with the Arab states.
The building of multiple transcontinental energy and trade corridors is not

necessarily a bad thing, as competition can be healthy, while developing states
can prosper by attracting investment and serving as conduits in these expansive
networks.
Where Pakistan is concerned, due to our internal issues, we are largely

spectators rather than active players in these transnational geo-economic
networks.
Unfortunately, we have not even fully utilised the potential that CPEC, a BRI
project, was supposed to bring.
Pakistan must also realise that despite India’s atrocious human rights record in
held Kashmir, the West, as well as our Muslim brothers, seem least concerned
and are eager to do business with Delhi. The sad reality is that in the
international arena, economic heft overshadows morality.
Therefore, if we want to be part of these global trade networks, and if we want

our voice heard where issues such as Kashmir are concerned, we need to first
address our internal inadequacies.
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Mosquito mayhem
ANOTHER year, another monsoon and the menace of vector-borne diseases
has many parts of the country in its grip. Despite the annual ritual of warnings
issued by the Met department, we are on the cusp of a dengue and malaria
outbreak. According to official figures, in August over 31,000 malaria cases
emerged in Hyderabad with 474 in Karachi and the year’s dengue tally for
Karachi alone is a total of 828. Our rusty health infrastructure, just like in years
past, will soon be choked as numbers are already in the thousands, especially in
interior Sindh and Punjab: Rawalpindi recently logged in 366 dengue cases and
reportedly, an alarming 26,000 hotspots have been identified in Lahore. Each
year it becomes more and more obvious that unless there is a yearly countrywide
anti-dengue and malaria operation comprising awareness and coordinated safety
actions, such as fumigation drives that match mosquito proliferation speed, the
deluge will return.
Ideally, an ailing health system should have been jolted into action by the climate
carnage seen in the last two years, with scores still grappling with the aftermath
of the floods and monsoons. But, conversely, efforts were below minimal —
posters and television advertisements. The question is, why do federal and
provincial administrations wait for public health concerns to metastasise into
devastating contagions? In the past, Punjab has shown the way by effectively
tackling dengue epidemics, and deployed methods to arrest mosquito breeding
as well as keep pestilential vectors away. Therefore, subsequent failure to
maintain the same degree of caution is plain torpor. Pakistan has seen vector-
borne diseases for too many years to feign ignorance — fumigating dengue
larvae, conducting free and widespread tests, removing garbage heaps and
spraying pools of stagnant water where mosquitos breed are basic steps. More
importantly, health experts must now progress to updated international measures
to battle dengue and malaria. Public healthcare has to be the state’s foremost
priority.
49
Torkham closure
THE weeklong closure of the Torkham crossing between Pakistan and
Afghanistan has had a detrimental effect on bilateral relations, with trade ties
particularly affected, while causing considerable human misery to those wishing
to cross the border. Trouble started on Sept 6 when both sides traded fire.
According to authorities here, the Afghans had started building an “unlawful

structure” on Pakistani territory, while Afghan troops resorted to “indiscriminate
firing” when they were confronted over the disputed construction.
Meetings between officials from both sides have failed to resolve the dispute,
with the result that hundreds of vehicles remain stranded, waiting to go across
the border, while people wishing to get to the other side have also been left high
and dry.
The cost of the closure has reportedly resulted in losses worth hundreds of
millions of rupees, with perishable items — including fruit and vegetables from
Afghanistan — not getting to market and rotting in the hot weather.
Comments made by the Taliban-led regime in Kabul taking a swipe at Pakistan’s

economic troubles have certainly not helped cool tempers, as the Afghan side
referred to Pakistan “being heavily dependent … on exports in the current
situation”. The Foreign Office has been critical of the Taliban’s ‘unsolicited
advice’.
Friction has occurred at the Torkham border in the past as well; the fact is that
territorial disputes between Pakistan and Afghanistan date back to the time of
this country’s independence.
However, the Afghan Taliban need to be mindful of Pakistan’s sensitivities, and

refrain from construction activities on disputed territory. Higher-level exchanges
are required to properly demarcate disputed border regions, so that these
irritants are permanently addressed.
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Moreover, traders and the general public on both sides are suffering from the
extended border closure, which is why officials from Islamabad and Kabul need
to reopen the crossing as soon as possible.
Torkham is a key conduit in Afghan transit trade, but Pakistan’s security

concerns, as well as respect for this country’s territorial sovereignty, must be
addressed by Kabul’s rulers to ensure cross-border economic activities continue
smoothly.
Meanwhile, Pakistan’s desire to establish strong trade and energy linkages with
Central Asia cannot be fulfilled unless there is a cordial relationship with and
security guarantees from Kabul. Trade through official channels is a mutually
beneficial proposition, but only if there is conflict-free border management.
CJP’s legacy
IT was “bitter” constitutional litigation, the chief justice believes, that ultimately
affected the court’s performance. But was it just that?
Speaking at a full court reference held to mark the start of a new judicial year,
Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial on Monday regretted that the Supreme Court had
been pushed into “a trying contest”.
“We sat back and became its victim and suffered in performance,” he reflected.
Yet the Supreme Court can hardly be described as having ‘sat back’ while the
country’s institutions and political parties were making a mad grab for power.
Over Justice Bandial’s tenure, the apex court found itself stumbling from one
controversy to another, starting from its overturning of the National Assembly
deputy speaker’s decision to throw out a no-confidence vote against then PM
Imran Khan.
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At the time, the decision was widely hailed for having put to rest the doctrine of
necessity. However, it also set a precedent for the court to go beyond
established boundaries as it attempted to do ‘justice’.
Shortly after, the apex court ‘rewrote’ the Constitution by nullifying lawmakers’
power to defy party lines. Given the political consequences of the court’s
interventions in these cases, criticism and controversy followed.
It, therefore, surprised no one when, barely a year later, the court’s internal
differences spilt out into the public domain. The court had overstepped once
again by taking up petitions against election delays while the high courts were
still hearing the matter.
As some of the judges put their foot down to protest their institution’s
‘transgressions’, matters started to unravel quickly.
While the PDM government tried to flame the divisions within the court, the chief
justice failed to restore unity within his ranks. Progress on key cases quickly
stalled, and justice was put on the back-burner as the change of guard loomed
closer.
As Chief Justice Umar Ata Bandial prepares to hang up his robes, he has started
feeling the weight of this legacy he leaves behind. It is difficult not to empathise
with him.
Less than two years ago, he was celebrated for being a “soft-spoken man of
integrity” and a “competent judge” who was “learned and fair-minded”. But the
same people who once spoke so highly of Justice Bandial later ruthlessly
assailed his capabilities, with some accusing him of “fixing” benches with “like-
minded judges” and running a “one-man show”.
It cannot be easy for anyone to see their reputation — achieved through an entire
lifetime’s work — be ruthlessly attacked and reduced in such a manner. But such
a thing is perhaps unavoidable now, given the judicialisation of our politics.
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The incoming chief justice should take the experience of the incumbent and
those immediately before him as a warning. A ruthless commitment to fair play
could help him avoid a similar end next year.
Pest attack
THE whitefly attack on the cotton crop is back to haunt growers from south
Punjab. Market news suggests a substantial decrease in crop arrivals for ginning
following the pest’s onslaught. Conflicting reports are pouring in from the affected
districts, however. Traders are expecting the overall national output to remain at
8-9m bales against the official target of 12m for the ongoing harvest. Earlier,
healthy cotton arrivals, which rose 50pc to over 3m bales from last year by the
end of August, had spawned hopes that production targets would be met. The
reduced crop size will be a major setback for our textile exports and widen the
trade gap. Some farmers nonetheless say that the scale of the attack, which is
caused by rising temperatures in the cotton belt, isn’t as large or intense as is
being propagated by traders. The government is yet to make its own assessment
of potential crop losses. Yet, all are predicting that the output will be much less
than the targeted production, even if the harvest remains higher than last year’s
5m bales.
The Punjab authorities have started taking measures to save the crop in the
affected areas, with army helicopters and drones called in to spray pesticides to
control the whitefly, which not only reduces the crop’s size and affects its quality
but can also spread plant viruses. It is too early to say if the measures will
contain production losses and the spread of pest infestation. However, it is clear
that the agriculture department is not doing its job properly. Whitefly attacks on
the cotton crop are not uncommon; we hear about them almost every year when
the temperature goes up in the cotton-sowing areas of Punjab and Sindh. It is
imperative that an early warning system is created to initiate timely action for
protecting the crop from pests and farmers from financial losses as soon as the
weather starts to take an unfavourable turn.
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Afghan reckoning
TWO years after the US completed its chaotic retreat from Afghanistan, and
handed the country back to the Taliban, the American general who was
overseeing the operation at the time has made public his regrets about the
debacle. While speaking to media outlets recently, retired Gen Kenneth
McKenzie, who was chief of Centcom — the US military’s formation that
supervises operations in this region — described his country’s withdrawal from
Afghanistan as a “fatal flaw”. He observed that it was the “wrong decision”, and
America’s departure allowed the militant Islamic State group to establish a firm
foothold in Afghanistan. There can be little argument with the general’s
description of his administration’s botched exit strategy. Yet what Gen McKenzie
failed to address was why America and its allies stuck around in Afghanistan for
so long in the first place.
What was supposed to be a counterterrorism operation to bring Al Qaeda to

justice for its role in the 9/11 attacks turned into America’s longest war, a
nightmare that was part-military occupation, part-civilising mission. Needless to
say, America failed in all these respects. The US spent over $2tr on the Afghan
war effort, while tens of thousands of people died, including American soldiers.
Yet by far the biggest victims were the Afghan people: according to some
studies, over 47,000 civilians perished during the war. And the final result of this
massive loss of blood and treasure is that the Afghan Taliban once again control
Kabul, just as they did before the 2001 invasion. Moreover, by the Americans’
own admission IS has been strengthened, while terrorist groups such as the TTP
have been emboldened. Billions of dollars’ worth of American military equipment,
including weapons, were left behind in Afghanistan, and have made their way
into the hands of militants. Though the White House has downplayed this,
Pentagon documents provided to Congress paint a troubling picture. The
American invasion of Iraq saw similar ‘achievements’, with IS emerging from the
smouldering rubble of the occupation, while a functioning country was left
shattered. Has the American establishment learnt any lessons? Probably not.
Projecting American military might in the name of fighting terrorism and
supporting democracy has left numerous states devastated, while bringing no
real benefits to the American people. It is this penchant for militarism and
exceptionalism that the American system must rectify.
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Nawaz’s return
AFTER living in London in self-exile for the last four years, PML-N leader Nawaz
Sharif is finally set to return to Pakistan next month. This is welcome news.
This paper has time and again called on Mr Sharif to return and face political and
legal realities and end the remote management of his party — both when the
PML-N was in opposition and then in government.
That he is finally ready to return to the country and engage with his party and
supporters face to face will come as a relief to his party’s second-tier leadership
that has spent the last year making too many trips to London to seek Mr Sharif’s
advice on several issues.
However, the country Mr Sharif is returning to is, in many ways, quite different to
the one he left in 2019. The economy is in a historic mess and businesses are
rapidly losing confidence. Households cannot pay their electricity and food bills.
The government is not generating enough revenue to address any of these

