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Explorations An Introduction To Astronomy 7th Edition Arny Solutions Manual
Explorations An Introduction To Astronomy 7th Edition Arny Solutions Manual
1. If Jupiter were closer to the Sun it would become hotter. The hydrogen and helium in the
atmosphere would move faster, causing some of it to be lost. With enough heating, it might
evaporate down to a rocky/iron body similar to, but larger than the Earth. [Consider the
implications of this idea, in the context of migrating planets].
2. Europa’s and Enceladus’s relatively crater-free surfaces imply that some process has
resurfaced them and destroyed old craters. One possibility is that liquid water has erupted
from their interiors and flooded parts of their surfaces, covering old craters, and then freezing
into a new solid surface.
3. Overall it would be a lot like having a comet in orbit. The average densities of Callisto and
Ganymede are 1.94 and 1.85 g/cm3, and Tethys and Dione, which appear in Figure 10.19 to
strongly resemble our Moon, have an average density even less (0.98 and 1.49 g/cm3). The
Moon’s average density is 3.34 g/cm3. The Moon is made of rock; the gas giant moons are
made largely of ices. If one were in orbit around the Earth, some of these ices would melt
from the combination of increased sunlight and also perhaps from tidal heating from
interaction with the Earth. Exactly how much melting would occur would depend in part on
how effectively the surfaces absorbed sunlight (the average temperature on the Moon is still
less than freezing) but once the process started, it would releasing methane, ammonia, and
water. Evaporated water, methane, and/or carbon dioxide if any formed or was present could
potentially form a thin atmosphere that could create a greenhouse effect to further melt the
surface and replenish the atmosphere. The surface features would disappear as the surface
melted, and some of the gases would be lost to space, much like a comet tail, which would be
quite a sight. The moons would show phases and cause tides similar to our Moon. With a
mass about twice that of the Moon, Ganymede would cause tides twice as strong at the same
distance. Callisto is only about 40% more massive than the Moon so its tides would be a little
stronger. Tethys and Dione each have about 1% as much mass as our Moon, so their tides
would be very weak (weaker, in fact, than the Sun’s). Over time, the objects would shrink as
their icy layers evaporated, leaving behind a much smaller rocky core.
Objects can survive inside the Roche limit if they are held together by a force other than their
own gravity. These moons would be expected to small and irregular, since if they were large
enough for gravity to smooth them into spheres, they would be subject to destruction by the
tidal forces. These bodies must be held together by the (chemical) strength of the rock or ice
that makes them up.
1
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Chapter 10 The Outer Planets
5. Titan’s features are similar in shape to those found on the Earth. More or less, material in
the atmosphere appears to “rain” out of clouds and drain across the surface, reshaping rocks
and forming rivers and lakes. Winds push the dunes around. The “volcanoes” erupt gases and
material which resurfaces the moon. However, all of this occurs at much lower temperatures
than for the terrestrial analogs. The rocks are made of very cold ice. At such temperatures, ice
is as hard as steel or rock on Earth. The liquid in the lakes is made of hydrocarbons—
ethane—not water (oxygen and hydrogen). Most different of all, the volcanoes do not erupt
hot, molten rock, but are eject more or less cold molten hydrocarbons and water (though they
are hotter than the surrounding surface and atmosphere). The “volcanoes” are more like
Earth’s geysers than its volcanoes.
6. The Earth’s sky is blue because small particles in the atmosphere scatter short wavelengths
of light (blue light) more effectively than they scatter longer wavelengths (red light). The
effect is most pronounced at sunset: the Sun appears reddish, because blue light is scattered
out of the line of sight, but the opposite side of the sky looks blue (scattered sunlight). The
situation is similar on Uranus, but the scattering particles are methane crystals, not dust, and
that causes an important difference. As seen from outside, ice crystals of methane in the
atmosphere scatter and reflect blue sunlight, making the atmosphere appear blue. However,
the ice crystals also strongly absorb the red photons, unlike the scattering particles in Earth’s
atmosphere. Whereas the Sun appears redder from the Earth’s surface because blue light is
scattered out of the line of sight, from deep in Uranus’ atmosphere, the Sun should actually
appear bluer than it would otherwise because the red photons have been absorbed. However, it
seems unlikely that one would be able to see the Sun itself through the methane-ice clouds
and haze. The scattering of blue light by the ice crystals suggests that at least in the upper
atmosphere, the sky would appear blue from inside as well—but again, hazy and cloud-filled.
7. Uranus’s moons orbit its equator. Though tilted the system is extremely regular. The
moons are made of more or less the same kinds of material as other gas giant moons (and gas
giants, minus the hydrogen and helium)—frozen volatiles and rock. Together these details
imply that, similar to how the Earth’s moon was formed, material that splashed out of Uranus
during a major collision coalesced into the orbiting moons. If the moons had formed prior to
the collision, tidal forces and the angular momentum of the Uranus-moon systems would have
opposed the forces in the collision trying to “tip” the planet (think of tilting a gyroscope).
