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Jodhpur Chapter 2023

UNSC
United Nations Security Council

BACKGROUND GUIDE
LETTER FROM THE EXECUTIVE BOARD

Honourable delegates, honourable presidents of the Security Council, We the executive board
have immense pleasure in accomplishing the role of the moderators of the security council. In
fact, we are massively honoured to be with you, future diplomats, future negotiators, who will,
not only promote human rights, but also the quality of international relations and
communication. Before all, you might certainly be questioning why we chose to simulate this
committee, and that is why I am going to answer you right away. All humans have the right to
live and live in peace, therefore we found it tremendously necessary to treat the conflicts in
Ukraine could not have some time of stability for decades. With this humble study guide, I will
try to direct your research about the Ukrainian conflicts and give you the most important
highlights about this topic. In this guide, we will give you inquiries about the Security Council,
as well as the principal themes and essential points that should figure out in the resolution
paper. Note that this study guide is not the only source of information, and you should
strengthen your knowledge about the topic and get into the position of the country you are
representing. Please reach out to us in case of any question, we are counting on you, your
curiosity and your participation. Have faith in yourselves,
Yours,

Shreyansh Bhandawat

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INTRODUCTION

The current situation between the Russian Federation and the state of Ukraine has reached a
major tipping point as Russian troops are now pouring over the borders of Russia as well as
Belarus. Satellite Imagery has shown a massive build-up of the military might of the Russian
Federation. The situation in Ukraine has reached dire straits as President Volodymyr Zelensky
has been forced to install martial law due to the impending savage attacks on Kyiv and other
major Ukrainian cities such as Kharkiv, Odessa, and Mariupol. Although the Ukrainian forces
are withholding the onslaught of attacks from Russian forces it is becoming increasingly clear
that it is only a matter of time before Russian troops break through the Ukrainian defences. In
order to bolster the Ukrainian defence, Zelensky has declared that all men within Ukraine aged
18 to 65 are now members of the Ukrainian military. Beyond an increase in manpower, Ukraine
has also begun receiving arms shipments from various countries around the world in particular
the Baltic States as well as the United States and the United Kingdom. These arms
consignments are mostly consisting of the man-portable air-defence (MANPAD) launcher the
Stinger as well as the next generation anti-tank launcher the NLAW. Germany along with
Finland and Sweden have dispatched thousands of Javelin missile launchers, the most efficient
anti-tank launchers in the world. As shipments from around the world continue to pour into
Ukraine, evidence of the impact that these weapons have had on the defensive effort can be
widely seen as burned-out carcasses of tanks and armoured Russian vehicles litter battlefields
across the country.1

Committee Specific Rules of Procedure


The UNSC holds the power to deploy and control the UN peacekeeping forces which consists
of military personnel from donner states (member states), this enables the council to act based
on the resolution passed in the committee or a consensus among the members. A draft
resolution is a document which consists of preambulatory and operative clauses, these clauses
are decided in the committee by the members and are enforceable after the resolution passes.
Member states after going through a deliberate discussion discuss on the points which are to
be included in the resolution and those points are based on the discussions which take place in
the council. During the vote the 5 permanent members hold the Veto power which enables
them to fail the resolution with a single vote. The veto is used to fail resolution which are one
sided or are targeted towards a particular member. It may also be used if the resolution goes
beyond the scope of accommodation if a member state.

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Reference taken from: https://www.mun.bme.hu/wp-content/uploads/2019/03/BG_UNSC.pdf

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The council will follow the UNA-USA rules of procedures, which will be discussed and
explained in the initiation, prior to the start of the debate/discussion but it is highly advised to
go through the nuances of the rules prior to the conference.
Delegates are also welcome to utilize any of the following as resolutions:

Peacekeeping Operations: If the council deems it necessary they do have the command of a
physical military force. Most implementations of peacekeeping operations do not involve direct
contact but are focused on carrying out the diplomatic mission.
Create Policy: Resolutions can include new policy for the UN, including responses from other
organs on the issue at hand.
Official Requests: If the council decides they need more information on something or to
interview someone, they can make requests to carry out investigations or to summon some
representative.
Sanctions and Embargoes: The council can use economic powers as leverage in getting a
county to conform to the expectations of the UN. 2

*it is advised that the committee should not come to a stalemate which leads to the use of the
veto by any of the P5 members, but if deemed necessary veto will be applicable under the
condition that the member using the veto has to explain the chair and the committee to justify
their vote.

I. Key Terms
a. UN Charter: Signed on June 26, 1945, the Charter of the United Nations is the
foundational treaty of the United Nations intergovernmental organization.
b. Veto Power: Is the defined authority of the P-5 to eliminate any draft resolution on the
floor of the UNSC with one vote against. Considering that this is a United Nations Security
Council, the veto power will be effect however, each P5 country (United States, United
Kingdom, France, China, and the Russian Federation) will only be allowed to utilize their
veto power once per committee session to allow for a productive flow of debate.
c. Permanent Member: The five member states who have been given status of consistent
membership within the UNSC.
d. Non-Permanent Member: Pursuant to Article 23 of the UN Charter, ten of the 15
Council members are elected by the General Assembly for two-year terms on the Security
Council.
e. Sanctions: Sanctions are enforcement mechanisms utilized by the security council in
order to further their goals. They can take the form of economic sanctions, arms embargoes,
travel bans, etc.

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Reference taken from :
https://www.canyons.edu/_resources/documents/academics/politicalscience/SpecializedBodyBackgroundGui
de.pdf

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f. Security Council: One of the principal organs of the UN, the Security Council has
primary responsibility under the UN Charter for the maintenance of international peace and
security.
g. Peacekeeping Missions: UN peacekeeping missions are mandated by the Security
Council to provide security and political and peacebuilding support to countries in conflict
or post-conflict situations. They are guided by the principles of consent of the host country,
impartiality, and non-use of force except in self-defence, defence of the mandate or
protection of civilians if so authorized by the Council.

Research points in modern history for better understanding of the Ukrainian


History and its consequences:

Natural gas crisis: The background is a long-running dispute between Russia and Ukraine in
terms of gas relationships over two things: One is over the price that Ukraine pays, and the
second is over debt that Ukraine owes Russia for gas shipments in the past that it hasn’t paid
for. There’s also a political subtext because Ukraine, since 2004, has had a government that is
interested in pursuing integration with Euro-Atlantic institutions, including NATO.

Why is gas so important?

Ukraine, until the current crisis, relied on Russia for half its gas supplies. Some EU member
states such as Slovakia take all their gas from Russia. In total, Russia supplies 23% of the EU's
gas. Russia's supply lines run through Ukraine to several EU countries and as much as 70% of
its gas to the EU is carried through those pipes. So, while Russia has in recent years tried to
bypass Ukraine, with the Nord Stream and South Stream projects, the two countries are, for
now, inextricably linked.3
Ukraine now: Crisis: The current crisis erupted in March 2014, when Russian special forces
occupied Ukraine's Crimean Peninsula. Russia claimed it was protecting its port access to the
Black Sea. Russian President Vladimir Putin Ukraine had planned to develop Crimea's natural
gas reserves in two years in a partnership with U.S. companies. If Ukraine had accomplished
this, Russia would have lost one of its largest customers. Between 2014 and 2018, a military
conflict between Ukrainian soldiers and Russian-backed separatists has continued in eastern
Ukraine. More than 10,000 people have been killed.

Crimea annexation: On November 25, 2018, Russian ships attacked and boarded three
Ukrainian vessels in the Crimean port of Azov near the Black Sea. It placed a freighter to block
the port. It said Ukraine has violated Russian waters. The two sides signed an agreement in
2003 to guarantee free passage through the strait. In recent months, they've been harassing each
other’s ships. Critics at the United Nations Security Council meeting said Russia's attack was

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Reference taken from - https://www.iea.org/topics/russias-war-on-ukraine

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a violation under international law. The North Atlantic Treaty Organization increased its
military presence in the area. 4

Why Ukraine Is So Important to Putin:

Putin's standoff over Ukraine boosted his popularity rating in Russia to 80 percent. To maintain
this popularity, he will continue to hold onto Ukraine despite the cost. For example, it would
cost Russia more than $20 billion through 2020 to integrate Crimea. Putin knows that NATO
won't protect Ukraine since it is not a member. That emboldens him to continue to attack.
Ukraine had been the second-most important contributor to the former Soviet Union's
economy. It provided one-fourth of Soviet agricultural output. It supplied heavy industrial
equipment and raw materials to industrial sites throughout the former USSR. Crimea
Annexation: Between February and March 2014, the Crimean Peninsula was annexed from
Ukraine by the Russian Federation and since then has been administered as two Russian federal
subjects— the Republic of Crimea and the federal city of Sevastopol.

• The frozen conflicts in Donetsk and Luhansk

• Government approaches to increase the economic growth

• Taxation

• Ukraine’s emerging technological ecosystem

Past Actions taken by the UN: As of March 1, 2014, the UN Security Council has not passed
any goals to uphold harmony in the zone. To suit the current conditions that win in the area,
the UN Security Council is in discusses a conceivable goal that will reaffirm Ukraine's sway.
Notwithstanding, Russia is expected to veto this goal. What will be progressively critical will
be the position taken by alternate countries, especially China in the life span of the precepts of
this inevitable goal. The UN Security Council has just assembled for a crisis meeting with the
motivation being explicit to the Crimean district to elucidate the positions that distinctive
governments have had. The UN Charter gives the Security Council the ability to make
reasonable move in an occasion that tranquillity of a region is undermined, and ensuing
gatherings and goals should consider all that is occurring in the region, with the point of a few
positive and unequivocal move being made to maintain a strategic distance from any further
military or regular citizen setbacks.

Recent Developments: Since October of 2021, tensions between Ukraine and Russia began to
escalate once again. On October 11, 2021, the Russian Deputy Chairman of the Security
Council stated that Ukraine was becoming a vassal to the West and that it would be of no use
to negotiate with the Ukrainian government. He described the Ukrainian leadership as “weak”,
“ignorant”, and “unreliable”. This was the first wake-up call to the world that Russia was not
willing to work out the border crisis diplomatically. On November 13, 2021, Ukrainian

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Reference taken from- https://currentaffairs.adda247.com/ukraine-and-russia-conflict-explained/

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president Volodymyr Zelensky announced that Russia had deployed around as many as
100,000 troops on the Ukrainian border, which surpassed the United States’ estimate of 70,000.
The Ukrainian Minister of Defence warned on December 3rd that there was a very high
probability of a “large-scale escalation” from Russia. Similar reports from US intelligence
warned that there could be military action from Russia as early as the first few months of 2022.
Russia has been setting up its military in strategic locations and quantities since October. This
process is often called the Second Russian military build-up. US intelligence indicates that the
100,000 troops stationed on the border could be doubled in “relatively short order”. In addition
to the stationed troops, satellite photos have found Russian military technology, such as
selfpropelled guns, battle tanks, and infantry fighting vehicles on the move as close as 300 km
from the Ukrainian border.5

As of January 22, 2022, the estimates of Russian troops ready to move into Ukraine sits at
about 127,000, including about 21,000 air and sea military personnel. The Russian army is not
the only threat to Ukraine's safety. In addition to official Russian personnel, there are about
35,000 Russian-supported separatist forces that currently control the Ukrainian regions of
Donetsk and Luhansk. Many military bases also sit in the West of Ukraine. One of the most
strategic locations for Russia is Crimea, where tens of thousands of troops are stationed in its
naval base. Russia has also sent an unspecified amount of troops to bordering Belarus, and even
though the official reason for this transfer is not related to Ukraine, many speculate these troops
could be used to attack Ukraine from the North. All of this put together means that Russia has
hundreds of thousands of troops ready to be deployed into Ukraine from all directions,
including within Ukraine. International attempts at diplomacy and warnings have also been
present during this time period. US President Joe Biden predicted that there was a possibility
of Russia invading Ukraine, but that Russian President Vladimir Putin would pay a “serious
and dear price” if that were to happen. This statement was met with controversy as Biden also
mentioned that if there were to be a “minor incursion”, they would be unsure as to what the US
government would react with. This primarily unsettled Ukraine, as it implied that if there was
only a small amount of troops invading Ukraine there would be no serious reaction from the
United States. The US government later clarified this statement by saying that if any troops
were to invade Ukrainian territory, there would be decisive economic actions. Even though this
clarified some doubts, it also left a major question unanswered; if the US government would
react with force towards a “minor incursion” as opposed to economic and financial sanctions.
Further attempts at diplomacy were held on January 21, where US Secretary of State Antony
Blinken met with Russian Secretary of State Sergey Lavrov and held talks in Geneva about the
crisis. The US demanded Russia remove the troops from the border, but not much progress was
made. Russia claimed that it was planning no attack on Ukraine and urged Western European
countries not to admit Ukraine into NATO. In addition, Russia also demanded NATO troops
be removed from Romania and Bulgaria.6

5
Reference taken from :
https://resources.finalsite.net/images/v1645415603/asf/lw08dpfdys4jzocxskns/SCASFMUN2022BG.pdf
6
Reference taken from :https://www.reuters.com/world/ukrainian-forces-cling-onto-besieged-city-
chinapressed-help-end-war-2023-04-07/

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Questions to Consider:

1. Russia has stated multiple times that it does not intend to launch an invasion on Ukraine.
How should countries react to this statement? Should countries trust Russia when claiming
peace?

2. Countries in Eastern Europe such as Bulgaria and Belarus often differ heavily on
stances in this crisis. What is the role of ex-Soviet countries and Eastern European countries in
swaying the situation towards one side or another?

3. How might your country’s economic, military or geographic situation affect its ability
to take direct and decisive action?

4. At what point, if at any point, does diplomacy become obsolete when negotiating this
crisis and what should be done when this moment is reached?

5. What are effective ways that the UN Security Council can utilize funds and resources
to provide aid to those whose basic human rights are being violated?

6. Are economic sanctions effective or are they inadvertently financially crippling to


innocent civilians within Russia who may not support the conflict?

7. How can the UN Security Council work with pre-existing international bodies, such as
NATO, to take a holistic approach to the conflict between Russia and Ukraine?

8. Should the UN Security Council advise that neighbouring nations as well as the global
west not intervene militarily in the conflict?

9. Should the UN Security Council consider doing away with the Permanent Five
members and the Veto Power?

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Key Players

● Bulgaria: After the Russian annexation of the Crimean Peninsula during February and
March of 2014, Bulgarian President Rosen Plevneliev was quick to issue a statement. On
March 1st of that same year, he publicly declared that "Bulgaria is for preserving the
sovereignty, the territorial integrity and the democratic future of Ukraine". President Plevneliev
further expressed the urgency with which provocative actions that could result in "irreparable
consequences not only for the region, but also for the international order" should be halted at
once, given that the illegal presence of Russian forces within the sovereign state that is Ukraine
“raises serious concern". After the approval of Russian armed forces in Crimea by the Russian
Parliament, President Plevneliev responded with a statement that reiterated the fact that "[t]he
usage of military force to occupy foreign territories is in violation of the rules of international
law". He then urged the United Nations Security Council and the signatories of the Budapest
Memorandum on Security Assurances to see through a solution that prioritizes international
order, including the avoidance of measures that might intensify tensions both with Russia and
the people of Crimea. In his words, "the only lasting solution may be achieved by peaceful
means and if the territorial integrity and sovereignty of Ukraine is guaranteed".
● Canada: On that same March 1st, Canadian Prime Minister Harper reprimanded the
Russian Parliament’s decree, and two days later Foreign Minister Baird seconded the Prime
Minister’s disapproval by comparing Russia’s invasion to Nazi Germany’s occupation of the
Sudetenland in early October of 1938. Outside political discourse, the Canadian government
took serious measures against Russia by suspending all preparations for the 40th G8 summit
planned to be chaired by Russia, withdrawing from all types of military cooperation with
Russia, and requesting for all Russian military servicemen to leave the country in 24 hours.

● Czech Republic: After condemning the Russian invasion into Crimea, Czech Foreign
Minister Lubomír Zaorálek expressed his full support to guarantee the territory and sovereignty
of Ukraine. A month later, President Miloš Zeman called for the EU to impose serious
sanctions on Russia, considering the possibility that Ukraine is an entryway for Russia to
expand eastward.

● Republic of Estonia: While Estonia has condemned the invasion and annexation in the
same manner as all other NATO Member States, its stance is particularly different as, for the
longest time, remained skeptical on both the invasion itself and the efficiency of the already-
existing treaties that regulate nuclear proliferation.

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Bloc Positions7
Western Bloc (United States, United Kingdom, France)
The Western Bloc, primarily being made up of NATO members, is against the ongoing
conflict within Ukraine. Due to the nature of the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, and
the necessity for those that are members to fight a war against any one country that may
launch an attack on a member state, the Western Bloc is concerned with Russia pushing
further past Ukraine into the NATO member state of Poland. On the global stage Western
Countries namely those that are members of the P5 have taken a staunch adversarial stance
to the Russian Invasion of Ukraine.
Eastern Bloc (China)
With the Eastern Bloc consisting of both India and China the overall stance on the
conflict between Russia and Ukraine is one of neutrality. With both countries being involved
in diplomatic talks with members of the Kremlin, both countries have maintained a neutral
disposition on the conflict and have utilized the right of abstention when it comes to voting
on resolutions within Security Council meetings.
African Bloc
While some African nations, such as Ghana, Nigeria, and Kenya, have expressed their
condemnation of Russia’s actions in Ukraine, most African countries have largely remained
silent and neutral. In fact, over 23 African nations abstained on the vote to remove Russia
from the UN Human Rights Council, with other nine nations outright voting against it. This
can be traced to African countries’ strong relationship with Moscow, as the former USSR
came to the aid of many African nations during the Cold War. Countries in this bloc have
to consider their history with Russia, but also their relation to Western nations before taking
a stance on the conflict.
Arab League

Arab regions’ stance on the conflict has been inconsistent: Starting by failing to
condemn Russia’s actions and even signalling a pro-Russia stance in the early days of the
invasion, there was a shift from certain Arab nations - Namely, the United Arab Emirates,
Saudi Arabia, and Egypt - by taking part in the General Assembly’s condemnation of Russia.
Countries in the Arab League have strong ties to Western countries but heavily rely on food
supplies from Russia. As of April 12th, 2022, the Arab League has offered to mediate a
resolution to the Russia-Ukraine conflict, with food shortages in the Middle Eastern region
being a driving concern. Though nations in the Arab League have mostly remained neutral
in hopes of reaching a swift conclusion, countries in this bloc need to be wary of Arab
nations’ strong ties and partnerships with Western countries.
Russian Federation
With the Russian Federation being a nation that is granted the right to utilize a veto due
to its membership of the Permanent 5, as well as a member state involved in the conflict at
hand, the Russian Federation has taken a strong stance against those who seek to interfere
in what Russia views as a matter that should not involve the UN. Due to the strong stance

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Reference taken from :
https://www.gecmun.com/uploads/2/3/7/0/23702810/gecmun_ix_security_council_background_guide.pdf

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being adopted by the Russian Federation it is critical that diplomatic solutions be worked
towards rather than utilizing the veto power.

Ending Conflict and War: The Balance of Powers


Once international conflict is initiated, what ends it? In general, Conflict Behaviour
ends when a new balance of powers has been determined. The balancing of powers that we see
as Conflict Behaviour will not end until a balance is achieved; then, conflict ends. A new
balance is therefore a necessary and sufficient condition for termination.

More specifically, what constitutes this new balance of powers? First, it is a mutual
balance between the interests of the conflicting parties--between wants, desires; between goals
and intentions. It may be over something as abstract as what God a people will believe in; or
as concrete as whose flag will be raised over a specific, small island.
The conflict mutually communicates the relevant interests of each party and their
strength of purpose. A new balance then means that both parties better perceive their mutual
interests that were engaged in the conflict and are willing to live with whatever satisfaction of
interests that results from the confrontation.

Except in the case of the total victory of one side, conflicts end in some sort of implicit
or explicit compromise, where the costs of additional conflict no longer can be justified by the
interests involved.

This does not imply that the parties to a conflict are computing machines, weighing
explicit costs against articulated interests. Nothing so precise. Conflicts between states are
between systems of decision makers and bureaucratic organizations; psychological fields; and
societies and cultures as these enter into the perception and expectations of those people
involved. Emotion, jingoism, nationalism, ideology, hostility, and all, may be involved to some
degree. Nonetheless, there is some definition of the interests engaged, simply from the need of
leaders and rulers, bureaucratic organizations and groups, to define some specific goals; and
especially for more democratic states, the demands of internal groups that costs be justified.
And costs are weighed, not necessarily as an investor calculating the return in interests, but
more as a sense for proportionate costs given the aims.

But interests are only one element in a new balance. A second is the capabilities of each side
to continue to pursue the conflict and achieve their interests. Of great importance is the function
of the conflict in measuring these relative capabilities: what previously was ambiguous,
uncertain, is now clearer as a result of this reality-testing. The new balance of powers is also a
new, mutual realism about each party's capabilities to achieve the interests involved.
Sometimes this realism extends to an appreciation of one or another side's ability and
willingness to use naked force to bypass or overcome will of the other, as in the Soviet Union's
invasion, takeover, and absorption of Lithuania in 1940.

And third, the new balance is also a fresh, mutual appreciation of each other's wills (the
most elusive and ambiguous of psychological variables), or in the case of force, capabilities
and interests. The resolution and determination of each party to pursue its interests and its
capability to do so have now been made clear by the conflict.

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Except in the rare case of the use of force in international conflict to completely
overcome another's will, therefore, a new balance of powers is a psychological equilibrium in
the minds of the participants. It usually is not a relative inventory of military hardware and
personnel alone, with some ratio comprising the balance. Rather, a new balance of powers is a
mutual willingness to accept the outcome as a result of the mutually perceived interests,
capabilities and wills, and because of the expectation of the costs of further conflict.

There are no other necessary or sufficient causes of an end to conflict behaviour. We


can, however, discriminate several accelerating conditions for which evidence is available. The
following conditions facilitate, ease, and hasten the end of war:

• domestic opposition,
• consistent expectations of the outcome, shift in military
power, and ideological devaluation.
Domestic opposition to the pursuit of a war by a leadership has a number of aspects to
it. Public opinion may shift away from support. Interest groups may withdraw support and
directly agitate against the war. The opposition party may make ending the war a party
platform. And the leadership may be replaced by those with a more dovish outlook. The effect
of such processes on the ending of war was seen in the U.S. involvement in the Korean and
Vietnam wars, in France during the Algerian War of Independence, and in Great Britain during
the Suez War (1957).

A second accelerator of peace is the development of mutually consistent expectations


of the outcome of the war. When the reality of battle has brought both sides to expect the same
winner and loser, or a draw neither wants to alter (as in the Korean War), then an end should
be near. Wars begin in objective uncertainty over the balance of powers and in subjective
certainty of success. Battle proves one or both parties wrong about success and establishes the
outline of a new balance of powers.

Reference Links:

1. https://www.iea.org/topics/russias-war-on-ukraine
2. https://currentaffairs.adda247.com/ukraine-and-russia-conflict-explained/
3. https://www.consilium.europa.eu/en/meetings/international-summit/2022/11/1516/
4. https://www.crisisgroup.org/b8-united-states/ten-challenges-un-2022-2023
5. https://www.reuters.com/world/ukrainian-forces-cling-onto-besieged-city-
chinapressed-help-end-war-2023-04-07/

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