serious challenges, and there are no quick fixes to the country’s woes. Terrorism,
too, is on the rise. The state of human rights in the country is dire. And political
space is as narrow as ever.
In this grave situation, what message will Mr Sharif give to his supporters? How
will he explain the last 16 months of the PML-N-led PDM government’s
performance?
How does he plan to counter the enormous support base of the incarcerated
Imran Khan, who remains popular despite being pushed out of politics?
Importantly, how will Mr Sharif proceed legally against the court cases against
him?
The return of the elder Sharif has often been linked to the timing of general
elections in the country by members of his party. Now that he is returning, he
must call for timely elections — and then face the decisions of a public that is
angry and crushed by multiple economic burdens.
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For many months after the PDM government came to power, it was speculated
that the PML-N was afraid of elections because of how much political capital it
had lost during Mr Sharif’s’ prolonged absence, and later because of the PDM’s
inability to give relief to the public.
Though Mr Sharif’s key rival has been removed from the political battlefield for
now, the matter of the PML-N’s bruised support remains. How he will galvanise
his party, and persuade voters remains to be seen, but his party seems to think
the ‘Nawaz Sharif effect’ itself will yield some positive results.
When he returns, Mr Sharif will not only have to explain why he left and stayed
away from the country for four years, but also what his party plans to do to
address the serious internal challenges the country is facing.
Endgame?
LIKE the hapless king on a chessboard, our president flees from square to
square, only to find himself being checked at each step. The queen is gone, the
rooks fallen, the bishops imprisoned, the knights deserted, and the pawns either
captured or hiding. He is supposed to be important, to hold real power, yet once
exposed, he remains at the mercy of his more powerful opponents. But the head
of state — however titular his position — also cannot be absolved of his repeated
failure to assert himself due to conditions imposed on him by his opponents. The
Constitution empowered President Arif Alvi to announce the date for a general
election to the National Assembly, given that it was dissolved by his hand. He
has consciously chosen not to exercise that power and cede it, in part, to his
opponents instead. Just as was seen in the half-hearted attempt to scuttle recent
amendments to the Army Act and Official Secrets Act, this attempt to wriggle out
of a constitutional responsibility solves nothing and has only created further
confusion.
The president’s recent letter to the ECP would impress even the most
accomplished soothsayer. There is enough in it for it to be interpreted according
to each individual’s need, while it actually remains devoid of any real substance.
The date that has been given is referential rather than prescriptive. The president
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does not seem to agree with the assertion that only the ECP can announce an
election date, but neither has he disagreed with it in clear terms. Instead, the
onus has once again been placed on the country’s top court to decide whether or
not the Constitution says what it appears to say. Despite the sustained criticism
of our leadership’s worrying tendency to drag every dispute before the Supreme
Court — a practice that has led to growing instability due to the judicialisation of
politics — none of the stakeholders seem willing to sit down and negotiate a path
forward. It must also be said that the judiciary, too, has failed to assert its
authority, which has allowed for court orders to be seen as ‘negotiable’ rather
than imperative. With the change of guard at the Supreme Court, a new era will
begin. Will the new chief justice chart a firmer course forward or allow the
uncertainty to prevail? We will soon find out.
Monetary policy
DEFYING market expectations of a 100-300 bps hike in the interest rates, the
State Bank has again left its key policy rate unchanged at 22pc.
In support of its decision, the bank cites a declining trend in inflation from its peak
of 38pc in May to 27.4pc last month, despite the recent surge in global oil prices
that are being passed on to consumers.
Therefore, it maintains that the “real interest rates continue to remain in positive
territory on a forward-looking basis”.
The bank is also hopeful that “expected ease in supply constraints owing to
improved agriculture output” and the pick-up in high-frequency indicators like the
sale of petroleum products, cement and fertilisers, as well as recent
administrative actions against speculative activity in the forex and commodity
markets will support the outlook.
The SBP dispels concerns over the recent resurgence of the current account
deficit of over $800m in July, after posting a surplus for the previous four months,
saying it is largely in line with the earlier full-year projection that took into account
import growth.
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It underscores continued monitoring of the risks to the inflation outlook, and

taking appropriate actions to achieve the objective of price stability if required.
At the same time, it urges the government to maintain a prudent fiscal stance to
keep aggregate demand in check, “to bring inflation down on a sustainable basis
and to attain the medium-term target of 5-7pc by end of fiscal 2025”.
Why is the rate to remain unchanged after it was increased in June to meet a key
goal for securing IMF funds?
Any other central bank would have raised the interest rates in view of the
consistently elevated inflation, continuous exchange rate depreciation, and falling
forex reserves over huge debt payments and weakening capital inflows. But the
bank’s reluctance is understandable.
Previous hikes in rates to a multi-decade high of 22pc haven’t helped increase

savings, or check consumer spending and inflation. The price rise is faster than
rate hikes; the national savings rate is falling; and the government continues to
accumulate debt to meet its inelastic expenditure.
Monetary policy as an instrument to check the price hike has lost its
effectiveness in the current economic structure and existing political uncertainty.
For the last several years, headline prices in Pakistan are being influenced
primarily by cost-pushed administered adjustments of domestic fuel and power
prices, with the demand pull coming from the government that remains the
largest bank borrower.
Expecting a tighter monetary policy to tame soaring prices is useless without a

drastic change in the reckless fiscal behaviour of the government.
Only fiscally responsible behaviour by the rulers can make it easier for the SBP
to effectively apply monetary policy tools and check other inflation-producing
factors for price stability.
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Stray bullets
ONCE again, Karachi is mourning. A tale not unfamiliar, but heart-wrenching and
unacceptable all the same. A young life, full of potential, cut tragically short.
Mariam Saqib is but the latest victim of a menace that has haunted our society
for far too long: stray bullets. A security guard, aiming to deter robbers,
inadvertently sealed the fate of the seven-year-old girl. We have been there
before, with the strikingly similar and equally tragic loss in 2018 of 10-year-old
Amal Umer, and last year, of a nine-month-old girl whose mother was travelling
with her by rickshaw. These harrowing tales build upon a series of incidents
where lives are caught in the crossfire of misguided bullets, epitomizing a crisis
that has systematically been overlooked.
The culture of firearm misuse is not confined to a section of society; it is a

damning indictment of a failure that encompasses private security firms and even
the police. We are forced to ask why no lessons have been learned despite the
innocent blood staining our streets. How many more young lives must be snuffed
out before we stand up as a society and demand change? It is incumbent upon
us to advocate for rigorous training and regulation of all security personnel — an
initiative that not only includes adept firearm handling but also instils a deep
understanding of the sanctity of life. It is the moral duty of the state to ensure that
every security guard and police officer is equipped not just with a weapon but
also the wisdom to wield it responsibly. Let us not allow another life to be
reduced to a mere statistic in this gruesome tale. It is high time we put an end to
such needless deaths and nurtured a society where our children can step outside
without fear, and where families are not torn apart by stray projectiles emanating
from the guns of those entrusted with their protection.
Cricket trouble
IN the big games, Pakistan fell short. Well short against India, by a whisker
against Sri Lanka, and quite short of what was expected. As the world’s top-
ranked ODI side, Pakistan entered the Asia Cup with high hopes. They were, at
the very least, expected to reach the final of the tournament before next month’s
World Cup in India. But the Super Four stage proved a hurdle too high.
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Thursday’s loss to Sri Lanka by the barest of margins in Colombo brought

Pakistan’s campaign to a close. It was a nerve-wracking finish, but in all fairness,
Sri Lanka held the upper hand for most part of the rain-curtailed game with
Pakistan only getting close after a late flurry of wickets. It was a second
successive loss for Babar Azam’s side after being thrashed by India in a match
that spanned two days due to rain. India’s record 228-run victory over Pakistan
had put the national team in a perilous position, setting up a virtual semi-final
against Sri Lanka. The threat of rain persisted, Pakistan knowing they would be
out of the final if the game was washed out. Injuries had seen Pakistan losing
front-line pacers Haris Rauf and Naseem Shah but they had their chances in a
match that was reduced to 42 overs per side. The biggest went a-begging when
wicket-keeper Mohammad Rizwan floored a catch off Charith Asalanka, who hit
the winning runs on the last delivery of Sri Lanka’s innings. But at least, unlike
the preceding game against arch-rivals India, Pakistan showed some fight.
Coach Grant Bradburn had termed that defeat a ‘wake-up call’ with Indian batters
tearing into Pakistan’s much-vaunted bowling attack. An insipid batting
performance, lacking any conviction, was to follow.
Pakistan’s only wins at the Asia Cup against Nepal and Bangladesh have put
Babar’s captaincy into sharp focus. Pakistan have struggled in the middle overs
while bowling and there have been questions over all-rounder Shadab Khan’s
value. The spinner bled runs during the Asia Cup but Babar has persisted with
him. Opener Fakhar Zaman seems out of touch and failed to provide stability at
the top of the order. There have been bright spots, however, most notably Iftikhar
Ahmed’s all-round contributions. A brutal assessment is required before the
World Cup. Some tweaks could see the team return to its winning ways.
Mayday
WHEN PIA cancelled several international and domestic flights recently, after
grounding five of its Airbus A320 jets because it did not have $100m to
‘immediately pay’ its creditors, many wondered how long taxpayers would have
to continue to bail out the debt-ridden airline.
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A TV channel quoted a PIA director as warning that the national carrier’s

operations could be suspended if emergency funds weren’t provided to pay
arrears to creditors, aircraft lessors, fuel suppliers, insurers, domestic and
international airport operators and the IATA.
With the company struggling to secure funds, its HR department chief thought it
fit to declare during his testimony before a Senate panel that closure of
operations and services would “happen only over our dead bodies”.
His emotional outburst shows the kind of opposition the new plan to privatise the
bankrupt airline is likely to face from both its unionised staff and executives with a
vested interest in retaining the company in the public sector in spite of its huge
costs.
Meanwhile, the aviation ministry wants an immediate cash injection of Rs23bn,

as well as the suspension of duties, taxes and service charges to domestic
agencies to pull PIA out of its money troubles as Boeing and Airbus are on the
verge of discontinuing the supply of spare parts.
The government has no choice but to accede to the demand in order to

temporarily bail out the company. However, PIA’s problems aren’t going to end
with this injection. Sooner or later, it will be in need of more cash.
A report in this paper has rightly compared PIA to state-owned power companies,
pointing out that the airline serves less than 3pc of its citizens travelling by air but
consumes significant public funds.
In contrast, the highly maligned power companies cater to nearly 80pc of the
population. It does not justify the losses of the power companies or delays in their
immediate disinvestment. Yet it does underline the reality that the government
needs to put its money where its mouth is when it is hard up.
PIA’s debt and liabilities have soared to Rs743bn, which exceeds the value of its
total assets by five times, according to the aviation ministry. Its liabilities are
projected to spike to a whopping Rs1.97tr and its annual losses to Rs259bn by
2030.
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There is no way the airline can be turned around. Too many unsuccessful
attempts have been made in the past. The airline is long dead as a corporate
entity and brand. Its expeditious privatisation is the only way to reduce the
burden on taxpayers and the government budget.
Interim Prime Minister Anwaarul Haq Kakar’s directions to the relevant authorities
to fast-track PIA’s privatisation is an encouraging development.
However, it remains a rhetorical statement unless followed immediately by

concrete actions.
Much ado about nothing

THE nation once again finds itself embroiled in controversy, this time with the
Miss Universe-Pakistan beauty pageant recently held in the Maldives. An event
which is essentially aimed at celebrating empowerment and beauty has been
turned into a focal point of criticism, occupying more space in public discourse
than necessary. Although Erica Robin from Karachi has been lauded by many for
winning, the contest itself has invited outrage on social media by some of the
more conservative voices demanding to know how it is the young woman can be
seen to represent the country in such a contest and how the government has
sanctioned the event. There was even news of the prime minister asking the
Foreign Office to look into the matter since a Dubai-based firm is the organiser.
In a nation grappling with economic hardship, social injustice and educational