Some of the moons might have been ejected and others could have irregular orbits. [However,
if Uranus was tipped slowly, through gravitational interaction with Saturn, the same tidal
forces might have helped also slowly tip the moons’ orbits.]
8. Uranus and Neptune are less massive than Jupiter and Saturn, and have lower escape
velocities. Even though these planets are colder, the lighter gases can still escape their weaker
gravitational fields.
9. Wind systems on the gas giants are driven by heat escaping from the interior; the bands
result from the planets’ rapid rotation and the Coriolis effect. Neptune, being more massive,
should have more internal heat than Uranus, but it is also farther from the Sun, so it is colder
at the surface. This large temperature difference drives the circulation more strongly than it
2
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Chapter 10 The Outer Planets
would be driven on Uranus. Uranus, being tipped, has disruptions to this kind of heat-flow
driven circulation because of its extreme seasons. It seems possible that Uranus might exhibit
atmospheric patterns more like the other gas giants during the parts of its orbit when one
hemisphere is not perpetually pointed at the Sun.
Answers to Problems
1. The time, t, it takes light to travel a distance, D, is t = D/c, where c is the speed of light, 3
5
× 10 km/s. Using the average distances from the Sun from the Appendix,
6 5 3
Jupiter: t = D/c = (778.3 × 10 km) / 3 × 10 km/s = 2.5 × 10 s = 42 minutes
6 5 3
Uranus: t = D/c = (2870 × 10 km) / 3 × 10 km/s = 9.6 × 10 s = 160 minutes
Since it would take twice this time to know if a command sent to a satellite was received and
acknowledged, clearly equipment sent to the outer solar system needs to be highly
automated—satellites could move pretty far off course just during the time to send and receive
one command! Likewise, manned missions would have to make time-sensitive decisions on
their own.
2. Again, we need to use t = D/v. This time the distance traveled is Jupiter’s circumference at
the equator; the time is the period of rotation.
Distance = circumference = 2πR = 2π × 71492km = 449197 km.
v = D/t = 449197 km / 9.9 hr = 45373 km/hr.
3. Let’s use Europa to calculate Jupiter’s mass using the moon’s orbital data. The modified
form of Kepler’s third law is M = 4d3/GP2 with M in kg, P in seconds and d in meters. For
3
Europa, d = 671 × 10 km and P = 3.55 days × 24 hr/day × 3600s/hr = 306,720 s.
M = 4d3/GP2
3 3 -11
= 4 (671 × 10 km × 10 m/km)3 / (6.67×10 m3kg-1s-2 × 3067202s2)
26
= 4 (×10 )/(6.27 kg-1)
27
= 1.9 × 10 kg
This is the same value as given in the Appendix for the mass of Jupiter.
4. There are several ways to solve this problem. First, through direct calculation:
3 26 29
Jupiter’s density, , is 1.33 g/cm . Saturn has a total mass of 5.68 × 10 kg = 5.68 × 10 g. If
Saturn was a sphere with Jupiter’s average density, the volume of that sphere would be
29 3 29 3
V = M/ = 5.68 × 10 g / (1.33 g/cm ) = 4.27 × 10 cm .
The radius of a sphere of this volume is:
3 29 3 3 9
r = [(3V/(4)] = [(3 × 4.27 × 10 cm /(4)] = 4.67 × 10 cm = 46,700 km.
Jupiter’s radius is 71,492 km, so Saturn’s radius would be about 65% as large. (Saturn’s
actual radius is 60,268 km, so it would be 77% the size it currently is.)
3
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Chapter 10 The Outer Planets
The answer can also be found by using proportional reasoning. If Saturn and Jupiter have the
same density, then the volume will depend only on the mass. The volume of a sphere grows as
radius cubed. The ratio of Saturn’s mass to Jupiter’s mass is
26 27 26 26
5.68 × 10 kg / (1.90 × 10 kg) = 5.68 × 10 kg / (19.0 × 10 kg)
= 5.68 / 19 = 0.2989.
Therefore, if Saturn had Jupiter’s density, it’s volume would be 0.2989 times the volume of
1/3
Jupiter, so the radius would be (0.2989) = 0.669 times the current radius of Jupiter, about
71,492 km × 0.669 = 47800 km.
Alternatively, one can start with the ratio of densities, with the ratio of Jupiter’s density to
3 3
Saturn’s being (1.33 g/cm )/(0.69 g/cm ) = 1.927. For Saturn to have the same density as
Jupiter, it would be 1.927 times the old density. Since Saturn’s mass is assumed to stay the
same, Vnew = Vorginal/1.927. Since V= 4/3r3, and volume depends on the cube of the radius,
rnew = roriginal/(1.927)1/3 = 0.804 roriginal. Thus, the new radius would be about 80 percent of
Saturn's current radius, or about 60,268 km × 0.804 = 48,500 km. This is 68% of Jupiter’s
radius.