disparities, among other significant concerns, the extent of the uproar seems
misplaced. While ethical contemplation of events is necessary, it is high time we
learned to distinguish between matters of actual import and controversies that
are relatively inconsequential. The pageant stands as a platform for young
Pakistani women to boldly articulate their dreams and showcases their
capabilities, beauty and grace, elements that should be fostered rather than
censured. The voices raised against the participation by Pakistani women in such
events would do better to highlight what must be done to tackle the monumental
challenges staring us right in the face rather than engage in debates over events
that hold little sway over our collective future. Let us not allow this hue and cry to
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eclipse the core issues that are begging our attention. The alarm bells must ring
louder to denounce poverty, illiteracy, gender inequality and health crises. We
advocate for a shift in focus, for energy put into solution-driven dialogue that
encourages action rather than such frivolous reactionary discourse.
Cost-of-living crisis
WITH the caretaker government dropping a massive ‘petrol bomb’ on the people
on Friday, the biting pain of Pakistan’s cost-of-living crisis is about to get worse.
Factoring in the latest increase in petrol and diesel rates, the cost of both fuels
has gone up by over Rs58 and Rs55, respectively, over the last month. The
knock-on effect fuel prices have on the entire economy is well-documented.
Already the populace has been hammered with high electricity bills, and the fuel
price shock is set to trigger higher costs of goods and services. Meanwhile,
wages remain stagnant — or worse, as many businesses have wound up or
suspended production, resulting in lay-offs and higher unemployment. In such a
grim scenario, few people will agree with the caretaker finance minister’s
observation that there are “signs of economic recovery”. For the average
Pakistani, there is nothing but economic pain, with more on the way, as the
finance minister also hinted at a hike in gas rates.
For many middle-class households, savings are steadily being wiped out, both as
the rupee’s value plummets and people dip into whatever emergency reserves
they have to meet skyrocketing costs. For the working masses, putting food on
the table and providing the barest of necessities has become nearly impossible.
What is the way out of this economic dystopia? Various answers, provided by
some of the sharpest minds in economics, have been discussed, but does the
state have the wherewithal to implement these? As always, the people have
been left to fend for themselves, as a cruel, distant elite basically tells them to
grin and bear it. One immediate solution can be opting for public transportation to
save on fuel costs. But while this may be doable in Punjab’s large cities, which
have worked on modern transportation systems, this solution is not applicable in
Sindh, particularly Karachi, where just over 1,000 public and private buses run,
whereas around 15,000 are needed. Perhaps private bus apps should try and re-
enter the market to give commuters more options, while people should also opt
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for carpooling. But these are mostly band-aid solutions. What is needed is an
economic recovery plan that emphasises the citizens’ welfare and financial well-
being. And this can only be delivered by a democratically elected government
with an ear to the ground, and answerable to the people.
Last judgement
WHEN amendments were being made last year to the National Accountability
Ordinance — that dreaded and flawed law that has been the bane of so many
public representatives — this publication had opposed the manner in which the
changes had been legislated.
Capitalising on the absence of the country’s largest political party from

parliament, the PDM government had, in connivance with the friendly opposition
in the National Assembly, given its leaders blanket relief by gutting the
accountability laws under which they were being tried.
To be clear, this paper had long agreed with the general consensus that
Pakistan’s accountability laws had been in dire need of reform. It had, however,
opposed the self-serving manner in which the ‘reforms’ were eventually
executed.
To most, it had been clear that the PDM government was only concerned with
‘fixing’ the law to benefit certain political leaders and had little interest in
improving the country’s accountability regime.
But should this have necessitated what has been seen as yet another
intervention by the Supreme Court in parliament’s business? To contextualise, is
retired chief justice Umar Ata Bandial’s last judgement, striking down many of the
amendments made to the National Accountability Ordinance, justified?
There are some who believe so, especially as they see the amendments as
having been imposed by an ‘illegitimate’ legislature and which effectively
dismantled the country’s entire accountability apparatus for the sake of narrow
interests.
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It may be recalled that this publication, too, had warned the PDM government
last year that reforming the accountability laws necessitated the creation of a
new, improved system of checks and balances, which the decision-makers of the
time had conveniently overlooked.
Perhaps, had such a system been introduced, the court would not have resorted
to the option of resurrecting the original NAB law and, with it, the charges that our
political leaders had been seeking to flee. But this is a separate debate.
Turning back to the question, it is difficult not to agree with the dissenting judge in
this case, Justice Mansoor Ali Shah, in that the court overstepped its jurisdiction
to arrive at its judgement. “What parliament has done, parliament can undo,”
Justice Shah pointed out in his dissenting note.
It must be recalled that it was the PTI’s decision to quit parliament that allowed
these amendments to pass unhindered. By the same token, it ought to have
taken it upon itself as a responsibility to have the offending amendments
repealed via the same forum.
Instead, former prime minister Imran Khan once again relied on the Supreme
Court to achieve what he could not, and the court once again delivered where it,
perhaps, should not have. Status quo ante serves no one, and NAB is once
again in a position to revive its old ways.
Ram mandir opening

ON the rubble of the Babri Masjid in Ayodhya, a gleaming new Ram mandir is
being built, and is scheduled to be opened publicly in January 2024. Prime
Minister Narendra Modi has been invited to the opening ceremony, and if past
precedent is followed, he will attend. After all, Mr Modi was present at the
mandir’s ground-breaking in 2020, observing that the day was as significant as
India’s independence day. This hidebound view is understandable — for the
Sangh Parivar, the mosque’s demolition and later the construction of the mandir
after the Indian supreme court ruled in favour of building the temple, marks the
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birth of a ‘new’ India. This fabled land of the Sangh’s dreams will be a place
where a new Vedic golden age will dawn, where all those outside the ideological
fold — especially Muslims and other minorities — will be put in their place.
Dangerous signs of what the ‘new’ India will look like are already apparent, with
the lynchings of Muslims, the bulldozing of their homes, the questioning of their
citizenship status, and the torching of churches. The consecration of the Ram
mandir is, in fact, a victory rally for the Sangh, and will mark the fulfilment of a
major campaign promise of the BJP. It will also be politically convenient for Mr
Modi to attend the temple opening as polls are due in India next year.
The Ram mandir issue illustrates the two-faced nature of the BJP and the Sangh.
At the recent Delhi G20 summit, we saw Mr Modi the globalist, aspiring to be the
voice of the Global South. But in Ayodhya, we will see Mr Modi the communalist,
channelling the pracharak within, and working overtime to build the Bharat of
RSS’s dreams. The demolition of the mosque marked the beginning of the end of
India’s secular democracy. The consecration of the mandir will be a grim
milestone in the country’s transformation into a rashtra.
Climate and industry

A NEW Schroders and Cornell University study on the potential impact of
extreme heat and flooding on the apparel industry should serve as a wake-up call
for Pakistan’s textile industrialists and policymakers. The authors of the study
project that extreme heat and floods induced by rapid climate change could result
in huge job losses and erase $65bn in apparel export earnings from four Asian
countries — Bangladesh, Cambodia, Pakistan and Vietnam — by 2030, as
workers struggle under high temperatures and factories shut down. The losses
will keep increasing if corrective actions are not taken. These countries account
for 18pc of the global apparel exports and employ 10.6m workers in the apparel
and footwear factories. The report points out that “Understanding climate-related
physical risks to companies in a warming world is critical, but the process is in its
infancy with few businesses disclosing enough information and few investors
undertaking proper assessments”. Experts claim: “The climate response by the
industry is all about mitigation, about emissions and recycling, and little or
nothing with respect to flooding and heat.”
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These observations are particularly true for Pakistan where textile and apparel
exporters are yet to realise the grave implications of global warming for their
business and come up with effective strategies to tackle it. At best, a few
progressive firms have, in recent years, adopted basic mitigating strategies at the
factory level to reduce fossil energy usage, shift to renewable power sources,
and set up wastewater treatment plants to cut costs and defuse the environment
concerns of their consumers in Western markets rather than prepare themselves
for meeting climate change challenges. No effort in this direction has been
launched at the wider industry level, although it is crucial to the survival of
businesses. Regrettably, our policymakers also remain oblivious to the urgency
of building strategies to fight the impact of a warming world on the economy and
jobs. In recent years, the country’s economy and exports have received large
shocks due to repeated climate-induced flooding and heatwaves that have
caused export losses worth billions, and increased poverty and unemployment.
With Pakistan among the top 10 countries affected by climate change, it is
essential that policymakers, industry and other stakeholders, including factory
workers, sit together to formulate climate-resilient strategies to prevent potential
job and export losses that the study has predicted.
ECP’s ‘bias’
THE pressure is mounting on the ECP, with another major party expressing
serious concerns over the political environment.
Over the course of last week, several senior PPP leaders issued strong
statements against the “absence of a level playing field” in the run-up to the polls.
The party’s chairman publicly stated that he does not think political parties are
free to function or campaign independently, and, on Thursday, the party’s
information secretary told the press that the PPP is concerned over the
appointment of several PML-N ‘loyalists’ in the interim set-up.
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“The concern among party members is that the PML-N is getting a kind of favour
in the current caretaker set-ups in the federal and Punjab governments. And it’s
no more secret,” she said.
The PTI, too, shared similar objections over the appointment in the caretaker
government of several bureaucrats seen as being close to the Sharifs.
The two parties’ concerns reflect rather poorly on the ECP: it is, after all, the
commission’s constitutional responsibility to ensure that elections are held in an
environment which does not favour or jeopardise any political stakeholder’s
interests.
Interestingly, the commission seems to be tacitly acknowledging that the playing

field is no longer level. It has written to the caretaker prime minister’s secretary,
advising him against inducting “persons of known political allegiance”.
If the caretaker set-up has been infiltrated by politically inclined persons, which
the ECP concedes, the fairness of any election conducted by it will invariably be
brought into question.
It may be recalled that one of the excuses given by the ECP for not conducting
the KP and Punjab elections earlier this year was that future elections held under
the governments formed by political parties in these provinces would not be free
or fair. The same logic ought to apply to party loyalists.
Not too long ago, it was only the PTI which seemed to have a problem with the
manner in which the ECP was conducting itself.
But while the PTI and Mr Khan’s criticism of the commission, its chief
commissioner and their alleged ‘bias’ may initially have been a ploy to push them
off the various legal actions they were pursuing, it has lately started seeming
somewhat justified.
It may be recalled that in failing to challenge the state’s attempts to thwart the
PTI, which had wanted early elections in KP, the ECP has already violated the
Constitution by failing to adhere to the prescribed 90-day timeline.
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It is not only about to repeat that violation again, but it also does not seem
committed to the positions it had taken earlier. This is morally and legally
indefensible.
The commission must adhere to its constitutional responsibility and immediately

address the concerns that are being raised.
Missing anchorperson
TV PERSONALITY Imran Riaz remains missing, his whereabouts unknown. The
prominent anchorperson — followed by millions on YouTube — was arrested on
May 11 by Punjab police under the Maintenance of Public Order rules. The police
say they released him when the detention order against Mr Riaz was withdrawn,
but that he was ‘abducted’ by unidentified persons shortly thereafter.
Mr Riaz’s family, on the other hand, believes the police were complicit in the
anchor’s kidnapping, and it is commonly believed that he is in the custody of
powerful forces within the state. Since officially, the state has disavowed any
responsibility for Mr Riaz, there has been no information about the conditions he
has been kept in, whether he is healthy and in good physical condition, or
whether he is even alive.
Indeed, his case now seems doomed to becoming a footnote in the long list of
excesses perpetrated by the state to keep dissident voices in check. To render
someone ‘missing’ is perhaps the worst cruelty a state can perpetrate. It
condemns entire families to an unending nightmare of not knowing where their
loved ones are, and in what state. Pakistan has been one of the worst offenders
on this count.
Mr Riaz is not, after all, the only Pakistani whose whereabouts are currently
unknown. However, that does not make his case any less condemnable. A
petition seeking his recovery is slated to be taken up again by the Lahore High
Court this week.
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In the last hearing, the Punjab IG had assured the court that the police
investigation was “going in the right direction”. A week earlier, he had assured
the court that there was “positive progress” in the case. It is disappointing that the
Punjab IG has been allowed to get away with these empty excuses for so long.
Every day this case is prolonged is an injustice to Mr Riaz and his worried family.
The court must now ensure results.
MDCAT cheating
THE crisis of dishonesty that afflicts all sectors of Pakistani society includes
academia. Unfortunately, the resort to illegal means is not uncommon in our
houses of learning. Yet while all academic corruption is reprehensible, when
sectors such as medical education — which have a direct impact on human lives
— are infected by the contagion of dishonesty, the state cannot stand by and do
nothing. The recent scandal involving the use of illegal means during the recent
Medical and Dental Colleges Admission Test should be an eye-opener for the
state as well as the medical community, as allowing ‘doctors’ who have cheated
their way through the system to enter the profession is tantamount to playing with
patients’ lives. As reported, some students, particularly in KP, resorted to using
various gadgets to cheat in the MDCAT. The caretaker health minister says
‘mafias’ are involved in the racket, with some media outlets saying that a former
KP-based government employee is the mastermind of this dubious scheme.
Apparently, candidates made use of ‘wireless GSM pens’ with mikes, micro
earpieces and other devices powered by Bluetooth to get external help in order
to solve their papers.
Tech experts say that such devices can be neutralised by using jammers.
Certainly, the authorities need to look into such solutions to prevent novel ways
of cheating. But beyond the immediate controversy, there is a need for deeper
introspection to root out the menace of corrupt practices from the academic
realm. Particularly where medical education is concerned, some senior doctors
have recommended life bans on candidates who cheat. Considering that a wrong
or botched prognosis — which is the expected outcome if individuals enter the
profession using illicit means — can literally kill people, this suggestion is not
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without merit. Aside from the menace of cheating, moves to lower standards of
admission to medical colleges are also a bad idea. The Sindh government had
previously reduced the pass percentage for admissions to medical school, before
the move was struck down by a court order. Simply put, only the most well-
trained and ethically responsible individuals should be entering the health
profession. Those who cut corners or cannot handle the academic rigour of
medical training should opt for other careers. All stakeholders — the government,
the PMDC, the PMA and medical colleges — need to take a united stand against
academic dishonesty.
The Isa epoch

IN a ceremony marked by constitutional gravitas as well as what some might
term rightful vindication, Justice Qazi Faez Isa assumed the mantle of the chief
justice of Pakistan on Sunday, heralding what the nation hopes will be a period of
judicial prudence and wisdom.
The optics of the event were rich with irony, with the president, who had
previously filed a reference against the Supreme Court judge over alleged
misconduct and non-disclosure of assets, himself administering the oath.
With the new chief justice’s spouse standing by his side, it was a symbolic
moment that sent “a clear message of steadfastness”, as put by one participant.
The new chief justice jumped right into action and constituted a full court to
preside over his inaugural hearing as chief justice, one that aims to resolve nine
challenges to a law that, among other things, requires the formation of benches
on constitutional matters of public importance by a committee of three senior
Supreme Court judges.
In a first for the country, he also ordered the proceedings to be broadcast live to
the public. The constitution of a full court — a rarity in the court of the previous
Supreme Court chief justice — and the live telecast of the hearing, can be
viewed as a promising start, a sign that Chief Justice Isa is keen to chart a path
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firmly rooted in jurisprudential integrity rather than the shifting sands of populism
that marred his predecessor’s tenure.
Former chief justice Umar Ata Bandial was at one point lambasted by fellow
members of the judiciary for having begun to run a “one-man” show, and so his
time in office saw more controversy than judicious stewardship of the nation’s
highest legal office.
Justice Isa takes charge at a time when the judiciary faces a myriad of
challenges, from more than 50,000 cases pending before the apex court out of
some 2.2m to be decided overall, to the critical task of restoring the public’s
confidence in the justice system.
Moreover, there is the ever-looming test of safeguarding the judiciary’s

independence in the face of executive incursions.
Some of the more pressing concerns, however, include the delay in general
elections, the trial of civilians in military court, and pending references against the
chief justice’s colleague Justice Mazahar Ali Akbar Naqvi.
It is precisely these challenges that lend the new chief justice the opportunity to
carve out a legacy of robust judicial leadership, guided by a moral compass that
remains unswayed by the tempestuous winds of political expedience.
As he embarks on this pivotal journey, we hold out measured, but optimistic hope
that under his leadership, the top court will not only adjudicate, but guide the
nation towards a path paved with justice, equality and the rule of law.
Futures on hold
IT is a sad turn of events when one is caught between choosing to fill their fuel
tanks to get to work or paying the month’s power bill. Living costs in Pakistan
have soared to an extent where citizens are forced daily to make such impossible
choices. How is one to select one and forego the other? Yet, such sacrifices are
becoming more commonplace than one might realise. With the August inflation
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rate clocking in at 27.4pc, the very foundations of societal progression are under
threat. The streets bear witness to a populace on the brink, with protests erupting
nationwide. Amid this economic maelstrom, a distressing trend has taken root:
financially strapped families have begun pulling their children out of school.
Some have opted to homeschool the younger ones while the older siblings
appear in exams privately. Others have turned to the more economical option:
madressahs. It is a choice born not out of preference but out of a despondent
resignation to the economic realities.
This apparent solution, however, conceals a perilous trajectory for the future of
our children. Focusing primarily on imparting religious education, madressahs in
Pakistan are not inherently designed to provide a well-rounded experience that
equips children with the necessary skills to venture out into the modern world.
While this is not a blanket assertion on all seminaries, there is the ever-present
danger of children falling prey to extremist ideologies, to the promotion of
militancy and hatred. The need of the hour is stringent oversight by the
government on the operations and curriculum of these institutions in tandem with
efforts to reconsider economic policies that have brought families at this juncture.
The government must heed the signs of these pressing times, shaping policies
that harmonise economic stability with educational accessibility. No child in
Pakistan must be robbed of the opportunity for a broad-based education on the
count of economic hardship.
ECP’s preparations
THE needle has barely moved. According to news reports, the Election
Commission has sought the completion of the preliminary delimitation of
constituencies by the end of this month — Sept 26, to be precise — so that the
exercise can be completed sooner than originally anticipated.
The process was initially scheduled to be completed by Oct 7, as announced by

the ECP, following the notification of the digital census in August.
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But while it would appear on paper that the ECP is making an effort to expedite
the elections exercise, the revision of the delimitation timeline still does not mean
elections will be held according to the constitutional schedule.
In fact, even under the revised schedule, elections are unlikely to be held any
time before the second half of January unless, of course, some power intervenes
and binds the ECP to the non-negotiable condition set by the Constitution —
elections within 90 days.
Last week, the Supreme Court returned a petition filed by the PTI seeking an
order to force the ECP to adhere to the constitutional scheme, with the objection
that it had not specified which question of public importance was being raised
that pertained to fundamental rights.
The apex court, therefore, did not find sufficient grounds to invoke jurisdiction
under Article 184(3) of the Constitution, recommending that the matter be taken
up before an ‘appropriate forum’ instead.
It may be recalled that the president, too, recently asked the ECP to seek
guidance from the superior judiciary on when elections ought to be held after
abdicating his own constitutional authority to set a date for a general election for
the National Assembly, which was dissolved by his hand.
It remains to be seen whether the Supreme Court will take up the matter after the
objections it has raised on the PTI’s petition. In contrast to his predecessors, the
new chief justice seems to hold a comparatively restrictive view regarding the
apex court’s jurisdiction under Article 184(3).
It is deeply regrettable that the ECP remains on course to committing another

major violation of the Constitution without any check. The question of whether or
not elections can exceed the 90-day deadline for a prematurely dissolved
assembly has been adjudicated this year by both the Lahore High Court and the
Supreme Court.
It defies understanding how the country’s administrative system can continue to

operate in complete denial of their judgements and expect to once again get
away with committing a grave violation of the country’s law.
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The entire edifice of this country’s political system rests on its people’s right to
choose their representatives to govern its matters. How long will this right be held
hostage to the whims of those who wish, instead, to impose their own will on
240m souls?
Sikh activist’s murder

A SPAT between Canada and India over the murder of a pro-freedom Sikh
activist in a Vancouver suburb has turned ugly, with both states expelling
diplomats and exchanging accusatory rhetoric.
Hardeep Singh Nijjar, a Canadian citizen and prominent advocate for Khalistan,
was killed outside a gurdwara he headed in June.
In a startling disclosure, Canadian Prime Minister Justin Trudeau told his

country’s parliament the authorities were “pursuing credible allegations” that
Indian “agents” were linked to the murder. In a related move, Ottawa expelled a
diplomat described as India’s top intelligence agent in the country.
Meanwhile, New Delhi on Tuesday asked a Canadian diplomat to leave the

country apparently due to involvement in “anti-India activities”, while an Indian
foreign ministry spokesman described Mr Trudeau’s claims as “absurd”.
Bilateral ties had steadily been declining over the Khalistan issue, as Canada
hosts a large Sikh diaspora, and many Canadian Sikhs support the movement for
a separate homeland.
Due to these facts, Mr Trudeau had received a somewhat frosty reception during
the G20 moot in New Delhi earlier this month, compared to the warm welcome
other foreign leaders received. With public allegations, things have come to a
head.
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Assassinations by states on foreign soil of elements they consider undesirable is

part and parcel of international espionage. But perhaps Israel takes the cake
where subterfuge is concerned.
Tel Aviv’s agents have for decades been taking out targets across the globe.
Most of the victims have been Palestinian militants and activists, while lately
members of Hezbollah and those linked to Iran’s nuclear programme and
security institutions have topped the list.
Considering the cosy relationship between New Delhi and Tel Aviv, perhaps the
Indians have taken a page out of Mossad’s handbook in organising the hit on an
individual they considered a ‘terrorist’. Other states, too, indulge in such
activities.
However, despite India’s posturing, this issue is unlikely to fizzle out, as the
Canadian PM would not have made such a major announcement without strong
proof.
Along with assuring a large ethno-religious community that their safety matters,
Canada will also pursue this murder to protect its reputation as a state where the
rule of law is respected, as Mr Trudeau noted.
States may indulge in such underhanded behaviour, but the blowback can be
embarrassing if things go awry, as the Indian government is discovering.
Lost generations
IF those who wield power in Pakistan think that the nation can progress when
tens of millions of its children have either never been to school, or have dropped
out, they are fooling none but themselves. The sobering reality is that Pakistan
has the second highest out-of-school population in the world — around 23m
children aged between five and 16 years — while many of those who do make it
to school drop out before completing their studies. These lost generations will
face poverty, exploitation and a lack of opportunities throughout life. Recent
figures given by the Sindh government indicate the challenges that the high
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dropout rate poses. The province’s caretaker chief minister was informed on
Tuesday that the school dropout rate in Sindh was 54pc, while over 50pc of the
province’s women could not read or write. These twin challenges — high dropout
rates and female illiteracy — are portents of a demographic disaster in the
making. If the problem is left unaddressed, provincial and national development
plans will be scuttled.
Nationwide, dropout rates are a matter of concern, though the situation in

Balochistan and Sindh is particularly acute. According to Unicef, enrolment
figures dip considerably for both boys and girls between the primary and lower
secondary levels, which indicates that a large number of students drop out as
they reach higher grades. The UN body also notes that credible data and
measures to monitor retention rates are weak. There are numerous factors
contributing to high dropout rates, including poverty and difficult access to
schools. Experts have called for non-formal schooling solutions and alternative
learning pathways to address such a huge population of out-of-school children
and those that drop out. Civil society and education activists have long been
warning about the ‘education emergency’. However, despite the Constitution’s
Article 25-A calling upon the state to provide free and compulsory education,
millions of children remain deprived of a chance to learn and build a brighter
future.
Greater representation
PAKISTAN now stands at a significant juncture, with the names of 11.7m more
women added to the voter list, signalling a tangible stride in mitigating the deep-
rooted gender gap in voter registration. Recent data released by the Election
Commission of Pakistan is indeed heartening: it illustrates a pronounced
increase in the number of registered women voters, which has surged from 47m
in 2018 to a commendable 58m as of July 25, 2023. Despite this significant
progress, a gap remains, evident from the 10m fewer women of voting age
compared to men in a nation where women represent 49pc of the population.
Over 21m voters have been incorporated since the last general elections, with
the male voter populace burgeoning to 69m, spotlighting the persistent need to
amplify initiatives that are aimed at uplifting women’s electoral participation.
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Looking at the remarkable progress across the border, where India noted a
higher female voter turnout (67.18pc) compared to males (67pc) in the 2019 Lok
Sabha election, we are reminded of the transformative potential of fostering a
robust female voter base. In contrast, Pakistan’s 2018 general election presented
a glaring disparity with a 47pc female turnout compared to 56pc male turnout —
a substantial gap representing 11.18m untapped potential female voices.
The trend continued in the subsequent 98 by-elections where women constituted

a mere 40pc of the total ballots cast. Yet, a silver lining exists in the conscious
policy initiated in 2018 to separately count women’s votes, offering a focused
lens to analyse, understand, and methodically address regional disparities. At
this critical juncture, political parties, particularly entities such as the PTI which
championed women’s voter participation in 2018, must galvanise to nurture an
electoral landscape where gender bias finds no ground. As we inch closer to the
next electoral milestone, a concentrated effort to enhance awareness and
facilitate empowerment must be at the forefront of our democratic strategy,
rallying to not only eradicate the gender disparity in voter registration but to also
foster a vibrant culture that celebrates the voice and vote of every Pakistani
woman. A holistic approach involving government bodies, civil society, and
community organisations can craft a future where the electoral arena is a true
representation of Pakistan’s diverse populace, echoing the unified voices of 58m
women in harmony with their male counterparts.
What next?
A CRACK of the whip was all that was needed. The dollar, which had lately been
racing to a new high each day, has now reversed course thanks to an army-
sanctioned operation against hoarders and black marketeers.
Local media reports that confidence in the rupee has strengthened and that now
there are more sellers than buyers in the market.
Meanwhile, social media has been flush with accounts of unscrupulous elements
being arrested with breathtaking stashes of foreign currencies, which have
subsequently been confiscated by the state.
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It remains difficult to sift truth from fiction, however: after all, the state has not
shared how this crackdown was planned and executed, who was targeted, and
precisely what role the suspects arrested so far played in manipulating the
exchange rate.
While the sharp improvement in exchange rates cannot be denied, the citizenry
also deserves to know how and why the market was rigged in the first place.
One wonders that if administrative measures were all that were needed to arrest
the rupee’s sorry slide, why were they not taken sooner? Why did the finance
minister in the PDM government not consider this option as he struggled and
failed for months to keep the exchange rate in check?
After all, the cost to the country of rounding up a few dozen big fish involved in
the currency market racket would have been far lower compared to the lasting
cost of creating distortions in the economy by placing artificial and unsustainable
controls on the exchange rate.
The same question can also be extended to ask why the civil administration was
never utilised during the PDM era to control market manipulation in other
segments of the economy either. Why were the country’s regulatory authorities
not mobilised to safeguard the interests of common citizens pleading for support
under record inflation?
It seems that when economic historians sit down to reflect on the PDM era, they
will find themselves hard-pressed to say anything charitable about the
competence of the people at the helm during one of the country’s worst crisis
periods.
That is not to say that the current lot offers much hope. The country is presently
managed by a caretaker set-up, but its ministers’ promises seem to betray a
wider mandate. Yet they seem to be in very little hurry to take the ‘difficult
decisions’ that are supposed to justify them overstaying their welcome.
Successful though it may be, a crackdown against currency dealers can only
create limited breathing space. The situation demands that an empowered
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government, elected by the people, take over post-haste so that responsible

decisions can be taken to protect the public’s interests.
Alas, this more permanent solution seems to be unacceptable to the wise souls
managing Pakistan’s affairs these days.
Another Sharif trip

THE sudden arrival of former prime minister Shehbaz Sharif in London, a mere
48 hours after he touched down in Lahore, has raised many eyebrows. His trip
adds to the mystery of the Sharif family’s secretive Lahore-London remote
management. It is being justifiably asked what compelled the younger Sharif to
rush back to Nawaz Sharif, and what message is being given in person that
cannot be communicated over a call. Shehbaz Sharif has spent the past month in
London, holding frequent meetings with his older brother. In fact, the duo had
meetings with their lawyers, who, even after the Supreme Court ruling on the
amendments to the NAB law, were hopeful of a satisfactory outcome of Nawaz
Sharif’s legal troubles. There has been speculation that the dash to London is to
debate Nawaz Sharif’s legal position upon his return. However, it is evident that
these discussions already took place during the younger brother’s previous visit.
Interestingly, there are rumours that the latest trip is linked to Nawaz Sharif’s
remarks about holding retired generals and judges accountable. These
statements must have come as nasty shock to Shehbaz Sharif as he generally
refrains from criticising the military establishment, despite his older brother’s
different take on the subject. However, even the senior Sharif, apart from
criticising the security establishment from the PDM platform on occasion, has
been largely silent on issues related to the military leadership. For his part, while
in the opposition, Shehbaz Sharif endorsed Gen Bajwa’s extension and, later,
was head of a government that endorsed the military trials of civilians. When he
returns to Pakistan next month, will Nawaz Sharif’s critical views of the military
leadership be intact? Or will his opinions be limited to only those he believes had
a hand in his ouster? With the current military leadership’s ire focused on his
political rivals, it is convenient for Mr Sharif to restrict his criticism to the previous
army leadership. But it is still not known how the institution will respond to his talk
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of accountability. If Mr Sharif indeed returns next month, the brothers will need to
decide what the party’s narrative will be, given how vastly different their views are
on the establishment’s role in politics. The PML-N leadership must realise that it
cannot continue to play games with the public, especially as people are drowning
in economic misery.
Lawless city
A GRIM milestone has just been passed in Karachi. The recent death of a
teenage robbery victim brings the number of people killed in street crime
incidents in the city between January and September 2023 to 100. To put things
in perspective, the total number of people to have died in incidents of terrorism
across Sindh during the first six months of the current year is 19. This once again
underscores the unsettling fact that Karachi is a deadly city for its people, where
armed killers have complete freedom to take citizens’ lives. From posh
neighbourhoods to teeming slums, no area of this forsaken metropolis is safe.
Muggers strike whenever they can and are ready to kill their victims at the
slightest resistance. Figures compiled by the Citizens-Police Liaison Committee
illustrate just how large the epidemic of street crime is. According to the CPLC,
over the past nine months, some 60,000 incidents of street crime have taken
place in Karachi. The figure for all of 2022 was 85,000. Police say between 50 to
60 gangs are active in this deadly business, while mobile-snatching and
motorbike-lifting top the list of crimes.
Various factors are fuelling high street crime rates, including inflation,
joblessness, and the lure of easy money. People often resist parting with their
hard-earned cash or valuables, with the result that they end up paying with their
lives. However, addressing the underlying factors behind crime is a long-term
project; the immediate need is to quell the deadly wave of killings. Here, the
Sindh government has failed miserably. The PPP, which has been ruling the
province since 2008, has much to answer for where law and order goes. The
caretaker government can only do so much, and it is hoped that the next elected
government that takes power in Sindh has solid proposals to beat crime.
Otherwise, precious lives will continue to be snuffed out by trigger-happy
criminals.
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Missing footballers
IN the nation’s living memory, Balochistan’s burns have never run dry. The
province has grappled with historical wrongs, political differences, ethnic turmoil
and armed insurgencies, leaving its resource-rich land poor and far behind the
rest of the country. Amid permanently high tensions, atrocities touched another
low a fortnight ago when six young footballers, on their way to the All-Pakistan
Chief Minister Gold Cup Football Tournament in Sibi, were abducted at gunpoint
by unidentified persons. The worrying incident occurred in Kachhi Canal of Sui
area in Dera Bugti. According to reports, the kidnapped players hail from Bugti
clans and are closely related to separatists who recently surrendered to the
security establishment. Initially, the entire 24-member squad was taken hostage,
however, 18 were set free soon after. Officials in Dera Bugti say that a dozen
suspects have since been arrested. The caretaker Interior Minister Sarfaraz Bugti
had claimed that an operation to recover them was underway but it seems that
so far the administration and police are clueless about their whereabouts and
captors. The veil of silence around the issue has become deafening.
The fact that the state is unable to safeguard a district sports team en route to a
tournament puts local and federal dispensations in the dock. The episode is a
reminder of the lawlessness that pervades a province where years of neglect,
deprivation and violence have ensured there is no love lost between its people
and the administration. Besides, allusions to separatist groups in the province
have never placated the Baloch, trapped as they are between militants and the
establishment. We cannot emphasise enough that despite Mr Bugti’s assertions
about security forces being deployed for rescue, the evident lack of action is a
sad reflection on the administration’s priorities. These young players should not
be allowed to become statistics in a long list of those who have vanished without
a trace. The authorities must find them.
No closure
WHAT is a Pakistani life worth in the eyes of the state? Clearly not enough, if one
were to draw a comparison with Canada, which has thought nothing of
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jeopardising its relations with New Delhi as it takes a stand for the rights of an
adopted citizen.
Soon after Prime Minister Justin Trudeau publicly held India responsible for
orchestrating the assassination of Sikh leader Hardeep Singh Nijjar, opposition
leader Pierre Poilievre quickly voiced his support, saying, “We must be united for
our home and for each other.
Let us all lock arms and join hands in condemning this murder, standing with the
family and friends of its victim.“ It is difficult to overlook their response while
confronting the apparent lack of energy in our own authorities’ efforts to
investigate or prosecute the murder of Pakistani journalist Arshad Sharif in Kenya
last year.
It has been 11 months since Sharif was killed in highly suspicious circumstances
by a Kenyan paramilitary outfit, but despite the incident being described by a
Pakistani fact-finding committee as a “planned, targeted assassination”
perpetrated by “transnational characters”, we still know very little about the
individuals involved and their motives.
This week, a case filed on behalf of the state against Sharif’s murder was
shelved due to the prosecution’s ‘disinterest’ in pursuing it. The Sharif family had
persistently refused to join the case proceedings, as they felt the state had
disregarded their ‘right’ to file the FIR as the slain journalist’s heirs.
While the state must respect the family’s wishes, the case’s shelving should not
put an end to efforts to trace Sharif’s killers and hold them to account. According
to Sharif’s family, the journalist, whose departure from the country was sudden,
had said that his life was under threat from certain elements.
It remains to be determined if these same elements eventually became involved

in his killing. It is disappointing also to note the seeming lack of interest from
international media rights organisations in pursuing Mr Sharif’s case.
Sustained pressure from them could have pushed the authorities of both
countries to pursue their investigations matter more vigorously and make a clear
determination of the facts of the case — it is a course they can still pursue. This
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high-profile assassination cannot be brushed under the carpet, nor should its
perpetrators be allowed to walk free.
IMF chief’s advice

IMF Chief Kristalina Georgieva’s message to Pakistanis to collect taxes from the
wealthy shines a light on the country’s inequitable tax system, which is the
primary source of almost all our economic woes, including an unsustainable
fiscal deficit, elevated inflation, a low investment rate and a frail balance-of-
payments position.
“I do believe that this is in line with what people in Pakistan would like to see for
the country,” she said after meeting caretaker Prime Minister Anwaar-ul-Haq
Kakar on the sidelines of the UN General Assembly session.
“We agreed on the vital need for strong policies to ensure stability, foster
sustainable and inclusive growth, prioritise revenue collection, and protection for
the most vulnerable in Pakistan,” she told Pakistani journalists.
“What we are asking in our programme is, please collect more taxes from the
wealthy and please protect the poor people of Pakistan.” Mr Kakar was less
forthcoming on the gist of his brief discussion with Ms Georgieva, characterising
the meeting as “constructive” and “focused on mutual commitments”.
This is not the first time the IMF boss has urged Pakistan to tax the wealthy to
boost its tax revenues. Back in February, she stated that, in order to function as a
country, Pakistan must ensure that its high earners pay taxes and only the poor
get subsidies.
Sadly, the previous PML-N-led ruling coalition, like its predecessors, did not heed
her advice. The budget in June failed to address the root cause of the nation’s
ever-dwindling tax revenues as it slyly avoided bringing undertaxed and untaxed
sectors such as real estate, agriculture and retail effectively into the revenue net
for fear of a political backlash.
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Instead, it chose to increase the tax burden for ‘captive taxpayers’ — salaried
individuals and the organised corporate sector — to meet the revenue goals of
the IMF for a new bailout programme.
Tax measures incorporated in the budget — such as the distinction made

between filers and non-filers — contradict the larger goal of documenting the
economy and discourage tax compliance, perpetuating the risks to the long-term
sustainability of the country’s economic structure.
With one of the world’s lowest tax-to-GDP ratio of 8.6pc, Pakistan has been
running a fiscal deficit of more than 7pc for the last several years because of the
rulers’ unwillingness to expand the tax base.
Little wonder that the country now finds itself in a debt trap, and is always looking
for ever-shrinking handouts from global lenders to pay its bills and a little money
to help its inflation-stricken poor.
It is time that Pakistan’s policymakers paid heed to what Ms Georgieva has been
asking them to do for the country to be able to become a functioning entity by
directly taxing all incomes, irrespective of their source, and reducing indirect
taxation.
Beyond lip service

UN SECRETARY GENERAL António Guterres did not mince words at the
recently held Climate Ambition Summit: “Humanity has opened the gates of hell.”
Such a vivid portrayal resonates deeply with countries like Pakistan. Despite
contributing under 1pc to global emissions, Pakistan ranks among countries most
vulnerable to climate change. Last year’s unprecedented floods stand as a heart-
wrenching testament to this reality, with a third of the country submerged, 1,700
people killed and over 8m displaced, besides more than $30bn in economic
losses. Yet, global responses have been insufficient. In his address to the UNGA,
caretaker Prime Minister Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar spoke of how first the Covid
pandemic, and then climate change, have had a hand in Pakistan’s triple food,
fuel and finance challenge, and reminded the world of the $10bn in aid that was
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pledged to Pakistan in January. He urged countries to resist selectively providing

funds on the basis of geopolitical considerations. His plea follows a briefing in
March by UN spokesman Stéphane Dujarric who had revealed that only 40pc of
the pledges were fulfilled. Mr Kakar is also set to demand, at the upcoming
COP28 in November, the realisation of the $100bn annual climate pledge and
the establishment of a ‘loss and damage’ fund, further reflecting a plea for
climate equity. His appreciation for the UN-sponsored SDG summit’s
endeavours, notably the proposed annual $500bn SDG Stimulus, offers some
hope for cooperative global progress.
With the imminent threat of global temperatures rising by 2.8°C, the world is
quickly becoming an uninhabitable place. In Pakistan, amid the turmoil, lies
buried an unrealised truth: women bear the brunt of the fallout from climate
change. In our part of the world, where patriarchy is already a burden borne by
them, climate change adds another layer of hardship. Women, as primary
caregivers and agricultural workers, face the immediate impacts of shifting
weather patterns in the region. Their roles, often bound by tradition, do not afford
them the luxury of escape, making them the first victims. In Sindh — the hardest-
hit province in last year’s floods after getting 471pc more rain than the 30-year
average — of the 1.5m cotton-pickers, 70pc are women, most of whom are now
without homes or livelihoods.
As world leaders gather to discuss the future, it is essential to remember that the
crisis isn’t just about melting ice caps or the rising sea level. It is about human
lives, particularly those of women in vulnerable areas, teetering on the edge. The
globe’s collective conscience must move beyond mere acknowledgment. Words,
like those of Mr Guterres, must translate into immediate action. It is not just about
saving the planet; it is about saving its people. The most vulnerable among us
can no longer be collateral in this global debacle.
Mirwaiz freed
T was an emotional return to Srinagar’s Jamia Masjid for Mirwaiz Umar Farooq.
After over four years under house arrest, the Kashmiri cleric and pro-freedom
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political leader led Friday prayers at the iconic mosque in the held territory’s
capital.
The Mirwaiz was greeted by hundreds of supporters, as Indian security forces

kept a close eye on the gathering. The All Parties Hurriyat Conference chief had
been under detention since August 2019, when the BJP-led government revoked
held Kashmir’s autonomous status.
A large number of Kashmiri leaders and ordinary citizens have been hauled up
by India’s security machinery since. During the sermon, the Mirwaiz pointed out
that “thousands” of youths, journalists, activists and lawyers remain behind bars
in occupied Kashmir, and called upon the Indian state to release them.
The APHC chief reiterated his call for a peaceful solution to the Kashmir dispute,
terming it a “human” issue, and advocating for the return of “our Pandit brothers”,
referring to the Kashmir-based Hindu community.
What has prompted the Indian state to release the Mirwaiz? It is difficult to say.
The release came about after the leader had petitioned the J&K high court
against his house arrest. It is safe to assume that the release could not have
been possible without the green light from New Delhi.
Perhaps this is a signal that the Modi government has realised that its heavy-
handed tactics to crush the Kashmiri freedom movement are not working. India’s
attitude towards the incarcerated Kashmiris in the days ahead will prove if this
assumption is true, or if the Mirwaiz’s release was an anomaly.
While all Kashmiris incarcerated for demanding freedom must be freed, the
authorities, in particular, must look into the cases of Jammu and Kashmir
Liberation Front chief Yasin Malik, who remains lodged in Delhi’s Tihar jail. Mr
Malik was convicted in a doubtful terrorism case, and Indian security agencies
are seeking the death penalty for the Kashmiri leader.
These developments are largely being seen as attempts to silence the Kashmiri
freedom movement by threatening prominent leaders with incarceration and
death. But if a change of heart is indeed taking place in New Delhi, the peace
process should be revived in earnest, bringing representatives of Pakistan, India
87
and the Kashmiris to the table. A clearer picture in this regard should emerge
after next year’s elections in India.
World Cup squad

THE stress was on continuity — trusting and backing players who had been with
the team — as Pakistan’s squad for the World Cup was named on Friday. One
change came due to Naseem Shah’s injury, depriving Pakistan of a chance to
play their fearsome pace trident comprising the young fast bowler, Shaheen
Shah Afridi and Haris Rauf at the tournament in India. Hasan Ali, who last played
a One-Day International for Pakistan in June 2022, has been drafted in place of
Naseem with chief selector Inzamam-ul-Haq crediting his ability to bowl with both
the new and old ball as the reason for his inclusion. Hasan will have his work cut
out for him as a replacement for Naseem, who not only took wickets but was also
Pakistan’s most economical bowler at the recent Asia Cup. There are no major
surprises otherwise, with Pakistan’s think tank opting to retain spin-bowling all-
rounders Shadab Khan and Mohammad Nawaz, despite their struggle to make
an impact at the Asia Cup, where the challenge from Babar Azam’s charges
ended at the Super Four stage. Inzamam, a member of the squad that won the
ODI World Cup in 1992, said he hoped the duo would do well but didn’t specify
how. Similar is the case of opener Fakhar Zaman, who will go to India, despite a
poor performance at the Asia Cup.
For the World Cup campaign, Pakistan are hoping that things fall in place. It
wasn’t like this, though, before the Asia Cup, where Pakistan went in as the
world’s top-ranked ODI side. A thrashing at the hands of India and the narrow
loss to Sri Lanka were the reality check the team needed. Pakistan have a
history of going to tournaments with doubts hanging over their heads, only to
overcome the odds and shine their way through. It is, therefore likely that they
will overcome Naseem’s injury as well as form issues to do that again.
88
Print in digital age

THERE is a shocking amount of disinformation out there in the Information Age.
While electronic and social media have radically changed how news is produced
and consumed, responsible print media outlets continue to hold fast to the old-
world values of factual reporting and upholding truth-telling. This is the message
being relayed by the All Pakistan Newspapers Society through a public
awareness campaign launched in connection with National Newspaper
Readership Day, being observed today. The day was first observed in 2019, and
seeks to highlight the value of print journalism and promote newspaper
readership in a rapidly changing media landscape. While the future is digital, print
media will play a key role in the transition; for example, even the most trusted
digital news outlets in the country are in fact extensions of legacy media houses.
There is an important reason for this: it is the editorial gatekeeping of print media
professionals that sifts lies from truth, disinformation from genuine news. Social
media may be awash with ‘information’ —much of it actually noise and outright
lies — but it is traditional media, especially print, that assures people that what
they are reading is corroborated and factually correct.
However, it is also true that legacy media must adapt to the swiftly changing
scenario. For obvious reasons, print cannot compete with electronic and digital
media when it comes to ‘breaking news’. That is why newspapers should refocus
efforts on investigative and long-form journalism, which can delve into the
backstory and dive deeper to uncover the events behind the headlines.
Regurgitating facts 24 hours after they have happened, and relying on he-said,
she-said ‘news stories’ will only speed up the demise of print. It is by
emphasising quality journalism that the more established papers in the West
have managed to stay afloat. By upholding the principles of journalism, and
speaking for the voiceless, print can continue to stay relevant.
Sanaullah’s remarks
THE hypocrisy of our democratic leadership is a gift that keeps giving. Last week,
the president of the PML-N in Punjab, Rana Sanaullah, berated the former army
chief, retired Gen Qamar Bajwa, as a “national criminal” who had committed a
89
“crime bigger than a murder offence”. He was echoing a statement made by his
party’s supreme leader, Nawaz Sharif, who has on several occasions held Mr
Bajwa directly responsible for his ouster and now wishes for him to be held to
account for his ‘crimes’. Just a day later, however, Mr Sanaullah all but confirmed
a long-held suspicion that his party had also colluded with Gen Bajwa in its
efforts to remove the PTI from power. Mr Sanaullah had been asked during a TV
interview why the PML-N supported a three-year extension for Gen Bajwa in
2019, which he described as a ‘strategic move’. “It would seem that the
consequences of that decision allowed us to achieve our goal,” Mr Sanaullah
said — the goal being to lower the “intensity” with which the “fitna” and “fasaad”
of the PTI was prevailing over the country at the time. “Sometimes things seem a
certain way, but their implied effects [sic] are something else,” the PML-N leader
concluded.
Was it hubris that led Mr Sanaullah to implicate the PML-N and the military in
what he has made out to be a conspiracy, sealed with a quid pro quo deal, to
unseat the PTI government? Or did he wish to imply that the PML-N had, with its
political guile, ‘used’ the former army chief to achieve its own political goals?
Considering the number of times former PM Shehbaz Sharif publicly thanked and
congratulated Gen Bajwa for his services while he was in office, it is difficult to
reconcile the PML-N’s new stance with its leaders’ effervescent gratitude while in
power. Rank hypocrisy or realpolitik? Time will tell. One can also not help but
recall how both Gen Bajwa and ISPR repeatedly assured the public of their
‘neutrality’ amidst the political chaos that broke out in 2022. The main beneficiary
of the PTI’s downfall now suggests that was not the case. Can the PTI chief be
faulted, then, for turning his ire on that institution’s leadership if he had correctly
identified the role they had played? Perhaps such questions are best left for
another time.
On the brink
T is Pakistan’s moment of reckoning. Words of warning are pouring in to remind
the leadership and the people that the country continues to face existential
challenges.
90
The other day, the IMF chief urged the caretaker prime minister and Pakistanis to
collect taxes from the wealthy and subsidise the poor, who are being crushed
under the soaring cost of living.
On Friday, Najy Benhassine, World Bank country manager for Pakistan,

underscored that the state was at a crucial juncture where it must decide whether
it wants to continue with 40pc of its population living below the poverty line, with
policy decisions being driven by a military, political and business elite that has
vested interests, or to change direction towards a better future.
“This may be Pakistan’s moment in making policy shifts,” he argued, while

releasing a set of policy notes — Reforms For a Brighter Future: Time to Decide
— to be discussed and finalised before a new government takes over after
elections, due to be held in the last week of January next year.
He pointed out that states with steady and higher economic growth, such as
India, Indonesia and Vietnam, were able to fend off similar difficulties as they
tackled their respective crises through making the right decisions.
The economic quandary that a country of 240m people finds itself facing today is
of its own making. Stuck in the midst of grave human resource and financial
troubles, Pakistan is contending with complex challenges that need to be
addressed and tackled simultaneously if it is to extricate itself from the current
crisis and move forward.
One cannot expect to collect more taxes and to grow economically without
improving sound public services such as education, healthcare and drinking
water.
Likewise, balance-of-payments issues cannot be resolved without boosting

productivity, and investing in an educated and healthy labour force as well as in
climate-resilient infrastructure. Everyone and every sector has to rise together, in
sync, if this country is to put itself on a progressive trajectory.
This is not the first time that global lenders such as the IMF and World Bank,
which we always lean on for help during what seem to be perpetually hard times,
91
have advised us on what we should do. And it is not as if our ruling classes and
policymakers are unaware of the problems or their solutions.
Yet these constant reminders underline how the vested interests that the World
Bank country chief alluded to are impeding much-needed reforms to restructure
the economy.
If we are to revive the economy, every stakeholder that Mr Benhassine has

mentioned should ask themselves whether they want short-term gains at the
expense of the country and its people, or longer-term stability that can allow us to
function and have a future to look forward to.
Unto darkness
YET another case of medical malpractice has come to light in Punjab. The
eyesight of several diabetic patients has potentially been destroyed after they
were administered the locally manufactured Avastin injection used to treat retinal
damage. The matter first came to light when cases surfaced in Kasur. It was
subsequently found that patients have been affected in Lahore, Multan and
Jhang districts as well. The incident is a grim reminder of the 2021 scandal, when
expired stents were used at a leading hospital in Lahore. The devastation
brought upon these individuals is immense. Typically for diabetics, the hope of
maintaining vision lies in such treatments, and to lose one’s sight due to medical
negligence is nothing short of a crime. For such events to occur repeatedly is
symptomatic of a deep malaise affecting the country’s healthcare system. The
urgency to comprehensively address these malpractices cannot be stressed
enough. It is extremely concerning that even after the widespread condemnation
and public outcry following the 2021 stent debacle, lessons seem not to have
been learned. How is it that expired or substandard medical devices were used
on patients then? And why is it now that dozens of patients were affected after
receiving a treatment that they had undoubtedly hoped would improve their
quality of life? Is there no oversight of the quality and management of our
healthcare institutions?
92
The damage has been done. What must now follow is serious government
intervention. While an investigative committee was formed over the weekend by
the Punjab health authorities to ascertain whether it was negligence on the part
of doctors or whether the issue stemmed from a specific batch of the drug (which
has since been banned for two weeks), and while the Punjab health minister has
promised free treatment to those affected, and moreover, while 12 health officials
have been suspended, one wonders whether a true wake-up call has even
occurred. With 68 people having potentially lost their eyesight, will the culture of
negligence and impunity continue? While swift action against those responsible
is non-negotiable, it is equally imperative for the affected patients to be justly
compensated, not only as a remedial measure but as a gesture to acknowledge
the profound impact of this negligence on their lives. It is time the trust eroded in
our institutions is restored.
Free and fair?

IS it possible to hold ‘free and fair’ elections with a widely popular political leader
facing disqualification by the courts? Should such an election be morally
acceptable? And can a government formed through such an election ever make
a legitimate claim on the public’s mandate?
In a country as full of internal contradictions as Pakistan, there are no easy

answers to these questions.
Caretaker Prime Minister Anwaarul Haq Kakar recently made a statement

suggesting that ‘free and fair’ elections are possible even if former prime minister
Imran Khan and other PTI leaders are not allowed to participate.
He argued that all politicians who violate the law must pay for their
transgressions. In technical terms, he is correct, and if Pakistan were a country
where institutions abided by the law, no one would disagree, since the continuity
of the democratic process can never be dependent on the legal status of a
handful of its leaders.
93
However, we are clearly not such a country, and, therefore, the PM’s position
needs greater debate.
In recent months, the state has applied overwhelming force against Mr Khan, his
party, its loyalist leaders, their supporters, and even some supporters’ families.
From refusing to obey release orders, to outright disappearing people; from

breaking into suspects’ homes, to kidnapping their family members to forcing
them to surrender — the authorities have ridden roughshod over fundamental
rights and legal norms in their effort to cut the PTI to size.
Even the ECP has repeatedly violated the Constitution to deny the party the
advantage of having public opinion on its side. This excessive action against the
PTI has placed it at a considerable disadvantage compared to other parties.
It is therefore disingenuous, given this context, to suggest that the freeness and
fairness of any eventual polling exercise should be considered without regard to
all that has preceded it.
The lesson that the establishment should have learnt by now from the
suppression of the PPP in the Zia era, and PML-N’s persecution in the Musharraf
and Bajwa eras, is that thwarting the public will by artificial means only creates
long-term instability in return for short-lived gains.
Banning parties, disqualifying key leaders, forcing politicians to switch

allegiances, restricting candidates from campaigning, and queering the pitch in
other ways just to secure an electoral outcome that is favourable to a handful of
powerful individuals has caused demonstrable and lasting harm to Pakistan’s
political structure.
One should, therefore, reasonably expect that removing Mr Khan from the
political equation now will do as much good as removing Nawaz Sharif did for the
country in 2017-18.
Pakistan’s precarious present condition should be warning enough against

repeating these failed past experiments. If this cycle is not broken, we will be
doomed to repeat it.
94
Justice or vendetta?
ONE wonders whether all pretence of the state as a democracy has been
whittled down to a point where it has simply faded away. In a democracy, where
the rule of law should reign supreme come what may, the ongoing rearrests of
PTI members certainly point to such a situation.
The most recent episode involving four women activists being rearrested
immediately after their release from Kot Lakhpat jail demands not only scrutiny
but also introspection. This is but a snapshot of a far larger narrative.
Chaudhry Pervaiz Elahi has been arrested 12 times since the May 9 protests that
led to the crackdown on the party. The septuagenarian’s continuous
entanglements with the law, most recently in a graft case involving alleged land
value manipulation, underscore the intense pressures that PTI leaders face.
Last Saturday, an anti-terrorism court granted bail to several members of the

party, including women activists, in connection with the Jinnah House attack
case. The rearrest of these women, right outside jail, despite the court having
ordered their release, raises many questions regarding the motive behind such a
move.
While a police official cites another case pertaining to the May 9 attacks as the
cause behind the fresh arrest, one cannot help but ask: is it a genuine pursuit of
justice or does this smack of political vendetta?
Such events only serve to undermine the public’s trust in the criminal justice
system, fostering perceptions of misuse of power. For the sake of democracy,
transparency, and justice, the authorities must clarify their stance on what appear
to be, since May, arbitrary arrests.
The nation deserves to know why the court’s orders seem to only be momentary
effective, with individuals granted bail finding themselves in custody almost
immediately. The way forward is clear: an unbiased, thorough investigation into
the cases, while ensuring that the rights of PTI members are upheld.
95
Worrying remarks
THESE are ominous words from Gwadar. Maulana Hidayatur Rehman, chairman
of the Gwadar Haq Do Tehreek, has warned that his supporters will not hesitate
to take up arms if their demands remain unmet. At the moment, it is unclear
whether Mr Rehman’s patience has actually run out or whether he is simply
jockeying for public attention ahead of the general elections. Striking a
comparably softer tone in the same press conference, Mr Rehman also said, “We
will continue our peaceful, democratic struggle within the Constitution as it
directly concerns the survival of the local population.” It is hoped, both for his
sake and the people of Gwadar’s, that he will stick to the latter path. Violence is
never a solution to matters that can be decided with reason and negotiation. If
the state has indeed failed to keep its agreements with the HDT, the latter should
keep pushing to secure its rights through legitimate means. It has ample
capability to do so, as demonstrated by its well-attended protests and
demonstrations in the past. Turning to unlawful means now would only result in
the movement losing the positive momentum it has gained over the years.
At the same time, however, the state also needs to reassess its approach to
addressing the legitimate concerns of Gwadar’s people. The HDT movement has
consistently been asking for locals’ livelihoods to be secured against rapacious
commercial fishing operations; for the menace of drug smuggling to be
eliminated; and for the removal of unnecessary restrictions on their trade and
movement, which usually take the shape of army-controlled checkpoints. These
demands do not seem unreasonable, and it is understandable why the HDT feels
slighted by the authorities’ failure to deliver. This is a regrettable situation that
must be remedied at the earliest. In a region wreaked by violence, the HDT has
offered the state a chance to demonstrate that politics can be a viable medium
through which solutions can be found for the problems faced by the Baloch
people. Both the caretaker prime minister and the interior minister hail from the
province. They are expected to demonstrate a greater responsibility towards its
welfare. They should do everything in their power to prevent what has so far
remained a legitimate political movement from turning into yet another armed
struggle against the state.
96
More desecration
THE far right, particularly in Europe, has been carrying out a sustained campaign
of desecrating Islam’s holiest symbols.
Over the past few months, there have been numerous instances where the Holy
Quran has either been burnt or desecrated in European states.
While earlier instances occurred mostly in Sweden and Denmark, the latest
outrage took place in the Netherlands on Sept 23, when the leader of the Dutch
wing of Pegida, a notorious pan-European hate group, desecrated the Holy Book
outside a number of Muslim embassies.
These included the missions of Pakistan, Turkiye and Indonesia. Before the
Quran burnings, there was a wave of offensive caricatures, and if one is to travel
back in time, there were Orientalist tropes demeaning Islam and its sacred
figures in the name of ‘scholarship’.
Clearly, these attacks on the Islamic faith are not motivated by an attachment to
free speech, but by raw hatred. It should be noted that many of the hatemongers
involved in these heinous acts belong to the same violent white nationalist
ideological spectrum that spawned the killers who massacred Muslims in
Christchurch, Oslo and Montreal.
Islamophobia is, therefore, not about intellectual notions of free speech, but
about condoning and advocating real-world violence against Muslims. And it is
not just Western extremists who use Islamophobia to target Muslims; the Sangh
Parivar in India has been indulging in anti-Muslim violence for decades, now
apparently with the state’s blessings.
But one positive development in this regard was witnessed at the UN General
Assembly last week, where leaders from the Muslim world — showing rare unity
— spoke with one voice to condemn Islamophobia.
Turkish President Recep Erdogan said “a plague” of racism was afflicting the
West, while Iran’s President Ebrahim Raisi commented that the acts of
97
desecration were “not worthy of human dignity”. Pakistan has also consistently
spoken up against Islamophobia at global forums.
Beyond condemnation, practical steps are needed, particularly in the states

where repeated acts of desecration have occurred, to put an end to these
provocations.
Both Denmark and Sweden are reportedly considering banning the desecration
of religious texts on security grounds. These steps should help curb this menace
and need to be ratified at the earliest.
Just as Europe has taken a consistent approach against anti-Semitism — after

millions of Jews were massacred on European soil over six decades ago — so
too must Western states take a firm stand against Islamophobia. Just as
questioning the Holocaust is a crime in many Western states, similarly, acts of
hatred targeting Islam or any other religion must be outlawed.
A new compact is needed between civilisations based on mutual respect and

tolerance. This cannot be achieved if the most sacred symbols of one of the
world’s largest faiths are constantly attacked and desecrated.
Kandhkot tragedy
THE tragic incident that unfolded yesterday in Sindh’s Kandhkot tehsil, leading to
the deaths of at least nine people, serves as a grim reminder of the hazards
lurking in our surroundings. The explosion, reportedly caused by ‘rocket launcher’
ordnance, raises several questions that demand immediate answers. For one:
how did such a deadly warhead end up in the area? It is concerning enough that
in Pakistan’s tribal districts, children routinely fall victim to unexploded ordnances
— a dark inheritance of past conflicts — but for this to occur in Sindh points to a
larger issue that goes beyond the mere remnants of war. The incident
underscores the need to ramp up the ongoing police and Rangers operation
against armed gangs that have long plagued upper Sindh. The presence of such
explosives suggests an escalation in the firepower available to criminal elements.
This is why it is imperative that our law-enforcement agencies not only work
98
towards apprehending these gangs but also ensure that such armament doesn’t
end up in the wrong hands.
The nation must also reflect. While much effort has gone into combating
terrorism and security has been placed in flashpoint areas, latent threats posed
by unexploded ordnances must not be overlooked. The safety of our citizens,
especially children, is paramount, and so, mechanisms must be instituted to
identify and safely dispose of such hazards. It is high time that the provincial and
federal governments collaborated more closely on security matters. No longer
must armament from conflicts wreak havoc on our communities. We owe it to the
victims in Kandhkot and countless others across the country, to ensure that no
more lives are lost to such avoidable tragedies. The onus is now on our
authorities to not only determine the source of the ordnance but to bring the
culprits involved in its procurement to justice. Our citizens deserve answers. And
above all, safety, in their own land.
Israeli normalisation
OVER the past few weeks, there have been many reports prophesising the
impending normalisation of ties between Saudi Arabia and Israel. If this
development comes to pass, it would be a monumental shift in global geopolitics:
the keeper of Islam’s holiest sites would be establishing ties with a state widely
viewed across the Muslim world as an occupying power that has smothered the
Palestinian people for decades. The Americans are certainly working overtime to
make it happen, as President Joe Biden would love to use a peace deal as a
trophy in international statesmanship he can flaunt come election time in the US
next year. While covert Saudi-Israeli relations were reportedly being cultivated for
years — apparently due to a common enemy in the shape of Iran — today
normalisation efforts are very much in the open. Mohammed bin Salman, the de
facto Saudi ruler, told a US network that normalisation was moving forward
“every day”, while Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu said at the UN
General Assembly that Tel Aviv was “at the cusp” of peace with the Saudis.
Moreover, Israel’s tourism minister landed in Saudi Arabia on Tuesday to attend
a UN event — the first time an Israeli minister has led an official delegation to the
99
kingdom. At the same time, a Saudi delegation was in Ramallah to assure the
Palestinians they had not been abandoned.
Proponents of Saudi-Israeli peace say a deal will result in a new age of

brotherhood where Arab and Jews will live in amity, and that critics of the move
are merely malcontents frozen in time. However, a cursory glance at Arab-Israeli
relations over the past three decades paints a different picture. The Oslo Accords
of 1993 were supposed to spell the beginning of the end of the conflict, paving
the way for Palestinian statehood. But today, the Oslo framework lies in tatters,
with the occupation strengthened, and the Palestinian people still chafing under
the Israeli stranglehold. Will a Saudi-Israeli deal promise a viable Palestinian
state, with a guaranteed right of return, no more settlements and East Jerusalem
as its capital? This would be nothing less than a diplomatic miracle. If the Saudis
can pull it off, hats off to them. But history points to a darker reality — that the
Palestinian nightmare will likely continue, as their Arab ‘brothers’ make peace
with their tormentors.
Accruing more debt

THE government has issued new debt of over Rs2.5tr during the first three
months of the current financial year to finance its burgeoning fiscal deficit — the
gap between its revenues and expenditures — according to new estimates of a
Karachi-based brokerage firm.
The new borrowing is nearly 57pc of the total debt of Rs4.4tr it had auctioned
during FY23. The issuance of additional debt underlines the government’s
shrinking tax and other revenues, increased spending and growing reliance on
domestic sources to fund its budgeted expenditures as external financing dries
up.
External financing shrank to its seven-month low of $316m in August.

Cumulatively, Islamabad secured external financing of $3.2bn in July and
August, which also includes Saudi deposits of $2bn and a guaranteed loan of
$508m for the PAF.
100
This shows that expectations that multilateral and bilateral partners would allow
their coffers to flow to help Pakistan’s distressed economy, following the IMF’s
nod to the Stand-by Arrangement, were very exaggerated.
The government is also facing difficulties in securing $6bn through commercial

loans and has dollar bond issues. Chances of achieving the budgeted external
financing target of $17.6bn for its expenditures and of meeting its foreign debt
and other payments are slim.
Last year, the government was able to obtain $10.8bn in external financing and
had to impose strict restrictions on imports and even on legitimate dollar outflows
to avoid defaulting.
The centre has been running a large, unsustainable fiscal deficit of around 7pc of
GDP for the last many years, which is the main reason for the accumulation of its
huge domestic and foreign public debt, external sector fragility and inflation.
The pace of debt accumulation has picked up in recent years. This is especially
true for domestic public debt, which has grown to around Rs39tr from over
Rs30tr a year ago, because of reduced external inflows. Successive
governments have tried to justify the worsening fiscal imbalance on the basis of
economic development targets.
But these excuses are used only to mask the reality. The fact is that we are in the
midst of the worst and longest economic crisis in our history because of the
lavish lifestyles of powerful interests at the expense of the people and the well-
being of the economy.
The World Bank’s country chief had alluded to this a few days back when he
pointed fingers at the country’s military, business and political elites for the
economic mess we are struggling to resolve today.
Pakistan is facing an existential crisis that has severely impacted the majority of
its citizens, especially the low- and middle-income segments and small
businesses.
101
Mounting debt and dwindling foreign exchange reserves are two of our biggest
challenges, which, without immediate fiscal reform, could lead to total economic
collapse.
Playing in India
WITH visa issues resolved, and after slight alterations in travel plans, Pakistan’s
cricket team finally touched down in India on Wednesday night ahead of the
World Cup.
There were smiles and cheers as Babar Azam’s men landed in Hyderabad amid
tight security as Pakistan began their first visit to India since 2016. Crowds had
gathered to welcome the team, with fans chanting Babar’s name, but they were
prevented by police from getting close to the players.
Security for the team will be tight throughout the seven-week World Cup, mainly
due to the tense political relations between the neighbours. The team was issued
visas only after the Pakistan Cricket Board complained to the International
Cricket Council about an “extraordinary delay” in getting clearance from India.
The delay, it said, had disrupted the team’s preparations for the quadrennial
showpiece. For security reasons, Pakistan’s first warm-up match against New
Zealand, scheduled for today, will be held behind closed doors as it clashes with
a Hindu festival, which will see large crowds gather in Hyderabad. Pakistan’s
second warm-up is against Australia in the same city on Oct 3, before they start
their campaign against the Netherlands three days later, also in Hyderabad.
A few months ago, the team’s participation at the tournament was in doubt when
the PCB threatened to boycott the tournament following the Board of Cricket
Control in India’s attempt to prevent Pakistan from hosting the Asia Cup.
Having already stated that the Indian team couldn’t visit Pakistan, the BCCI was
reluctant to accept the hybrid model proposed by the PCB, which would see India
playing its matches at neutral venues. A compromise was reached, with Pakistan
hosting four out of 13 matches, and the rest being played in Sri Lanka.
102
PCB has fulfilled its part in sending the team to India and it is hoped that the
gesture will be reciprocated in two years’ time when Pakistan hosts the
Champions Trophy.
Published in Dawn, September 29th, 2023.
103

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CSS Notes, Books, MCQs, Magazines

The CSS Point, Pakistan’s The Best

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Published in Dawn, September 4th, 2023

IHK media’s siege

Published in Dawn, September 5th, 2023

The question, therefore, is: is there even a remote chance of a rapprochement in

Published in Dawn, September 5th, 2023

According to reports, action was sought against a religious leader belonging to

Published in Dawn, September 5th, 2023

Published in Dawn, September 6th, 2023

Denied health cover

Published in Dawn, September 6th, 2023

While speaking on Monday, interim Prime Minister Anwaar-ul-Haq Kakar said

For example, the country went through an excruciating period of uncertainty —

The international community, including our traditional allies, expects us to

Long-term economic policymaking is the responsibility of the next elected

Published in Dawn, September 6th, 2023

Published in Dawn, September 7th, 2023

Published in Dawn, September 7th, 2023

A ‘probe’ is ordered, lengthy reports are prepared and recommendations

However, no government — civil or military — has shown enough political will to

Published in Dawn, September 7th, 2023

‘ India that is Bharat’

Published in Dawn, September 8th, 2023

Meanwhile, the interim administration and security establishment should realise

Published in Dawn, September 8th, 2023

In a responsible government’s hands, such a sum could be utilised for immense

The caretaker government on Wednesday blamed the “jet-black integrity” of

management of power distribution companies, for facilitating this daylight robbery