The slightly different answers are the result of rounding and the way that the assumption that
Jupiter and Saturn are perfect spheres (which is not true) affects the individual calculations.
6. Calculate the period of Saturn’s inner and outer rings: a = 90,000 km and 136,000 km.
26
Saturn’s mass is 5.68 × 10 kg.
P2 = 4d3/(GM)
-11
= 4 (90000 × 1000 m)3 / (6.67×10 m3kg-1s-2 × 5.68×1026 kg)
8
= 2.418 × 10 s2
P = 15,550 s = 4.3 hours
P2 = 4d3/(GM)
-11
= 4 (136,000 × 1000 m)3 / (6.67×10 m3kg-1s-2 × 5.68×1026 kg)
9
= 2.62 × 10 s2
P = 51,197 s = 14.2 hours
The rings can’t be solid: all parts of a solid object have to have the same period or it would
shear apart.
4
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Chapter 10 The Outer Planets
The density is 1.66 g/cm3. This is a higher density than ice, indicating that in addition to icy
materials, Enceladus must have some silicates and possibly even some iron. The rock and/or
iron in Enceladus’ apparent composition may contain some radioactive isotopes that provide
some internal heat in the form of radioactive decay. This could provide the energy to create
tectonic activity on the surface, explaining areas of smooth terrain that apparently have been
(relatively) recently renewed.
10. Use the equation from Chapter 3 to find the surface gravity of Neptune. Insert Neptune’s
mass and radius from the appendix:
26
M = 1.02 × 10 kg. R = 24,764 km
gsurface = GM/R2
-11 26 3
= 6.67 × 10 m3 kg-1 s-2 × 1.02 × 10 kg / (24,764 km × 10 m/km)2
= 11.1 m/s2
This is pretty close to the surface gravity on the surface of the Earth (9.81 m/s2).
5
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CHAPTER II.
THE INVENTION OF PRINTING AND THE WORK OF THE
FIRST PRINTERS OF HOLLAND AND GERMANY.
1440-1528.
“
FOUR men, Gutenberg, Columbus, Luther, and Copernicus,
stand at the dividing line of the Middle Ages, and serve as boundary
stones marking the entrance of mankind into a higher and finer
epoch of its development.”[421]
It would be difficult to say which one of the four has made the
largest contribution to this development or has done the most to lift
up the spirit of mankind and to open for men the doors to the new
realms that were in readiness. The Genoese seaman and discoverer
opens new realms to our knowledge and imagination, leads Europe
from the narrow restrictions of the Middle Ages out into the vast
space of Western oceans, and in adding to the material realms
controlled by civilisation, widens still more largely the range of its
thought and fancy. The Reformer of Wittenberg, in breaking the
bonds which had chained the spirits of his fellow-men and in
securing for them again their rights as individual Christians,
conquers for them a spiritual realm and brings them into renewed
relations with their Creator. The great astronomer shatters, through
his discoveries, the fixed and petty conceptions of the universe
which had ruled the minds of mankind, and in bringing to them fresh
light on the nature and extent of created things, widens at the same
time their whole understanding of themselves and of duty. The
citizen of Mayence may claim to have unchained intelligence and
given to it wings. He utilised lead no longer as a death-bringing ball,
but in the form of life-quickening letters which were to bring before
thousands of minds the teachings of the world’s thinkers. Each one
of the four had his part in bringing to the world light, knowledge, and
development.
At the time when the art of printing finally took shape in the mind of
Gutenberg, the direction of literary and intellectual interests of
Germany rested, as we have seen, largely with Italy. The fact,
however, that the new art had its birthplace, not in Florence, which
was at that time the centre of the literary activities of Europe, but in
Mayence, heretofore a town which had hardly been connected at all
with literature, and the further fact that the printing-presses were
carrying on their work in Germany for nearly fifteen years before two
printers, themselves Germans, set up the first press in Italy,
exercised, of necessity, an important influence in inciting literary
activities throughout Germany and in the relations borne by
Germany to the scholarship of the world.
The details of the life and early work of Gutenberg are at best but
fragmentary, and have been a subject of much discussion. It is not
necessary, for the purpose of this treatise, to give detailed
consideration to the long series of controversies as to the respective
claims of Gutenberg of Mayence, of Koster of Haarlem, or of other
competitors, as to the measure of credit to be assigned to each in
the original discovery or of the practical development of the the
printing-press. It seems in any case evident that whatever minds
elsewhere were at that time puzzling over the same problem, it was
the good fortune of Gutenberg to make the first practical application
of the printing-press to the production of impressions from movable
type, while it was certainly from Mayence that the art spread
throughout the cities, first of Germany, and later of Italy and France.
It is to be borne in mind (and I speak here for the non-technical
reader) that, as indicated in the above reference, the distinction and
important part of the invention of Gutenberg was, not the production
of a press for the multiplication of impressions, but the use of
movable type and the preparation of the form from which the
impressions were struck off. The art of printing from blocks, since
classified as xylographic printing, had been practised in certain
quarters of Europe for fifty years or more before the time of
Gutenberg, and if Europe had had communication with China,
xylography might have been introduced four or five centuries earlier.
With the block-books, the essential thing was the illustrations, and
what text or letterpress accompanied these was usually limited to a
few explanatory or descriptive words engraved on the block, above,
beneath or around the picture. Occasionally, however, as in the Ars
Moriendi, there were entire pages of text engraved, like the designs,
on the solid block. The earlier engraving was done on hard wood,
but, later, copper was also employed. It is probable that the block-
books originated in the Netherlands, and it is certain that in such
towns as Bruges, Antwerp, and Amsterdam, the art was developed
more rapidly than elsewhere, so that during the first half of the
fifteenth century, the production of wood engravings and of books
made up of engravings (printed only on one side, and accompanied
by a few words of text), began to form an important article of trade.
The subjects of these designs were for the most part Biblical, or at
least religious. One of the earlier of the block-book publications and
probably the most characteristic specimen of the class, is the volume
known as the Biblia Pauperum. This was a close imitation of a
manuscript book that had for five or six centuries been popular as a
work of religious instruction. It had been composed about 850, by S.
Ausgarius, a monk of Corbie, who afterwards became Bishop of
Hamburg. The scriptorium established by him at Corbie was said to
have been the means of preserving from destruction a number of
classics, including the Annals of Tacitus.[422] The use, five centuries
later, as one of the first productions of the printing-press, of the
monk’s own composition, may be considered as a fitting
acknowledgement of the service thus rendered by him to the world’s
literature. Examples of manuscript copies of the Biblia Pauperum are
in existence in the Bibliothèque Nationale in Paris, in Munich, in the
British Museum, and elsewhere, and there is no difficulty in
comparing these with the printed copies produced in the
Netherlands, which are also represented in these collections.
It is probable that Laurence Koster of Haarlem, whose name is,
later, associated with printing from movable type, was himself an
engraver of block-books. Humphreys is, in fact, inclined to believe
that the first block-book edition of the Biblia Pauperum was actually
Koster’s work, basing this opinion on the similarity of the
compositions and of their arrangement to those of the Speculum
Humanæ Salvationis, which was the first work printed from movable
type, and the production of which is now generally credited to
Koster.[423] The Biblia Pauperum was printed from blocks in
Germany as late as 1475, but before that date an edition had been
printed from movable type by Pfister in Bamberg.
As has been pointed out by many of the writers on the subject, the
so-called invention of printing was not so much the result of an
individual inspiration, as the almost inevitable consequence of a long
series of experiments and of partial processes which had been
conducted in various places where the community was interesting
itself in the multiplication of literature.
If, as is probably the case, the first book printed from movable type
is to be credited to Koster, it remains none the less the case that
Gutenberg’s process must have been worked out for itself, and that
the German possessed, what the Hollander appears to have lacked,
not merely the persistence and the practical understanding required
to produce a single book, but the power to overcome obstacles and
to instruct others, and was thus able to establish the new art on a
lasting foundation.
The claims of the Hollanders under which Koster is to be regarded
as the first printer, or at least (bearing in mind the Chinese
precedents in the tenth century) the first European printer, from
movable type, claims which Humphreys accepts as well founded, are
in substance as follows: Laurence Koster was born, somewhere in
Holland, about 1370, and died in Haarlem about 1440. He is
believed to have made his first experiments with movable wooden
types about 1426, and to have worked with metal types about ten
years later. The principal of the earlier authorities concerning
Koster’s career is a certain Hadrian Junius, who completed, in 1569,
a history of Holland, which was published in 1588. He speaks of
Koster as being a man of an honourable family, in which the office of
Sacristan (custos, Coster or Koster) was hereditary, and he
describes in detail the development of the invention of type, from the
cutting of pieces of beech-bark into the form of letters, to the final
production of the metal fonts. Junius goes on to relate the method
under which Koster’s first book (from type), Speculum Humanæ
Salvationis, was printed, in 1430. This book, the origin of which is not
known, had for many years been popular among the Benedictines,
and few of their monasteries were without a copy. As a result of this
popularity, many examples of the manuscript copies have been
preserved, some of which are in the Arundel collection in the British
Museum. Zani says that the Speculum was compiled for the
assistance of poor preachers, and in support of this view he quotes
certain lines, which may serve also as an example of Latinity and of
the general style: