GUILLAUME POSTEL

ARCHIVES INTERNATIONALES D'HISTOIRE DES IDEES

INTERNATIONAL ARCHIVES OF THE HISTORY OF IDEAS

98

MARION L. KUNTZ
GUILLAUME POSTEL
Prophet of the Restitution of All Things
His Life and Thought

DIRECTORS: P. Dibon (Paris) and R. Popkin (Washington Univ. St. Louis)

Editoral Board: J. Aubin (Paris); J .F. Battail (Upsala); J. Collins (St. Louis Univ .); P. Costa bel
(Paris); A. Crombie (Oxford); I. Dambska (Cracow); H. de Ia Fontaine-Verwey (Amsterdam);
H. Gadamer (Heidelberg); H. Gouhier (Paris); T. Gregory (Rome); T.E. Jessop (Hull); W. Kirsop
(Melbourne); P.O. Kristeller (Columbia Univ.); Elisabeth Labrousse (Paris); A. Lossky (Los
Angeles); S. Lindroth (Upsala); J. Malarczyk (Lublin); J. Orcibal (Paris); l.S. Revaht (Paris);
Wolfgang ROd (Miinchen); J. Roger (Paris); H. Rowen (Rutgers Univ., N.J.); Ch.B. Schmitt
(Warburg Inst. London); J.P. Schobinger (Zurich); G. Sebba (Emory Univ., Atlanta); R. Shackle-
ton (Oxford); J. Tans (Groningen); G. Tonellit (Binghamton, N.Y.).
GUILLAUME POSTEL
Prophet of the Restitution of All Things
His Life and Thought

by

MARION L. KUNTZ

• 1981
SPRINGER-SCIENCE+BUSINESS MEDIA, B.V.
ISBN 978-90-481-8268-8 ISBN 978-94-017-1724-3 (eBook)
DOI 10.1007/978-94-017-1724-3

Copyright © 1981 by Springer Science+Business Media Dordrecht

Originally published by Martinus N ijhoff Publishers, The Hague in 1981

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in a retrieval system, or
transmitted in any form or by any means, mechanical, photocopying, recording, or otherwise, without
the prior written permission of the publisher,
Springer-Science+Business Media, B. V.
 GULJELMUS POSTELLUS.
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·

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~r·/sr'l'.ltJiJ.
A un uomo universale,
erudito e sapiente,
maestro dottissimo
e arnica caro
e sincero.
 TABLE OF CONTENTS

Preface - Paul Oskar Kristeller ix

General Preface xi
PART ONE: Viator
PART TWO: Comprehensor 69
PART THREE: Congregator 143
Bibliography 178
Appendix 234
Index 246
 PREFACE

Gui 11 aume Postel was undoubtedly one of the most remarkab 1e and
interesting scholars and thinkers of the sixteenth century. His know-
ledge of Hebrew and Arabic was rare among his contemporaries, as was his
study and use of the Rabbinical, Cabalistic and Islamic literature pre-
served in these languages. His attempt to harmonize Christian, Jewish
and Mbhammedan thought give him an important place in the history of re-
ligious tolerance, whereas his prophecies about a universal religion and
a universal monarchy seem to anticipate more recent ideas of a world
state and of general peace. In his prophecies, Postel assigned a unique
role to himself and to a pious 1 ady whom he met in Venice and whom he
lavishly praises in all his later writings. Admired and respected by
many contemporary scholars and princes in France, Italy and Germany, he
also aroused the suspicions of the religious and political authorities
of his time who considered him dangerous but mad and thus spared his
life, but confined him to a monastery for many years. His numerous writ-
ings survive in rare editions and manuscripts, and the later copies of
some of his works show that he continued to be read and to exercise much
influence down to the eighteenth century.
Marion Kuntz who has spent many years in the study of Postel's life
and writings presents us here with a detailed biography that is based on
a careful use of a 11 pertinent sources, i ncl udi ng many texts and docu-
ments that are unpublished, and many that were previously utilized or
even not known. She skillfully weaves his religious and political ideas
into the account of his life, and thus shows how these ideas, strange as
they may appear to us, developed almost naturally from his studies and
from his personal experiences. we are thus able to understand how Postel
X

and his work fit into the intellectual pattern of his period and
continued to exercise cons i derab 1e influence during the following two
centuries. In giving us a well documented and sympathetic interpretation
of Postel's life, thought and work, this monograph is a fitting tribute
to his memory on the fourth centenary of his death.

New York tlarch 14, 1981

Columbia University Paul Oskar Kristeller
 GENERAL PREFACE

Guillaume Postel first came to my attention about fifteen years ago

when I was pursuing research on Jean Bodin. In the Vatican Library I
discovered a reference to Postel in Antoine Tessier's additions to
Jacques-Auguste De Thou's life of Jean Bodin. Postel was an unfamiliar
name to me, but I soon discovered numerous books by Postel in the Vati-
can collections. MY research on Postel began at that moment.
The study of Guillaume Postel's life and thought seems at times to
be an overwhelming task because he left thousands of pages of his writ-
ings, those published and those still in manuscript, and because his
thought is complex and often obscure. One can easily become discouraged
by the bulk and difficulty of the Postellan corpus. However, one is
challenged by the many facets of Postel's ideas which become, as it
were, a crossroad for countless developments in Renaissance and Reforma-
tion Europe, and in Asia, which are reflected in later centuries.
Although I have become very familiar in the past fifteen years with
Postel and his many writings, there is still an elusive quality about
the man and his thought which frustrates and fa sci nates at the same
time. One thing is certain. He is never boring, and research on this
enigmatic and eccentric genius constantly leads one into ever-widening
areas of knowledge.
This study of Postel deals with his life and his thought, since it
is impossible to treat Postel historically without presenting the most
significant aspects of his philosophy. His life and his philosophy are
inextricably linked. A second book which treats in detail his philosophy
and its application to his religious, social, and political views is
completed and soon will be edited and published as a companion volume to
the present one.
XII

I have endeavored to present the facts of Postel's life as accu-

rately as possible and to reveal for the first time new information
about the mysterious woman in Venice whom he praised until his death as
the one in whom the spirit of Christ most fully dwelled. The two years
which Postel spent in Venice from 1547-1549 under the tutelage of his
Venetian Virgin were to influence all his subsequent ideas and actions.
Under her mystical guidance the prophetically-inclined philologist-
mathematician became a revolutionary-minded prophet. Pastels revolution,
however, was to be fought not with guns, but with reason and the mind
and heart of man. Postel was a mystic who emphasized reason. He found
the true God by turning inward to himse 1f and outward to the world of
nature. He was a Judaizer who proclaimed the Law and works of charity as
he reinterpreted the meaning of Christianity. Postel's emphasis upon man
and his ability to comprehend the world of nature, even God, enables one
to view him as a man of the period known as the Renaissance. On the
other hand, his earnest desire for a universal state and a universal re-
ligion, in which universal brotherhood would naturally flourish, and his
insistence upon good works as indications of true piety reveal ideas
which are compatible to the modern age.
I have made no attempt to trace all the numerous strands of thought
which come together in Postel's philosophy. If this had been my purpose,
I fear the reader would have no clear picture of Postel but only a com-
partmentalization of influences. Instead, I have tried to present the
life and thought of Postel synthetically. The second volume will treat
specific points introduced in the first. Although Postel's printed works
are numerous, one needs to study with care the unpublished documents in
order to obtain a more complete picture of the man and his thought. A
large part of this book reflects Postel ' s ideas which are revealed in
his manuscripts, most of which we have in his own handwriting. In all my
citations from Postel's manuscripts and books, as well as from other
sixteenth century documents, I have fo 11 owed the orthography of the
original texts. Lengthy citations in the footnotes from Postel's works
are presented as an aid to the reader, since many of the documents are
inaccessible.
For help in preparing this text am indebted to numerous individ-
uals. Mbnsignor Jose Ruysschaert, Vice-Prefect of the Biblioteca
 XIII

Apostolica Vaticana, has for many years made available for my research
the rare books and manuscripts in the Vatican Library, has answered
numerous questions, and has rendered countless services for which I am
deeply grateful; Dr. Giorgio Ferrari, former Director of the Biblioteca
M:trciana, Dr. Gian Albino Ravalli-Mldoni, Director, Biblioteca M:trciana,
and Dottoressa Dillon, Keeper of Minuscripts, Biblioteca Mirciana, have
been helpful to me over a long period of time. Signor Giuseppe Ellero,
Archivist, Istituzioni di Ricovero e di Educazione, Venice, has rendered
me the greatest help by providing me with archival information and
bibliography and also by locating countless documents for me in the
Archives of I.R.E. His help has been singularly valuable to me.
Signora Iolanda Pizzamano, of the Biblioteca del MJseo Civico
Correr, Dr. Ferruccio Zago, Director of the Archivio di Stato, Venice,
and Dottoressa Miria Francesca Tiepolo, Archivio di Stato, Venice, have
frequently aided me in my research. Thanks go also to the staff of the
Biblioteca Stampalia-Querini, Venice, for the use of rare materials and
to Professor Vittore Branca, Director, Fondazione Giorgio Cini, for the
use of books and manuscripts in the Biblioteca, Fondazione Giorgio Cini.
I am also indebted to Professor Piero Meldini, Director, Biblioteca Gam-
balunga, Rimini, for the use of rare manuscripts.
The Directors and the staffs of the Bibliotheque nationale, Biblio-
theque Mizarine, Bibliotheque l'Arsenal, and Bibliotheque Sainte-
Genevieve, Paris, the Bib 1 i otheque flejanes, Ai x-en-Provence, and the
Bibliotheque municipale de Dijon, have provided me access to rare docu-
ments, and they have been helpful in numerous respects, as has also been
Dr. Mirtin Steinmann, Universitatsbiblio thek, Basel.
In Germany my research has been greatly abetted by Dr, H. Deckert,
Landesbibliothek, Dresden; also by Dr. Eva Horvath, Staats und Univer-
s i tatsbi b1 i othek, Hamburg and by the staff of the Bayeri sche Staats-
bibliothek, M.lnich. Also Dr. C. L. Heesakkers and Dr. P. F. J. Obbema,
Keepers of Western Minuscripts, Leiden University Library, have kindly
provided me with microfilm and important information about Postel's rare
works. The Keeper of Minuscripts and Rare Books in The British Library,
London, and in St. John's College Library, Cambridge deserve my grati-
tude.
XIV

Librarians in the United States have also been very helpful, and I
owe thanks to the staffs of the Butler Library, Columbia University, the
Firestone Library, Princeton University, the Widener Library, Harvard
University, Beineke Library, Yale University, St. Pius X Library, St.
Louis University and Notre Dame University Library. The collections of
the New York Public Library have also proved to be very valuable for my
work. I owe also special thanks to Dr. John Tedeschi, The Newberry
Library, Chicago, Dr. 0. B. Hardison, The Folger Shakespeare Library,
Washington, D.C., and Dr. William Bond, Houghton Rare Book Library, Har-
vard University.
The staffs of the Wbodruff Library, Emory University and the Pullen
Library, Georgia State University, have assisted me with many details. I
am also indebeted to Dr. Channing Jeschke, Pitts Theological Library,
Emory University.
The early study on Postel by William Bouwsma and the numerous works
of Fran~oi s Secret have provided enlightenment and have been important
guides in my own research. I owe a great debt to Professor Richard
Popkin, who has constantly encouraged me in my work on Postel and who
has read all versions of this text, providing insights and suggestions
at every step. Professor Brian G. Armstrong has constantly encouraged me
and has provided me with insight into Reformation Theology. For our nu-
merous discussions and for his reading and suggestions on earlier drafts
of this book I am exceedingly grateful.
I a lso express my deep gratitude to Georgia State University for
its constant support of my research efforts and for making its excellent
and sophisticated computer equipment available in preparing a camera
ready copy of this book. Dean Clyde Faulkner and Assistant Dean Brian
Armstrong have spared no effort in assisting me to bring this book to
completion. They have not only made the computer facilities available
for 1ong periods of time but a 1 so have encouraged me in every way. For
them especially, I am very grateful and also for President Noah Langdale
Jr., Provost Willi am M. Suttles, and Vice-President Eli Zubay, who have
always supported me in my research and have demonstrated appreciation
for my scholarly pursuits.
t1f deep thanks also go to my husband, Paul Grimley Kuntz, who has
had f aith in me and has helped me by asking penetrating questions about
 XV

Postel's philosophy. To my able secretary, Miss Carolyn Inez Alexander,

who has typed all versions of this difficult text, and has edited and
prepared the camera ready copy with great attention to every detai 1 , I
am deeply grateful. I am also appreciative of the gracious cooperation
and technical skill provided by i'+"s . Miry Ann lootlite in preparing the
manuscript. l1f sons, Otto Alan and Charles Daniels, have always been a
great source of strength and encouragement.
The greatest influence on my work and the most profound source of
knowledge, cri ti ci sm, and wisdom for me has been and is Paul Oskar
Kristeller. To him I shall always be indebted for his inspiration, for
his academic excellence, and for his ~PE T n . His quest for truth has al-
ways been my guide and my ideal. To him I owe the greatest debt for his
vast erudition which he shares so freely with others. He has honored me
by his interest in my work, and for this I am not only grateful but
humble. He has supplied me with notations about manuscripts and rare
books; he has gently but firmly corrected my mistakes, which, if any re-
main, are to be attributed to me alone. Without his learned advice this
book would never have come to fruition.
To him especially, and to all who aided me in countless ways I am
deeply grateful.
~RION LEATHERS KUNTZ

Atlanta, Georgia
5 Mly. 1981:
Il compleanno di
mio figliolo
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 PART I

VIATOR (1510? - 1547)

Tout ce que le Ciel prend dedans sa couuerture

Fut contenu dedans vn si petit pourpris:
Tous lieux de terre et mer dessus vn globe escris,
Furent escris en luy d'vne visue escriture. 1

"But posterity will judge more clearly." 2 Thus Guillaume Postel

wrote to his publisher, Johannes Oporinus, in 1560. Postel's despair
stemmed in part from disagreements which he encountered with the Jesuits
and his condemnation by the Venetian Inquisition as a lunatic and madman
in 1555.3 Postel's relationship with the Jesuits and his condemnation

1These lines are part of a sonnet which concludes the biography of

Postel written by Andre Thevet, noted geographer, erudite, and friend of
Poste1• See below, note 8.
In a letter written from Brescia on August 25, 1560 Postel states:
"Et licet Amentiae sententia sim a Romanae Ecclesiae auctoritate multa-
tus, qua vna a He rode IESVS suo prima aduentu notari iudicariue ne sua
passio impediretur noluerat quantumuis veste alba fuisset illusus, spero
fore ut propediem saltern in hoc se ERRASSE fateatur quod et bis et ter
in id ipsum super me iudicauit, non solum quod contra Diuinas et humanas
leges fecerit toto quadrienio, eum quem stultum Amentemue iudicauerat
Carcere et sacra ostracismo supramultando, sed quod primam sententiam in
illum de Amentia intenderit. Sed iudicabit clarius posteritas." The Bri-
tish Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 118v. This document also appears in
Jan Kvacala, PosteUiana. UrkundHche Beitrage zur Geschichte der
Mystik im ReformationszeitaLter (Jurjew, 1915: Gedruckt bei c. Mattie-
sen) pp. 43-46.
Postel frequently expressed the hope that posterity would under-
stand him and his mission more accurately than his own century. Note
similar statements in The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 88;
Bibli~theque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. 112v.
The record of Postel's condemnation by the Venetian Inquisition is
found in Archivio di Stato, Venezia, Processi, Santo Uffizio, Buste 12
and 159. Postel's name also appears in the case against Vincenzo Val-
grisio, a bookseller whose shop near the Rialto Bridge contained hereti-
cal books, among which were those of Elias Pandochaeus, a pseudonym for
Postel. See Processi, Santo Uffizio, Busta 14.
2

by the Venetian Inquisition are examples of the paradoxical nature of

the man and his ideas.4 For example, although called mad by members of
the Jesuit order from whom he parted company in 1547, he considered him-
self a priest for life, and an unnamed Jesuit was with him on the day of
his death. 5 Although condemned by the Inquisitors of Venice, he

4 Postel's complicated relationship to the Jesuits will be discussed

below, pp. 17-22, 58-63. Theophilus Raynaudus, a Jesuit, indicates that
he considers Postel to be a man of two natures; see his Dissertatio de
sobria al.terivs sexvs frequentatione per sacros et religiosos homines
(Lvgdvni, 1653: Sumpti bus Michaelis Dvhan) p. 2, where he states: "Has
inter biformes imagines, et mysticos Centauros, hominem simul ac brutam
naturam praeferentes, repraesentatum venio Gulielmum Postellum, insignem
seculo superiore Doctorem; cuius primum ornamenta, tum probra atque de-
decora producam."
However, the Jesuits were less harsh in their judgments than
others. It was not until after the publication of Les Tr~s MerveiZ-
Zeuses Victoires des femmes in 1553 that Ignatius said: "Sopra i l
Postello, si e fatto intendere a quelli, che hanno cura della Inquisi-
tione, come sta in Padoa. A loro toccara providere secondo 1' officio
suo. Perche con effetto la dottrina sua nelle cose de la religione (se-
condo si vede per cose sue stampa te) e mol to mala et per questo fu
cacciato tanto tempo fa della casa nostra, dove stette in probatione,
non ce essendo ordine de ridurlo. Ben e vero che crediamo essere per
dominarle la pazia in lui, et co sa secondaria la mala dottrina, quale
pensiamo non proceda tanto de malitia quanto de mal cervello." Monu-
menta Ignatii I, 7, p. 507, cited by Fran~;ois Secret, "L 'Hermeneutique
de Postel," Archivio di FiZosofia, Umanesimo e Ermeneutica (Padova,
1963, no. 3) p. 94.
An interesting entry for the year 1545 appears in the Chronicle of
the Society of Jesus concerning Postel: "Inter caeteros quidam Guiliel-
mus Postellus, natione gallus, et eruditione (praesertim Mathematices et
linguarum multarum) satis clarus est ad probationem admissus. Sed cum
spiritu, ut ipsi videbatur, prophetiae, ut autem Ignatius et alii de So-
cietate judicabant, erroris multa sentiret, diceret ac scriberet, quae
nee vera, nee ad aedificationem et unionem cum Societate fovendam,
facere viderentur, frustra remediis multis tentatis, dimissum est."
Vita Ignatii LoioZae et rerum Societatis Jesus historia, auctore Joanne
Alphonso de Polanco, (Matriti, Excudebat typographorum Societas (1894)
sub patrocinio Sancti Francisci Salesii constituta) Tomus Primus (1491-
1549) PP• 148-149.
5 For example,
Pere des Billons, S. J., Nouveaux EcZaircissements
sur Za vie et Zes ouvrages de Gui Uaume PosteL (Liege, 1623: J. J.
Tutot) p. 9, says that he was shown by L'Abbe Salier a manuscript in
Postel's hand in which Postel said that he had been ordained a priest
among the Jesuits and that he "auroit desire a toujours vivre avec eux a
cause que leur maniere de proceder est la plus parfaite apres les
ap8tres, qui en fut au monde."
Postel's own interpretation of his priestly ordination and its du-
ration are clear: "... qu' a a cause que je suys prestre et de Papale
Autorite legitimement ordonne, ne sera jamais par quelque puyssance qui
 3

proclaimed that Venice was the city more beloved by God than any other
and that she had the most perfect magistrate of the whole world. 6
Although he was forever grieved by his condemnation, the judgment by the
Venetian Inquisitors that Postel was "non malus, sed amens," was
fortunate since a madman could not be condemned to death. 7
In his life and in his philosophy, Guillaume Postel epitomizes the
coincidence of opposites. He was born near the small village of Baren-
ton in the diocese of Avranches, in Normandy. 8 The date of his birth,

soit au monde solu ne delie ne mesme par may si ie vouloys." Bibliothe-

que nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fols. 110, llOv.
Professor Secret states that Postel was ordained as priest by
Filippo Archinto, Papal Vicar of Rome. See "L'Hermeneutique de Postel,"
Arehivio di Filosophia, Umanesimo e Ermeneutiea (Padova, 1963, no. 3),
P• 94.
Archinto admired Postel's knowledge of eastern languages, since the
Papal Vicar was also an Orientalist. Archinto was to play another impor-
tant role in Postel's life, as we shall see.
For statements written by an unnamed Jesuit on the day of Postel's
death, see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 23969, fols. 16-17; also
Fonds Dupuy 630, fol. 125.
6The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 246v.
7Postel says that his condemnation as madman made of him a non-
person: "Sed mei Iudices cognita mei animi sinceritate et promptissima
(postquam hora mea aduenerat) obedientia, me Amentiae damnare maluerunt
quam ex praesenti vita delere. Perculsus itaque isthac Amentiae senten-
tia, et extra numerum hominum positus, eo quod Amens reuera nullus est
in Regublica ...... The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 90v.
Among the biographies of Postel one should note the following:
Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et vies des hommes iZZustres Greez,
Latin et Payens (Paris, 1584) Livre VI, Chapt. 123, feuilles 588-590; La
Popeliniere, L'Histoire des histoires (Paris, 1599) pp. 443-448; Antoine
Du Verdier, Prosopographie ou description des hommes iZZustres (Lyon,
1604: Paul Frelon) Vol. III, pp. 2531-2532; Florimond de Raemond, L'His-
toire de la naissanee, progrez, et deeadenee de l'heresie (Raven, 1629)
Livre second, pp. 227-228; Paul Colomies, Gallia orientalis (The Hague,
1665) PP• 59-66; Isaac Bullart, Aeademie des seienees et des arts, eon-
tenant les vies, et les eloges historique des hommes iZZustres qui ont
exeelle en ees professions (Brusselle, 1695) pp. 297-299; Christian
Gottlieb Petzsch, Exereitatio historieo-theologie a de Gvilielmo Postello
(Lipsiae, 1704); Jean Pierre Niceron, M~moires pour servir ~ l'historie
des hommes illustres dans la r~publique des lettres (Paris, 1729) Tom.
VIII, PP• 295-356; Jaques George de Chaufepie, Nouveaux Dietionnaire
historique et eritique (Amsterdam, 1750) Vol. III, pp.215-236; C. Sal-
lier, "Eclaircissements sur l'histoire de Guillaume Postel," M~moires de
litterature tirez des registres de l'Aead~mie Royale des Inscriptions et
BeZZes-lettres, ,Vol. XV (Paris, 1743) pp. 809-816; Pere des Billons,
S.J., Nouveaux Eelaireissements sur la vie et les ouvrages de Guillaum
Postel (Liege, 1773); G. Weill, De GuZielmi PosteZZi vita et indole
4

however, is not as certain as the date of his death, since on September

6, 1581 in the Monastery of Saint Martin des Champs in Paris, his re-
flections and final words on this day of his death are documented. 9
His biographers disagree about the year of his birth, although
March 25, 1510 is commonly held to be the correct date. This calcula-
tion is based on the Testament of Postel which is dated December 2,
1567; in this document Postel says that on March 25 of that year he will
be fifty-seven years of age.10 Postel reconfirms his age in an unpub-
lished text written in his own hand in 1580 in which he speaks of having
lived almost seventy-one years.11 In what appears to be his final will,
dated 1581, there is no mention of the date of his birth. 12 His

(Paris, 1892); Jan Kva~ala, "Wilhelm Postell. Seine Geistesart und seine
Reformgedanken," Ar>chiv fur Refo:r>mationsgeschichte, Vols. IX (1911-1912)
PP• 285-330; XI (1914) PP• 200-227; XV (1918) PP• 157-203; William J.
Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi: The Career> and Thought of Cui Uaume PosteL
(1510-1581) (Cambridge, Mass., 1957: Harvard University Press); Abel Le-
franc, Histoire du CoLL~ge de France (Geneve, 1970: Slatkine Reprints),
pp. 184-201.
Postel refers to himself as Bar>entonius DoLeriensis on the title
page of De Or>iginibus seu de Hebraicae Linguae gentis antiquitate •••
(1538) and as Barentonius on his Lingvarvm duodecim characteribvs dif-
ferentivm aLphabetvm, intr>odvctio (1538). He also refers to the place of
his birth on the title page of De Foenicvm Liter>is ••• (1552).
Barenton is a small village in Normandy near Avranches. The house
in which Postel may have been born is located a few kilometers from Bar-
enton in the tiny hamlet of Dolerie. Part of this ancient house, with
later additions, still stands and is presently occupied by a farmer. An
ancient chapel where Postel is said to have worshipped is between Baren-
ton and Dolerie; one window of the chapel carries a portrait of Postel
in stained glass.
A contemporary of Postel, Teseo Ambrogio, calls Postel "AmboLateus
Doctor Medicinae "; L 'Abbe Joly glosses "AmboLateus" with "du pays
d'Avranches". See Fran~ois Secret, BibLioth~que d'Humanisme et Renais-
sance 23 (1961) p. 130.
Still remaining in manuscript is the lengthy study of Postel by
L'Abbe Joly, Vie de GuiLLaume PosteL, Bibliotheque municipale de Dijon,
ms. 1042MF. Uncited previously is a life of Postel written in Italian
and remaining in manuscript. See Biblioteca Marciana, Codices Italiani,
Cl. Xg, Cod. LXII, no. 6793.
See above, note 5.
10There were numerous testaments of Postel. See Fran~ois Secret,
BibLiographie des manuscrits de GuiLLaume PosteL (Geneve, 1970: Librai-
rie Droz) p. 77, note 7; also "Le Testament de 1522." BibLioth~que d'Hu-
manisme et Renaissance 21 (1959) pp. 458-459.
11 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 37; also note The
British Library, Sloane ms. 1412, fol. 229.
12 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fols. 118-119. This
 5

contemporary, Andre Thevet, noted geographer and friend of Postel, also

omits his birthday in his biography of Postel. Jacques Auguste de Thou,
without indicating the exact date of birth, states that he died on
September 6, 1581 and was almost a hundred years old. 13 Depending upon
the various sources, the date of birth ranges from 1475 to 1510; the
latter date is accepted by modern biographers. However, on the fly leaf
of the copy of Postel's Les Trl:s MerveiHeuses Victoires des femmes
which is in The British Library, there is a portrait of Postel which in-
dicates that he is depicted in the eighty-fifth year of his life.l 4
This engraving has been pasted on the fly leaf and bears signs of having
been trimmed; hence the portrait was probably placed in the book
sometime after its publication.15 This engraving indicates the
confusion over his age even in his own time, for if he was born in 1510,
he never reached the age of eighty-five.
Stories abound concerning his longevity. Antoine Du Verdier, a con-
temporary of Postel, states that Postel lived more than one hundred and
ten years without any signs of aging. He also states that after one of
Postel's voyages Postel's long grey beard had turned black, even to the
roots. 16 Du Verdier also notes that Postel told him that, although men

will has been published by Abel Lefranc, "La detention de Guill a ume Pos-
tel au prieure de Saint-Martin-des-Champs (1562-1581)," Annuaire BuHe-
tin de ta Soci~t~ de L'Histoire de France 28 (1891) pp. 229-230.
William Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi, p. 2., note 7, concludes that Postel's
birth can be c a lculated from this testament.
lJsee Monvmenta titteraria sive, obitus et eLogia doctorum virorum
(Londioi, 1611: excudebat Io. Norton) p. 217.
14 This edition was printed by Jehan Gueullart, Paris, 1553. The
statement reads: "GviHeLmvs PosteLLvs. an. aetatis sve. LXXXV."
15 I am indebted to Mr. L. Dethan, Assistant Keep e r of the French
Section, Department of Printed Books, The British Libra ry, for this in-
formation which he sent me in a letter dated Ma rch 28, 1978. This en-
graving shows Postel in head and bust only, and it is similar to a full
length portrait which appears on the fly leaf of De Repvbtica, seu
magistratibus Atheniensivm tiber (Lvgdvni Batavorvm, 1635: Johannis
Maire). Postel's three-cornered hat, robe and huge cross with four
fleur-de-lys are the same in e a ch engraving. The faces are very differ-
ent, however, and it is not solely a question of age. In the portrait
which notes that he is eighty-five years old the shape of his head,
nose, and eyes are the same as in all the other portraits of Postel.
His head is rather long, also his nose. His eyes are deep-set a nd bea u-
tiful. In the full length portrait which ac c ompanies his De RepvbLica
the head and face are round, the nose broader.
l6Antoine Du Verdier, Prosopographie (a Lyon, 1604: par Paul
 6

were mortal, they could prolong their lives without sickness for entire
centuries. 17 Because of this statement Postel was believed to have
found the elixir of life which rejuvenated him.18 In commenting on his
"elixir" in answer to the Spanish Ambassador's questions, Postel said
that "bitter things preserve me"; also that one should follow Hippo-
crates' precept -- "Eat sparingly and work diligently" -- if one would
have a long life.l9
Postel was a legend even in his own age, although his origins were
obscure and his parents reputedly poor. Florimond de Raemond, a contem-
porary of Postel, introduces a statement which seems to be at odds with
the other remarks about Postel's parents. He says: " ••• iZ. fut ~Z.ev~
par ses parens aus bonnes Z.ettres .. .. u20 H1s
· b1ographers
•
are silent
about the name of his parents and all facts relating to them except that
they died of the plague when Postel was eight years old.21

Frelonj, Vol. III, P• 2532.

l Ibid., P• 2531.
l8Francis Bacon comments upon Postel's longevity: ,.Gulielmus Pos-
tellus, nostra aetate, Gallus, ad centesimum et prope vicesimum annum
vixit; etiam summitatibus barbae in labro superiore nonnihil nigrescen-
ti bus neque prorsus canis; vir capite mot us, et non integrae omnino
phantasiae; magnus peregrinator, et mathematicus, et haeretica pravitate
nonnihil aspersus... The Works of Franeis Baeon, Vol. II, Faksimile-
Neudruck der Ausgabe von Spedding, Ellis and Heath, Lond. 1857-1874
(Stuttgart-Bad Cannstatt, 1963: Friedrich Frommann Verlag Gunther Holz-
borg)l p. 147.
9Antoine Du Verdier, Prosopographie, P• 2532.
2°Florimond de Raemond, L'Histoire de Z.a naissanee, progrez, et de-
eadenee de Z.'heresie de ee si~eZ.e (a Roven, 1629: chez Pierre de la
Mott), Livre II, p. 343. Bouwsma, op. eit., P• 2., notes that the story
of poor parentage, of loneliness, and of a passion for learning was at-
tached to numerous French scholars of the Cinquecento among whom are Se-
bastian Castellio, Peter Ramus, and Jacques Amyot. Raemond, Ibid. also
states that he wants to rectify opinions about Postel which mark him as
an atheist, since Postel is .. a la verite la plus grand arne et 1' esprit
le plus rare que nBtre ~ge ait produit ......
ZlNo specific information about Postel's parents is found in a doc-
ument about the .. family Postel... See Postel. (FamiZZ.e) ReeueiZ. de pi~ees
g~n~aZ.ogiques I, 436, Bibliotheque Sainte-Genevieve ms. 909, fol. 37.
 7

Postel is also strangely silent about his origins. 22 He speaks of

places and people throughout his writings, but makes no mention of his
genealogy. Thevet says that after his parents' death he was in the care
of his guardians.23 All his biographers agree that he was extremely pre-
cocious and so eager to learn that he studied from morning till night,
often forgetting to eat.24 Those who cared for Postel in his youth re-
main unnamed. Because there evidently was little money to aid in the
support of the youth, he began teaching in the village of Sagy (Seine-
et-Oi se) when he was thirteen years old. 25 His success as a teenage
schoolteacher is dubious. Joly recounts a story which Postel is sup-
posed to have told about two of his students. Responding to punishment
administered by Postel, one student tried to poison him and another
tried to stab him while sleeping. In spite of these hazardous experi-
ences as a teacher Postel earned enough at Sagy to go to Paris to con-
tinue his studies.26
His first attempt to study at Paris was aborted by a gang of rogues
who, under the guise of friendship, stole his money and all his

22 Although he does not speak specifically of his parents, in the

dedication of his Lingvar>vm duodeeim ••• intr>odvetio (1538) he states
that "he does not wish to be born for himself, but for his country, par-
ents, friends, and finally for posterity." Postel may have been making
a personal reference to his own humble origins, when in 1538 in the ded-
ication of De Or>iginibus he writes to Jean du Bellay, Cardinal of Paris,
that true nobility is not acquired from one's parents but from one's
virtue. See De Or>iginibus seu de Hebr>aieae Linguae et gentis antiqui-
tate , deque var>iar>Um Linguar>Um affinitate, Liber> ••• (Paris, 1538) sig.
Aii, where Postel writes: "Adde quod, NOBILITATEM SOLA EFFICIT, AMPLI-
FICATQVE VIRTVS: non quid em aui ta aut parentum, sed propria. Qua qui
caret, ia c tet vel Caesaris auos, nobilis non est."
Postel's statement is interesting not only in regard to its possi-
ble reference to his own parentage but also in regard to Jean du Bellay,
who wa s not ave rse to conciliatory gestures toward the reform. See
Elisabeth Feist Hirsch, Damiao de Gois. The Life and Thought of a Por>-
tugue~~ Humanist, 1502-1574 (The Hague, 1967: Martinus Nijhoff) p. 99.
Andre Thevet, Les Vr>ais Por>tr>aits et vies ••• , Livre VI, pp. 588-
588v.
24 christian Petzsch, Exer>eitatio histor>ieo-theoLogi ea, pp. 4-5,
cit i ng Florimond de Raemond, says that Postel "devoured" books and read
more ~g a day than others did in a month.
See Jean Pierre Niceron, M~moir>es ••• des hommes iLLustr>es,
P• 29~.
6Abbe Joly, Vie de GuiLLaume PosteL, Bibliotheque municipale de
Dijon, ms. l042MF, fol. 2. See also G. Weill, De GuLieLmi PosteLLi vita
et indoLe, p. 14.
8

clothes. 27 Suffering emotionally and physically from this disaster,

Postel became very ill with bleeding diahrrhea. He remained in a Paris
hospital for eighteen months, and Thevet relates that incessant bleeding
almost killed him. Postel's ailment may have been ulcerative colitis,
and this illness seems to have plagued him throughout his life.28
After his recovery Postel was without funds, and so he worked as a
farm laborer in the region near Chartres. 29 Thevet tells us that he
worked diligently on the farm unti 1 he had enough money to buy clothes
and return to Paris. Upon his arrival in the capital he began his educa-
tion in earnest at the College de Sainte-Barbe, as had Jacques Amyot and
Peter Ramus.30 He plunged into the study of languages, for which he had
a natural affinity, and soon had gained a splendid reputation for his
linguistic ability. While at Sainte-Barbe he learned that Jews lived
nearby; after great effort he finally secured from them the Hebrew al-
phabet which he promptly mastered.31 With the aid of a Hebrew grammar

27 Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et vies ••• , p. 588v; G. Weill,

De cu;~elmi Postelli vita et indole, P• 14.
In a lett~r to Macca Zuola, Judge of the Venetian Inquisition,
dated 2 September 1555, "della easone," Postel complains that his harsh
confinement has aggravated the stomach trouble to which he is subject.
He writes: "Et cosi io vi prego se ben io merito veramente pia duro car-
cere di questa, non vogliate per vna wia intentione intesa al contrario,
far che questa grauezza mi sia aggiunta massimamente per vn dolor di
stomacho al quale sono molto suggetto, et qui dentro dormendo appresso
et quasi il naso dentro della commune sangola (hones sit auribus) mi e
molto aggrauato ...... Archivio di State, Venezia, Santo Uffizio, Busta
12. Also note Fran~;ois Secret, Guillaume Postel. Apologies et Retrac-
tions ~Nieuwkoop, 1972: B. De Graaf) P• 204.
2 Andre Thevet, op. eit., p. 588v.
30 G. Weill, op. eit., P• 14; Niceron, op. eit., P• 296.
31 Thevet, who evidently had heard the story from Postel, indicates
the difficulty a determined Postel had in securing the alphabet. He
notes: "Car ayant entendu d 'vn sien compaignon, que les Iui fs estoyent
encores en estre, et qu'ils gardoyent comme par depost, et auoyent en
vsage les lettres Hebraiques, il ne cessa de chercher iusque a ce qu'a
grande peine il eut recouure vn Alphabet, que de luy mesme estudiant il
feuilleta, refeuilleta et transcriuit tant de fois, que des l'heure roes-
me, qu'il eut oliy faire mention de la lettre jod (car il print occasion
sur ce que celuy, qui lisoit, auoit dit, qu'il y auoit vne lettre He-
braique nommee jod, qui se prononceoit ainsy) deuant qu'il beust ou man-
geast sans l'aide d'aucun maistre, il eut apprins a lire, d'vn si
heureux commencement, qu 'ayant par a pres trouue vne Grammaire et vne
version Latine des Pseaumes, il apprint de luy mesmes tout !'artifice et
parfaicte cognoissance de ceste langue." See his Les Vrais Portraits et
vies ••• , pp. 588v-589.
 9

and a Hebrew-Latin copy of the Psalms which he secured from his Jewish
friends he taught himself Hebrew and became expert in that tongue which
he always considered sacred and most important of all languages, since
he believed Hebrew was the first language.32 He also taught himself
Greek and learned quite rapidly Portuguese and Spanish from a weal thy
nobleman who wanted to take Postel back home with him to Portugal.33
The Portuguese nobleman, in the employ of King John III of Portugal, was
searching out scholars to add to the luster of the intellectual life of
the Portuguese court. Impressed with the grand reputation of brillance

Thevet 's statement is interesting in light of the fact that all

Jewish communities had been suppressed in France during this period, and
Marranos did not expect a brotherly reception in France. Salo Baron
points out that in spite of measures taken by the French against the
Jews and the Marranos, "some records reveal traces of Jewish settlement
there [Marseilles] as late as 1575." See Salo Wittmayer Baron, A Social
and Religious History of the Jews (New York and London, 1969: Columbia
University Press) Vol. XIII, p. 116. Also note pp. 115-119, pp. 162-
164. Baron also states, p. 164, that in France scholars did not have
the opportunity to consort with unbaptized Jewish experts.
However, according to Gaillard, the old historian of Francis I, the
King requested Charles V send him a Jewish physician since Christian
doctors could not cure him. See Fran~ois Secret, "Notes sur les hebrai-
sants chretiens. Des Juifs et de la medecine a la renaissance," Revue
des ~tudes juives 123, fasc. 1 et 2 (1964) pp. 146-149. It was also said
that Francis I offered the chair of Hebrew to Simon Molcho, who was
later burned at the stake in Mantua in 1532 because, according to
legend, he had tried to convert Francis I and Charles V to Judaism.
See Fran~ois Secret, "Notes sur les hebraisants chretiens. Quelques
echos de 1' aventure de David Reubeni -Molcho," Revue des ~tudes juives
123, fasc. 1 et 2 (1964) pp. 142-145; also see Salo Baron, op. cit.,
PP• 109-115. One also knows that Paul Paradis, a "New Christian" and a
son of a Jewish banker, was lecteur royal in Hebrew under Francis I.
See Abel Lefranc, Histoire du CoUege de France, pp. 179-181, p. 395.
Also see Franc;ois Secret, "Tradition anti-juive en France au debut du
XVIe j~1kle," Revue des Mudes juives 125, fasc. 1-3 (1966) PP• 233-238.
See his De Originibus seu de Hebraicae linguae et gentis antiqui-
tate (Paris, 1538: Petrus Vidouaeus). Note especially: "··· hanc He-
braicam linguam sua vocabula insignioribus orbis terrarum prouinciis
olim per filios Noachi dedisse: ••• Praeterea ex hac vna, Arabicam,
Chaldaeam corruptam, ac ab Hebraismo diuersam, Indicam, quae hodie maxi-
mam orbis partem occupant, dimanasse: ...... sig. Aiiiiv. Also: "Ita
videmus quod proposueram, primos homines Chaldaeos Hebraeosve quadam
vitae insigni innocentia ac beneficia diuino, prima iusti aequique prae-
cepta mundique genealogiam reuera, atque primum vsum literarum habuisse,
a qui bus ad Graecos demum, vt ad nos et in toto terrarum or be transi-
erint~" sig. Giiiii.
3 see Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et vies ••• , p. 589.
10

which Postel had acquired so early in his career, the nobleman offered
Postel a professorial chair in Lisbon. 34 Postel refused this offer
because he wanted to pursue his studies. In addition, he was in the em-
ploy of Jean Gelidius, the learned Spanish Aristotelian for whom four
hours each day he interpreted from Greek into Latin the Greek commen-
taries of Themistius on Aristotle. Thevet notes that after Postel ' s in-
terpretations Gelidius would give public lectures on Themistius' commen-
taries.35
Postel's associations at Sainte-Barbe were significant for his
later formulations. His brilliance had so impressed Jean Rocourt, a
Judge of Amiens, whom he probably met at Sainte-Barbe, that the learned
humanist invited Postel to visit him for a period at his home in
Amiens.36 With money in his pocket and with clothes to suit the

3 4 see G. Weill, De ••• vita et indole, P• 15; Jean Pierre Niceron,

M~moires ••• des hommes, P• 297; Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et
vies ••• , p. 589.
Hopefully more evidence will be discovered on Postel and his rela-
tions with Portugal. For an excellent study of a Portuguese humanist
and for humanism at the Portuguese court of King John III, see Elisabeth
Feist Hirsch, Damiao de Gois. The Life and Thought of a Portuguese Hu-
manist, 1502-1574 (The Hague, 1967: Martinus Nijhoff), noting especially
PP• 160-190.
See below some statements made by Postel about his relations with
Portugal.
3 5Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et vies ••• , p. 589.
36 see G. Weill, De • • • vita et indole, p. 15; Andre The vet, Les
Vrais Portraits et vies ••• , p. 589; Jean Pierre Niceron, M~moires
des hommes, p. 297. Postel was acclaimed not only for his brilliance in
languages but also for his knowledge of mathematics and philosophy. Note
also the remarks of Christian Gottlieb Petzsch, Exereitatio historieo-
theologiea (Lipsiae, 1704) p. 5, who notes: "La Croix du Maine in bibli-
oteca sua memorat, quod jam A.C. 151}. tanta fuerit Postellianae erudi-
tionis fama, ut Poetae earn celebraverint, cujus rei firmandae gratia duo
disticha adducit, quorum unum ita se habet:

Et jure et leges nostique Gvilelme Poetas,

Hisque vires unus tres superare potes.

Alterum:

Legistam si quis, si quis reperire Poetam

Philosophumque cupit, te petat, omnis homo es.

The statement of La Croix du Maine makes clear Postel's fame, but shows
again the confusion over the exact date of his birth. La Croix du Maine
gives the birth date as 1475 which would make Postel thirty-eight yea rs
 11

occasion Postel journeyed from Amiens to Rouen in 1532 to witness the

triumphal entry of Leonora, sister of Emperor Charles V, and new wife of
King Francis I. At this festive occasion he met Jean Raquier, Abbot of
Rouen, who engaged Postel as teacher of his nephew. Postel's associa-
tion with Raquier and his nephew, Fran~ois, was a happy experience for
Postel, and twenty years later he dedicated his Liber de aausis to his
former pupi 1, of whom he writes: " ••• invenio in te virtutis radiaes,
quibus mihi aonaessit Providentia animum tuum exaitare. Video meam doa-
trinam in te profeaisse."37
During his years at Sainte-Barbe he acquired the Master of Arts
under the tutelage of Jean Gelidius.38 Sometime during this same period
he became a Bachelor of Medicine, and his reputation as a scholar con-
tinued to be enhanced while at Sainte-Barbe.39 For the formation of his
ideas the milieu in which Postel moved cannot be overlooked. His
Coll~ge was the center of geographical knowledge in Paris, and news of

discoveries by the Spanish and Portuguese were discussed throughout the

halls. Postel's interest in travel must have been quickened by these
stories. Many years later he writes with great admiration about

old a~ the time of the laudatory elegies in 1513.

?see Liber de aausis sev de prinaipiis (Parisiis, 1552: apud Se-
bastianum Niuellium) sig. Aiv. Also see G. Weill, De vita et indole,
P• 15~
8see Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et vies ••• , p. 589.
39 see Antoine Du Verdier, Prosopographie, P• 2532; Christian
Petzsch, Exeraitatio, p. 6. Also note Theophilus Raynaudus, a Jesuit,
who in 1653 gives a glowing account of Postel's scholarly reputation and
intellectual accomplishments. He writes: "Ita que numerous et Geo-
metriam, vniuersamque Musicam, Rhythmicam, Harmonicam, Metricam, siue
Contemplatiuam, siue per instrumenta vocesque promentem se modis variis
accepit. Nee has tantum, sed et alias probatae doctrinae partes, hausit
vberrime. Nam non contentus vnius disciplinae ornamentis, ad vniuersam
li teraturam magna felicitate adieci t oculos; lingua rum non primariarum
duntaxat, Latinae, Graecae, Hebraicae; sed aliarum quoque exoticarum ad
quas combibendas factus videbatur, peritissimus euasit. Mathesim vniuer-
sam percallui t, Philosophiam al te penetraui t, moxque professus publice
est. Medicinae Baccalaureus, est renunciatus. Nee res Theologicas prae-
termisit, sed quaquauersum per omnes disciplinas, praepetes ingenii pen-
nas exercuit. Librorum helluo et gurges erat. Itaque fama nominis
eius, perbreui mirum in modum expassa, a Rege Francisco I, li terarum
peramante, honorifice habitus est, et publicis professoribus quos magnis
stipendiis vndecunque acciuerat, annumeratus." See Theophilus Raynaudus,
Dissertatio de sobria alterivs sexvs frequentatione per saaros et reli-
giosos homines (Lvgdvni, 1653: Sumptibus Michaelis Dvhan) pp. 3-4.
12

Christopher Columbus' deduction that the wind which blew constantly from
the West came from the 1and not the sea; hence by sailing westerly one
would come upon land. Postel also recounts how Columbus left his ship
for a while so as to explain his hypothesis to King Ferdinand of
Spain. Ferdinand at first scorned him, Postel notes, but divine provi-
dence intervened. Consequently, outfitted with ships by the King,
Columbus sailed in the direction of the westerly winds and discovered
Hispaniola. 40 Postel himself had traveled widely and once boasted to

40The following citation is pertinent to the history of explora-

tion. It is found in a manuscript entitled De Vniuersitate siue de Cos-
mographico auditu dispunctiones tam circa Temporis coeUue quam circa
generaLis l.oci orbisque habitabil.is Rationes ••• , The British Library,
Sloane ms. 1412, fols. 74v-75. Postel writes: "Occasione belli Mauris
indicti Rex Lusitaniae iam ab anno salutis 1460 coeperat Mauritaniae
littora in Africae occidua parte collustrare in quas partes quum Chris-
topharus Columbus Ianuensis Cadamostensis Veneti alumnus et imitator
aliorum aemula tione nauigasset, sagaci tate plane admirabili et a nullo
vnquam ante eum animaduersa ratione obseruauit, et apud se constituit,
ventum ilium quem ab occasu assidueque et valide satis flare cernebat,
necessaria ex terra, et non ex aqua procedere. Persuasione itaque ista
motus relicta ad tempus naue venit in aulam Ferdinandi Catholici Regis
Hispaniae , vbi propositis suis coniecturis primo quidem v ti extraneus e t
forsan non satis mentis compos ab aulicis s p e rnebatur, donee prouidentia
illius inceptis et coniectationi plane animo diuinitus immissa fauens
fecit ut Rex moueretur, quidam autem nummis, ad hoc iter suscipandum
(quod ipsum postea diligentius tractabo) hominem iuuerunt, ita ut cum
Regia autoritate aptatis aliquot nauigiis sit eo unde deferat ventum il-
Ium procedere directus, nee redierit quo ad Insulam Hispaniolam, ut
varie volunt, [c]ubam, cuius occasione totus ille orbis reper[tus] est,
inueneri t, et de ea inuenta ad reg em Ca tholicum foelicissima reuera
nunc ia reportarit."
Postel published two books about the universe, De Universitate
l.iber, in quo astronomiae doctrinaeve coel.estis compendium terrae apta-
tum, ••• (Paris, 1552) and De Universitate Uber (Paris, 1563). Also
similar is hisCosmographicae discipl.inae compendium (Basel, 1561).
Bernard McGinn, Visions of the End. Apocalyptic Traditions in the
Middl.e Ages (New York, 1979: Columbia Univesity Press), p. 284, points
out the r eligious visionary side of Christopher Columbus, influe nced by
centuries of apocalyptic dreams. He writes: "The themes found in The
Book of Prophecies are a lso ev ident in the account he wrote of his
fourth and final voya g e to t he New Word ( 1502-1504) • • • • Columbus
thought that his own divinely inspired mission to open up a new path to
Asia, coupled with a Spanish ruler's conquest of Jerusalem, would herald
an age of universal conversion that would precede the end of the world .
He was the first, but by no means the last, t o interpret t he discovery
of a mo r e perfect age ."
Postel's interpretation of the meaning of discovery of the New
World is simi l ar to the views of Columbus. Postel believed that the
 13

King Charles IX that he had traversed all the 1ands to China and was
able to speak all the languages of those whom he met on the journey. 41
In addition to geographical learning at Sainte-Barbe a group of men
who were later to form the Society of Jesus provided a climate appropri-
ate for spiritual reform and missionary zeal. Ignatius Loyola came to
the College in Paris in February 1528, and among the teachers at the
University of Paris whom Loyo 1a found were George Buchanan, Antoine de
Govea, Barthelemy Latomus, Guillaume Bude, Pierre Danes, Janus Lascaris,
Jean de Salignac, and Petrus Ramus.42 From the College de Montaigu
Loyola moved to Sainte-Barbe and studied theology with the Dominicans.
It was here among his fellow students that Loyola chose the men who
would become members of the spiritual army, which he felt called to es-
tablish. Cretineau-Joly tells us that he chose Pierre Lefevre, Fran~ois
Xavier, Jacques Laynes, Alphonse Salmeron, Nicholas Alphonse, and Simon
Rodriquez.43 This was the ambience in which Postel found himself at a

voyages of discovery were providential signs that the time of the resti-
tution of all things was at hand. For example, he writes: "Nauigandi
peritiam summam animi constantiam et demum primam rerum cognitionem ex-
hibuit Italiae gens, non quaecunque se obtulit, sed quae reuera tam Di-
uinitus per Iani primi illius fundatoris prognostica quam per primam
coeli triplicitatem in hoc opus vna cum Hispania fuit praeordinata. Sic
enim vetusta maiorum traditione in secretis doctrinis erat expositum,
fore ut Rex Vnicus cum sapientiore imperio toti dominaretur orbi, sed ut
per Prudentiae ad suos magis quam ad alios omnia vitae commoda referen-
tis vsu, AQVAE IN OMNEM PARTEM FLVERENT •••• Sic venit nunc in sua regna
Christus per sua membra et per suas aquas, non quascumque sed per il-
larum posteros, quos loci conseruatio ostendit esse Iani per suum
Iapetum in Romano seu Thuschiano meridiana constitutum filios aut pos-
teros." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1412, fols. 114-114v.
41 christian Petzsch, op. cit., r. 7, states: "Innui t his verbis
peregrina tiones suas, qua rum tanta i psum lubido incessi vi t, ut juxta
Verderium in prosopographia plus semel universum terrarum orbem circum-
gyraverit. Qua occasione non solum multorum mores hominum perspexit et
urbes, sed variarum quoque gentium linguas addidicit unde aliquando
coram Carolo IX Galliarum Rege gloriatus est, quod immensos terra rum
tractus, qui Galliam inter et Sinas interjacent, nullo adhibito inter-
prete ~eragrare possit ......
4 See J. Cretineau-Joly, Histoir>e r>eUgieuse, poUtique et Ut-
t~r>air>e de la Compagnie de J~sus (Paris, 1844: Paul Mellier) Tome
premier, p. 24. Also see the excellent study of Pietro Tacchi-Venturi,
Stor>ia della comeagnia di Ge~l). in ItaUa (Roma, MCML: Edizioni "La
Civilta Cattolica ') Vols. 1 1 -2 •
43 Ibid., P• 26. See also A. H. T. Levi, "Erasmus, the Early Je-
suits and the Classics" in Classical Influences on Eur>opean Cultur>e A.D.
1500-1700, ed. R. R. Bolgar (Cambridge, 1976: Cambridge University
14

time in which he was most receptive. The influence of Ignatius and the
pietistic spirituality of those around him can be ascertained in
Postel's thought years later. For example, he practised chastity
throughout his life, as did Ignatius and his disciples. He always wore
the black cloak of a priest and called himself sacerdos. Like Ignatius
he believed in mortifying the flesh, and he comments frequently upon his
ability to go for long periods without eating or sleeping. More impor-
tant in the development of Postel's thought, however, are the notions of
restitution and pious reform which characterized Ignatius and his disci-
ples at the inception of their mission.44 One should also be aware of
the influence of the reforming Barnabi tes upon the Jesuits. 45 Si nee
both the Barnabi tes and the Jesuits p1ay an important part in shaping
Postel's thought, a brief discussion of the relationship of these two
groups seems appropriate.
Relations between the Barnabites and Jesuits seem to have developed
while Father Bartolomeo Ferrari, one of the founders, along with Giacomo

press) pp. 223-238. Note especially, P• 236, where Levi states: "In the
end Erasmus's views, even of classical authors, seems more determined by
his desire to effect the moral reformation of Christianity than is some-
times supposed, as Ignatius's views seem more reliant on the capacity of
human nature to attain moral heights and to be divinely led than is gen-
erally conceded."
Levi also notes, p. 228, that when Ignatius came to Sainte-Barbe in
1529, the College was already humanist, since Gelida (Gelidius), Fernel,
Buchanan, and Postel had already taught there. He also points out, p.
229, that it is unlikely that Ignatius remained uninfluenced by the in-
tense~4 evangelical humanist atmosphere at Sainte-Barbe.
In addition, the idea of restitution was also a common theme
among members of the radical reformation. George Williams points out
that the fourth part of 'T Wonderboek (1542) of David Joris is called
"Restitutio oder wederbrenginghe Christi," that Michel Servetus wrote
Restitutio Christianisrrri in 1553. Postel's Restitutio omnium precedes
the Restitutio of Servetus by one year. Williams states: "So wide-
spread was restorationism (restitutionism) as the sixteenth-century ver-
sion of primitivism that it may be said to be one of the marks of the
Radical Reformation, over against the (institutional, ethical, and
partly dogmatic) Reformation on the Magisteral side." See George H. Wil-
liams, The RadicaL Reformation (Philadelphia, 1962: The Westminister
Press2 P• 375.
5For the most complete account of the Barnabites, see P. Orazio M.
Premoli, Storia dei Barnabiti neL Cinquecento (Roma, 1913: Desclee e C.
-- Editori, Palazzo Doria). For an informative history of the Jesuits in
Italy, see Daniello Bartoli, DeLL'Istoria deLLa Compagnia di Ges~.
L'ItaLia. la parte deLL'Europa• (Roma, 1673).
 15

Antonio Morigia, of a society of priests who would be concerned with the

reformation of the laity and the clergy, sojourned at Vicenza from 1537-
1541. It is very likely that Ignatius met Ferrari in 1537 in Vicenza
where the Jesuits stopped for a period. By 1544 the relationship was
enhanced by the charitable reception the Barnabites gave to two Jesuits
fleeing Paris.46 When the Barnabites were expelled from Venice in 1552
because of "troppo stretta relazione aolle Angeliahe di S. Paolo e
troppa deferenza verso la Negri; poi di seguire la dottrina di Fra
Battista da Crema," Ignatius was happy to lend aid to the beleaguered
group. When Father Besozzi had been freed from prison, he was received
in the house of Ignatius Loyola in Rome. 47 In these formative years
both orders shared similar views about the religious life and works of
charity so that they seemed as one family.48 One also is reminded that

46 Note Premoli, op. ait., P• 66: "E molto probabile che il P. Fer-
rari durante la sua prolungata dimora a Vicenza, dal 1537 al 1540, si
fosse incontrato con S. Ignazio di Loyola che cola appunto nell' an no
1537 aveva alcun po 'dimorato. Le scritture antiche per verita non di-
cono nulla in proposito, rna pure in quell'incontro troverebbe assai na-
turale spiegazione l'ospitalita che due Padri Gesuiti, Paolo d'Achille e
Emanuele Miona, ricevettero dalla cortesia del Ferrari sul principiare
dell' an no 1544. Avevano essi dovuto abbandonare Parigi in segui to ai
torbidi che funestavano il regno di Francia e dirigendosi a Roma, si ri-
posarono a Milano, tanto piii che il P. Miona , in vicinanza di questa
citta, era caduto infermo. Furono accolti con amorosa premura dai Padri
di s. Paolo i quali non permisero che riprendessero il viaggio se non
quando videro il p, Miona perfettamente ristabilito. Quest'atto di squi-
s i ta carita fu il principia di un'amicizia ancor piii cordiale fra i due
nuovi Ordini e d'una stima reciproca piii profonda," Premoli, PP• 150-
153, 529-531, also publishes texts of the very charitable letters which
were exchanged among the Barnabites and the Jesuits at the death of Ig-
natiu~ in 1556.
7Premoli, op. ait., p. 105: " ... i1 Daverio ... pote con cuore
esultante annunciarle il 29 febbraio 1552 che il P. Besozzi era stato
leva to dal carcere due giorni prima e messo, diremmo noi, a domicilio
coatto in casa di s. Ignazio di Loyola ••••
"!1 santo, che amava da tempo i Barnabiti e che forse li aveva av-
vicinati a Vicenza nel 1537 e loro era grato per le cortesie usate ai
suoi religiosi, sapendo ancora a che si riducesse infine il motivo per
cui eran stati cos! duramente espulsi dalla Repubblica veneta, fu ben
felicz di correre ai ripari in questo loro nuovo doloroso frangente."
8 Premoli, op. ait., pp. 106, 107, states: "Quali fossero gli uf-
fici fatti da s. Ignazio non sapremmo dire; secondo alcuni egli avrebbe
parlato in favore dei Padri allo stesso sommo Pontefice. Ad ogni modo
sia per questi, sia ancora per l'ospitalita accordata al P. Besozzi
nella propria casa, il p, Marta, come Proposto, si senti il dovere di
ringraziarlo con la seguente lettera: ' ••• Siamo tutti membri in Cristo,
16

the Carmelites, Barnabites, and Jesuits were the religious orders to

which converted Jews were admitted.49
Many of the persona 1 ideals and circumstances of Ignatius' life
were also shared by Postel. Both men were devoted to lives of poverty
and suffering for their missions. Postel uses the phrase "penuPia,
doLoP et chaPitas" as a personal ideal so often that it appears to be a
leitmotif. Ignatius assembled a band of seven trusted disciples from
which group the Society of Jesus evolved.50 Postel also had around him-
self a band of disci p1es who reflected his teachings and perpetuated
them.51 As Ignatius gave his new company a quasi-military organization,

49 The Society of Jesus, grudgingly approved by Pope Paul III in

1549, decided at the outset to treat newly converted Jews just the same
as gentile Christians. The Society opened its membership "to converts
meeting the rigid qualifications of piety and character demanded from
all novices." See Salo Wi ttmayer Baron, A SociaL and ReLigious HistoPy
of the Jews, 2nd ed., (New York, 1969: Columbia University Press) Vol.
XIV, P• 10. Baron also points out that Ignatius' constant aide and sec-
retary, Johannes Alphonso de Polanco, and his most distinguished associ-
ate, Diego [Jaime] Laynez, were of Jewish descent. Ignatius also felt
no scruples about admitting to the Society in 1552 the grandson of Elias
Levi ta, Giovanni Battista Eliano. At a dinner discussion (Baron, op.
cit., P• 13), Pedro de Ribadeneira, the devoted disciple and biographer
of Ignatius, writes that Ignatius expressed the wish that he had been of
Jewish descent and thereby a blood relation of Mary and Jesus.
Laynez, after Ignatius' death, was even stronger in his rejection
of prejudice against Jews, and one is reminded that Postel and Laynez
remained friends long after Postel's departure from the Society in
1545. Postel was still corresponding with Laynez in 1562, the date of a
long letter to the Jesuit, entitled Summa pPobitate et doctPina viPo D.
Iacobo Laynez societatis Iesu pPaeposito Doct. TheoLogo In Legati aedi-
bus PaPisiis aut in auLa. I am grateful to Father Edm. Lamalle, s. J.,
Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu, Roma, for sending me a mircofilm of
the letter. The letter has been published inMonumenta HistoPica S. J.
sene: Lainii Monumenta, Tomus sextus (1561-1563) (Madrid, 1915) pp.
268-2~1.
°For an incisive study of Ignatius' aims see John C. Olin, "The
Idea of Pilgrimage in the Experience of Ignatius Loyola," ChuPch HistoPy
48 (DSlember, 1979) no. 4, pp. 387-397.
See Antoine Du Verdier, PPosopogPaphie, Vol. III, P• 2532. On the
PosteLLani about which we shall speak in greater detail later, see The
British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 85, in which P9stel himself
speaks about the PosteLLani. Note also Fran~ois Secret, L'Esot~Pisme de
Guy Le F~V1'e de La BodePie (Geneve, 1969: Librairie Droz) P• 162, where
he states: "C 'est la cH;f d' une poesie oil apparatt en filigrane le
mythe de la Renaissance, que vecut Guillaume Postel dans le double eso-
terisme de la kabbale chretienne et de la petite secte des Postellans."
Also see Fran~ois Secret, Les KabbaUstes chP~tiens de La Penaissance
 17

so Postel oftenspoke of the work of restitution as the eccLesiae

miLitia. Ignatius deplored the unreliability of witnesses and the nar-
row interpretation of the Holy Office of the Inquisition, before which
Ignatius .himself had been summoned in 1547. Other members of the
Society spent time behind bars at the behest of the Inquisition.52
Postel, as we shall see, was repeatedly questioned about his beliefs,
tried by the Venetian Inquisition in 1555, and imprisoned in Rome from
1555-1559. The tolerant attitudes of the Jesuits toward the Marranos
may also have sparked a responsive note in Postel, who disapproves
forced conversions and displays in numerous works an empathy for those
who have changed their religion.
Postel admired the desire of reform, for accomp 1 i shi ng which the
Jesuits gathered into a "company" in Paris. He also indicates that he
was absorbed with the study of the Arabic 1anguage when he first met

speaks about the PosteLLani. Note also Fran~ois Secret, L'Esot~risme de

Guy Le F~vre de La Boderie (Geneve, 1969: Librairie Droz) p. 162, where
he states: "C' est la clef d 'une poesie ou apparait en filigrane le
mythe de la Renaissance, que vecut Guillaume Postel dans le double eso-
terisme de la kabbale chretienne et de l a pe t ite secte des Poste llans."
Also see Fran~ois Secret, Les KabbaListes chr~tiens de La renaissance
(Paris 1964: Dunod) PP• 187-217.
)~Salo Baron, A SociaL and ReLigious History of the Jews, Vol. XIV,
p. 12, states: "The aloofness of Loyola and his friends toward the Holy
Office may be explained partially by their own experiences with the In-
quisition. On several occasions their peculiar piety and good works,
their asceticism, occasionally even their strange dres s , sufficed for
the Inquisition to put the m behind bars." On the accusat ions against
Loyola , Cretineau-Joly, Histoire ••• de La Compagnie de J~sus, Vol. I,
PP• 40-41, writes: "Quatre Espagnols pretendirent qu'Ignace etait here-
tique, sorcier, et qu'il avait ete brule en effigie a Alcala, a Paris et
a Venise; ils offraient d'en apporter les preuves. Ces revelations
parurent si graves au peuple que bientot Ignace perdit toute son influ-
ence; mais, puisant dans l'impossibilite meme de !'acc usation une force
nouvelle, il se presente devant Benedetto Conversini, eveque d e
Bertinoro e t gouverneur de Rome; il demande que son proces soit instruit
sur-le-champ.
"Le proces commence; il es t bie ntot termine. On accusait Ignace
d'avoir ete brule en effigie dans trois villes d'Espagne, de France et
d'Italie. Par un singulier concours de circonstances, les trois magis-
trats ecclesiastiques qui, dans ces differentes cites, avaient reconnu
Loyola innocent des griefs portes contre lui, se trouvaient a Rome.
Temoins, ils firent ce qu'il avaient deja fait comme juges. L'impoture
fut confondue, et !'Augustin se retira a Geneva, d'ou il l an~ a contre l e
Saint Siege un ouvrage qui, plus tard, le fit condamner a etre brule vif
par !'Inquisition."
18

Ignatius, but that the Jesuits' zeal for reform and world unity
influenced him to the extent that he followed them some years later to
Rome. He urges the doctors of Paris to heed the call for good works,
freedom of spirit, and love of God so that they will bear fruits worthy
of their calling.53 This "sovereign vocation", he states, is synonomous
with the summons for reform made by the Jesuits who should be heard.
The great impression which Ignatius and his disciples at Sainte-Barbe
made upon Postel cannot be overemphasized, and from Postel's own words
it is clear that his theme of restitutio omnium took shape in Paris
under the influence of the reforming Jesuits. The Jesuits, according to
Postel, show the way, and,
Les Parisiens, moyenant La Base de Reformation, premiere qui
a Paris est posee des IESVITES, peuuent bien y hauoir part
fort grande, en procurant que auec l a Justice L' Egl i se so it
Reformee. 04

53 Note Postel's words from an unpublished manuscript, entitled La

Prognostiaation de Paris ou de ae qui en doibt aduenir ••• , Bibliotheque
nationale, fonds latin 3402, fols, 50-50V: ",,, que par les fruictz se
cognoissent les arbres et les assembles ou corps publiques et priues. A
cause que iadis la part de Iapheth le Gauloys toute sappella Gallique ou
Celtique, et que par cela les Italiens, Alemans, Francoys et Espagnolz
ou Hiberiens come iadis Gauloys peuuent par souueraine excellence de
bones oeuures faire les fruictz dignes du regne souuerain, et par les-
quels fruitz se monstrer estre ceulx a qui Dieu bailie le Politique
Regne de Jesus Christ l'hom ha faict diligence de toutz les inciter a
entendre a ceste leur conditionale vocation. Dond il sen pouroit bien,
par la liberte humaine nullement forcee, ensuyuir, que Paris mesme, si
vniuerselement ne se met a faire par bones oeuvres certeine sa vocation
car le sage commande aulx Astres moyenant la liberte de 1 'Esprit en-
uoyeroit aultre part ses citoyens essieus ••• qui faisant fruictz dignes
du re3~e se monstreoint estre le bien et plus de Dieu ayme,"
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 50v. Whereas I
have stressed the importance of the Jesuits in Postel's development, one
should not ignore the influence of the Franciscans upon Postel's
thought. Joachim of Fiore, the Blessed Amadeus, Petrus Galatinus, and
Franciscus Georgi us are significant in Postel's formulations. For the
influence of Franciscus Georgius on Postel, see Franc;;ois Secret, "Postel
and Francesco Giorgi," Biblioth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 22 (1960)
pp. 385-389. One of Postel's disciples, Guy Le Fevre de La Boderie
trFnslated into French Georgius' De Harmonia mundi, See Franc;;ois Secret,
L'Esot~risme de Guy Le F~vre de La Boderie, pp. 113-122. See also P.
Arduinus Kleinhans, "De Vita et operi bus Petri Gala tini, 0. F .M.," Anton-
ianum I (1926) pp. 327-356.
The influence of Amadeus on Postel can be ascertained from Ama-
daeus' Apoaalypsis novae, Bibliotheca Marciana, mss. Latini, Cl. 3, no.
195, coll. 2111, fols. 1-457. Note also Galatinus, De Angeliao Pastore,
 19

In addition, Postel links the idea of reformation, as proclaimed by

Ignatius and his little band, with Portugal. 55 Postel's statements pro-
vide some additions to previous information about humanism at the Portu-
guese court in the sixteenth century. Postel indicates that he wrote a
1etter to Damiao de Goi s emphasizing their common ties of b1ood as
"Cymbri" and a1so their common concern for reform. 56 Eli sa beth Feist
Hirsch has pointed out that Ignatius was on good terms with Damiao and
came from Venice to Padua to apologize for Simon Rodrigues' disrespect-
ful behavior to Dami ao in 1536. 57 In addition to corresponding with

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, ms. Vat. lat. 5578.

Postel equates the stigmata of Saint Francis with the transfigura-
tions of Enoch, Elias, and Moses. He writes: "Sed quia erat vltimus
legis Naturae sacerdos Melchisedec cui accepta ferro debebat Abraham om-
nia quae habebat • • • ideo illi parti eius quae non habet pat rem neque
mat rem, cui usque virtute Enoch et Elias in igne rapti sunt, splenduit
Mosis facies, facta est transfiguratio, et demum inter innumerabiles
splendores factorum facta est Francisci stigmatizatio ,,,," The British
Libra55• Sloane •ms. 1411, fol. 183v.
"Mais lesqueles Jesui tes com bien qua Paris fondes sont en Portu-
gal en L'Asie Afrique et Atlantide ou Amerike sur le souuerain pillier
de cest edifice. Come done peu a peu • , • Nom Gauloys en luy supposant
le Francoys, Les vrayement Catholikes et Treschrestiens. Gauloys, lais-
sant ceste habitation Francoyse et le pays ancien auec le Nom nouueau
par ce quil estoit venu des Cymbres ou Francz anciens enemys des Gal-
lays, sen allerent par la mer Oceane, en la fin de L 'Espagne la ou il
fonderent le Nom et Gent de Portugal Heritiers du monde lors que les
Danoys laissant leur odieux Nom, come les Gats (ou Gaunts aussi le leur
et les Lusitains le leur ancien) fonderent en la France le Nom de Nord-
man, aussi maintenant, que le peuple le plus grand en renomee et en pos-
session de portz de mer qui jamais fut, et qui peust estre, et qui en
verite est de faict, quant a la vie de ses princes treschrestien, nous
ostira si par nous Reformer Catholikement ny obuions de Paris, en tirant
a soy toute la Gallike excellence et principalement les lettres et
sciences selon quen L'Espistre a Damian de Goez Chronographe Portugaloys
par Postel est escript en Latin." Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin
3402, fol. sov.
Postel also says that the true reformation began with the Jesuits
in Paris and then was perfectly expressed in Portugal: "Or estant ainsi,
qu'a Paris, ont commence les IESVITES, et de la par Venize et Rome, sont
allez a estre fonder parfaictement en Portugal avec lordre de Christ par
les Rays de Portugal de faict treschrestiens, je dis, que Restitution de
toutes chases, ou la Reformation vraye de l'Eglise ha ••• commence a
Paris." Ibid., fol. 52v.
5 ~bid•, fols. 50v, 51.
5 See Elisabeth Feist Hirsch, Damiao de Gois. The Life and Thought
of a Portuguese Humanist, 1502-1574, p. 96. Rodrigues had accused Damiao
of "heresies" because of Damiao's religious discussions in Padua. Hirsch
notes that Ignatius and his followers even stayed with Gois.
 20

Damiao, it is not unlikely that Postel knew Damiao in Italy in 1538.

The influence of Damiao is possibly revealed in Postel's great admira-
tion for Coptic religious practices, about which the Portuguese wrote in
Faith of the Ethiopians in 1540, and also in Postel's numerous refer-
ences to Presbyter John. 58 Postel states in his Cosmographicae dis-
ciplinae compendium that he made use of Portuguese and Spanish sources,
and we have already noted that his interest in discoveries of new lands
and in cosmography was quickened by the Portuguese influence at Sainte-
Barbe.59 It was not only the Portuguese influence in Paris that im-
pressed Postel but also the humanism and toleration at the court of King
John III. 60 Many years later in 1568 Postel would write that he learned
from the agent of the King of Portugal in France, the Lord Emanuel
Daracuo, Chevalier of the Order of Christ, that the Order of Christ has
been ordained in Portugal. Then Postel states that his purpose is to
draw all into the body politic if it is truly reformed.61 One knows
that in 1568 Sebastien, grandson of John III, had been crowned King of
Portugal and that the religious climate was far less tolerant than under
John III. One also recalls that Damiao de Gois was incarcerated by the
Inquisition during this period.62 One may ponder why the agent of the

58Ibid. For additional information about Damiao and reform see al-
so, E. Hirsch, "Erasmus and Portugal," Biblioth~que d'Humanisme et Re-
naissance 32 (1970) pp. 539-557; "Damiao de Goes und die Reformation,"
Theol9gische Zeitschrift (Bibliography no. 75) pp. 43-44; Marcel Batail-
lon, Erasme et L'Espagne . Recherches sur l'Histoire spirituelle du XVIe
si~cle (Paris, 1937: Librairie Droz); E. Hirsch, "Damilo de Gois: As
Representative of His Era (1502-1574)," i n Biblos , Vol. LVI (Coimbra ),
PP• 328-338.
59see his Praefatio to his Cosmographicae disciplinae compendium.
60 see the excellent bibliography of Elisabeth Feist Hirs~h, Damiao
de Gois ••• , pp. 225-232. See also Marcel Bataillon, Erasme et
L'Espagne. Recerches sur l'Histoire spirituelle du XVIe si~cle (Paris,
1937: Librairie Droz).
61 "Mays y ayant, par plus de 16 ans este mesprit mocque et Re-
prouue, jay en ce 1568. an de salut entendu par !agent du Roy de Portu-
gal en France l e Signeur Emanuel DARACUO chevallier duquel ordre de
Christ quen Portu Gal, nos anciens Gauloys en Portugal conseruez soubz
les Rays de Faict treschrestiens ont le diet ordre de Christ, et ordone,
e t des ia de richesses bien fonde. Ainsi cest mon but dares en auant de
tirer a ce corps ou cadauer Politique toutes les Aigles et ames esleues,
qui sont en verite Reformees." Bibliotheq ue nationale, fonds latin 3402,
fol. 3f·
6 See Elisabeth Feist Hirsc h, Damiao de Goi s ••• , p . 208. Damilo
and Post e l h eld similar id ea s about the doubtful a uthorit y of the Pope ,
 21

King of Portugal was in contact in 1568 with Postel who was confined to
the Monastery of Saint Martin des Champs in 1564 for safe keeping be-
cause he was suspected of revolutionary activities and heretical opin-
ions. Did Postel seek out the King's agent and try to arouse doubt as
to who was truly reformed and by his statement implicitly suggest that
Dami&o was no less reformed than other seemingly "orthodox" Catholics?
We cannot answer for certain. Postel's lengthy discussions about the
Jesuits and Portugal, however, indicate his great concern about the need
for reform as well as his admiration for the tolerant, humanist circle
around King John III of Portugal.63

about jhe salvation of all mankind, and about salvation from God alone.
6 See, for example, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol.
szv. Postel states: "Cela est du tout trescertein, que L'Eglise plantefi
par les vrays Israelites en la terre que Dieu leur done, ha este par
troys grands ans, auec fruictz Incirconcis ••• durant la loy de Nature,
L'Escripte et L'Euangelike, a cause que L'Inferieure partie de Nature
mesme soubz L'Euangile nest pas ne en lun, ne en laultre sexe Restituee
jusques a la Restitution de toutes choses en toutz, ••• le quart an ou
eage, qui est de la Restitution de toutes choses, les fruictz seront en-
core trauailleux et apres quant a nous, mais apportant fruictz centuple,
soixantuple et tretriple par la Restitution ou amendement des troys
faultes des eages passees, seront louables et plaisaintz a Dieu plus que
par le passe. Or estant ainsi, qua Paris, ont commence les IESVITES, et
de la par Venize et Rome, sont allez a estre fondez parfaictement en
Portugal auec l'ordre de Christ par les Roys de Portugal de faict tres-
christiens, ie dis que la Restitution de toutes choses, ou la Reforma-
tion vraye de L'Eglise ha auec ceste 4 annee du[lage] d'arbre Commence a
Paris. Et quant les IESVITES se penseroint mesprisant leur Parisiene
Fondation, ne sassubiectir a la Gallike Benediction premiere a Paris et
en France quen Portugal, l'ordre veritablement Apostolike, des Pauures
estudiantz de Montagu, leur succederoint en tout l'univers •••• "
Postel criticizes the Parisians, and especially the flatterers and
courtesans around the King, for speaking of reform but not acting upon
their words. Note also, in the following passage, his admiration for
Portugal, since, as he says, most other countries have fallen into here-
sy or harlotry. About the need for reform he says: "Car come tout con-
tract ciuil du monde est faict ainsi conditionelement Do ut des, Facio
ut Facias, telement que qui naccomplist les conditions du contract, est
justement priue du bien qui en viendroit si il le gardoit, aussi fault
il en verite et tresjustement, que le puple [sic] Gallike jadis appelle
treschrestien, com bien quil soi t au jourdhuy au [ ] euduy vray peuple
d'Israel, par le Nom Treschrestien, si il ne se monstre tel par oeuures
come il l'apelle, et sur tout la ville de Paris come la vraye et unique
Bethlechem catholique la ou Christ est en sapience come plus, au
parauant de Dieu et principalement en IESV Christ aymee et de l'Esprit
de Dieu ••• soit priuee du bien a elle promis, et que la Base souueraine
du Regne de Dieu, qui est la Locale Ius tice, luy estant ostee, soi t
22

The influence of the Jesuits upon Postel was so strong that he

named the fourth age that of "Jesuism" or restitution. In a statement
about the transmission of God 1 s 1aws by God 1 s se 1ect men he notes that
the age of nature has flowed into Judaism, Judaism into Christianity,
Christianity into "Jesuism" or restitution.64 By the age of "Jesuism"
or restitution Postel means the age of the Society which took the name

donee a quelconque peuple soit, qui face les Iustisces fruictz duquel
regne. Or estant ainsi que sur et entre toutz les Roys et princes Chres-
tiens, et de Japheth ou Gomer descendus, et en toute !'Europe ou Iapetie
incontinent apres le Deluge estendus de la cite de Ianiculum en
1 'uniuers par !anus le Gauloys, il ny ha nul qui quant au bon exemple
des Roys viue plussainctement ou moins dereglement, selon que tresbien
lha escript Lyppoman Euesque de Verone sur l'Exode y profetezant que la
Portugalloys, la ou l'ordre des IESVITES Parisiens d'origine ha sa tres-
forte et inuincible base, il no us fault selon la sentence de Jesus
Christ, conclure que le Royaume de Dieu nous sera oste, voyre a Paris si
lhom ne si Reforme aultrement, et sera done aulx peuples qui font, et
feront fruictz dignes decelluy •••• il nest possible, que si le Roy au-
que! ses souuerains enemis qui sont les flatteurs et Courtizans, persua-
dent de la soubz mettre a Volunte et non a la Raison, ny met remide,
lhom puysse aultre chose attendre de Paris, que La Ruyne tele, come
jadis fut s grandeur et benediction. Car il fault que tout luniuersel
monde vienne finalement a la Diuine obedience veuille ou ne veuille pas,
et que come les vieulx et nouueaulx Galloys donnerent origine apres le
Deluge a tout le Genre humain pour a jamais estre ••• come le contenu
politique du grand Adam et sa Femme en circondant dedens soy le sacre et
sacerdotal ou Papal Esprit et nom d'Israel ••• et pour ainsi faire vne
Nouuelle lyaison dun Magistrat Tempore! auec le spirituel a tout jamais
inseparable et inconfusible soit Restituee •••• Il fault que les vrays
et de fai[t} treschrestiens Catholikes, plustost que destre parmy les
Heretikes, Symoniakes, Atheistes, libertins, et moe que Dieu qui icy
abundent, sen voysent au Port des Galloys ou Gauloys suyuant les
Iesui tes en Portugal et aulx Indes. Car lAngleterre lAlemagne et la
Suetia par lheresie, lltalie par la courtizanerie scelle la porte aulx
bons • • • • si le peuple de Paris hauoit vn chef telement puyssant Re-
forme scauant, Bon et en verite catholique et treschrestien quayde de
ses semblables, sesforceast a mettre a bas le desordre des Troys estatz
et de ceulx du populaire qui de seule Parole Reforment le monde, et
quant a !effect le corrumpent plus que jamais ne fut." Bibliothique na-
tionale, fonds latin 3402, fols. 51, Slv.
64Postel states: "Natura Judaismum, Judaismus Christianismum,
Christianismus Jesuismum seu Restitutionem omnium, tres aetates infan-
tiae iuuentutis et virilitatis perfectum senium. Sic semen quarto cadit
in bonam terram. " The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 174. The
date of this section of the ms., entitled De aeterno Christi in inferi-
oribus regno et saero eiusdem Christi primatu ••• is indicated in an ap-
pendix fol. 204: " ••• sicut copiosius tradidimus in nostris dicta tis
siue annotationibus Filosoficis Patauii 1554 exceptis a nostris auditor-
ibus."
 23

of Jesus and which had as its goal the restitution or true reformation
of the whole world.65
The intellectual environment at Sainte-Barbe was obviously stimu-
lating to Postel, and while there he mastered Spanish and Portuguese in
addition to Latin, Greek, and Hebrew. His study of Asiatic languages,
especially Arabic, had already begun in Paris before he made his first
voyage to the Orient in 1536 in the company of Jean de la Foret, a gen-
tleman of Auvergne and former pupil of Janus Lascaris, who recommended
Postel to him. 66 Foret was being sent by Francis I to the court of

65 Postel links the Jesuiti to the Jesuati, the latter being "those
saved." Writing in 1580 he says: " ••• eorumque moderatoris illi vere
Haccademicae societatis alumni qui a Fastu aulico alieni sunt, absque
dubio Duce Veritate laudem daturi sunt Deo illi salutis et Regi Appel-
lande ab omnibus qui eligunt eum quia omnes volunt esse SALVI, siue
IESVATI, siue IESVITAE, siue owt;b')Je:\lo 1 inde vocentur nil refert. Nam vt
a Christo per primi Aduentus Rationem Christiani dicimur, sic et a Iesu
Christo IESVATI, ex Hebreo, aut saluati ex Latino aut O~)J£\10\'
vel owt;b')Je:\lol ex Greco Eloquio vocemur oportet, eo quod et omnes salui
esse cupimus •••• " Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 20.
The distinction which Postel makes between the Christiani and
Jesuiti is important. Christiani refers to God's emanating presence in
the world and is the first coming which is in history (historiee).
Jesuiti refers to the prophetic (prophetiee) tradition of Jesus. Postel
sees the Jesuit movement as prophetic, like Jesus. Postel speaks clearly
on this point: "... et pueri sacri primatus siue Haccademiae alumni
sumus Bis, et inde infinities cantando vbiuis Gentium Hosaana pro Dupli-
cis Aduentus Ratione, id est Et Historice, semel de Primo Aduentu et
Prophetice de secundo, qui INTRA NOS omnes etiam incogitantes et fre-
quent:i.us coactos fit •••• " Ibid.
66 Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et vies ••• , p. 589v, says:
"Et pour compaignie ne sceut choisir homme plus capable et qui
d 'auantage luy aggreast que Postel, lequel il cherissoit et honoroi t
grandement." The purpose and the date of the first voyage to the East
Postel himself confirms. He wrote to Emperor Ferdinand in 1562: "Ante
26 annos si recte memini Rex Galliae Franciscus id nominis primus, vna
cum Iano Fores tano, cui ut de rebus quae ad sta tum ( ut in aula nunc
loquuntur) pertinent Legationis primariam apud Suleimanum Turcarum regem
functionem obiret, incumbebat, me quasi in subalternam Legationem misit,
ut pro trecentis aut circiter aureorum millibus ex deposito et testa-
mento repetendis a Ibrahimo Basciah Turcarum tunc Polemarcho agerem."
The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 85v. Postel's letter to
Ferdinand I has been published by Jan Kvacala, Postel 'Liana (Jur jew,
1915: Gedruckt bei C. Mattiesen) pp. 64-80.
Lascaris recommended Postel to the King's sister, Margaret of
Navarre. A former pupil of Lascaris, Jean de la Foret, desired to have
Postel accompany him to the Orient because of Postel's knowledge of
languages. Francis I was eager for Postel to bring back rare books to
e nrich his library at Fontainebl ea u which he had moved from Blois in
 24

Suleiman, and Postel's reputation in languages probably was a key factor

in his selection. 67 Postel himself provides us with interesting facts
about his mission with Foret. Postel, according to his account, also
had the special task of recovering the holdings of a citizen of Tours,
worth about three hundred thousand gold pieces, which were being held by
Ibrahim Basciah, polemarch of the Turks. The citizen of Tours had died
in Ancyra on his way home from the East. Because of his knowledge of
gems, the Frenchman had enjoyed the liberality of Narsinghe, king in
Cisqungetana, India, who evidently allowed him to sell the jewels in
Portugal. 68 The dead man ' s wi 11 provided that forty thousand gold
pieces were to be paid to Ibrahim as executor, and the remainder of his
legacy was to go to his heirs. Postel had received the stipulations and
diary of the deceased man and consequently was questioning a reluctant
Ibrahim about the legacy when, Postel recounts, Ibrahim was suddenly
summoned by the King of the Turks and was killed within the royal pal-
ace. Therefore, Postel's mission was in vain. However, he used his Turk-
ish experience to continue his study of Turkish and Arabic. Postel had
difficulty in securing a teacher from among the Turks because, he said,
"few knew Arabic, and fewer wished to have any dealings with 'profane'
Christians." 69 He secured, however, a teacher of not exceptional abil-
ity but of outstanding character who agreed to teach without pay, even
though he was poor. He became so devoted to Postel that he said he
wanted to "live and die" with him. Postel recounts that each day before
the lesson his teacher had shown him passages in the KoPan which praised
Christ, the Virgin Mary, John the Baptist, and the Apostles, and which
confirmed the truth of the Christian faith. The Turk and Postel dis-
cussed Christ and the KoPan when no other Turkish men were present,
since it was a capital crime for a Muslim to discuss or debate about
faith, religion, or the KoPanJ° Finally, the Turk, in tears, said to
Postel that he was a Christian who desired nothing more than to have the

order to make it more accessible to his scholarly circle. See Paul

~avisse, "Un Ex-libris de Guillaume Postel, " in MkLarzges of f ePts a M.
EmiLe Piaot (Pa ris, 1913: Librairie Dama scene Morgand) pp. 321-3 22 .
6 7s ee Abe l Lefra nc , Hi stoiPe du CoLL~ge de FParzae , pp. 186-187.
68The British Libr a r y , Sloane ms . 1413 , fo l. 85v .
69 s ee The Britis h Libra r y , Sloane ms. 1413, f ol. 86 .
70I bid.
 25

Gospels in the Arabic language; that there were more than three hundred
thousand persons like himself who were already converted to Christian-
; ty _71
Postel recounts a lasting friendship with this convert and numerous
visits to his home on his various sojourns. He also states that he met
many converts in that Turkish home. During this visit Postel states
that, although obviously impressed with his Turkish friend, he had al-
most no concern with true religion, since he was addicted to Greek lit-
erature and the collection of rare books in Arabic about medicine, math-
ematics, and interpretations of Aristotle.7 2 In Constantinople Postel
acquired books of the Kabbalah written in Aramaic. He says, in Lingva-
rvm duodecim characteribvs differentivm aZphabetvm, introdvctio, which
was published in Paris in 1538 after his return from Italy, that a Jew-
ish physician, Mose Almuli, gave these to himJ3 After his departure
from Turkey he came to Venice with precious objects and rare books which
he had bought for King Francis I. He brought books and gifts from the
Emperor Suleiman which he had accepted in the king's name and his own.74

Ego mi frater sum Christianus nil a liud querens quam Euan-

gelium si possem illud in nostra lingua Grammatica quae est Arabica aut
Turchica habere, ut plusquam 300,000 hominum sunt in hac Vrbe et in
Aula, qui iam sunt vna mecum conuersi ex eo tempore, quo sub Selina
Patre domini nostri Suleimani licebat ut publice vnus quisque suam legem
praedicaret et non so li sumus sed conue rtuntur q uotidie multi in totis
regnis." The British Libra ry, Sloane ms. 1413, f ol.86.
12 see The Briti sh Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 86 , 86v.
73 "Ni l tamen vsqua m quicquam scriptum in his reperi, praeter quan-
dam cabalam, cuius mihi copiam fecit Mose Almuli medicus Regius Iudaeus
apud Constantinopolim." This statement appears in the chapter, "De Zin-
gua c~~Zdaica," sig. Biiii of his Lingvarvm duodecim ••• introdvctio.
Postel writes of the g ifts and rare books: "Sed conquisitis com-
paratisque variis Arabicis authoribus ad rem medicam, simplicia , Mathe-
mata, et Aristoteli s interpretationes facientibus veni Venetias , atque
allatis vna cum meis libris, quaecumque preciosissima e t rarissima potu-
eran t a nobis pro Rege Francisco et filiis, conquiri et emi quaeque dono
a Suleimano et Regio et nostro etiam nomine acceperamus ...... The Bri-
tish Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 86, 86v. Postel's statement reminds
one of the description of the rare books and objects which filled the
home of Paul Coronae us in Jean Bodin's CoZZoquium HeptapZomeres . See
the Latin edition of Ludovicus Noack (Suerini Mega loburgiensium, 1857)
pp. 1-2 , to compa r e the si milarity of words and idea . Also note English
edition, Marion L. Kuntz, CoZZoquium of the Seven about Secrets of the
SubZime (Princeton, 1975: Princ eton University Pres s ) pp . 3-6.
26

While in Venice in 1537 Postel discussed printing and Hebrew books

with Daniel Bamberg. Their mutual interests in printing and ancient lan-
guages provided the basis for a close friendship which developed between
Postel and Bomberg.7 5 It was probably at the house of Bamberg that
Postel met Elias Levita. Gerard Weil has demonstrated that Elias Levita
and Bamberg were working together on Job and DanieL in 1537 and 1538.7 6
Postel acknowledges in his LingvaPvm duodeeim ehaPaetePibvs diffePentivm
aLphabetvm, intPodvetio (1538) that he knew at Venice Elias Germanus,
which was a common designation of Elias Levita.77 Postel had frequent
contacts with other Jewish scholars and printers at Bomb erg's printing
establishment. 78

7 5Postel states: "Magna spes est posse ha beri ab illis genuinum

Matthaei exemplar, cui rei diligenter inuigilat Daniel Bombergus, cuius
officio debemus Hebra icas literas. Is mihi Venetiis nupe r ostendebat
Euangelia illorum characteribus descripta: putans futurum, vt fructus
aliquis inde fieret, si characteribus Hebraeis illas emitteret." Lingva-
PVm duodeeim ••• intPodvetio, sig. Biiii. I have recently discovered in
the Biblioteca Marciana in Venice the Gospel of Matthew about which Pos-
tel was speaking in the citation quoted above. This manuscript has the
Hebrew text of Matthew on the right side, and on the left is the Latin
translation of the Hebrew. The Hebrew version with annotations in Hebrew
is in Po s tel's handwriting ; the Latin translation is in the hand of Guy
LeFevre de La Boderie, although some lines are in Postel's hand. All of
the Latin annotations were written by Postel himself, and his familiar
handwriting is easily recognized. Included with the Gospel of Matthew is
the Gospel of Mark, but without any Latin annotations and with few anno-
ations in Hebrew. This important manuscript has never before been at-
tributed to Postel. See Mss. Orientali, no. 216 (Ebraici 10), Colloca-
zione 82. The provenance of this manuscript is Canoniea di S . SaLvt oPe .
I am indebte d to Signora Dillon, Biblioteca Marciana, for info r ma tion
concerning the provenance of this manuscript and for expediting the
micro~~lming of it. An articfe about this manuscript is in progress.
See Gerard E. Weil, ELie Levita, Humaniste et MassoP~te ( 1469-
1549) (Leiden, 1963: E.J. Brill) PP• 127-128.
77 commenting upon the authorities for Hebrew grammar, Postel
states: "Ex He braeis dilige nter tractauit Rabi Mose Kimhi in michlol
Sarrafin e t compendia suo, Elias Germanus quo vsus sum Venetiis in
Sepher Habachur, pirlze Sir a , et Harcaua h •••• " LingvaPvm duodeeim •••
intPodvetio, sig. Biiiv. For the names by which Elias Levita was known,
see Gerard Weil, op. eit., P• 3.
18on Daniel Bomberg and Hebrew printing, see Paul F. Grendler, The
Roman Inquisition and the Venetian PPess, 1540-1605 (Princeton, 1977:
Princeton University Press) pp. 89-93, 140-145. Also note Leon Voet, The
GoLden Compasses (Amsterdam, 1969: A. L. Vangendt and Company ) Vol. I,
pp. 44-46; also Vol. II (Amste rdam, 1972: A. L. Vange ndt and Company)
pp. 65-68. See a lso article "Daniel Bomberg" by Alfredo Cioni in Dizio-
naPio biogpafieo degLi ItaLiani, Vol. XI (1969) pp. 382-387.
 27

Postel's interest in and knowledge of printing in his career should be

noted, and we sha 11 observe 1ater the si gni fi cance of printing in Pos-
tel's life and livelihood.
Another important acquaintance which Postel made during his stay at
Venice was Teseo Ambrogio ( 1469-1540), noted 1 ingui st and teacher of
J. A. Widmanstadt. From Ambrogio Postel sought help in the preparation
of cutting the models for Arabic and Armenian type which he needed in
the publishing of his Lingvarvm duodeeim ••• introdvetio.79 Postel says
that he never received these, a1though Ambrogio indicated that he had
sent the alphabets desired. 80 Because of his command of orienta 1 1an-
guages and his desire to make these languages known to the world, Postel
considered it advisable to become well versed in various aspects of
printing.
Postel remained in Venice and other parts of Italy for a time;
therefore, he sent the treasures he had acquired for the King to France
by trusted couriers:81 Postel remarks that if he had chosen to return
directly to Paris and to take the books and gifts himself, after his
successful visit to the East in the entourage of Jean de la For~t. he
would have enjoyed the King's favor and opulence. He claims that if he
had been desirous of high position, the King would have honored him with
the position which Petrus Castellanus (Pierre Duchastel) had previously
held.82 Postel maintained that his main goal was to see Arabic taught

79Emile Picot, Les Franqais ItaUanisants au XVIe siebLe (Paris,

1906: H. Champion) Tome I, p. 314, states that Ambrogio accused Postel
of stealing the alphabets from him. Fran~ois Secret, however, has shown
that Postel never received the requested alphabets. See Fran~ois Secret,
"Theseus Ambrosius et Postellus 'Ambolateus Doctor Medicinae'", BibLio-
tMque d'Humanisme et Renaissanee 23 (1961) pp. 130-132; also "La R€-
ponse de G. Postel a Teseo Ambrogio," BibUoth~que d'Humanisme et Re-
naissanee 28 (1966) pp. 698-699.
80 see above, note 79.
81 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 86v.
82 Postel says: "... visum est, ut cultum ingenii aliquantum Ve-
netiis et in Italia caperem, ea regi per cursores fidos quum eo usque
conduxissem transmittere, neglecta ea occasione quam mihi proponi vide-
bam, ut si voluissem in summa opulentia sicut et in gratia apud regem
Franciscum fuisse (nam pridem de legatione mea ante annum videlicet
scriptis regi satisfeceram) eum locum apud eum fuissem consequutus quem
Petrus Castellanus cui quatuor statim Episcopatus successiue donee in
amplissimum Aurelianensem venisset contulit (maxime ob rerum Turcharum
[] ra tionem) Rex. Sed nunquam rerum extra me posi tarum cupidi tate sum
28

in the schools and public gymnasia so that the Latin West could return
the message of the Gospel back to the East.83 He was also eager to have
the Gospels printed in the Arabic language. Postel departed from Venice
on August 9, 1537 and returned to Paris.84
It was Postel's vast learning and his knowledge of languages, espe-
cially the ancient tongues, which secured a place for him among the
prestigious group around King Francis. At the beginning of his reign
Francis I gathered around him a group of scho 1ars in order to found a
college for the teaching of "lettres". Postel's account of the estab-
lishment by King Francis of his "College of the Three Languages" is
sure 1y one of the earliest records of this important advancement of
French letters.85 In addition to his praise of Francis for the advance-
ment of scholarship, Postel sees the King's circle of scholars as a bul-
wark against the wicked Doctors of the Sorbonne, who support the Pope in
his belief that his authority is above that of the Councils. Postel

motus. Paulo postquam redii in Galliam nil aliud maiusue a rege uolui,
quam ut quietam in literarum studio vitam mihi tenui aliquo prouectu
foueret." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 86v.
For some interesting remarks about Petrus Castellanus, famous
scholar in Francis I' s "College," see Fran~ois Secret, "Le Voyage en
Orient de Pierre Duchastel lecteur de Fran~ois Ier, " Biblioth~que d'Hu-
manisme et Renaissance 23 (1961) p. 121. The position which Petrus Cas-
tellanus (Pierre Duchastel) held and which Postel said he could have ob-
tained on his return from the East was that of reading to Francis I in
Greek and Latin while the King wa s dining. Castellanus had formerly
been Greek corrector in Froben's printing house along with Erasmus and
was quite successful in expounding the classics to the King. Castel-
lanus' explanations evidently were soothing, for they often put the King
to sleep. See Essays by the late Mark Pattison, edited by Henry Nettle-
ship (New York, s.d.: Burt Franklin Press, reprint of the original edi-
tion (Oxford, 1889)), Vol. I, p. 220. See also Abel Lefranc, Histoire
du Coll~ge de France, pp. 122ff.
The narrator in Jean Bodin's Colloquium heptaplomeres held a simi-
lar position in the home of his host, Coronaeus, who enjoyed having
Plato's Timaeus read to him.
8Jsee The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol . 86v.
84 see Fran~ois Secret, "Theseus Ambrosius et Postellus "Ambolateus
Doctor Medicinae 1 " , BibliotMque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 23 (1961)
pp. 130-132, who confirms the date as pointed out by E. Balmas, "Le
prime nove" in Studi Urbinati 29 (1955) p. 350, n. 64.
85 Postel 1 s acc ount is found in The British Library, Sloa ne ms.
1413, fol. 85ff. Fran~oi s Secret ha s published some of th e s e do cu-
ments. Se e "Pa r a lipomene s d e la vie de Fran~ois Ier pa r Guillaume Pos-
tel," Studi Francesi 4 (1958) pp. 50-62.
 29

links the King's circle not only to scholarship but also to reform.
Francis wanted Erasmus as director if he could live in France, but un-
toward circumstances forced him to ab~ndon the project. 86
In 1530 Francis I responded to Guillaume Budfi's appeal for a "Musfie"
and instituted the Leeteurs royaux. In addition to Bude the King chose
Pierre Danes and Jacques Toussaint to teach Greek, Fran~ois Vatable and
Agathias Guidacerius to teach Hebrew, and Oronce Fine mathematics; in
1533 Barthelemy le Ma~on (Latomus) was selected to teach Latin.
Lefranc notes that the scholars chosen by the King held the titles
of either professeurs, Leeteurs, or interpretes royaux. 87 About 1530 or
1531 Postel, according to Lefranc, held the title of mathematieorvm et
peregrinarum Linguarum regius interpres. 88 In 1538 he was appointed as
one of the reeteurs royaux in Greek, Arabic and Hebrew. 89 Postel's

86 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 85.

87 see Abel Lefranc, Histoire du CoLL~ge de Franee, P· 110.
88 Ibid. The title of mathematvm et peregrinarum Unguarum regius
interpres is appended to Postel's name as it appears on his De RepvbLi-
ea, seu magistratibus Atheniensivm (1541), which he dedicated to Chan-
cellor Guillaume Poyet.
~ 9 There has been confusion over the specific dates of the various
appointments as well as over the titles of the scholars. As Abe l Le-
franc, Histoire du CoU~ge de Franee, pp. 108-110, states: "La confus-
ion qui s 'est produi te s 'explique parfai tement. Il s 'est forme sur
cette question, comme sur tant d'autres, une sorte de legende dont on
retrouve aisement le point de depart. Constatons d'abord que les ecri-
vains du XVIe siecle, chroniqueurs ou autres, n'ont jamais parle d'une
date precise de moi s ou de jour, ni de let tres pa tent es . Les uns ont
rappOrte 1 1 ins titUtiOn deS lee teUrS a 1 1 anne e 1529 0 d I aut reS a 1530 O
d'autre s a 1531, d'autres e n fi n n'ont point fixe d'annee. C'est, pour
n'en citer que quelques exemples, le case Gene brard, Pasquier, Du
Tillet, Belle forest, Henault, etc. • • • le 24 mars 1529 equi vaut au 24
mars 1530, et, precisement, nous avons un premier ordonnancement de pay-
ement du 27 mars 1531, qui correspond a ces lettres de provision et en
prescrit la realisation. La chose s'explique parfaitement; les lecteurs
ont commence a enseigner dan s le couran t du mois de mars 1530, e t des
l eu r ent ree e n fonctions, l e roi a determine sur quels fond s seraient
imputes l eurs traitements •••• (p. 109)
"Jamais, et cela est essential a remarquer, la corporation des l ec-
teurs ou professeurs du roi n 'a porte, au XVIe siecle, l e nom ou le
titre officiel de CoU~ge roya L, pa s plus que celui de CoU~ge des
Trois-Langues •••• (p. 109) Les ap pellations constantes donton se sert
au XVIe siecle sont c e lles-ci: professe urs, lecteurs, interpretes
royaux , ELoquiorum saerorum r egii interpretes, professeurs publics ordi-
naires en l'Universite, lisans du roi en l'Universite de Paris. Poste l
prend le titre de mathematieorum et per egrinarum Linguarum regius inter-
pres, Duhamel celui de regius mathematieus."
30

biographers usually indicate that he became a Lecteur in 1538 after his

return from the Orient but do not indicate that he had any earlier asso-
ciation with those in the select circle of scholars around Francis 1.90
However, from Postel's own words one can infer that he was hoping for
advancement from interpres regius to Lector regius on his return to
Paris from the East in 1538; he states that although he could have re-
ceived financial rewards and even a bishopric from the King, "he desired
nothing more than that Francis foster his quiet life in the pursuit of
letters with some small advancement." 91 Postel also notes that he se-
cured his position along with Toussaint and Vatable.92 Postel's state-
ments seem to infer that he held some position in the "Musee" of Francis
before his departure for the East; in addition, if, as Postel states, he
was added to the scholarly circle along with Toussaint and Vatable, then
Postel's association with the King and his scholars began in 1530, for
the names of Toussaint and Vatable always appear in the list of appoint-
ments in 1530.93 Another bit of evidence from Postel himself suggests

In the epistoLa to De RepvbLica, P• 10, Postel speaks of the "tri-

lingual college." He says: "Debebat praeterea (nisi res alia urgentiores
curae raperent quotidie) studium illud tuum, crebraque apud regem com-
memoratio de trilingui Collegia, communi Regiae liberalitatis atque in
literars animi testimonio, et regiorum professorum nomine, aedificando,
deque 9 8roventu et salario rege digno constituendo."
See William Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi, p. 8, and below, note 91.
91william Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi, p. 8, does not indicate any as-
sociation of Postel with the King's circle before 1538. The passage
which Bouwsma notes, from Kvacala, PosteLLiana, p. 71, has its source in
The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 86v. The interpretation of
the passage is problematical. Proventus means profit; it also can mean
increase. If he had never enjoyed any position with King Francis before
his departure for the East in the King's delegation to Suleiman, his use
of tenui aLiquo proventu must mean "with some little profit." If on the
other hand, he had the title of interpres regius in 1530 as Lefranc
states, before his departure, then the statement could be read as "in-
crease", since all biographers agree that he held the title Lector
regius after his return in 1538. Postel makes a distinction between pro-
ventua and saLarium. See above, note 89.
92 Postel states: "Cooptatus i taque in lee to rum regiorum numerum
vna cum Tusano Vatablo et nescio quat aliis qui e vita omnes emigraue-
runt in eo munere fui •••• " The Brtish Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol.
86v.
93 see Abel Lefranc, Histoire du CoLL~ge de France, pp. 109-134; al-
so note Histoire de La Utterature franqaise, edited by Joseph Bidier
and Paul Hazard (Paris, 1923: Librairie Larousse) Tome I, pp. 129ff.
Some of the confusion about the date of Postel's entry into the group
 31

an association with the King's circle prior to his appointment in 1538.

Postel notes that before his first trip to Constantinople he was invited
by one Theocrenus, an Italian in the King's circle, to teach Greek and
Latin to the royal children after they were released from imprisonment
in Spain, along with their Father. Postel declines this offer because
he said he preferred foreign travel to teaching.94
Before his sojourn in the East Postel devoted his attention in large
measure to classical philology. There are extant examples of Postel's
Latin translations of Greek epigrams.95 In addition, his French
translations of Xenocrates' Axioehus was pub 1i shed without date and
publisher.9 6 Translations from Greek and Latin were perhaps Postel's
first contributions to the world of letters, and one knows that he was

stems from the fact that he was first royal interpreter of mathematics
and foreign languages (1530) and later royal interpreter of Greek, He-
brew, 9nd Arabic.
94 see The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 41. Postel
states: "Quidam postea ex Italia nescius plane cuius Theocrenus nomine
adfuit in aula statim postquam liberi regii sunt ex Hispania liberati,
qui illos Latine et Graece formare satageret, in cuius sollicitudinis
partem paulo antequam Constantinoplim primo proficiscerer Postellum ac-
cerse§~ voluit. Sed fuit charier peregrinandi quam didiscendi cura."
I am indebted to Professor Paul Oskar Kristeller for calling to
my attention the existence of this Postel material in Leiden and to Dr.
C. L. Heesakkers, Department of Western Manuscripts, Bibliotheek der
Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden, for sending me a copy of one of Postel's
epigr§ms. The shelf mark of Postel's epigram is BPG25, Vol. I (fol. 1).
6Albert Rivaud in speaking of the earliest French translations of
Plato's Timaeus states: "On ne peut guere citer avant le Tim~e de Le
Roy qu'une traduction de Z'Axioehus par Postel en 1510, et la traduction
du Lysis par Bonaventure des Periers (1542)." See Albert Rivaud, "La
premiere traduction Fran~aise du Timee de Platen," Revue du Seizi?Jme
SilJeZe 9 (1922) p. 287. The date which Rivaud gives for the translation
is the generally accepted date of Postel's birth. See Fran~ois Secret,
BibZiogPaphie des manusePits de GuiZZaume PosteZ (Geneve, 1970:
Librairie Droz) p. 14. Also see Fran~ois Secret, "La Traduction de
L 'Axiochus par G. Postel," Biblioth?Jque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 28
(1966) pp. 109-111, in which he discusses the authorship of the
Axioehus. Secret does believe that Postel is the author of the transla-
tion.
Professor Kristeller has indicated to me that the French version of
the Axioehus, attributed to Postel, which gives Xenocrates as author of
the Axioehus, must be based on Ficino 's Latin version, since no other
scholar except Ficino attributed the work to Xenocrates but rather to
Plato.
32

"addicted to Greek literature" and on his first journey he sought many

rare texts in Greek as well as Arabic.97
Postel seems to have enjoyed his position as reader in the scholarly
circle around Francis I and was respected for his great learning.98
Guillaume Bude was his friend, as well as Lazare de Baif and
Chrysoreus. 99 In addition, his services in collecting rare books and
other precious objects were appreciated by the monarch who rewarded him,
as a royal document, written from Fontainebleau in December, 1540,
shows.100 Postel's lectures were so well attended that it became

9 7 see The British Library , Sloane ms. 1 413, fol. 86.

98Postel speaks of his success in a guarded manner: nee cum
excellentia nee sine laude •••• " The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413,
fol. ~f·
See Postel's epistola to Chancellor Poyet , which serves as a ded-
ication to De Repvblica (Lvgdvni Batavorum, 1635: Joannis Maire) p. 8 .
Of Bude, Lazare, and Chrysoreus, Postel, pp. 8-9, says: "Animi non parum
ad earn rem fecerat Budaeus, quo, quamdiu vixit , nunquam in hoc summo
honorum quo es insignitus cumulo participando carere potuisti: cui us
mortis acerbitatem ut lachrymis copiossissimis ac continuo moerore tes-
tatus, ita maximum illius nomine favorem eius liberis, patre quidem di g -
nis exhibes, locoque patris es. Auxit et Lazarus Bayfius, vir quid em
certe omni bonarum doctrinarum cognitione , atque utraque literatura ap-
prime ornatus , cuius earn ob r em assiduo convictu et literatis colloquiis
quotidie uteris. Id suasit Chryso reus noster, cuius in literis magnas
animi dotes praemio digno ornandas censuisti, curastique."
On Lazare de Baif and his contributions to the intellectual climate
of Paris, see Frances A. Yates, The French Academies of the Sixteenth
Centurb (London , 1947: The Warburg Institute) PP • 15-17.
1 0Abel Lefranc, Histoire du Coll~ge de France, pp. 409-410, c ites
the document: "Fran<;ois ••• a tous presens, ••• pour consideration des
bons et agreables services que nostre bien arne Me Guillaume Postel ,
nostre l ec teur a Paris, nous a particulierement faitz et faict chascun
jour, et esperons qu' il fer a cy a pres, en 1' exiercice [sic] de sondi t
estat, comme anciennement, et voulan t ce recongno istre envers luy a ce
qu'il ayt meilleur voulloir de continuer de bien e n myeulx , a icelluy,
pour ces causes et a utres a ce nous mouvans, avons donne, cedde, quitte,
et transport€ e t d elaisse, et par la teneur de ces prese ntes, de notre
grace especial pr o pre mouvement plaine puissance et auc tori te royal,
donnons, ceddons, quittons, transportons e t deliassons du tout en tout,
a toujours perpetuellement, pour luy, ses heirs et ayans pour cause,
tous et chaucuns, les biens et succession que avoit et possedoit lors d e
son deces feu Agathius Guida Gerius [sic), en son vivant aussi nostre
lecteur, a
nous escheuzet avenuz par droit d'aulbeine, ••• et est decede
sans avoir obtenu de nous lettres de naturalite et conge de tester, ex-
cept€ les livres dont les noms s'ensuivent; c ' est a ssavoir: commentarii
legis Rabi Mosse Barnachmen in quinque libros, Mosis Sephere Satarass in
dictiona rius , Kimchi g r a mmatica hebrea , Rabi Habraham a Balmis
grammatica hebrea manuscripta, vetusta Commentar ia in quinque magistri
 33

necessary to hold them outside to have enough space to accommodate the

crowds.1°1
During this same period (1538-40) he had secured the friendship and
patronage of Chancellor Guillaume Poyet to whom he dedicated his De Re-
pvbLica ( 1541). Through the good offices of Poyet, Postel enjoyed the
patronage of Gabriel Bouvery, son of the Chancellor's sister. Bouvery,
Bishop of Angers, was also the patron of Jean Bodin. 102 Postel writes
with affection of Bouvery from whom he received some benefices.103 The
friendship with Bouvery and his financial help provide some explanation
for Postel's statement that he relinquished royal stipends and benefices
(reLictis regiis stipendiis et sacerdotiis) to devote himself to the
task of conversion.104

Michel 0 trecenta precepta hebraice grammatice Kimchi manuscripta."

1 1 Lefranc, op. cit., p. 113, states: "Les disputes des hareng~res,
les cris ou les odeurs de la rue les forc;aient parfois a suspendre la
lec;on. D'autres fois, !'affluence etait telle que les cours avaient lieu
en plein air. Cela arriva, paratt-il, pour Postel."
102 Records reveal that Bodin entered the Carmelite house at Angers
at an early age and that Bishop Bouvery was influential in Bodin's pro-
fession as a Carmelite. Postel's friendship with Bouvery began sometime
between 1538 and 1541, before the printing of De RepvbLica (1541). Did
Postel meet the young Bodin during this period? It seems likely; he may
also have known Bodin at Paris, where Bodin entered the Carmelite house
some years after his early profession at Angers. K. D. McRae has shown
that Bodin attended lectures in philosophy in Paris during his days as a
Carmelite. See M. L. Kuntz, Colloquium of the Seven about Secrets of
the SubLime (Princeton, N.J., 1975: Princeton University Press) p. xvii
and notes 6-8. See also the recent biography by Paul Lawrence Rose, Bo-
din and the Great God of Nature. The MoraL and ReLigious Universe of a
Judaise5 (Gen~ve, 1980: Libraire Droz).
10 In Postel's dedication to Chancellor Po yet in De RepvbLica he
speaks of Bouvery as he expresses his gratitude to Poyet: "Quum etiam
viderem rem literariam, unicum futurae virtutis seminarium, abs te velu-
ti a suo fonte pendere, promanareque ab ea quam de te concepi spe, non
tamen me confirmabant ista omnia, nisi Gabriel Bouerius Andium pontifex
tibi ex sorore nepos, in cuius clientelam etiam me adscriptum voluisti,
me pene continuis convitiis omnino egisset diversum: cui sane ut ob-
seguar, praeter amicitiam et illius singularis virtus et integritas fac-
it." De 4RepvbLica (Lvgdvni Batavorum, 1635: Joannis Maire) pp. 10-11.
10 Postel doubtless means by sacerdotiis the proceeds from some
part of Bishop Bouvery's bishopric. According to Postel, he relinquish-
ed his remunerations to devote himself full time to religious work. His
statement places the time of giving up his stipends to just before the
period when he was writing the De Orbis terrae concordia, that is, in
the winter of 1542-43. Postel's remarks about his reasons for relin-
quishing the stipends are important. He says: "Verum quum mihi maximum
34

Before he re 1i nqui shed his position as ?..eat or regius, however, he

published several books which deal with language, in addition to his De
Repvbl.iea of 1541.1°5 His first trip to the East quickened his interest
in languages, and he was successful in increasing his already impressive
knowledge of exotic tongues. In fact, during his early years in Paris
and after his return from the East in 1538 language was the dominant in-
terest in his life. His concern for languages also had a practical ap-
plication. Postel believed that all people would accept the truth of
the Gospel if they had some knowledge of the ancient languages. Postel
held to the theory of one language as the basis for all others. Postel
believed that Hebrew was the source of all subsequent languages, and his
linguistic theories played a significant part in his argument for world
unity. Ultimately Postel's theory of unity was based upon the concept
of Divine Simplicity and Divine Economy. Postel reasoned that it was
unthinkable that God would effect with more what could be effected with
less.106 In other words, why would God create more than one species of

deeset apparatus ad earn nostri orbis hominibus tradendam, visum est Deo
sic me impellere ut relictis Regiis stipendiis et Sacerdotiis, totum me
ad hoc negocium religionis promouendum conuerterim, et inter multa alia
scripta opus de orbis terrae Concordia instituerim, ut ex eo quiuis
Christianus vnicuique poscenti ut reddat rationem de ea quam habet fide
et spe, possit esse paratus, et quid sit summopere et maxime verum
qualis est nostra fides suadere, postea autem ut summum falsitatis
g enus, quod in Ismaeli tarum Coranicis nugis est, poss i t refutari non
falsis versionibus sed ex Arabico exemplari sategi additis ad finem il-
lorum librorum locorum communium praecipuis a meo olim praeceptore in-
ductis, quibus ex sua persuasione in nostram pertrahi veritatem et ra-
tionem valeant." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 86v.
105He published Lingvarvm duodeeim eharaeteribvs differentivm al.-
phabetvm, introdvetio ••• in 1538, De Originibus seu de Hebraieae Lin-
guae fS 6gentis antiquitate in 1538, Grammatiea Arabiea (s.d.).
See De Foenievm l.iteris (Paris, 1550), sig. Aiiv, Aiii, where
Postel writes: "Nemini recta ratione vtenti dubium esse potest, quin
sicut vnicum esse genus hominum videmus et non plua, sicut vnum mundum
et non plures, vnum Deum et non plures ita sit necesse, vt ••• fuerit
vnica lingua et non plures, qua vna duce in hoc mundo, veluti in vna
domo magna, homines ad inuicem suam politiam conuersationemve in vnius
Dei laudem exercerent, rationisque aculeos in se mutuo transfunderent.
Siquidem frustra Deus et natura per plura fecisset, quod posset fieri
per pauciora. Vnica vero lingua vnico hominum generi satis ab initio
fuit, imo plures impedimenta fuissent •••• constetque tam ratione etymi
quam historica narratione primam ill am sane tamque lin guam esse, in qua
primum et sacra scriptura est exarata, et priscorum patrum locorumque
sanctave aut Foenix lingua sit illa 6s6nvouoos diuinitusve inspirata
 35

human being when one human race with its potential for multiple develop-
ment would suffice. Thus God provides the unity of the original. To
man is ascribed the subsequent diversity.
In 1538, his books as well as his friendships reflected Postel's
concerns for language and its significance in unifying mankind. He com-
mends Aldus Manutius, Thomas Linacer, Murmelius, Erasmus, and Lefevre
d'Etaples for their analyses of grammar and syntax.l07 In spite of his
passion for learning languages, Postel admits the difficulty of his
self-imposed task and even shows a bit of humor in speaking of criticism
which may come to him for his bold venture into the mastery of l an-
guages. He begs the reader's indulgence for mistakes which may appear
in his Lingvarvm duodeaim aharaateribvs differentivm aZphabetvm, intro-
dvatio, and he then reminds the reader that "niL esse ab omni parte bea-
tum• u108 He predicts that critics in the future will say that he at-
tempts all languages but has mastery of none.1°9 His statement was in-
deed prophetic fo\ Joseph Scaliger would write years later that Postel
was " 1&~nguarum
'
non ~gnarus,
•
sed nU&&~us
11' ad unguem per~tus.
. ullO It was,
however, Postel's reputation in languages that fascinated the young
Scaliger, who met Postel in Paris around 1563.111

primo h9mini, quae primo fuerat toti generi humano in vsu.

10 Lingvarvm duodeaim ••• introdvatio, sig. Iiiiiii.
108 "Habetis Candidi lectores meum de omnibus linguis iudicium et
diligentiam, vbi si lapsus sum per imprudentiam, memineritis, Nil esse
ab omni parte beatum." Lingvarvm duodeaim ••• introdvatio, (Paris, 1538)
sig. Ii~iii v.
10 Postel says: "Nee profi teor statim quandam absolutam illarum
quas trado (scio enim futuram mihi primam obiectionem, omnes me pro-
fi teri, nullius esse linguae peri tum) cogni tionem, quicunque tam en sit
futurus, illi possum reipsa persuadere, me in Latinis, Graecis, Hebrai-
cis, Arabicis, Punicisve et Chaldaicis, non poenitendam operam pro aeta-
te, tempore et quasi perpetuo mihi nouerca fortuna collocasse." Lingva-
rvm d~faeaim ••• introdvatio, sig. Aiiiv.
This statement from SaaZigerana Prima, p. 141, is cited in Es-
says by the Late Mark Pattison, edited by Henry Nettleship (New York,
s.d.: Burt Franklin Press), Vol. I, P• 203.
111 Postel came to the house of his friend, a bookseller over whose
shop Scaliger lodged. Postel so impressed the young Greek scholar that
he gave up his bed to Postel for the three days during which Postel was
visiting the bookseller. Postel urged him to study Hebrew and told him
of mysteries hidden in the Oriental tongues. "Scaliger was fascinated by
this apparition, a compound of the prophet and the savant, who had been
all over the East, even at Constantinople, about which the savour of
Greek learning still lingered, and who knew more tongues than any man
36

With the exception of translations which Postel had completed and

poetry which he had composed, his first publications were books about
1anguage which he brought forth shortly after his return to Paris in
1538, following his sojourn in the Orient and in Africa.112 While Pos-
tel was writing Lingvarvm duodeaim ••• introdvatio , he was also compos-
ing De Originibus seu de Hebraiaae linguae et gentis antiquitate, which
was published in the same month, March, 1538, as the former.113

livin!." Ibid., P• 202.

12 Postel is often cited as a poet in French literary histories.
Among the poets in the literary circle of Francis I, Postel is named
along with Jacobus Sadolet, Lazare de Baif, Barthelemy le Ma~on (Lato-
mus), Symphorien Champier, Pierre Duchastel, and Antoine Macault. See
Henry Guy, Histoire de la po~sie fran~aise au XVIe si~ale. Biblioth~que
litt~raire de la renaissanae (Paris, 1910: Librairie Honore Champion)
Tome· I, p. 69. Note also , p. 31, his remarks about Postel and the sa-
vants around Francis I: "N' est- ce pas lui, en effect, qui choisit ou,
du moins, designe les membres du nouveau mus~e? • • • Or, les maitres
qu'il accepte et va payer de son argent, ils s'appellent Danes, Jacques
Toussaint, Fran~ois Vatable, Oronce Finet, Paul Paradis, Barthelemy le
Ma~on (Latomus), Guillaume Postel. Ce sont la de grands noms, et vene-
rable~. Proteges de Marguerite d'Angouleme, amis de Lefevre d'Etaples
ou d'Erasme et de Bude, tous ces personnages, a cette date ••• se man-
trent sympathiques a la Reforme, soutiennent des idees, avancees , et as-
pirent a detruire 1' etroit dogmatisme medieval." See also Albert-Maire
Schmidt, La Po~sie saientifique en Franae au s eizi~me si~ale (Paris ,
s.d.: Albin Michel) pp. 86, 121, 190-192, 210, 213. Also see Henri Gam-
bier, Italie et r enaissanae po~tique en Franae (Padova, 1936: Cedam) P•
74; also Fran~oise Joukovsky-Mic ha, Po~sie et mythologie au XVI e si~ale
(Paris, 1969: Librairie Nizet) pp. 126-127; Michel Jeanneret, Po~sie et
tradition biblique au XVIe si~ale ( Paris, 1969: Librairie Jose Corti)
PP• 323-324.
113 Postel dedicated the Lingvarvm duodeaim introdvatio to
Petrus Palmerius, Archbishop of Vienne , to whom he writes: "Tu enim ille
es qui fluctuabundum et quasi de spe omnium rerum eiectum Postellum hue
ad pristina studia, tuis monitis restituisti." sig. Aii. Postel must
have known Palmerius in Paris when he arrived there almost destitute at
a very early age or when he began his studies at Sainte-Barbe a few
years later.
He dedicated De Originibus seu de Hebraiaae linguage ••• (1538) to
Cardinal Ioannes Bellaius (Du Bellay) . In the letter to the reader,
placed at the end of the Lingvarvm duodeaim introdvatio, sig .
Iiiiiii, Postel speaks of the De Originibus seu de Hebraiaae linguae •••
whose title he had changed. He writes: "Periti enim iudicis malim subire
arbi trium, quam vel ab vniuersa rei imperi t o rum turba farnam aucupari.
Minima hie de industria volui tradere, nee tam doctos cupio lectores,
parua paruis parum eruditus scribo , et quia linguas et caetera quae
trado ab ipso capite deduxi, volui etiam ne quid nostri ignores con-
silii, mu tare seq uentis libri titulum, vocareque De originibus, seu de
affinitate linguarum, et Hebraicae linguae antiquitate . Vt enim multa
 37

Although Postel demonstrates his erudition in Greek and Latin, he makes

quite clear his belief that the Hebrew language is the source or parent
of all languages.114 In addition, he believes that a knowledge of Hebrew

mutavi in illo, volui etiam et titulum mutare."

This first De Originibus (1538) is not to be confused with a later
work published by Oporinus in 1553, which Postel entiltes De Orginibus,
sev, de varia et potissimum orbi Latino ad hane diem incognita aut in-
eonsyderata historia, quum totius Orientis, tum maxime Tartarorum,
Persarum, Turearum et omnium Abrahami et Noaehi alumnorum origines, et
mysteria Braehmanum retegente: quod ad gentium, literarum, quibus utun-
tur rationes attinet: ex libris Noaohi et Hanoohi, totiusque avitae
traditionis a Mosis alumnis ad nostra tempora servatae et ohaldaiois
literis oonsoriptae.
Postel had written two years earlier a history of the origins of
the Etruscans whom h e links to Noa h and his sons. Postel was probably
following the spurious "antiquities" of Annuius of Vi terbo which was
published in Rome in 1498. Annius' work contained a Pseudo-Berosus, a
legendary account of Noah and his descendants which linked the
Japhethites with some of the European nations. Richard Simon noted that
Postel, after an initial period of doubt, adopted the forgeries of An-
nius of Viterbo. Abbl Joly, however, cites a passage from Postel's De
Originibus seu de Hebraioae linguae ••• (Paris, 1538) to show Postel's
hesitancy in following Annius. Also see Franc;:ois Secret, "Les origines
Antwerpiae sive Cimmeriorum Becceselana de Goropius Becanus," Biblioth?J-
que d'Humanisme et Renaissance 22 (1960) p. 558, notes 2 and 3.
Postel's De Etruriae Regionis ••• Originibus (Florentiae, 1551) was evi-
dently the source of Simon's judgmePts, since he commented upon this
work. In the De Etruriae Regionis • • • Originibus Postel also acknow-
ledges his debt to "ancient Hebrew wisdom," the "pri soi theologi," and
the Z~1_<tr.
In De Originibus seu de Hebraieae linguae • • • Postel sta tes:
"Max ima autem fuit inter antiquos o lim quae nam prima linguarum omnium
fuerit concertatio. et vtrum ex arte an ex natura locutio constet.
( sigs. Aiii, Aiii v) • • • Sed de primis l i teris et linguis, quae omnium
consensu primae mortalibus innotuerunt, nobis est sermo, non an arte vel
natura sint. Primam fuisse Chaldaeam seu Hebraeam (nam, vt dixi genus
a ntiquius Chaldaeorum agnoscit esse Moses ipse quam Hebraeorum) co nstat
et authoribus prophanis et sacris, vt e thnicis fiat fides deo electis
christianis amplificetur. (si g . Aiiii) ••• cognosces hie non leuibus a r-
g umentis , hanc Hebraicam ling ua m s ua vocabula insignioribus orbis ter-
rarum prouinciis olim per filios Noachi dedisse: " (sig. Aiiiiv).
Postel relates many French words to their alleged Hebrew roots.
Postel's concluding statement (sig. Giiiii) supports the primacy of
the Hebrew language: "Ita videmus quod proposue ram, primos homines
Chaldaeo s Hebraeosve quadam vitae insigni innocentia ac beneficia
diuino, prima iusti aequique praecepta mundiqu e genealogiam r e uera, at -
que primum vs um lite r arum h abuis se , a quibus ad Graecos demum, vt ad nos
e t in toto terrarum orbe tra n sierint."
38

is essenti a1 for a proper interpretation of scripture .115 Postel's

great interest in Hebrew and oriental languages aroused criticism to the
extent that some considered his passion for Hebrew and Arabic tantamount
to heresy • 116
Postel believed that language was a divine gift to Adam, since lan-
guage enables man to think and to speak and thus distinguishes him from
all other animals.117 Since speech is dependent upon hearing and since
there was no other man with whom Adam could speak, God in His Wisdom,
according to Postel, infused the names of things, as with an inner

ll5rbid., sig. Ev: "Onkelos enim et Ionatham satis aperiunt. Il-

lorum metaphrasis in totum vetus testamentum te docet, quam caecutiamus
et quam hallucinemur in sacris, sine Hebraismi cognitione, et quam in-
felici ter in prophetis praecipue versemur, nisi troporum et locutionum
Hebraeig ipsis familiarium simus periti."
11 About this criticism Postel writes: "•·. sed illorum gratia qui
hominem alicuius linguae a propria diuersae peritum, statim proclamant
haereticum, quibus si vnam, qua summe pollent, maledicendi libertatem
auferas, lapides et truncos dixeris: ••• Nam ridebor, scio. at mihi id
cum multis, quod est miserorum anchora commune erit. Mihi detrahetur, a
probis nequaquam: si a improbis, vituperim illorum laus est. Dicam quod
Hieronymus, Si non placet, non legas." De Originibus seu de Hebraieae
linguae ••• , sig. Aiiiiv. Also note, sig. Eiiiiv: "Dicet fortasse ali-
quis, me omnia ad Hebraismum torquere •••• " Postel obviously did not
let c1i7icism hinder his interest in ancient languages.
"Singulae enim linguae mundi sunt ad suam primam in restitutione
omnium reducendae, vbi solum est seruanda formalitas, quia lingua nobis
et angel is communis est." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol.
173. Postel's theory of the original unity of languages is related to
his general theory of emanation, the unity of all mankind, and the ori-
ginal unity of all religion. For example, he writes: "quum hominum sanc-
tissimus Adamus penitentia supra omnes posteros conuersus, post guberna-
tum mundi, pontificatum, regnum, judicium et paternum officium per mille
et triginta annos in vniuerso distensum ibi veluti semper praesens ha-
beretur. Nee Petri nee Pauli nee Francisci nee vllius sancti vnquam
fuere reliquie in tanta veneratione. Eo vero quod ab aeterno Essentia
vnitas veritas bonitas trinitas in vnitate, et vnitas in trinitate regit
mundum, ideo opus erat latenter ibi abscondi Adamum et eius spiritum in
Eua delitescentem qui est essentia mundi humani generis, et abscondita
prima litera vniuersi, vnde omnia. Essentia enim licet maxi me sit et
subsistat, tamen ob suam infinitatem non capitur. Ideo Abraham qui est
primus patrum, et Isaac qui est secundus, et Iaacob qui est tertius cum
suis spiritibus in suis medietatibus inferioribus nempe Sarah Rebecca et
Liah positis, sunt ad patentem sepulturae manifestationem in tribus per-
sonis consepulti, vnde totius mundi manat religio. Vocabant vero auito-
res Moseos tres patres, quos tres personas dicimus modo de ipsa substan-
tia conueniat exacte in mente, parum est in verbis." Ibid., fols. 172v,
173.
 39

voice, into Adam's mind.118 The gift of language to mankind was an

indication of God's care for man and man's responsibility to God for
this great gift. Language as an innate idea is a significant aspect of
Postel's linguistic theories.
Postel's knowledge of languages was amazing even in the Renais-
sance, and his facility was impressive. Postel was duly proud of his
virtuosity. He said that while he was in Constantinople the Turks
ca 11 ed him "daemon" because of the speed with which he comprehended
Arabic. 119
It is not surprising that Postel was so enthusiastic about the
Arabic language; he states that it is closely related to the Hebrew lan-
guage and that almost two-thirds of the world use this language. There-
fore, Arabic must be studied by scholars and taught in the school s.120

118 Postel's statement about the common origin of all men and about
l a nguage as an innate idea is significant: "Sicut reum fides ex audi tu
est (nam rei nullius unquam habebitur cognitio, nisi prius nomini cre-
das, quam rem concipias) sic locutio ex auditu est. Nunquam enim loqui
posset homo, nisi ab alio prolata auditu capiat. Quum ab uno omnes duca-
mus originem, necesse est ut primus parens coelitus sit edoctus de uni-
uersarum rerum nomine. Quum autem ante primum hominem nullus esset homo
qui uoce exte riori loquere tur, necesse est ut uoce interiori omnia r e rum
conceperit uocabula. Quare ab ipsissima Dei sapientia fuisse infusa no-
mina rerum, secundum ueri ta tis aeternae omnia ordinantis ra tionem, est
omnino necesse. Diuinitus itaque Adam accepit uocabula a Sapientia, seu
ab intellectu agente et possibili, cuius uniuersi sumus membra. Quum
autem esset necesse, auditu exteriori omnia proferre, ut filios et pos-
teri ta tern doceret: opus fui t, ut in duplicibus t abulis etiam uocabula
ipsa, sine quibus nil sciretur, exararentur. Est vero cogitandum, quod
primus homo in maiori perfectione sanctitatis fuerit, quam uniuersi
sancti s imul: ita ut a d uoluntatem eius t ota elementorum na tura concu-
teretur, digitorum uero attactu omnia etiam in adamante insculpi pas-
sent." De Originibus, sev, de varia et pottissimurn orbi Latino ad hanc
diem inQognita aut inconsyderata historia ••• (Basileae, 1553) p. 15.
11 Yin his Grammatica Arabica (Paris, 1543 ?) , sig. Diiii, Postel
states: "Est autem haec lingua [Arabica] Hebra icae adeo aff inis, vt si-
quis sit diligenterver satus in Hebraismo, possit a nt e biennium bonam
parte m illius linguae intellig ere. Scio qui periculum fecerim. Ob illam
enim comprehendendi celeritatem illi Turchae qui me doc e ba nt Constanti-
nopo l i me daemona appe llabant , quod vid e r e r praete r consuetam illis dil-
igentiam omnia capere. Id enim sine iactantia de me ausim dicere, me
plus vno et altero anno in ea lingua profecisse quam multi illorum toto
sexenn~o soleant."
1 0 Postel comme nts on the interest of Cleme nt V in ancient lan-
guages a nd on the famous langua ge decree of the Counc il of Vienne . Per-
haps Poste l was hoping to mollify the c riti cism he was r ece ~v~n g , espe-
c ially f rom Calvin and other Calvini sts , abo ut his interest i n Arabic
40

Then the enemies of the Christi an faith can be defeated by the "Sword of
Scriptures" translated into Arabic.121 He was also greatly impressed
with the vast contributions to the disciplines of medicine, astrology,
and philosophy written in the Arabic language.122
Because of his interest in Arabic Postel was accused years later by
the lawyer Matthew Antoine of saying that God's blessing for His elect
was destined to fall upon the Ismaelites rather than upon Christians.123
Postel also accused the lawyer Antoine of being blinded by Calvin in his
accusations.124 Postel speaks on numerous occasions of the need to have
the Gospel in Hebrew and Arabic, as well as in Greek and Latin.125
Postel's period of success and security in the King's circle lasted
only three or four years; however, these were probably the happiest
years Postel had ever enjoyed up to this time. The King and his sister,
Margaret of Navarre, as well as Chancellor Poyet, Bishop Bouverv, and

and his desire to publish the Gospels in Arabic. Postel writes: "Satis
magnam huius linguae vtilitatem cognoscebant praeclari illi viri in con-
cilio Viennensi, vbi salaria representari vir is doc tis, qui Graecas,
Arabicas, et Hebraicas litteras docerent, statuerunt. Visum est autem
opere precium subiungere decretum desumptum ex Clementina de magistris.
Vbi Clemens quintus multis variarum linguarum cognitionem necessariam
ostendit, sic ait. Vt igitur peritia linguarum huiusmodi possit habili-
ter per instructionis efficaciam obtineri, hoc facto approbante concil-
io, scholam in subscriptarum linguarum generibus, vbicumque Rhomanam
curiam residere contigerit, necnon in Parisiensi, Oxoniensi, Bononiensi,
et Salamantino studiis, prouidemus erigenda, statuentes, vt in quolibet
locorum, teneantur viri catholici sufficientem habentes, Hebraicae, Ara-
bicae, et Graecae lingua rum noti tiam, duo videlicet vniuscuiusque lin-
guae periti, qui scholas regant inibi, et libros de linguis ipsis in
latinum fideli ter transferentes, alios linguas ips as solici te doceant,
et caetera quae sequuntur de salariis a prelatis, monasteriis, capitu-
lisque repraesentandis, quae omnia magnum vsum linguae affirmant." Gram-
matiaa Arabiaa, sigs. Diiiiv, Diiiii.
121 Postel notes: "Amplec tamur igi tur hoc linguae beneficium, quo
cum Mauro, Aegyptio, Syro, Per sa, Turcho, Tar taro, Indo, e vt semel
dicam fere in toto terrarum orbe sine interprete conuersari valeamus,
qua optimos authores et disciplinas possimus nostris hominibus tradere,
omnes Christianae fidei hostes scripturarum gladio confodere, eos ipsis
suis dogmatibus refellere, totius orbis commercio vnius linguae cogniti-
one vti, Vt autem id fiat, authores optimos et grammaticam, in has par-
tes attuli olim si deus dederit, omnia in reipublicae bonum editurus."
Ibid.
122Ibid., sig. Diiiiv.
12 3Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 24.
124Ibid.
125 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 20lv.
 41

other notables in the court and the Church, in addition to his

colleagues in the King's academy of letters, gave Postel the admiration
and friendship which had been lacking in his very early years.126
Postel's association with Chancellor Poyet could be viewed as a
sword of Damocles. Poyet obtained benefices for his "Achilles," Postel,
and hoped to secure Castellanus' position for Poste1. 127 Castellanus
was a favorite of Margaret of Navarre, and Poyet's intrigue in this case
and in others led to his banishment in 1541. According to Joly, it was
chiefly the implacable vengeance of the Queen of Navarre which led to
Poyet' s disgrace in spite of his "thousands of good qua 1iti es." The
Duchess of D'Etampes also played a part in securing Poyet's removal, al-
though she was not as hostile as Margaret to Poyet.l28 At any rate,
Poyet's enemies were successful, and the King ordered his imprisonment
in the Bastille in April, 1541, to await his trial, which dragged on un-
til 1545.129 One can only admire the loyal, if rash, support that Pas-
te 1 demonstrated to his patron. He journeyed to the Pyrenees, where
Francis and his sister, Margaret, were in residence at Montmarsan, to
plead the case for Poyet.130 Postel was unsuccessful in his attempt to
have Poyet reinstated, and when he returned, Poyet had already been con-
fined to the Bastille.

12 6see Andre Thevet, Le VPais PoPtPaits et vies ••• , p. 589. Also

see The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 86v.
127Abbe Joly, Vie de GuiLLaume PosteL, Bibliotheque municipale de
Dijon 1 ms. 1042MF, le partie, fol. 34.
28 Ibid., fol. 34. Anne of Pisseleu, the favored mistress of Fran-
cis I 29om 1526 to his death, was made Duchess of D'Etampes.
1 Ibid., fols. 34-35.
130 rbid., fol. 34; also note Andre Thevet, Les VPais PoPtPaits et
vies ••• , p. 590. See J. H. M. Salmon, Soeiety in CPisis. FPanee in
the Sixteenth CentuPy (London, 197 5: Ernest Benn Limited) pp. 66-6 7,
for an excellent discussion of French administration in the sixteenth
century. The chancellor was one of the King's councillors and in the
hierarchy of the great officers of the kingdom was second only to the
constable. Salmon notes: "The Chancellor automatically asssumed the
noble rank of chevalier and took precedence over most of the great.
Should he incur the king' s disfavor, it was customary to permit him to
retain his dignity but to oblige him to pass the seals to a gaPde des
seeaux, as occurred when Bertrand replaced Olivier. However, the depo-
sition of a chancellor was not unknown, for Fran9ois Ier suspended and
imprisoned Poyet and had his activities as chancellor investigated by a
royal commission." (p. 67).
42

Postel had obviously weakened his position with the King because of
his support for the deposed Chancellor. Postel was living in the house
of Bishop Bouvery during a part of this troubled period of 1540-41, but
he did not enjoy this security long. He left Bouvery's home, as he
states, to put into practice by his good examples his goal of securing
the concord of the world. During the period of 1541-1543 he wrote many
works including the De Orbis terrae concordia, which he completed in two
months in a winter so cold that his ink almost froze.131 Postel says
that God impelled him, after he relinquished his stipends, to devote
himself totally to religious conversion. Postel's interpretation of
God's Will led him to write the De Orbis terrae concordia and to com-
plete in a very short period this large work, which Postel described as
being only slightly shorter than St. Augustine's City of God. 132 Postel
sent the book to the Sorbonne, and after waiting for six months without
receiving the theologians' approva 1 , he pub 1i shed the first book him-
self.133 The name of Petrus Gromorsus appears on De Orbis terrae concor-
dia as the printer, as well as on Postel's Grammatica Arabica (1543?),
AZcorani ••• Ziber (1543), De Rationibus spiritus sancti (1543) and Sac-
rarum Apodixeon seu EucZidis Christiani Zibri I I (1543).134

13lsee Les Raisons de Za monarchie, (Paris, 1551) sig. XLiii; also

AZcorani seu Zegis Mahometi et evangeZistarum concordia Ziber (Parisiis,
1543: Petrus Gromorsus) p. 6; also The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413,
fol. ~f·
2Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3602, fol. 86; also see AZ-
corani 3•• Uber, p. 6.
13 Postel attached great significance to the invention of the
printing press, and he had high regard for printers. Along with Bamberg
and Oporinus he heaps praise upon Robertus Stephanus. In a text entitled
De Typographiae regis Francisci exceUentia et de BibUotheca Postel
writes: "Considerans enim admirabile istud donum quod Germaniae debe-
mus, dico illud omnino admirabile donum dei, quo instar angelici spiri-
tus, vnus quamtumvis doctus homo nullo peregrinationis tedio affectus
possit in tatum orbem terrarum transfundere sui animi sensa, i t a ut eti-
am rudis litterarum homo ••• scriptura tota in arte excellentissima in
plura exempla in vna die transferre aut multiplicare quam ve l mille olim
homines mul tis tempori bus potuissent valeat, arte typographiae dico,
voluit etiam suam regiam liberalitatem et curam ad earn exornandam ap-
plicare •••• " The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 45. Postel
praises the work of Robert Stephanus, who Postel said, was the most ex-
cellent printer in the royal employ.
134 rt would be interest ing to know more a bout Petrus Gromorsus
whose printing establishment was "sub Phoenics signo iuxta schoZas He-
menses ." On the title page of De Rationibus spiritus sancti there is a
 43

Postel complained of the delay for which the Sorbonne was responsi-
ble, because it was keeping him from his foreign travels. 135 After Pos-
tel had revised some statements according to the suggestions of a
friend, Mallarius, he hoped that the first book of the De Orbis terrae
aonaordia, already printed privately by Postel for his friends, would be
finally published with approval along with the other three books. He was
greatly disappointed when the book was returned without the approva 1.
This was not Postel's first unfavorable encounter with the Sorbonne.
Twelve years earlier, in 1531, though critical of the mocking tone which
Luther used against Bucer, Postel had also written a book against the
impiety of Bucer, Oecolampadius, Capito, and Zwingli.136 No doubt think-
ing that Postel was sympathetic to Bucer because he criticized Luther's
mocking tone or because of personal enmity to Postel, Vinet led the op-
position, and the early work of Postel was never approved. 137 On the

single candlestick with diffusive rays from the candle and the words,
aZteri seruiens aonsumor, also the acknowledgment that Petrus Gromorsus
was printing for the author himself. One can hypothesize that Petrus
Gromorsus was a pseudonym either for Postel himself or for a printer who
did not want his association with Postel to be known. The name Gromorsus
appear~ only on books of Postel published in 1543.
1 ~see AZaorani ••• Ziber, P• 5.
3
1 AZaorani ••• Ziber, P• 10.
137 Postel and Vinet disagreed over the method of argumentation em-
ployed by the doctors of the Sorbonne. Vinet considered everyone un-
learned unless he used the method of the schoolmen. Postel writes: "A
Vineto itaque primum, secundo a Bisuineto sum exclusus ex Catoleucorum
Platyzoniorum ordine est eiusque decus singulare. haec uero causa eius
in me maleuolentiae est, quum aliquando apud amicum una coenaremus, in-
cidit sermo de rebus sacris ut assolet, et inter caetera de uerbo frui
est actitatum, dixi uero non ita per omnia spinosum illud genus discep-
tandi in scholis esse probandum, plura enim uocari illic in dubium quae
indiscussa auditor referat. Contra, dixit nullum in toto orbe esse doc-
tum n1s1 qui in scholasticis doctoribus diu diligenterque esset
uersatus, et quod non potui ferre id fuit quod inter scholasticos
Ambrosium, Hilarium, Hieronymum, Augustinumque tutandae impudentiae
gratia reponeret, quum uocabulo scholasticorum eos dici priscis nunquam
legissem, a sinuosis uero sophismatibus alienissimos cognoscerem. excan-
dui t, clamoreque obstrepens uictoriam more indoctis perfamiliari
petiui t. Sophistarum hoc esse dixi ut omnia si bi permissa uelint,
clamorem loco rationis, authoritatem loco iudicii habeant." See AZaorani
••• Ziber, P• 11. For the controversies concerning Aristotle, see Paola
Zambelli, IZ 'De auditu KabbaZistiao' e Za tradizione ZuZZiana neZ Ri-
nasaimento, Atti deZZ'Aaaademia Tosaana di Saienze e Lettere 'La CoZom-
baria' 30 (1965) pp.ll3-247; Mark D. Johnston, "The Reception of the
Lullian Art, 1450-1530," The Sixteenth Century Journal 12, no. 1
44

second refusal by the Sorbonne in the case of his De Orbis terrae aon-
aordia Postel says that a "Double-Vinet" led the attack against him.l38
The Sorbonne had already returned his De Orbis terrae aonaordia, which
the theologians designated as "ad faauUatem non pertinens," when Postel
received very friendly 1etters from Johannes Opori nus who asked that
Postel send his four books of De Orbis terrae aonaordia to him. 139 Pos-
tel says that Oporinus, the most learned and humane man, had served as a
leator for a long time at Basel, but because of the envy of certain un-
named persons and because he wanted more time to himself, he took up
printing_l40 Postel also mentions that Oporinus had already published
his De RepvbUaa. Postel decided against sending all the De Orbis
terrae aonaordia to Oporinus immediately, because he felt that his crit-
icism of the "Evangelists" whom he labels as "cenevangeUstae" in the
fourth book might cause problems. 141 Therefore he published that sec-
tion of the work himself under the title of Alaorani seu legis Mahometi
et evangelistarum aonaordiae liber in 1543. This work was one against
which Matthew Antoine and Calvin railed)42 Lucien Febrve points out
that Calvin's &cause aux Niaodemites followed the publication of

(Spring, 1981) pp. 31-48; Otto Bird, "The Tradition of the Logical
Topics: Aristotle to Ockham," Journal of the History of Ideas 23 (1962)
PP• 307-323; Jospeh Victor, "Jacques Lefivre d'Etaples, Charles de Bo-
velles and Bernardo de Lavinheta: The Revival of Lullism at Paris, 1499-
1516," Renaissanae Quarterly, 28 (1975) PP• 504-534; Jocelyn N. Hill-
garth, Ramon LuU and LuUism in Fourteenth Century Franae (Oxford,
1971: Oxford University Press); Paolo Rossi, "Clavis universali s" : Arti
mnemoniahe e logiaa aombinatoria da Lullo a Leibniz (Milano, 1960: Ric-
ciardi); Frances A. Yates, The Art of Memory (Chicago, 1966: University
of Chicago Press); J. H. Probst, Le Lullisme de Raymond de Sebonde (Tou-
louse, 1212: Privat); Paul Oskar Kristeller, Medieval Aspeats of Renais-
sanae Learning, essays edited and translated by Edward P. Mahoney (Dur-
ham, 1974: Duke University Press). Postel on several occasions states
his dl~~ to Raymond Lull and Raymond Sebonde, the "two Raymonds".
Ibid., P• 11.
139Ibid., PP• 11-12.
140Ibid. , p. 12.
141Ibid., p. 12. Postel, p. 4., explains the term "Cenevangelists"
as meaning both vani and novi. He states: "Quod aut em pro titulo Euan-
gelistarum cum perditissima Haeresi concordiam, utor ea voce more Ger-
manico. Concionatores enim suos Euangelistas nuncupat noui cultus fac-
tio, ad quam eorum uocem in hoc aperte adludens nunc Ceneuange listas id
est uf~~s nunc Ceneuangelistas id es t n ouos appello."
See Lucien Febvre, Le Probll'!.me de l'inaroyanae au XVIe sil'!.ale
(Paris , 1942: Editions Albin Michel) p. 127.
 45

Postel's ALeorani • •• Liber by one year and that Postel's work of 1543
may well have been one of the sources or one of the reasons for Calvin's
Exeuse. 143 Febrve also notes that Calvin and Luther were quite familiar
with Postel's work, and Luther readily mentions him. 144
In his ALeorani ••• Uber Postel says that the sons of the "Cenevan-
gelists" are the bastard sons of Mohammed; that both sects proclaim that
man does not have free wi n)45 Postel summons many comparisons, but
one of his most constant complaints against the Protestants is their
"literal mindedness."146 Ten years later he makes the same point in his
criticism of Calvin who, Postel says, refuses to understand his meta-
phoric 1anguage and hence considers Postel scanda 1ous and gui 1ty of the
same blasphemies as Servetus.1 47 Postel also quarrels with the Cenevan-
gelists and the Mohammedans because of their lack of flexibility and un-
forgiving natures.148 Postel notes that they prefer to damn rather than
to forgive, and he reminds them that all men are in need of forgiveness.
Nor does the sybaritic life of many Popes escape Postel's censure.149
Not only Poyet's disgrace but also, and I believe a more significant
factor, the enmity of the Sorbonne and pressure of the theologians
caused Postel to give up his royal stipend and benefices.l5° In addi-
tion, one can speculate that Postel may have relinquished his royal and
ecclesiastical favors because of his zeal for real reform and that by
his act he was intending to set an example.151 We have evidence, in his

143Ibid . , P • 128.
144Ibid.
14SA1t-eoran'!-· ••• 1<-'~-"b er, P• 37.
46
l Ibid., P• 73.
147The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 356.
148ALeorani ••• Liber, P• 58.
14 9Postel speaks boldly of the abuses of the clergy and the horrors
of the Spanish Inquisition. Note especially the following: "Permissiue
quid em Deus horum tyrannidem Luteri moti bus repressi t. Sed opus erat,
eo quod Lutheri Doctrina inter multa bona quae rursus in Ecclesia sus-
citauit multa mala et absurda cum fatali necessitate introducta con-
tinet, ut lenis quidam et sub Regis potentia modum oboriretur, qui pes-
set illud prestare mundo REFORMANDO CLERVM •••• Vnde soli illi abiurato
Antichristo Romano reforment clerum necesse est ••• " The British Li-
brary, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 39, 39v. He also criticizes Rome in ALeor-
ani ••• Liber, p. 108.
150 see ALeorani •• • Liber, p. 55.
151 Postel constantly emphasized the need for action, and he stated
that real reform would take place only when action took precedence to
46

Les Raisons de ta monarohie, that he was impelled by motivations similar

to those which caused Calvin to foresake his benefices at Noyen. Postel
makes an important statement about his reasons:
Dont estant de besoi ng que i e retournasse en Orient, Ie 1ay
faict et accomply seul et a part moy, Ayant intention pour si
noble entreprise de tirer a ma deliberation quelque compagnye
de Religion reformee, pour laquelle suyuir vng temps affin de
la gaingner, Ie renoncay a mon benefice, sachant quil est in-
iuste sans residence recepuoir les fruictz, pour quelque
saincte oeuure que ce soyt (sauf que pour le Concille ou pub-
licque affaire et vrgent.) Et en oultre laissay la lecture du
Roy, A celle fin que deuant tirer a ma deliberation par
exemple le feisse, et auec foy pure comme I'a~g2s delibere, ce
que seul par la grace de Dieu ay acomply ••••
In Postel's desire for true reform he shares many ideas in common
with Rabelais. In 1538 Postel praises Rabelais as the "most learned of
men" along with Jovius and Bigot; however five years later in his Atoor-
ani ••• Uber he deplores the impiety into which Rabelais' association
with the Cenevangelists has led him.l53 In spite of Postel's apparent

words. See Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fols. 5lv, 52.
I believe that the reasons for Postel's "dismissal" are more com-
plex than the disgrace of Chancellor Poyet, as Professor Bouwsma states.
See hi~ Conoordia Mundi, pp. 8-9.
2Les Raisons de ta monarohie, P• vi. In his apology attached to
this little book Postel writes that he does not want anyone to think
that he is ungrateful or fickle, pp. xli-xliiii, but he relinquished his
benefig§s for a "more noble enter~rise" ~P· xlvi).
1 Postel writes, in Atooran1- ••• t1-ber, P• 72: "Facit fidem impie
uiuendi et more brutorum quicquid collibitum est sequendi omnium consue-
tudo, non paucorum etiam publica impietatis professio, id arguit nefari-
us tractatus Villanouani de tribus prophetis, Cymbalum mundi, Panta-
gruellus et novae insulae quorum authores olim erant Ceneuangelistarum
antesignani."
In commenting upon Postel's charge of impiety against Rabelais,
Febvre, op. oit., P• 121, states: "L'impi€t€ de Rabelai n'est done pas,
pour Postel, quelque chose d' original, ou d 'exceptionnel. Rabelais,
nourri d 'Evang€lisme, est simplement l'un des t~moins marquants d 'une
evolution' d 'un glissement quI il d€nonce: de 1 'Evangelisme a 1' impi€-
t€." Professor Febvre perceptively states, p. 123: "··• ce n'€t ait pas
ce qu'en Rabelais, si clairvoyant fut-il, voyait Guillaume Postel." Also
see Abel Lefranc, "Rabelais et Postel," Revue de SeizilJme SilJote I
(1913) P• 259. Also see Lucien Scheler, "Une Pronostication inconnue de
Rabelais," BibUotMque d'Humanisme et Renaissanoe 8 (1946) pp. 119-128.
See also Robert Marichal, "Rabelais et la r€forrne de la iustice," BibU-
otMque d'Humanisme et Renaissanoe 14 (1954) pp. 176-192; Alban s.
Kraibsheirner, "Rabelais et Postel," BibUothlJque d'Humanisme et Renais-
sanoe 13 (1951) pp. 187-190; Fran<;ois Secret, "L'Eveque de Cararnith,
pr€c ep t eur en language arabique de Rabelais," BibtiothlJque d'Humanisme
 47

hostility to the Cenevangelists and to the Muslims Calvin may have been
perceptive in linking Postel with the Nicodemites, if indeed his Excuse
was an answer to Postel's ALcorani ••• Liber. The relationship of Pos-
tel to the Protestant Reformers is complex. Whereas he loathed the in-
flexibility of certain reformers, he was an activist for true reform and
shared many ideas in common with them.1 54 Among the reformers, in addi-
tion to Oporinus, he was on friendly terms in various periods of his
life with Plantin, Zwinger, Bibliander, Ortelius, Paumgartner, and
Schwenckfeld, to name only a few. Roland Bainton has pointed out Pos-
tel's relationship to Hendrik Niclaes, the founder of the Family of
Love; in addition, he demonstrates that Postel's association with David
Joris and the Davidists was closer than Postel felt comfortable to

et Re1~issance 36 (1974) P• 82.

See Antonio Rotondo, Studi e ricerche di storia ereticaLe itaLi-
ana deL cinquecento (Torino, 1974: Edizioni Giappichelli) pp. 117-159;
"Guillaume Postel e Basilea," Critica storica anno X, N.S.I (1973) pp.
114-159; Peter G. Bietenholz, BasLe and France in the Sixteenth Century
(Geneva, 1971: Librairie Droz) pp. 137-144; Alban Biondi, "La Giustifi-
cazione della simulazione nel cinquecento" in Eresia e riforma
neU 'ItaUa deL cinquecento, Miscellanea I (Firenze, 1974: G. C. San-
soni) pp. 7-68; Fran~ois Secret, "G. Postel et Sebastien Munster," "Pos-
tel et Theodore Bi bliander," BibUoth~que d' Hwnanisme et Renaissance 22
(1960) pp. 377-382; "G. Postel et Bale," BibUoth~que d'Humanisme et Re-
naissance 37 (1975) PP• llO-lll; "Quatorze Lettres de Postel a Theodore
Zwinger," BibUotMque d'Hwnanisme et Renaissance 26 (1964) PP• 120-153;
Felix R. Atance, "Les Religieux de 1 'Heptameron: Marguerite de Navarre
et les novateurs," Archiv fur> Reformationsgeschichte 65 (1974) PP• 185-
210. Also see Postel's ApoLogia pr>o Ser>veto ViUanovano, The British
Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 353-393.
Postel's major disagreements with the r efo rmers center ed on the in-
terpretation of the Eucharist. He had no kind words for Calvin, as he
had on some occasions for Luther. However, in a le tt er to Zwinger, Pos-
tel writes: "Et contra Antichristi Ecclesiam Lutheranam et Caluinamum
e sse certissimum est , quam vel Huss ipse repro baret, quia Miss am cele-
brabat et Christum ibi totum adorabat." Of Beza Postel writes that "au-
sus est a symbolo Niceno abradere Deum verum de Deo vero ipsi Christo,
ita ut post Christum euersum Deitatem euertere satagat." See The Bri-
tish Library , Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 101. Postel considered Calvin his
g r eatest enemy because of his attacks aga inst Po stel's efforts to pub-
li s h the Gospels in Ara bic. See Postel's l et ter to Masius, Bibliotheque
nationale, fonds l at in 3402, fol . 89.
48

admit, even to his friend, Plantin. 155 Bainton also shows Postel's
writings had wide distribution in Davidists' circles.156
Postel shows great admiration for Philip Melanchthon, "cui serio pax
et Concordia EccLesiarwn curae esset," and he reveals an interesting ac-
count of the attempt of Francis I in 1524 to summon Philip Melanchthon
to his court. Francis was endeavoring to aid in settling the religious
discord and had been encouraged in this enterprise by the many writings
of Erasmus, "optimi iUius i udicis censoris in re Uteraria," and by the
enterprises of Guilielmus Du Bellay, Sieur of Langeus, and his brother,
Ioannes Du Bellay, Cardinal Bishop of Paris. 157 From Postel's point of
view, King Francis' scholarly circle of humanists used their knowledge
as instruments for accomplishing peace.158 The King wrote a letter in
his own hand to Philip Melanchthon urging him to come to his court to
discuss ways to accomp 1ish the "union of doctrines and the most beauti-
ful harmony of Church and State." In this royal letter, written on June
28, 1524, the King sollicited Melanchthon's presence either in private
or in pub 1 i c. Postel comments upon the fact that Me 1anchthon suffered
great hatred in Saxony before he died because of his moderate posi-
tion.l59 Francis was defeated at Pavia on February 15, 1525 and subse-
quently was imprisoned in Spain. Postel notes that when Francis returned
in 1526, the pressure from the Sorbonne, because of the pronouncements
of Zwingli and Oecolampadius more than those of Luther, made a renewed
"calling of Philip" difficult for Francis. Yet the King continued his
appeal to Melanchthon and offered him no less than three thousand gold
pieces and safe return to Germany, even to Wittenberg; Postel reports
that the authority for this information is a relative of Francis him-
self .1 60

155see Roland H. Bainton, "Wylliam Poste ll and the Ne the rlands,"

NederLandsch Archie! voor Kerkgeschiedenis 24 (1931) pp. 161-171. See
especially, PP• 161-163. Also see Wa llace Kirsop,"The Fami ly of Love in
Franci~" JournaL of R~Ligious History (1964-65) PP• 103-118.
J 6 Bainton, op.c~t., establishes that Jean Bauhin, the French doc-
tor and confident of Postel, was one of the disseminators of Postel's
letter~ and writings. See PP• 163-166.
7rhe British Library , Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 39v, 40, 40v.
15Brbid. , fol. 41v.
159I bid. , f ol. 41.
160Ibi d., f ol. 42.
 49

Again and again Postel's desire for reform and for a harmony of re-
ligions is apparent. It is important to note that Postel tried to main-
tain a "middle of the road" position and was never attracted to extremes
in any religious camp. Postel cannot be called an orthodox Catholic or
an orthodox Protestant. His rational and mode r ate positions on religi-
ous questions made extremists on all sides uncomfortable, and one knows
that sixteenth century Europe was filled with extremes . It is no wonder
that the dogmatists on all sides reviled Postel, since he critic i zed the
tyrants of the Spanish Inquisition just as readily as he did the uncom-
promising positions of some Reformers.161
Christianity to Postel did not mean the sects or factions within the
Church, even the Roman Church. To be Christian, in Postel's terms, is
to have the mediating presence of the living God alive within the hearts
of men; and this presence is demonstrated by worship of God and love and
charity toward one's fellow men. After 1547, Postel went even further
in his synthetic approach to religion, and he often said that Christian-
ity was only Judaism reformed ; to be Christian one must first be a good
Hebrew and follow God's law. The Muslims were already half-Christian,
half-J ewish so they were easily absorbed into Postel's scheme for a uni-
versa 1 re 1i gi on.
As we shall see, real reform to Postel meant the praise and worship
of God and love of Him demonstrated by good works and charity. Before
1547 Postel was searching for a common denominator for Christian unity,
and he realized that dogmatism on either side was a great stumbling
block.162 Postel had h ad his troubles with inflexibility within the

161 see the Bri tish Library , Sloane ms. 14 13, f o l. 39 f or h i s criti-
cism of the Inquisition and Sloane ms . 1411, fol. 346 for sta teme nts
a bout C~lvin's dogmatism.
1 62 Po s tel c r iticize s the lack of true pie t y and true r e f orm among
the Cathol ics and Protestan t s. An y division a mong God' s sons was o b jec-
t iona b le t o him. Of pie t y a nd true r efo rm he writ es : "Vsque a d eo e nim
ex simp l ici a d u erum Chr is t i ani smum reformat i one ua r iis tempo r ibus a
s a n ctis v i ri s fac t a , ortum e st dissidium o b uaria iura pieta ti s a suc-
c essoribus excog itatae, ut loco unio nis habeat Christus plures secta s,
quam lex Muhamedis Mosaica et gentilis simul. I n ipsis quidem principiis
omnia s a n a sunt, sed m orbus in cau s a e st. Qui s n e scit uulgari conui c i o
u i t a m is t a m monas ti cam e tiam Chr is t ian is o diosam r edd idis s e ueram pie t a -
t e m, ita u t n i l grauius a ud i r e p ossi s Romae et in Ita lia , quam Pr e t e e t
Frate . Dum e n i m quisque sua sustenta t somnia , et uiuen d i rit us ,
communi s euanuit Christ i relig i o •••• Quum itaque et i n sing ulis hi s
 50

Catholic fold as well as among the Protestants. 163 After 1547 Postel be-
gins to reinterpret what "Christi an" means, and his works after this
date reflect his growing desire for a universal religion based not on
dogma but the worship of the one true God.164 "True religion" should in-
clude all peoples, for God desired that no person be separated from His
love. Postel was among the first to proclaim the need for a universal

pridemn quidem reformationibus, nunc autem sectis, hoc ipsum contigerit

quod magno et communi corpori, uidelicet ut ex uino optimo simile acetum
sit natum, nullum est dubium, quin sit ruinae multiplicitas horum
statuum diuersi tas. Quare ne nos quae meremur audiamus, fra tres omnes
excusemus, praecipue qui ad hanc diem dicti sunt haeretici quum nos una
cum peccato nostro causam dederimum erorum opinionibus. Cessent ista
anathemata, et fulmina: •••• Ideo quum Deus non repulerit populum suum
quem praeelegit, sed salutem eius distulit, donee plenitudo gentium in-
trauerit ••• quanto minus licet fulmine sacro percellere illos, qui in
articulis fidei omnino nobiscum conueniunt •••• Postquam in principiis
conuenimus, non potuerit fieri quin et ad uera ueniamus axiomata, et ad
finales ueritates. Nullus sit amplius papista, nullus Lutheranus, omnes
ab expetita salute de IESV nomen capiamus. Simus omnes Iesuani, habebi-
mus in uoto et nomine socios Iudaeos Ismaelitasque in uoto autem totam
naturam humanam." Ilav8E:vwo {a (1547) pp. 128-132. This work was written
under Postel's pseudonym, Elias Pandochaeus. Postel also makes some in-
teresting remarks about reform and active works of charity in The Bri-
tish Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 36.
16 3For a perceptive treatment of this problem among those who be-
came Protestants, see Donald Kelley, Fran~ois Hotman. A RevoLutionary's
OrdeaL (Princeton, 1973: Princeton University Press), especially the
"Introduction" and "The Making of a Protestant," PP• 3-41. Note Rotman's
statement to Calvin, p. 42, which reminds one of Postel's call for true
religion: "Since the day I found true religion, I have loved no one,
not eyg~ my father, more than you."
A passage from Postel's Il av8 ~::vwo{ a of 1547, published at Basel,
speaks to the point: "Non dolet certe tantopere, quod ego in odii plena
comparatione inter Euangelistas et Alcoranum, atque in plerisque locis
caeterorum scriptorum, de Orbis terrae concordia praecipue, instar
iusti tiae mul tos Dei filios expulerimus ab eo uerbis me is: quia uideo
iusta Dei dispensatione esse factum, eo quod iusticia nunc praecedit
misericordiam. Sic enim opus erat ut postremis unirentur sequentia.
Nam ut ab unione lex naturae scripturae et gratiae incoepit et in dis-
sipatione finem fecit. Ab uno Adamo orti sunt filii Dei, et filii homi-
num. A Mose Sadducei, Scribae, Farisei, Essei, Zelotae. Ab uno Christo
infinito sectae, quae omnes caeteras, aut praeferendo seipsas, aut etiam
insectando infestant. quum Deus non sit dissensionis, sed pacis. Quum
autor salutis hoc dederit suis serius ordinate, ut illi hunc gregem in
loco Adami congregent et seruent, opus est, ut ins tar filiorum omnes
quibuscunque erroribus implicatos recipiat, qui curam gregis est habitu-
rus, ut illos tandem ueluti pater absolute foueat, curet, uniat." PP• 8-
10. Also note, p. 6, "Haec est prima intentio Dei, unire omnia ......
 51

religion and a universal state.1 64 a Postel's program for a unified

world under God preceded by more than twenty years the work of his
fellow countryman, Jean Bodin, who is usually credited with being the
"father of universalism.•l65
At any rate, because of his problems with the Doctors of Paris,
the De Orbis terrae aonaordia, in which he proclaimed the need for har-
mony of all men in a Christian world and a tolerant attitude, even an

l6 4aHenri Etienne commented upon Postel's syncretism: "Toutes fois

ie ne s~ay pas si entre les livres qu' il a voulu estre imprimez, se
trouvent des propos lesquels il a tenus une fois a Venise a plusieurs et
a moy entr'autres en place de Realte, a s~avoir que pour faire une bonne
religion il faudroit qu' elle fust composee des trois religions, de la
chrestienne, de la Judaique, et de la Turquesque: et que nommeement la
religion des Turcs auoit de bon points, si on la consideroit de pres."
This is cited by Jan Kvacala, "Wilhelm Postell, Seine Geistesart und
seine Reformgedanken," Arahive fur Reformationsgesahiahte, Vol. IX
(1911-1912), P• 327 and note 2.
16 5Julian . Frank,! in has sagaciously argued the case for Bodin espe-
cially in his design for a universal jurisprudence. See his Jean Bodin
and the Sixteenth-Century Revolution in the Methodology of Law and His-
tory (New York, 1963: Columbia University Press) and also his Jean Bo-
din and the Rise of Absolutist Theory (Cambridge, 1973: Cambridge Uni-
versity Press). Also see Julien Freund, "Quelques aper~us sur la con-
ception de 1 'historie de Jean Bodin" in Jean Bodin. Verhandlungen der
internationalen Bodin Tagung in Milnahen, editor, Horst Denzer (Mlinchen,
1973: verlag C. H. Beck) pp. 105-122.
Lucien Febvre, however, signals Postel as a precursor of Bodin. He
states in Le Probl~me de l'inaroyanae au XVIe si~ale. La Religion de
Rabelais, P• 118: "Alors, le probleme n'etait plus seulement de concil-
ier dans une unite rivale les confessions qui se reclamaient du Christ.
Il etait de reconcilier l'Humanite entiere.
"Ainsi, de bonne heure et tres naturellement Postel s'inscrivit-il
en precurseur parmi ces queteurs de !'Universe! dont Bodin sera le pro-
totype laique -- Bodin, preoccupe dans le domaine des institutions poli-
tiques ••• ; dans le domaine du Droit Compare ••• ; dans le domaine de la
religion ••• de substituer au catholicisme qui lui semblait riune un
universalisme a base de connaissances scientifiques et d'etude compara-
tive des faits: disons • • • a base d 'humani te' et forgeant ainsi .les
premiers anneaux d'une longue chaine qui le reliera d'abord a Leibniz,
revant d'une organisation politico-religieuse de la terre •••• Postel
les precede tous. Des 1540, comme le dit un beau vers d'un mediocre son-
net recueilli par Thevet, "Il meditoit en lui la concorde du Monde.'"
One of the most important articles ever written about Postel and
one which discusses his universalism is that of Giorgio Radetti, "Il
Teismo universalistico di Guglielmo Postel," AnnuaU deUa R. Sauola
Normale Superiore di Pisa (Lettere, Storia, e Filosofia) Serie II, Vol.
V (1936), Fasc. IV, pp. 279-295. Unfortunately this article has been
completely overlooked in more recent works on Postel.
 52

appreciation of Moslems and Jews whom nevertheless he hoped to convert

to Christian faith, was not published in Paris but in Basel by his
friend, Oporinus, in 1544.166
Shortly after this work was completed, Postel had a vision that he
must warn King Francis I to reform his kingdom and realm for the French
King had been chosen by God to become the leader in the universal resti-
tution or reformation of all things. Postel tells us that St. Francis
de Paul had prophecied to Louise of Savoy, wife of the Due of Angouleme,
that she would bear a son who, if he would reform his Estates, the
Church, the Universities, the Court, and the Courts of Law, would be the
Monarch who would go to the Holy Land and finally bring peace to the
universe; otherwise he would be the cause of great travail. The Queen
Mother named her son Francis after St. Francis de Paul because of this
amazing prophecy, according to Postel. Postel claims that , although he
had read the prophecies concerning a French king and an angelic pope,
and had copied some of these prophecies, he had never heard of .the pro-
phecy of St. Francis de Paul to Louise of Savoy.1 67 One is aware that

166Bibliotheque nati o na le, fonds fr an~. 2115, fol. 103.

167rbid. A recent article on Lo uise of Sa voy ma intains that
Louise's quarrel with the religious establishment "had been fought to
promote, not religious reform, but the royal prerogative." See Gordon
Griffiths, "Louise of Savoy and Reform of the Church," The Sixt eenth
Centur-y Jour-naL X, no. 3 (Fall, 1979) PP• 28-36. Note especially his
conclusion, P• 36, cited above. Postel's account, howeve r, causes one
to re f lect and perhaps to reconsider Louise's position on refo rm of the
Churc h. For the r o l e o f prophecy in Postel's thought, see Fran~ois
Se cre t, Les KabbaListes Chro~tiens de La r-enaissance (Pari s, 1964:
Dunod); Le Zoharo chez Les kabba"listes chro~ti ens de La r-enaissance ;
"L'Illuminisme de Guillaume Postel," Evidences 15, no. 96 (April-May,
1963) pp. 35-40; "De quelques courants prophetiques et religieux sous le
regne de Henri III," Revue de L'histoiroe des r-eLigions 172 (1967) PP• 1-
32; "Aspects oublies des courants prophetiques au debut du xvre siecle,"
Revue de L'historoie des r-e Ligions 173 (1968) pp. 173-201; "Guilla ume
Poste l e t les coura nts prophetiques," Studi Froancesi 3 (Gennai o-Aprile,
1957) 1, f asc. 3, pp. 375-395; "I" 'Emithologie de Guilla ume Postel,"
Arochivio di Fi"losofia, Umanesimo e Esoteroismo (Pa dova , 1960) pp. 381-
437; "Parali pomenes de la vie de Fran~ois I e r par Gui llaume Postel,"
Studi Froancesi 4 (1958) pp. 50-62; "Cornelius Gemma et la prophetie de
la 'Sibylle tiburtine, '" Revue d'histoiroe eccUsiastique 64 (no. 2)
(1969) pp. 423-431; "Guillaume Po stel le Pantopaeon," Revue de L'his -
toi roe des r-eLigions 165 (1964) PP• 203-221; also his Le Thr>~sor> des proo-
pMties de L'univeros. Manuscroi t pub"li~ avec une intr-oducti on et des
not es. Ar-chives Interonationa Les D'Histoiroe des Id~es, no . 27 (La Ha ye ,
1969: Ma rtinus Nijho ff). Also see Ma rj o ri e Reev e s, The InfLuence of
 53

in De Rationibus spiritus sanati, which was published in Paris in 1543,

Postel speaks of the prophecies of Catherine of Sienna, Raymond Lull,
and the Beatus Amadeus.168
Postel states that in addition to the prophecy of St. Francis de
Paul a similar prophecy was made to the King by a well-to-do wood-
craftsman, a man of integrity and prudence named Villanova Sangeorgii,
from Urbicula. This man sought an audience with the King, who was so-
journing in a monastery in the middle of the forest near Villeneuve dur-
ing a hunting trip)69 After the man's credentials were examined, he
spoke to the King and told him of a strange vision he had as he was
walking outside Urbicula. The craftsman explained how a man dressed in
white descended from heaven and told him to warn the King that God was
angered because of bad ex amp 1es set by the Court. Therefore, Francis
must reform his Court, the schools, and the Church or else God's anger
would fall upon Francis and his people. The craftsman was terrified,
but he finally sought a private audience with the King. Postel recounts
that for three days after the meeting with Villanova the King was very
depressed and given to much weeping. Francis was so melancholy that his
only solace was "iUa remedia de quibus silentio quum verbis omnino meZ-
ius agitur."170 However, the King was comforted by a favorite who told
him that there is nothing to fear and that men are customarily overcome
with melancholy.171 In addition, the soothing, feminine "remedy" ex-
plains to Francis that if there had been a divine sign, it would have
appeared before the King rather than before a plebian! The King smiled
when he heard this clever response and soon forgot about the warning.

Propheay in the Later Middle Ages. A Study of Joaahimism (Oxford, 1969:

at th~ ~larendonPress) PP• 287-290, PP• 380-387.
16 0Ve Rationibus spiritus sanati, Lib. II (Parisiis, 1543: Petrus
Gromorusus) P• 53v (sig. Iiiiiiv. See also the text of Beatus Amadaeus,
Nova ApoaaZypsis, Biblioteca Apotolica Vaticana, Ottob. Lat. ms. 2914,
fol. l-207v; also Petrus Galatinus, De AngeZiao Pastore opusauZum,
Biblioteca Apotolica Vaticana, Vat. Lat. ms. 5578, fol. 1-84. There is
also a copy of Nova ApoaaZypsis in the Biblioteca Marciana, mss. Latini
Cl. 3 §od. 195, collocazione 2211, fols. 1-206.
16 See The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 43, 43v. Postel
writes the name of the place as VaZZeZunens, but he obviously meant
Villeneuve-St. George, since he said the artisan's name was Villanova of
St. GI9rge.
0Ibid., fol. 44v.
171Ibid.
54

Postel recounts the two previous prophecies concerning Francis in order

to place his own warning to Francis in a similar context. Postel says
that God chose him to speak because he, unlike the artisan, could per-
suade with reason, even if divine commands should be absent.172 But a
heavenly voice did come, so Postel states, and urged him to devote him-
self to the concord of the world; in addition, impelling that, before
his departure from the Court and from France, he should go to the King
and argue strongly before him the urgency of reforming his Court, his
Church, his house, indeed, his whole realm.173 Postel revealed this di-
vine communication to Monsieur Fran~ois le Piccard, "a man of great
knowledge, goodness, and authority at Paris," who advised him to go to
Francis and speak to him about the divine presentments.174 Following

172 Ibid.
173 Postel was always drawn to prophecy. His citations from the
Bible were chosen significantly from the prophetic books of the Old
Testament, especially Jeremiah, Ezekiel, Daniel and Hosea. The major
role which he assigned to Jesus was that of prophet of the Most High
God; although he often calls Jesus deus-homo, he makes clear, especially
in his unpublished texts, that Jesus was a prophet who by his life indi-
cated his sonship to the One True God. Jesus, according to Postel, was a
true son of God and deus-homo because God's spirit dwelled fully within
him. This "dwelling of God's spirit within man" is essential for true
reform, according to Postel.
It is certain that Postel believed himself to be a prophet who must
summon the restitution of all things. Postel as prophet becomes a theme
common to all of his writings after 154 7. In addition to the bi blio-
graphy on prophecy cited above, note 167, see John Leddy Phelan, The
MiZZenniaZ Kingdom of the Franciscans in the New WorZd, 2nd ed.
(Berkeley, 1970: University of California Press); Bernard McGinn, Vi-
sions of the End. Apocalyptic Traditio~s in the Middle Ages (New York,
1979: Columbia University Press); also Emile Dermenghem, Thomas Morus et
Zes utopistes de Za Renaissance (Paris, 19F), especially Chapter IV,
entitled "Les Idees religieuses de Morus, d'Erasme, de Postel et de Cam-
panella," PP• 179-221. Also see Claude-Gilbert Dubois, "Une Utopie poli-
tique de la renaissance fran~aise," £'Information ZitttJraire 2 (1968)
PP• 56-62; Cesare Vasoli, "Postel e i l 'Mito estrusco'" in MfJZanges ~ Za
mtJmoire de Franco Simone. France et ItaZie dans Za culture europtJenne. I
Moyen Age et Renaissance (Geneve, 1980: Editions Slatkine) PP• 325-350;
also A. D. Mikhailov, "Deux Etapes de 1 'Utopisme au temps de la Renais-
sance," MfJZanges ~ Za mtJmoire de Franco Simone, jP• 251-259. Also see
Claude-Gilbert Dubois, CeZtes et GauZois au XVI si~cZe. Le dtJveZop-
pement ZitttJraire d'un mythe nationaZiste avec Z'edition criti ue d'un
trait() inedit de GuiZZaume PosteZ. De ce qui est premier pour reformer
Ze mor1f (Paris, 1972 : Librairie Philosophique J. Vrin).
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fols. 105, 105v. See
also The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 43v, 44.
 55

Piccard's advice, Postel went to Fontainebleau and urged the King to re-
form his realm, especially his justice, or else his days would be num-
bered and the kingdom would suffer great travail.175 Postel writes that
he spent an hour alone with the King who wept when he heard the dire
predictions. 176 Although Postel represents the King as repentant, as in
the previous remonstrance, a woman again intervened. Whether it was the
same woman, one cannot say. However, when Postel records the story of
his visit to Francis , he states that a Dame of Poitiers persuaded the
King to ignore Postel's warning and threat, since these were the words
of a "fool who had forsaken his benefices and security, and in addition,
spoke of visions and divine commandments."177 Postel's mention of a Dame
of Poi tiers pro vi des some evidence for the persona 1 influence of Diane
in the last few years of Francis' reign.178 The accusations of madness
and folly which Postel faced on many subsequent occasions probably began
with Diane's harsh judgments about Postel to the King. Postel's account
of this episode is important on several levels. The episode reinforces
the common perception that women exerted great influence upon Francis I;
it also indicates that the King's good intentions could easily be over-
come by clever words and blandi shments. It would be interesting to know
if the Dame who dissuaded Francis from be1i evi ng the artisan's warning
was the same as the Dame who convinced him that Postel was a fool. Pos-
tel's account of the two prophecies is almost identical, but he omits
the name of the lady in the story of the King and Villanova. Postel
probably mentioned the Dame of Poitiers in the story of his own en-
counter with Francis, because he addressed this apology, wri tten in
1564, to Catheri ne de Medici, who surely had no affection for her former

175 Bi bl i o the que nationale , fo nds fran~. 2 115, f o l. 105v .

176I bi d .
1 77 Bi bliotheque na t iona l e , f onds fran~ . 2115 , fo l. 112 . Poste l
ma rke d t hroug h the words Vne dame de Poi [ ]yeure . All l ette r s can b e
c learly r e ad e x c e p t i n the l ast wo rd. Poi a n d yeure a re c lea r enoug h.
The two d i fficult letters s eem to be n and t. Sinc e Postel says Vne dame
o ne is inc lined to think tha t the dame is the f amous dame, Dia ne of
Poit i e r s .
11 ~I recen t ly checked t he man usc r ipt i n Paris , and my read i ng f r om
the mic r ofi lm appears to be co rr ect . If so, Postel provides evid ence
that Diane was t he mistress of Francis as well as Henry II, a s upposi -
tion prev iously s u ggested bu t never p r oven.
56

rival. 17 9 Postel may have hoped that if he could convince Catherine that
his problems began with Diane, Catherine might conceive an opinion about
Postel opposite to that of Diane.
Postel also introduces another interesting side-light to the events
of 1543. He notes that the Cardinal uncle, Bourbon, heard of Postel's
warning to Francis I from women in the Court, and he asked Postel if he
wanted to say anything about the events and his words to the King. Pos-
tel told the Cardinal that he had been charged by the "divine voice" to
speak to the King and to him alone.180
Postel's version of the event indicates that he had access to the
King until his ominous warning; however, as a result of his passionate
plea for reform, his position in the inner circle was never to be re-
gained.181 Indeed, it seems to mark the end of Postel's quiet life as a
scholar and the beginning of his life as a religious revolutionary. He
evidently began to think of himself as a prophet in 1544, and he was
never able to free himself from this id~e fixe· Indeed, his prophetic
pronouncements become progressively more intense.182
Postel was aware of the dangerous course of action he was pursuing
in warning Francis to reform, for he says, in another unpublished text,
that "had the King been more prone to anger than to reason he would have
been in danger of his life."183 Postel was seldom cautious and surely

l79The document is addressed "A tres chrestienne Princesse D. Cath-

erine de Medicis Reine mere du tres chrestien Roy Charles IX de ce nom.
Bibli~§heque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fols. 99-117.
0 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. 112.
18lrhe British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 43.
182 on the mental state of Postel, see Dr. Jacques Simonet, "Guil-
laume Postel: reve, delire, illumination?", L'Infol'Trlation psychiatrique,
55, I (1979) pp. 1-31. Dr. Simonet, a psychiatrist, states, p. 27: "Le
jugements de ses contemporains faisait de Postel un Illumine, l'ambigu-
ite du mot doit retenir notre attention, car son emploi n'avait pas
alors le sens pejoratif que nous lui donnons. Quelque chose d'un moment
de la pensee doit y etre saisi, ce moment ou la recherche rationaliste
tente de rencontrer un autre mode au-dela de son pouvoir. La question
ne reste-elle pas toujours ouverte?"
See also c. F. Lebigot, La Fureur de G. Postel (Mude d'un para-
phr~ne au XVIe si~cle) (Bordeaux, 1967); M. Sendrail, "Un Reformateur
sous le regard des psychiatres" in Le concours medical, (11-10-69) PP•
7057-7060. Also see, Simonet, "La Folie de G. Postel et sa condamna-
tion," Realities (Realities edition Medicine no. 321 (Oct. 1962)) PP• 3-
25.
183 Postel writes: "... ut summum capitis periculum, si rex irae
 57

not discreet, as his blunt warning to the King demonstrates.184 Indeed,

with the same abandon he went to Henry II, in the fifth year of his
reign, and made similar warnings.185
Postel's_version of his encounter also indicates that his departure
from the royal circle cannot be viewed solely as a result of Poyet's
disgrace which occurred in 1542.186 A "divine voice" led him, so he
says, to devote himself to reform and consequently to relinquish his
benefices. Postel's belief in the message from heaven and his subse-
quent action 1ed the Dame of Poiti ers and others in the court to con-
sider him mad and played a part in his loss of royal favor.187
Writing to Catherine de Medici twenty years after the first accusa-
tion of folly, Postel observes that whether he is reputed to be fool or
sage does not concern him because man is not changed by good or bad
opinions about himself.188 He states that all falsity is folly and that
the number of fools is infinite. He warns that •••

quam rationi fuisset obsequentior, ipso facto adiissem, nihil plane illi
alteri ouicquam aperui." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 44.
l8liThe Jesuit Polanco (Chronicon Societatis Jesus, t. 4., p. 235)
wa s t o note years l ater that Francis commen t ed upon Postel 's rebuke with
these words: "Rune ego hominem eruditum existimaveram, sed et sa pienti-
orem arbitrabar esse quam sit." Cited by Henri Bernard-Maitre, S. J.,
"Le Passage de Guillaume Postel chez les premiers Jesui tes de Rome," in
M~langes d'histoire litt~raire de la Renaissance offerts a Henri Chamard
(Paris 1951) p. 231.
a
1 5 "Quinto autem Regni Henrici anno non dissimilia ipsi inculcavi,
si forsan suae gentis Iurisdictioni a ttenderet ." The British Library,
Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 44v.
186Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et vies ••• , p. 590 , e mpha -
sizes the Poyet affair as significant in arousing the anger of Margaret
of Navarre and Castellanus against Postel, because of his support for
the Chancellor. Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi, p. 8, notes, in addition,
that Postel's constant agitation for the teaching of Arabic may have be-
come a source of embarrassment to the French government since it was
eager for an a lliance with Constantinople. Postel, as one would imagine,
places the main source of his problems upon the shoulders of Diane who
set the King's mind against him. All of these fac tor s probably played a
part, a nd surely Postel's be havior was impolitic, since Francis ob-
viouslS was not accustomed to be challenged in such a manner.
1 7 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. 112.
188Bibliotheque nationa1e, fonds fran~. 2115, fo1s. 112, 112v. Pos-
tel writes: "Somme quant a mon estre repute ou fol ou sage, ie ne men
soucie gueres. Car lhom ne me c hange pas pour es time r ou dire bien ou
mal de moy. Ie croy et scay tresbien, que depuys que le nombre des f olz
est infini ce pendant quhom me compte pour vn home, ie nen suys pas hor s
du nombre ."
58

Sauf vn seul Dieu tout est vanite et follie. Et la vertu

mesme, si elle n'est en Dieu, vnie par les quatre elementz
d'Amour, Charite, Pd~ection et Compassion est souueraine fol-
lie et Hypocrisie.
Postel maintained this disregard for the opinion of others throughout
his 1 ife. Even when he was forced to abjure his fi rey pronouncements,
his apologies are amazing, for he retracts very 1 ittle; instead he
explains again and again what he thinks and why. Indeed he seems to use
the apology or retraction as an excuse to expound anew his views. 190
With his brilliant career in philology in shambles and with his
reputation tarnished by his impetuous and seemingly foolish warning to
Francis, Postel goes to Rome to be with the Jesuits.191 As we have
pointed out above Postel knew Loyola and his group at Sainte-Barbe and
was impressed with their ideas of reform.1 92 He saw them as an exten-
sion of his own beliefs. His admiration was also kindled by their ac-
knowledgment that all people should be pardoned.193 He enthusiastically
proclaims their manner of life to be the most excellent after the
Apostles.19 4 In 1544 when Postel joined the Jesuits he was still demand-
ing reform within the established Church and the Jesuits seemed to him
to be the appropriate agents of such reform.195 When Postel arrived in

18!ffbid • Postel points out that St. Paul also had visions from
heaven. On the question of "folly" in the Renaissance, see Robert Klein,
"Un Aspect de 1 'hermeneutique a 1' a~e. de ~ 'h!.!manisfl!e classiqu.e. Le theme
du fou et l'ironie humaniste."Arch~v~o d~ F~Zosof~a, Umanes~mo e Erme-
neutica (Padova, 1963) pp. 11-25.
190see Fran<;ois Secret, GuiUaume Postel. Apologies et r~trac-
tions. Manuscrits in~dits pubZi~s avec une introduction et des notes
(Nieuwkoop, 1972: B. De Graaf)BibZiotheca Humanistica et Reformatorica,
Vol. III.
191 From Fontainebleau, where he sounded his warning to Francis I,
Postel notes his departure for Rome: "... a pres hauoir • • • faict au
grand Roy Francoys, les remonstrances que Dieu scai t, ie men allay a
Rome, pensant attirer a mon institution de ladicte Concorde du monde,
les Iesuites ...... Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran<;• 2115, fol. 104v.
Also note Postel's statements in Lea Raisons de Za monarchie, P•
vi; in the dedication of hisSacrarum Apodixeon seu EucZidis Christiani,
dated November, 1543, he speaks of his approaching departure for Rome as
his "i~~ine calling".
See Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran<;• 2115, fols. 105v, 106.
19 lbid • fol. 106.
19/rbid. '
l95speaking of the Jesuits in his Lea Raisons de Za monarchie , P•
vi, he notes his expectations: " ••• ayant intention pour si noble entre-
prise de tirer a rna deliberation quelque compagnye de Religion reformee,
 59

Rome in March, 1544 he was warmly greeted by Ignatius and the other mem-
bers of the Society who were impressed with his great erudition and
piety.1 96 He took the vows of poverty, chastity, and obedience to
Ignatius and to his successor whoever he was to be. He repeated his pro-
fession before the altars of seven of the most venerated Churches in
Rome.19? But the visions of reform and of uni versa 1 concord which
caused problems for him in Paris haunted him in Rome. Although he prayed

pour laquelle suyuir vng temps affin de la gaingner

One recalls that in 1543 he published A~corani seu ~egis Mahometi
et evange~istarum concordiae ~iber in which he condemns the schismatics
and questions the validity of their so-called reforms.
Henri Bernard-Maitre, s. J., "Aux origines Fran<;aises de la com-
pagnie de Jesus. L 'Apologie de Guillaume Postel a la fin de L 'An nee
1552," Recherches de science e r~Ugieuse 38, No. 3-4 (1952), P• 219,
no. 47, comments that among the reformers Postel could have known in
Italy were the new groups of "clerics reguliers, sur lesquelles la Com-
pagnie de Jesus s'est partiellement modelee." The Barnabites about whom
we have spoken,above were one of the new orders of "c~erics r~gu~iers".
Also see Henri Bernard-Maitre, "Le Passage de Guillaume Postel chez
les premiers Jesuites de Rome," M~~anges d'histoire Utt~raire de ~are­
naissance offerts b: Henri Chamard (Paris, 1951) PP• 227-243; Fran<;ois
Secret, "Les Jesui tes et le kabbalisme chretien a la renaissance,"
Biblioth~que d' Humanisme et Renaissance 20 (Geneve, 1958: Li brairie
Droz) PP• 543-555; "Les Dominicains et la Kabbale chretienne a la Re-
naissaoce," Archivum fratrum praedicatorum Vol. 27 (1957) PP• 319-336.
lYbrn a statement written in June, 1544, announcing the entry of
Postel among the Jesuits in the month of March, 1554, a Jesuit author
acknowledges that a man of thirty-five years, master of arts in Paris,
very knowledgeable in Greek, Hebrew, Latin, and especially Arabic, had
entered their order. The author continues: "··• il a compose beaucoup
de livres, soit en les traduisant du grec en latin, soit en les compos-
ant de son propre fonds. Il a renonce a une Chaire et a des benefices.
It est venu se laisser gouverner et guider par la Compagnie et, de la
sorte, apres avoir fait les Exercises, il s'est decide a etre de la Com-
pagnie; et apres etre passe par quelques experiments, comme de faire la
cuisine, de precher sur les places publiques, il procede perseveramment
avec grande edification de to us." Cited by Henri Bernard-Maitre, S. J.,
"Le Passage de Guillaume Postel chez les Jesuits," pp. 231-232. Bernard-
Maitre, p. 231, also cites another Jesuit source which states that Pos-
tel was about forty years old at the time of his entry and that he was
"compose, grave, devot et fervent ...... For Postel's stay among the Je-
suits also see Pietro Tacchi-Venturi, Storia de~~a Compagnia di Ges~ in
Ita~ia Vol.II 2 , pp.lOl-106.
1 ~ 7 Postel states that he repeated his vows before the altars in the
Churches of Saint Paul, of Saint Sebastian near the Catacombs, of Saint
John Lateran, in the chapel of the Holy Cross, in the church of Saint
Laurence outside the walls, in the Church of Santa Maria of the Snows,
and finally before the high altar of Saint Peter's Basilica. See Henri
Bernard-Maitre, "Le Passage ••• ," p. 232.
60

to God that these fantasies be removed, he could not cease proclaiming

the role of the French King in reforming his state and the Church as a
prelude to the universal monarchy. Postel states that Ignatius, because
he was "more Spanish" than the other Jesuits, doubted his pronouncement
about a King, "qui reeouurera La terre sainete, reformera L'Eg"Lise, et
mettra Coneorde et paix au monde vniuerseL. "198 No sma 11 part of
Postel's problems with the Jesuits was his constant repetition that the
Pope's authority should be subject to that of the Councils. Indeed, in
his recollections of the affair, he speaks of the conciliar question as
the first of his disagreements with Ignatius.199
There were other problems also, according to Father Rebadeneira. He
writes, in retrospect, that Ignatius, although cognizant of Postel's
good qualities, began to see gradually his strange opinions which
resulted from the errors of Postel's judgment and also from the
influence of Rabbinic sources and other Hebrew authors whom Postel had
read.200

198 Postel describes his efforts to be free of his v1s1ons in Bibli-

otheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fols. 104v, 105. Postel believed
that the French people, the GaLLoys, under the leadership of their king,
must lead the way to the establishment of the universal monarchy. The
GaLLoys which name Postel uses to designate all the European descendants
of Noah, that is, the Spanish, Italians, Germans, and French, have a
special role in the task of establishing world harmony since the Galleys
are already the "half-Jewish" race, the GaLLim "snatched from the waves"
on Noah's ark. The idea of being "snatched from the waves" became topos
for Postel, indicating God's care for mankind and man's new life from
the waters. Robert Fludd also used the idea and signed his name,
Robertus de Fluctibus. See his Traetatvs. ApoLogetieus integritatem So-
eietatis de Rosea Crvee defendens ••• (Lvgdvni Batavorvm, 1617), where
on the title page the author is identified as "R. de Flvctibvs Anglo
MDL." See Postel's De Etruriae Regionis • • • Originibus (Florentiae,
1551); also Les Raisons de La monarehie (Paris, 1551). Also see Don
Cameron Allen, The Legend of Noah (Urbana, Ill., 1949: University of Il-
linois Press); MysteriousLy Meant. The Rediseovery of Pagan SymboLism
and ALLegorieaL Interpretation in the Renaissanee (Baltimore, 1970: The
Johns Hopkins Press). Also see Fran~ois Secret, "L'Emithologie de Guil-
laume Postel," Arehivio di FUosofia, Umanesimo e Esoterismo (1960) PP•
381-437; "Cornelius Gemma et la prophetie de la 'Sibylee tiburtine, '"
Revue d'histoire eeeL~siastique 64, no. 2 (1969) pp. 423-431.
199 ..... joinct aussi que ie soustenoys tous iours centre eulx selon
le Concile de Basle et selon la sentence de 1 'Eglise Gallicane, que le
Pape est au dessoubz du Concile ••• " Bi bliotheque na tionale, fonds
fran~i 2115, fol. 104v.
00 Henri Bernard- Maitre, "Le Passage ••• , " p. 231. The Jesuits were
 61

In vain Ignatius tried numerous remedies to free Postel from his er-
roneous beliefs.201 He appointed a committee of Jesuits, including Sal-
meron, Lhoost, and Ugoletto, to investigate Postel's beliefs and his
writings. The report was negative. He sent Postel to the Papal Vicar,
Filippo Archinto, who was impressed with Postel's piety and humility and
his willingness to recant whatever was objectionable to the Jesuits.
Then Archinto instructs Ignatius: "unde statuo ne abseedat ex domo
vestra atque iUum restituo ad omne aUaris mynisterium, ut prius; et
quanta minus de iis verba fiunt, 1.audo." 202 Nevertheless, Ignatius,

initially nervous about his great appreciation of Arabic culture and

authors; in a letter, cited by Bernard-Maitre, "Le Passage ... , " p. 229,
written to Postel by Pierre Lefevre from Portugal, he congratulates Pos-
tel on having "renonce aux imaginations des auteurs arabes: 'Non repre-
hensurus esset quod vale feceris Bembisinde [Avicenne?] et Bembi taro
[Ibn al-Baytar, bontaniste de Malaga, dont clenard etudia aussi des ou-
vrage]'",
In addition to his fantasies and the conciliar question Postel
notes another position displeasing to the Jesuits: "Ainsi principale-
ment par soubstenir, que le Roy Francoys hauoit este appelle a la Man-
archie, et a Reformer L 'Eglise, et d 'auantage, que comment qu' il en
aduiene, le peuple Francoys, dedens LaFrance (soit victorieux ou vaincu
de quelconque puyssance) domineraet sera, la premiere force d'un Roy,
qui recouuerera la terre saincte, reformera L'Eglise, et mettra Concorde
et paix au monde Vniuersel moy ayant ces opinions ou sentences en la
teste ou par aduenture par estre plus Espagnolz qu'aultres, me
debouterent et me donnierent licence." Bibliotheque nationale, fonds
fran~~ 2115, fols. 104v, lOS.
LOlsee Bernard-Maitre, "Le Passage,,,," pp. 234-235.
202 Ibid., p. 235. Also note pp. 227-243 for many interesting re-
marks about Postel from Jesuit records. In addition, for some interest-
ing insights into the relations of Postel with certain Jesuits, as well
as with the Papal Vicar Archinto, see Fran~ois Secret, "Filippo
Archinto, Girolamo Cardano, et Guillaume Postel," Studi Franeesi 13, no.
37 (1969) PP• 73-76; also see his, "Les Jesuites et le kabbalisme
chretien a la renaissance," Bib1.iothl3que d'Humanisme et Renaissance 20
(1958) PP• 542-555, where he sagaciously states, pp. 542-543: "Le kab-
balisme chretien fut, en fait, un mouvement complexe et les jugements
que porterent sur la kabbale les representants des differents ordres ne
procederent pas de raisons aussi simplistes. Dominica ins et Francis-
cains qui brillerent alors dans l'etude des langues orientales ne pou-
vaient que s'interesser a cette tradition JUlve. Et c'est aussi la rai-
son pour laquelle les Jesuites crees pour lutter contre la desagregation
de la Chretiente devaient s'en occuper. C'est done presenter une vue
bien superficielle de l'histoire des idees a la Renaissance que de ne
citer, a propos des jugements portes sur la kabbale par des Jesuites que
les noms de Martin del Rio et de Benedictus Pererius.
"Sans doute, lorsqu'en 1534 Ignace de Loyola fonde la compagnie de
Jesus, la plupart des grandes oeuvres de la kabbale chretienne ont-elles
62

writing to Father LeJay, on December 12, 1545, states that he has given
Postel license to depart, although he remained on good terms with the
Jesuits. 203 Postel's own record of his dismissal corroborates Ignatius'
account. Postel writes that because he and the Jesuits could not agree
on certain points, he departed in order to decide if he wanted to return
to the Jesuits; the Jesuits in turn could decide if they desired to re-
ceive him again. In either case, Postel points out that both parties
enjoyed the liberty of choice. However, Postel makes clear that he had
been ordained a priest in apostolic succession, and that this office is
eternal. For this reason, Postel states, he has named himself hence-
forth "Pr-estr-e de Pz>ofession ou orur-e ApostoZique, et en quel,que lieu,
Pier-r-e second conuer-ty, et 7, 'Hoste ou Pandochee EZie. oo204 Postel be-
lieved that his prophetic call of 1544 has been enhanced by the author-
ity of his priesthood. He is now prophet-priest, and his conviction of
his divine appointment never wavers. Although Postel was to write in
1564 to Catherine de Medici that he has continued in his desire to live
with the Jesuits and has sent numerous messages "by mouth and in
writing" of his intentions, he was not able to change his positions to
the extent that he was ever welcome again among the Jesuits.205

dlji ~t~ lcrites: ••• "

0 See Bernard-Maitre, "Le Passage ••• ," p. 236. Note the comment,
cited by Bernard-Maitre of a Spanish Jesuit, P. Araoz, in a letter of 26
January, 1546, to P. Domenech: "J ' ai beaucoup d'affection pour Maitre
Postel et j'ai vu certaines de ses Heures que dltient Jean • ••• "
204Postel 's words confirm and clarify the evidence presented by
Bernard-Maitre; see above p.39 and note 203. Postel writes: " ••• dond
pour quelques Raisons ne nous pouuant accorder ensemble, ie party
d'eulx, comme si ie n'y eusse poinct entre, a scauoir, si i'y vouloys
retourner, ou eulx me recepuoir, feust en rna liberte ou en la leur. La
ie fus faict prestre Apostolique, par le souuerain vicaire du Pape, cest
a dire a titre de Pourete, comme estoient les Apostres. C'est la cause,
que ie me suys nom€, en quelques miens escriptz par apres Prestre de
Profession ou ordre Apostolique, et en quelque lieu, Pierre second con-
uerty, et lHoste ou Pandochee Elie." Bibliotheque nationale, fonds.
fran~~ 2115, fol. 103v.
05 Professor Bouwsma, Concor-dia Mundi, pp. 10-13, equates "license
to depart" with expulsion. The manuscripts clarify several problems,
however. It is not entirely accurate to define Postel's departure as
expulsion. The door was open for his return, if he could change some
opinions, especially concerning the Pope and the Councils. He discusses
his life among the Jesuits in his apology to Catherine de Medici and re-
peats his desire to live with them. See Bibliotheque nationale, fonds.
fran~. 2115, fol. 105.
 63

After Postel's separation from the Jesuits he remained in Rome amid

the cosmopolitan environment of the city. Although he was no longer a
member of the Society of Jesus, he continued to wear the long black robe
of a priest. Some accounts say that he was imprisoned during the period
following his expulsion from the Jesuits because he defended his views
too boldly, but firm evidence is lacking.206
However, some assumptions can be made about the period immediately
following his departure from the Jesuit house. Postel in all likelihood
continued to speak as a concil i ari st, boldly opposing the view of the
Pope's authority as greater than that of a Council. There is evidence in
Postel's own hand that he abhorred the divisions which developed from
the hard line position at the Council of Trent. He was especially scorn-
ful of the events which led to moving the Council from Trent to
Bologna.207 In regard to the strong antipapal position which he
assumed, he blamed not only Paul III but also Francis I for the
decisions made at Bologna in 1547.208 Postel writes that in the year
1547, King Francis was a moving force if not the author of a directive
which urged the Pope to commit the "greatest sin of the world," that is,
to p1ace the papa 1 authority above that of conci 1i ar authority. 209

20 6see Georges Weill, De ••• vita et indole, P• 23; Chaufepie,

Nouveau Diotionnaire, p. 219, is inclined to believe that his concili-
arist stance caused him to be imprisoned for a while. Bouwsma, op. oit.,
p. 13, note 46, considers the evidence too vague to support the view of
Postel's imprisonment. I am inclined to think that, because of his
strong statements, recorded in his hand in The British Library, Sloane
ms. 1413, fol. 43, which link Francis I and Pope Paul III to the enact-
ment of the "greatest sin in the world," Postel may have been questioned
or even detained for a brief period. If this conclusion be true, I would
also wager that the Papal Vicar Filippo Archinto, came to Postel's res-
cue. S7e also The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 39.
20 See Postel's address to the delegates at the Council of Trent
(Bologna), entitled Pro soriptis de naturae humanae instauratione tam in
magno opere quam in appendioibus eius satisfaotio et retraotatio ad
Reuerendissimos Patres Zegatos SS in ConoiZio oeoumenioo nuno Z547
Bononiae oongregato G. PosteZZi saoerdotis. Biblioteca Apostolica Vati-
cana, ms. Vat. Lat. 6147, fols. 120-123v. I am indebted to Monsignor
Jose Ruysschaert for providing me with a photocopy of this important
documznt, as well as many other kindnesses through many years.
0 8see above, note 206.
209 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 44. Relationships in
the Cinquecento were paradoxical indeed. Pope Paul III, whom Postel de-
scribed as "thinking himself equated to God," gave to Postel in 1548 the
task of answering in Chaldaic and Arabic letters of a learned Portuguese
64

Postel called this a great catastrophe to France and all the world,
because he saw this action as one which would make any hope of union
within Christendom almost impossible.
Postel linked this "catastrophe," as he called it, with the prophecy
which he had reported to Francis in 1544. The Council which proclaimed
the papal authority over Councils convened in Bologna on March 12, 1547
and Francis' death occurred on March 22, 1547. Postel interpreted this
as proof that his warning to Francis was divinely inspired; he even re-
lates the death of Paul IV, which took place, as he states, on the very
day on which "I was representing myself before him [Paul IV] to prove
myself to the Church, even whi 1e imprisoned," to the fact that the Pope
had ordered Postel's death eight days before his own death took
place. 210
By 1543 Postel had already begun to think of himself as prophet; he
believed the events of 1547 and 1559, as he was to write later, proved
the point. 211 And there would be yet other events, which he believed
proved that he was a prophet. Whereas, Postel was dogmatic in his

gentlewoman who had written to the Pope in various languages. Postel re-
counts this story in Les Tr~s MerveiLLeuses Viatoires des femmes
(Geneve, 1970; Slatkine Reprint of the 1553 ed . of Paris: Jehan Ruelle)
p. 21. Weill, op. ait., p. 23, also relates the story but confuses the
title £f the book in which Postel details the story of learned women.
2 0 The passage is complicated, and the meaning not entirely clear .
Part of the difficulty is that Postel is speaking of the death of
Francis I which occurred in 154 7 and then jumps to the death of Pope
Paul IV which took place in 1559. It seems strange, at least to me, that
he describes Paul IV as doatissimus et usu rerum prudentissimus. The
passage is as follows: "Tantum enim abest ut Rex quicquam de me statuere
potuerit, ut qua die summus Pontifex et doctissimus et vsu rerum pruden-
tissimus, cui, ut me probarem Ecclesiae, sponte et intra carceres, et
suo iure primario violato me representabam aequissimo animo, ea die et
hora sit e uiuis sublatus, qua de meo capite ob solam in principibus ar-
guendis audaciam transigere, octauo ante die statuerat." The British
Libra~l Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 44.
1see passage cited in note above. Postel himself indicates the
date of his call to prophecy. He writes: "Ayant escript et faict im-
primer auant dix neuf ans de ce 1564 mon oeuure de la concorde du monde,
et en laissant le peu de biens temporelz que jauoys, po [ ] entendre du
tout a ladicte Concorde, apres hauoir, (comme par signe visible, et par
voix m'estoit du Ciel commande) faict au grand Roy Francoys, les remon-
strances que Dieu scait, IE men allay a Rome, pensant attirer a mon in-
stitution de ladicte Concorde du monde, les Iesuites, auec les quellz ie
vescu enuiron dis huict moys ...... Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~.
2115, fol. 103v.
 65

belief in his own prophetic voice, he deplored, like Erasmus, t hose in

the Catholic as well as the Protestant fold who maintained extreme
positions which disallowed compromise. We see Postel writing in 1564 to
Catherine de Medici about the need for re 1i gi ou s concord, and he urges
upon her a course of toleration and pardon. Postel believed so strongly
in toleration and pardon for all that he considered insane all who did
not support his call for unity of the whole worl d.212
After his departure from the Jesuits in 1544 Postel probably did
not maintain a low profile or silence on the issues which had caused him
problems previously. Yet during the year 1545-46, he evidentl y had free-
dom to move about the city and meet interesting people, in spite of no
apparent means of financial support.
Among those he met in Rome was an Ethiopian priest who explained to
Postel the meaning of the books of Enoch.213 He also developed a warm
friendship with Johann Albertus Widmanstadt, whom Postel described as
outstanding in all scholarship and especially because of his knowledge
of the secret doctrine of the Hebrews. 214 Postel ' s interest in the books
of the Kabba 1ah, which began during his first trip to the Orient in
1536 , was surely quickened by his friendship with Widmanstadt. He began
studying the Kabbalah in earnest in Rome , and he synthesized Kabbalistic
ide as with his own unique version of uni versa 1 concord which he called
the "eternal gospel".215 He incorporated his ideas in a book entitled

2 1 2 Bi b liotheque nationale , fo nds . fran~ . 2115 , fol . 98v .

213 see De Or iginibus (Basel, 1553) , p . 10 wh ere Postel writ es :
"Aud i u i etiam R omae librorum Enoch a rgument um, et contextum mihi a sac-
e rdo t e Aethio pe (ut in Ecclesia reginae Sabba ha be tur pro Ca no ni co libro
instar Moses ) expo situm: ita ut s it mihi ua ria s upe llex pr o hi s t o ria e
uarietat e ."
This acqua inta nc e with the Etho pia n pri es t made a last i ng impres-
sion on Pos t e l, for in ma n y texts , pub lished and unpublished , Postel
uses refe r ences f r om the books of Enoch , espec i al l y t hose pa r ts dealing
wi t h t he M erk a ba .
214 "Se d quum accepissem dudum f uisse in magna a u t hori tate pen es
Ducem Baua riae Ioh. Albe rtum Vuidma n s t a dium, c um quo an t e a Romae ua l d e
mag nam amicitiam, ob insignem omnium literarum, maxime a utem ob s e cre ti-
o ris int e r Hebraeos d o ctina e m yst e ria, qu i bus praedit u s era t, contrax-
era m: ...... Cosmogr aphicae discipLinae compendium (Bas ileae , 1561)
Praefatio , a 3 .
215 Pr ofess or Secret s u ggest s t hat Pos t e l may have kn o wn t he wo r ks
of Cardinal Gi lles of Vi terbo . He wise l y notes : "I l est certa in, e n
tout cas , qu' i l connut i n t i memen t un des g r a n ds a mi s du cardin al , J . A.
66

De Restitutione humanae naturae which he sent from Rome to the Basel

publisher Oporinus in February or March, 1546.216 However, this work
was intercepted by church authorities and never reached Basel.217 This
occurrence demonstrates that Postel was suspect after his dismissal from
the Jesuits and was cautiously observed. Charges were probably made
against him because of the intercepted book, for we have evidence of
retractions made by Postel in 1547 for his writings "de naturae humanae
instauratione· " 218 However, one can possibly assume that he was not
imprisoned in 1546 because he did not lack acquaintance with one who had

Widmanstadt. Or dans un des traites laisses par Gilles de Viterbe, in-

titule Scechina et qui est dedi' i Clement VII et i Charles-Quint, on
retrouve cette meme conscience que les temps sont proches, que la verite
cach'e de la kabbale se revele et qu'il appartient au Monarque de l'Uni-
vers d I agir." See Fran~ois Secret, Le Zohar ahez res kabbaUstes
ahr~tiens de La renaissanae in M~moires de La soai~t~ des ~tudes juives
III (Paris, 1958: Librairie Durlacher), P• 56. See also Fran~ois Secret,
Les K~~~aListes ahr~tiens de La renissanae (Paris, 1964: Dunod).
See Postel's letter of 22 January, 1547 written to Masius (Andr'
Maes) from Venice, published by Chaufepie, op. ait., p. 319, in which he
states: "Missum est Roma ad Oporinum opus de restitutione humane naturae
jam aute decem menses, et interceptum est."
Zl/Ibid· Postel never published a book with the title of De Resti-
tutione humanae naturae, but in 1552 he published the Restitutio rerum
omnium as a combined work with Abrahami Patriarahae Liber Iezirah• Both
books are translations of Hebrew originals.
There is, in manuscript, a work which also may be a reworking of
the intercepted De Restitutione humanae naturae, in which Postel says he
explains the eternal Gospel. It is written in Postel's hand and is en-
titled Dispunatio qua aLarissime ostenditur, Aeternum seu Nouissimwn
Testamentum, ex suis rationibus probatum• The British Library, Sloane
ms. 1411, fols. 155-162 •• In the Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana (Palatina
IV, 1241) there is a book entitled Aatorvm CoLLoqvii Ratisponensis •••
Verissima Narratio· The author's name does not appear on the title page,
only the date of printing, 1546, is given. I strongly suspect that Pos-
tel is the author of this work, and if so, it helps to explain what he
was doing after his departure from the Jesuits and why he was under sur-
veillance. The author's style is remarkably similar to Postel's; in ad-
dition, on the title page appears the "black-lily" symbol which one also
finds on Postel's Les Tr~s MerveiUeuses Viatoires des femmes (Paris,
1553: Jehan Gueullart), De Originibus seu de Hebraiaae Linguae et gentis
antiquitate (1958), Lingvarvm duodeaim aharaateribvs differentivm aLpha-
betvm4 introdvatio (1538); Les Raisons de La monarahie (1551).
~ 1 ~Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Vat. Lat. 6147, fols. 120-123v.
See also Vat. Barb. 834, fols. 98-102. This is a copy of the apology in
Postel's hand, entitled GuLieLmi PosteLLi saaerdotis apoLogia et postu-
Latio pro iis quae ab eo saripta aut diata sunt de restitutione omnium
seu de naturae humanae absoLuta instaruatione, Archivio di Stato,
Firenze, Carte Cervine 33, fols. 34-36.
 67

a high position in the ecclesiastical heirarchy of Rome. Although Pos-

tel had first met the Papal Vicar Archinto because of Ignatius' concern
about his lack of orthodoxy, this fact did not hinder Archinto later
from enjoying conversations with Postel about subjects in which they had
mutual interests. Postel ' s association with Archinto in 1546
demonstrates anew the paradoxical relationships between the private and
public lives of men in the sixteenth century. Whereas, Archinto could
write in 1545 to Ignatius, in his capacity as Papal Vicar, that Postel
was not to communicate any of his fantastic opinions to any person or to
write anything about them, except to his confessor, yet in 1546 as a
private person and scholar Archinto admired Postel's vast knowledge,
especially his knowledge of Arabic and oriental magic. 219 During this
period in Rome Postel probably became acquainted with Cardinal Reginald
Pole who also had numerous scholarly interests in common with Postel.
At any rate, we know that several years later Cardinal Pole was intimate
enough with Postel to offer him some favor.220
In Rome Postel also met the Flemish Hebraist Andre Maes (Masius)
with whom he enjoyed a deep and lasting friendship. Postel instructed
Masius in Arabic for a brief period in Rome, but Masius was to complain
later to Postel that he was losing much of his ability in Arabic in
spite of Postel's careful instruction.221 The excitement of Rome,

2 19Postel mentions Archinto in his Des Merveilles du monde (Paris,

1553), p. 65. Also note Franc;ois Secret, "Filippo Archinto, Girolamo
Cardano et Guillaume Postel," pp. 75-75, for important comments about
Archinto and Postel.
In the comments of Archinto to Ignatius (cited by Bernard-Maitre,
"Le Pa ssage ••• ," pp. 234-235) Archinto e xpresses confidence in Postel's
piety and his sincere desire to refrain from heretical opinions; how-
ever, should this be impossible, Archinto continues, Postel has promised
that he will not communicate his opinions except to his confessor.
Archinto then requests that Ignatius reinstate Postel in all his
priestly duties. Archinto considered Postel a marvel because of his
amazing learning, and he intervened on his behalf with Ignatius. In all
likelihood Ignatius gave the " choice to depart" to Postel rather than
expel him, since Ignatius would not want to risk disfavor with Archinto.
For some interesting insights into the theological and religious
climate in Italy in the middle of the Cinquecento, see Ann Jacobson
Schutte, Pier Paolo Vergerio: The Making of an Italian Reformer (Geneve,
1977: Librairie Droz).
220 see Cosmographiaae disaiplinae compendium (Basileae, 1561),
Praef,atio, a 3v.
221 see Briefe von Andreas Masius und seinen Freunden l538 bis l573,
68

however, and the interesting friendships which he enjoyed could not,

nevertheless, dispel the hostility which obviously was mounting against
Postel because of his tirades against Paul III and for the opinions ex-
pressed in the intercepted book, De Restitutione humanae naturae. Every
day he remained in Rome, he became a greater embarrassment to the Je-
suits, but one can only hypothesize about their role in Postel's depar-
ture from Rome.

editor Dr. Max Lessen (Leipzig, 1886: verlag von Alphons Durr) PP• 160-
161. See also Fran~ois Secret, "La rencontre d'A. Masius avec Postel i
Rome, " Revue d' histoire eaaUsiastique 54 ( 1964) pp . 485-489. For the
correspondence between Postel and Mas ius, see Chaufepie, Nouveau Dia-
tionnaire, Vol. III, pp. 216-217, 219-221, 225-226, 228-233; see also
Fran~ois Secret, "La Correspondence de Guillaume Postel," BibLioth~que
d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 23 (1961) pp. 524-529, 534- 540.
Guillelmi Postelli 'De Republica ... Lugduni Batavorum, ex officina Joannis Maire, 1635
Private collection M. Kuntz. Photography J. Mac Avoy.
 PART II

COMPREHENSOR (1547 - 1562)

I1 vid d'oeil ou d'esprit tout le rond vniuers:

11 s~eut des nations les langages diuers,
Il meditoit en luy la concorde du Monde:
Il fut pauure et hay, mais non des gens de bien,
Il auoit tout en luy, et ne possedoit rien,
Or il iouit du bien, qui en tous biens abonde.222

Postel left Rome in December, 1546 or the first days of January,

1547, for on the twenty-second of January he had already arrived in
Venice, by way of Umbria and the Romagna.223 Though still smarting from
his troubles in Rome, Postel upon arrival in Venice went immediately to
the little Hospital (OspedaZetto) of Saints John and Paul where some of
Ignatius' band had also served. He defines his duties as caring for the
sick, administering the sacraments, burying the dead, celebrating Mass,
and preaching the word of God.224

222 see Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et vies ••• , p. 590v; also
see above note 1. One is not certain if Postel had met Cardinal Pole in
Venice in 1537 when he returned from the Orient. The Cardinal was in
Venice in 1536-37, as records indicate. See Pietro Tacchi-Venturi,
Storia deZZa Compagnia di Gesu in ItaZia , Vol. I 2 , pp. 49-51.
223 Postel writes: "Party de Rome, en faisant 1 'office commande a
chascum prestre quel lhom l e sacre , cest a scauoir preschant lEuangile
par le pays de Gumbrie dicte Umbrie premiere habitation de Europe et par
la Romagne, ie men vins a Venize, la ou incontinent ie fus conduct a
prendre la cure de !'hospital de sainct Ian et Paule affin de seruir la
pour lamour de Dieu, ainsi que je desiroys, aulx poures rna lades, tant
leur ministrant leurs sacrementz, comme ensepulturant celebrant et
preschant la Parole de Dieu." Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran<; . 2115,
fol. 122·Ibid. See note 223, a bove . One recalls that Ar chinto info rmed
I gnatius that Postel was to cont inue his "ministry of the altar ," as be-
fore. We can assume from his work at the hospital that he was still re-
garded as a priest, even though the Jesuits gave him license to leave.
One knows that Postel always considered himself a priest. Postel's at-
titude as he arrived in Venice can be ascer tained from a letter written
to Masius on 22 January, 1547 in which Postel speaks of the troubles he
had in Rome and his r esignation to a life of suffering. He writes :
70

The history of the Ospedaletto has been recently recorded.225 A

"Caeterum licet ea quae tam nos quam nostra scripta sunt Romae perpessa
ti bi indignationis et indignitatis plena videbantur, meri to intolera-
bilia esse viderentur, tamen si quae postea sunt subsequuta vel auditu
accepisses in ludo caetera posuisses. Sit benedictus Jesus, qui no s
opere docuit paupertatem loco divitiarum, dolorem loco luxus, probrum
honoris Kat ~tAaUT\as in loco esse ponendum, ita ut omnino in nos mortui
in eo vivamus, atque sic granum frumenti cadens in terra sit
mortuum, n yap aUT apE ta Tns nllspascwTap KE1as Kat TIE t 8aTIXE \as basis e s t
•••• Rerum divinarum certissimus haec divinarum certissimus haec passus
sum longe graviora et patiens et si res ferat in nomine Jesu passurus."
Cited by Chaufepie, Nouveau Dictionnaire, p. 219.
Postel's statement that he preached the word of God in Venice il-
lustrates the significance of preaching in the Counter-Reformation, see
John O'Malley. "Preaching for the Popes" in The Pursuit of Holines s ,
Charles Trinkaus with Heiko A. Oberman (Leiden, 1974: E. J. Brill) pp.
408-440; Frederick J. McGinnes, "Preaching Ideals and Practice i n
Counter-Reformation Rome," The Sixteenth Centuru Journal 11, no. 2 (Sum-
me r , t~~O ) p p . 1 09-12 7 .
Se e Ac h i lle Bo s i sio , L'Ospedatetto e !a Chiesa di s. Maria dei
dere!itti (Venezi a , 19 63: I s tit uzi o ni di Ric ov ero e di Educ a ti one) ; a l-
so Arte e musica a!! ' Ospeda!etto. Schede d 'A rchivio sutt ' attivi t a musi-
cale degti ospedati dei Dere!itti e dei Mendicanti di Venezia (eds. Giu-
s eppe Ellero, Jol a ndo Sca rpa, Ma ria Carla Pa o lucci) (S ec . XVI-XVIII)
(Vene zia , 1978: St a mperi a de Venez i a Editri c e). I a m deeply indebted t o
Sign or Gius e ppe Elle ro , Arc h i v i st I. R .E., for c o p i es of th es e imp o rt a nt
d ocume nts. In a dd i t io n, Signo r Ellero has bee n e xtreme l y helpful in pro -
viding the a r c hiva l ma t eri a l n ece ssary t o c onfi r m th i s cruc ial p eri od i n
Pos t e l' s deve l o pme nt. He wa s a l s o mo st g r a ci o us i n i n forming me o f
bi bl iog r a phy a bout th e hi s t o r y of the Ba rna bite s a nd their relati onshi p
t o th e Os peda lett o .
The Hospital of Saints John and Paul was a logical place for Post e l
to go after his departure from Rome. The little hospital was estab-
lished in 1520. In 1528 it provided bed and board for the victims of a
famine which swept Lombardy, the Veneto, and !stria in that year. Thos e
in charge of the hospital at this time reflected the concerns of the
Catholic reformation and hoped by their ministry to the poor, sick, and
orphans to return the Church of Christ "to the time of the Apostles".
These doctrines, of course, Postel had proclaimed in Paris and Rome
prior to his arrival at the Hospital of Saints John and Paul. This hos-
pital, though small, was one of the four important hospitals in Venice
in the sixteenth and early seventeenth centuries. The hospital was known
officially as the Ospedate dei DereUtti ai SS. Giovanne e Paolo. See
Arte e Musica aU'Ospeda!etto, PP• 9-16. Also see Ospita!e dei 88 Gio-
vanni e Paolo -- Supptire 1548, Bi blioteca Mus eo Correr, Cod. Cicogna,
2485, II, 194; OspitaU e casi daU' ••• per carta, sec. XVI, Cod. Ci-
cogna, 29 88 (19th). Ex c e lle nt g round-pl a n drawin g s of the Ospeda letto
ap pear in th i s v olum e cited f r om C i cog na. The a nc ient Os pe da l e tt o is
in c lud e d t o day in the Ho s pita l of th e Poo r. Th e la r ges t h ospital in
Ve ni ce t o day i s a ls o adja ce nt t o th e g ran d Chur c h o f Saint s J o hn a nd
Pau l. Th e a nc i ent Sc uo l a di Sa n Ma r co provid e s a magn ifi cent faca de a nd
e ntry i n t o th e l a r g e publ ic hos pi tal. Th e a nc i ent Ospe d a l e tt o , n ow th e
 71

few facts about the origins of the 1ittle hospital and its purpose are
necessary because of the great significance Postel attached to this hos-
pital and especially to one whom he met there.
Giacomo Antonio Morigia of Milan is said to be the founder of a so-
ciety of priests who would concern themse 1ves with the reformation of
the laity and the clergy. Shortly thereafter in 1528 Antonio M. Zaccaria
decided to become a priest and under Fra Battista de Crema received in-
structions for the priesthood.226 Zaccaria and Morigia called their or-
der the Confraternity of Eternal Wisdom. In addition to Morigia and Zac-
caria the records indicate that Bartolomeo Ferrari became a member of
the order in its formative days. Women were soon associated with this
group, and the role of women among the Barnabites is reflected in Pos-
tel's emphasis on the role of pious women at the little hospital in
Venice. The woman who first associated herself with the Barnabites was
a noble Milanese Countess, Guastalla Lodovica Torelli, who wanted to
turn from her worldly life. She was especially devoted to Antonio Zac-
caria, and he became the chaplain of the small group of women whom she
had assembled. Countess Guastalla provided a palace in which these young
women and pious matrons 1i ved and from which they went out to perform
good works and pious deeds and to reform the monks. In 1530 these women
had obta i ned, under the benefices of Countess Guastalla, a palace near
S. Antonio Maria. In 1533 the group was granted approval of their own
Istituto, and in 1535 Pope Paul III issued a bull establishing the reU-
gioso ordine .femminiZe under the rule of Saint Agostino. 227 The women
worked very closely with the priests of the Confraternity of Eterna 1
Wisdom. Angelica Paola Antonia Negri, a native of Castellanza, called
divina madre by both priests and laity, was associated with the Countess
Guastalla in 1530. She was a woman of very great intelligence and taught

Hospital for the Poor, is in the back of the church. For a complete and
discerning account of the Scuole, the hospitals, and the position of
Jews and Convertiti in Venice, see Brian Pullan, Rich and Poor in Re-
naissance Venice, the Social Institutions of a Catholic State, to 1620
(Cambridge, Mass, 1971: Harvard University Press) . For a general back-
ground of Jews in Venice, see Cecil Roth, History o.f the Jews in Venice
(New 2~;k, 1975: Schocken Books).
Orazio Premoli, Storia dei Barnabiti neZ Cinquecento (Roma,
1913: Desclee e C. -- Editori Palazzo Dori a ), pp. 3ff.
227Ibid., pp. 30-31.
72

the novices of the Istituto. She was sent about 1536 or 1537 to Vicenza
to work with Father Bartolomeo Ferrari in a reform of two monasteries of
the Converts. 22 8
In 1539 a delegation from the Church of Saints John and Paul in
Venice came to Milan to request help for the Ospedaletto near the church
from Father Ferrari and the women of the order in Milan. Countess Guas-
talla responded favorably, and a mission was sent to Venice. Madre An-
tonia Negri and Madre Laura were among those sent to Venice to help with
the work a1ready in progress among the sick, the widows and orphans.
Noble Venetians were supportive of the efforts of these women, and Giu-
seppe Contarini, nephew of Gasparo, was among the first to give the
group aid. In 1545 a formal bull was issued for the Fathers of Saint
Barnabas in Venice.229
When Madre Antonia Negri and Madre Laura arrived in Venice in 1539
or 1540, they met at the Ospedaletto Madre Zuana, the founder of the
little hospital for the indigent and the sick. Madre Z'llana had worked

228Ibid., pp. 46-49. Of Antonia Negri, Premoli, p. 46, we read:

••• e anche cola ben presto la virtu dell'Angelica Negri fu nota a mol-
tissimi, e si raccontano casi di penetrazione di pensiero che davvero
colpiscono •••• " She had a great reputation of holiness in Vicenza,
Verona, and Padova, and many, including clerics, consulted her as an
oracle. We are told by Premoli, p. 80, that Gasparo Contarini admired
her, but Cardinal Caraffa, later Pope Paul IV, considered her a heretic
along with Bernardino Ochino, who was a priest at Saint Apostoli in
1542. In spite of criticism Antonia Negri "in que! giro d'anni, dal 1542
al 1550, godeva fama di santa." See Premoli, p. 77.
Antonia Negri wrote a series of spiritual letters which were pub-
lished in a beautiful volume, entitled LettePe SpiPitvaZi de Za Devota
Religiosa Angeliaa PavZa Antonia di NegPi, Milanese. This book was writ-
ten between 1547-1549, as internal evidence shows, although no date or
place of public.a tion is given on the title page. On the fnal page of
the text is the approval for its publication, written by Jacobus Laynez,
Society of Jesus, and dated 1563. The Jesuit acknowledges that since
the book has been corrected and emended, there is now nothing within
which is contrary to the faith and good morals. I am indebted to Mon-
signor Jose Ruysschaert, Vice-Perfect, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana,
for s~~§ing me a microfilm of this rare work.
This group which was originally known as the Confraternity of
Eternal Wisdom was called by a series of names, that is, the Order of
Saint Paul Convert, Saint Paul or Paulines, Saint Paul and Barnabas,
Saint Barnabas, and finally Barnabites. After an enactment of 1543 for
the Order of Barnabites the other designations were used less often.
After 1543 the formula used as a symbol by the Barnabites was "Jesus
Christus Crucifixus amor meus See Premoli, op. ait., pp. 64ff.
 73

for the poor and the sick first in Padova. Then around 1520 or 1521 she
came to Venice to continue her work among the poor.230 There are records
from the year 1533 which pro vi de an inventory of Madre Zuana' s posses-
sions.231 One should not infer from these records that Madre Zuana en-
tered the hospital in 1533, but rather that in that year, as the founder
of the hospital, she placed herself under the general rule of the insti-
tution which in 1533 required that an inventory of personal effects be
made so that they could be returned upon dismissal.232 The inventory of
Zuana's possessions attests to her poverty and to her charity; although
she had capital of only four hundred and thirty five dollars, she made
this available for the poor at the hospital.233
The woman whom Postel met at the Ospedaletto and whom he was to eu-
logize, from 1547 until his death in 1581, as the Venetian Virgin, his
Mother Johanna, and the Mother of the World can be identified as Madre
Zuana, the founder of the 1i ttl e hospital and one of the pious women
mentioned in several archival records which deal with the Ospeda-
letto.234

230 rhis date is verified by Postel himself. See Bibliotheque na-

tionale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. 105v. Pietro Tacchi -Venturi, Stor>ia
della Compagnia diCes~ in Italia, Vol. r 2 , pp. 48-49, notes that Pietro
Contarini, a noble Venetian, but not the nephew of Gasparo as often
stated, had been one of the procurators of the hospital as early as
1524.
Also see Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca and Maria Francesca Tiepolo,
"Cronologica venezianna del cinquecento" in La CiviUb. Veneziana del Ri-
nasaimento, Centro di Cultura e civilta della Fondazione Giorgio Cini
(Sansoni, 1958) pp. 199-249. See especially p. 212, entry of 4 March,
1520: "Le case delle Procuratie continuino ad essere assegnate ai poveri
cittadini e marinai;" also p. 216, entry of 10 November, 1527: "Fonda-
zione dell'Ospedaletto ai Santi Giovanni e Paolo."
231 see Archivio di Stato di Venezia, Ospedali e Luoghi pii, Busta
910, ms. non numerato. I am deeply indebted to Signor Giuseppe Ellero,
I.R.E., for providing me with a summary of the inventory, dated December
28, 1533, and for other important information. His wise counsel and help
have ~32n invaluable to me.
Ibid. Mother Zuana had meager personal effects, a few handker-
chief~~3ta?le napkins and cutlery, a cloak and cap.
Ib1,d.
234 For the records of the Ospedaletto see Libroo di Par>tte et Deter>-
minationi diverse. Frenaipia 1546 finno 1604, Ospedale dei Deroelitt. Ar-
chivio storico di Istituzioni di Ricovero e Educatione, Venezia. The re-
cord begins: "Nel praesente libro si fara memoria di tutte le ocorentie
che per giornata occoreranno a esser deliberate nel nostro hospedal per
li fradelli sicondo l'ordine et l'osseruanti delli capitol! nostri."
74

Those documents demonstrate that Postel did not invent the person-
age of his "divine mother," nor did he give her a pseudonym.235 They
also show that her charity and work among the poor, which Postel de-
scribed with admiration, are substantiated by facts. Postel says that
she was named Johanna by her parents, though more from fate than any
will of her parents.236
Postel records his first meeting with this "little old woman" of
about fifty years of age who came to him shortly after his arrival and
asked him to be her spiritual father and her confessor.237 Previously
her spiritual director had been a Brother of the order of San Francesco
della Vigna, but Postel was now to be her spiritual father as well as
her "little son;" likewise, she was his spiritual mother and also his

Some of the prominent Venetians who served as deputies during the

years in which Postel was associated with the Ospedaletto were Domingo
Loredan, Zuane Basegio, Baldisera Spinelli, Jacomo Foscarini, Lodovico
di Viscardi, Jacomo Paralion, Lorenzo Lotto, and Zuanmaria Zonta (Gian-
maria Giunta) who served as treasurer. Postel lived on occasion in the
house of the Giunti.
See also Archivio di Stato, Venezia, Ospedali e Luoghi pii, Busta
910, ms. non numerato; Archivio di S. Carlo ai Catinari (ora Curia seu
di Barnabiti-Roma) Busta M.b.; Arch. Curia archiv. Milano, sez. XII,
Vol. ~~ p. 302; Archivio dei Somaschi di Genova (lett. di 23 ag. 1563).
5zuana is Venetian dialect for Giovanna. The Latin spelling of
Zuana (Giovanna) is Johanna or Ioanna. Postel called her Mother Johanna
or the Venetian Virgin.
Z3 6see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 3.
237 The record of the meeting is in Postel's hand. See Bibliotheque
nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. lOS, where he writes: "La, sans que
J'y pensasse apres hauoir confesse toutz les malades, les quelz chascune
sepmaine vne fays, pour le mains, je voulois comunier, me vint a trouuer
vne petiote vielle femmelette de l'eage de cinquante ans ou enuirone, me
priant bien fort, et a genoulx, que combien quelle ne feust pas malade
du corps, ains feust sienne, attendant a la cuysine, et au traictement
des malades, que je luy voulusse faire la mesme grace, comme aulx rna-
lades, que je luy voulusse faire la mesme grace, comme aulx malades, la
confessant et comuniant vne fays la sepmaine, et si il estoit possible
toutz les jours, ce que, l'ayant ouye vne fays en confession, facilement
luy accorday, a cause que quant a ordonner sa confession, par toutz les
poinctz qu'il est possible par comission ou negligence de faire erreur,
il n'y eut one docteur au monde qui la passant, ne qui l'eust sceu pas-
ser, dond je restay non mains estonne, que satisfaict, et me pris
secretement a m'enquerir, qui au parauant hauoit est son pere spirituel
 75

spiritual daughter. Postel states that she asked him to call her "mia
madre." 238
Madre Zuana was an amazing woman of great piety who gave all of her
time and efforts to work among the poor and the sick of Venice. She
maintained that on the final Judgment Day each person would have to an-
swer to God if he had not searched out the poor and the weak to give
them help and comfort. She convinced some wealthy Venetian gentlemen
and gentlewomen to provide a ridotto in which to receive the sick and
poor and to feed and care for them.239 This building was near the mon-
astery of SS. Giovanni e Paolo and became known as the Ospedaletto.

2 38see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fols. lOS, lOSv.

The Barnabite records and those of the Ospedaletto indicate that "figli-
olo" was a common designation for spiritual kinship. Professor Secret
poses an appropriate question: "Enfin, quand Postel arriva a Venise,
apres son expulsion de la compagnie qu'il n'avait pu gagner a ses reves
de Concorde universelle par le moyen du Roi de France et du Pape angeli-
que, que sut-il de Francesco Giorgio, dont un des confreres a San Fran-
cesco della Vigna etait le directeur de la Mere Jeanne?" See Fran~ois
Secret, Le Zohar ahez Les kabbaListes ahr~tiens, p. 56. Also see Fran-
~ois Secret, "Franciscus Georgius Venetus et ses references a Proclus,"
"Franciscus Georgius Venetus et les Oracula Chaldaica," BibUoth~que
d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 36 (1974) pp.78-82. Professor Secret's refer-
ence to "dreams" which were never fulfilled, of a universal king of
France and the angelic pope may be amplified by the charge of visionary
illusion brough by Immanuel Kant. Kant knew of Postel's reation to the
Venetian Virgin and classified the interpretation under "Sahweirmerei."
Kant was following the logic of pure reason: the union of man and god
is between the idea of humanity and divinity and was solely because of
humanity's achievement of perfection. But the idea of pure reason was
made by Postel into a particular identification of one man with god
( "eine seine Vernunftidee in die Vorstellung eines Gegenstandes der
Sinne verwandelt.") Since any particular person is male or female, there
must be a daughter as well as a son who represents the atoning union.
Kant does not go on to the union of the two, the female and the male, in
one, in the "immutation." (Immanuel Kant, Der Streit der FakuUaten;
Erster Abschnitt, Sahriften zur AnthropoLogie und Padagogik, Erster
Teil, Darmstadt, 1968, Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, p. 304 and
footnote).
Postel himself recounts Madre Zuana's statements about her former
confessors: ..... dond ayant trouue mortz les vns et absentz les autres,
il se trouuoit vn trescauant et home de bien, de lordre de St. Francoys
du conuent de la Vigne ..... Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115,
fol. lOS. See also F. Giovanni degli Agostini, "Francesco Giorgio," No-
tizie istoriao-aritiahe intorno La vita, e Le opere degLi sarittori vi-
niziani • •• , Tom. Secondo (Venezia, MDCCLIV: Pres so Simone Occhi) PP•
332-3~~
~Le Prime Nove deL aLtro mondo (Padova, 1555), sig. Bii.
 76

Before she obtained a pennanent location, she seems to have had an "open
kitchen" in the Campo near SS. Giovanni e Paolo; she also ministered to
the sick from the make-shift location.240 So great was the diligence of
Madre Zuana that she a 1one in one day cooked and cared for more than
eight hundred people who sought help from her. Postel says that her la-
bors and her unceasing charity had earned her the reputation of an
"Opera divina." Little by 1 ittl e Madre Zuana by her good management and
hard labor had improved and enlarged her hospice so that orphan boys and
girls in addition to the indigent adults were received there. Her fame
in Venice seems well deserved, and noble Venetians whose names are re-
corded in the archives of the little hospital gave her support.241
She had 1 ived in perpetual virginity and abstained from eating
meat. She ate sparingly of any food, and drank only a small amount of
wine mixed with water; she slept very little.242 She had, at the time
of Postel's arrival in 1547, already been director of the little hos-
pital for twenty-six or twenty-seven years, as Postel relates, and by
her care and hard work she had ministered to thousands. Postel comments
especially upon her great efforts during the famine and pestilence which
fell upon Venice in 1528, which the Venetians called "l'anno de le pet-
teaahie" and for her success in securing food for the poor by preaching
charity to the rich.243 It was during the great plague and famine of

2 4°see above, note 234.

241Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. 105v.
242 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fols. 105, 105v, Pos-
tel also recounts her history in Le Pr>ime Nove del aUro mondo and n
Libra deUa divina ordinatione (1555) and Les Tr~s MerveiUeuses Via-
toires des .femmes (1553). In almost every work written by Postel after
1547, the year in which he met Madre Zuana, he praises this Venetian
mystic as the "true mother of the world" in whom the spirit of Christ
dwelled.
For an excellent analysis of Le Prime Nove , see Enea Balmas, " 1 Le
p..1.me nove dell 1 altro mondo 1 di Guglielmo Postel," Studi Urbinati 29
(1955) 4 vp. 334-377.
2 3 Bi bliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. 105v. See also
P1etro Tacchi-Venturi, Storia deUa Compaqnia di Gesh in ItaUa, Vol.
I , PP• 385-386; also Raimondo Morozzo della Rocca and Maria Francesca
Tiepolo, "Cronologica veneziana del cinquecento" in La Civilt?J. Veneziana
del Rinasaimento, Centro di Culture e civilta della Fondazione Giorgio
Cini (Sansoni, 1958) PP• 216-17, 220-21.
 77

1528 that Madre Zuana prevailed upon the wealthy Venetians to provide a
permanent place near Saints John and Paul for her ministry.244
Postel unfolds an amazing story about this Venetian mystic who was
born in 1497 and who lived until 1549.245 Postel claims that the merits
of the Venetian Virgin are so fabulous that they, in turn, are responsi-
ble for the divine favor heaped upon Venice, where she spent the last
twenty-eight years of her 1ife in serving the poor. For this reason
Venice is forever bound to the grace of the Venetian Virgin; in addi-
tion, Postel boasts, Venice has been preserved by God and has been
chosen as the New Jerusalem.246 Postel constantly glorifies Venice as
the abode of the Venetian Virgin in whose body the spirit of God has de-
scended and the living Christ lives within her person.247 This

244Le Prime Nove del altro mondo, sig. Bii.

245 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 2, 388v . See below,
note ~u
;ostel writes of her piety and the miracle of her restitution:
"Nam Deus sensibiliter non potest maiorem suae beneuolentiae significa-
tionem in hoc mundo demonstrare, quam quum cuicunque statui aut Reipub-
licae ita se propitium reddit, ut postquam dedit illi constitutionem aut
bonam aut caeteris omnibus in apparentia foeliciorem non permittat seu
domestico seu externo hoste res eius euerti, et in alienam deuenire,
post ruinas suas potentiam. Scimus Venetias iam totis mille centum et
pluribus annis sic fuisse institutas et conseruatas. Hoc autem incogi-
tante toto mundo factum est dum innumera excidia in toto Christianismo
contigerunt, ut Materni indiuidui suppositum Corpore coelesti praeditum
ibi super Virginem perpetuum descenderet, dum in Charitatis summis oper-
ibus esset occupatissima, et exemplum filiis in vniuerso illam imita-
turis praebens. Anno itaque salutis et primae siue superioris partis
Restitutae 1540 innotuit et in sacrosanctam virginem Iochannam nomine,
Xenodochii iuxta Iohannis et Pauli templum Venetijs erecti ministram
descendit spirituale siue coeleste Christi corpus ...... The British Li-
brary~49lo?ne ms. 1411, fols. 431, 43lv.
Ibt.d. Gershom Scholem points out the relationship of mystical
experience to the community in Judaism: "Since Talmudic times we find a
decided disinclination to let mystics organize communities of their own.
Time and time again the rabbis insisted that mystical experience, the
'love of God', must be confirmed by activity in the human community,
that it was not enough for an individual to pour out his soul to God."
See On the Kabbalah and Its Symbolism, trans. Ralph Manheim (New York,
1965: Schocken Books) p. 27. s·ee also Georges Vajda, L' Amour de Dieu
dans la th~ologie juive du moyen age (Paris, 1957: Librairie Philo-
sophique J. Vrin).
Johanna and Postel typify mystical experience at work in the ser-
vice of others for the love of god which is one and the same, according
to Postel. St. Paul, of course, extolled the same kind of Christian act-
ivism, and Postel often compares his activism to that of the Jewish-
78

"immutation" or indwelling of Christ's spirit into "the very holy virgin

Johanna," the "directress of the 'Xenodoehius, "' took place in Venice in
1540 in the little hospital, which Postel calls Xenodoehius because the
Venetian Virgin "received strangers there. u248 This mystic becomes, in
Pos te 1' s mind, synonymous with the Sheehinah. She is the Moon who re-
flects the rays of light from the sun.249 The Divine Presence acting
within her has revealed to her the mystery of the Restitution of All
Things.250 She must in turn reveal it to a chosen "little son," accord-
ing to a divine pronouncement. She waited for seven years before God
indicated His chosen spiritual father, who was also her 1 ittle son.251
Upon Postel's arrival, the Venetian Virgin told him about God's command-
ment to her to reveal to Postel that God willed that all Reasonable
Creatures be united into one sheepfold; that there be a General Pardon
for all with no exceptions. She also informed Postel that by divine com-
mandment the peace and harmony of the world were contingent upon the en-
actment of these principles of restitution or salvation for all, union
of all peoples and all religions into one sheepfold, and general pardon
by general baptism.252 She also proclaimed to Postel that the age of
restitution was to begin with him "who lives and acts in the spirit and
virtue of Elias." Postel has been chosen, according to Mother Johanna's
story, to be the new Elias of the fourth age, the age of restitution.253

Christian Paul. See Bibliotheque nationale, fonds franc;. 2115, fol.

112v.
248 Ibid.
249 Bibliotheque nationale , fonds franc; . 2115, fols. llOv, 111, 113.
Also note The British Library, Sloane ms . 1411, fol. 432.
Z)OThe British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 432.
251 Ibid., fols. 439, 439v; also see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds
franc; 2 2115, fol. 105v.
52 Postel writes: ".,. peu apres elle me dist, quelle hauoit ex-
pres commandement de Dieu de me dire chose de moment, et d'importance
pour le bien, Paix, et Concorde de tout le monde ce que mieuls par apres
ientendroys. Et quil y hauoit des - - ia long temps quelle en hauoit re-
uelation, de laquelle s 'estoi t voulu descouurir a ses aul tres peres
spiri tuelz, mais qu' il luy hauoit este desfendu de par Dieu de l eur en
parler. Mais au contraire a mon arriue la, luy hauoit de par Dieu estre
commande, de me dire que c'estoit, la somme dequoy c 'est, Que Dieu vou-
loi t, que toutes les creatures Raisonables, fussent vnies ensemble e n
vne Bergerie (car elle nomait les homes pecorelle , est a dire brebietes)
de Ch2~~t ...... Bibliotheque nationale, fonds franc; . 2115, fol. l05v.
Postel took quite seriously Mother Johanna' s pronouncements and
incorporated her ideas into his program for restitution. Postel's four
 79

The fires of prophecy and the demand for universal reform were al-
ready smoldering within Postel when he arrived in Venice in 1547.254
Mother Johanna, however, was the agent who further fueled and fanned the
flames of religious zeal which henceforth characterized Postel. Mother
Johanna, before all others, captured Postel's imagination, inspired him
with her active charity and was the greatest and most lasting influence
upon him. He became her "reed" (cal.amus) by which the truths of univer-
sal restitution were written.2 55 Postel regards "his divine mother" as
the Shechinah; according to her statement, she is the Angelic Pope.256

rules for a true restitution are amor Dei, Vnitius virtus, charitas in
proximum, virtus diffusiua sui. He also believes Johanna's prophecies
about himself. He states: "Homo autem vir maximus Deus est cuius filius
Christus. Mulier vero sapientia creata est cuius magis quam Elisabethae
filius erat Iohannes, ille inquam Iohannes qui Elias erat et est nunc et
postea rursus eri t." The British Library , Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 439v.
This manuscript was written by Postel in 1553. (See fol. 398).
One should not confuse the fourth age, which is for Postel the age
of restitution, with the fourth monarchy which is the time of Satan. c.
R. Baxter is misleading when he writes: "... [Bodin] rejects the theory
of four monarchies, so dear to Postel." Review of The CoUoquium o.f the
Seven about Secrets o.f the SubLime of Jean Bodin, translation and intro-
duction and annotations by Marion L. Kuntz in Renaissance QuarterLy 30,
no. 1 (Spring, 1977) p. 91. More accurately one should say that dear to
Postel are the four ages of the Ecclesia, that is, nature, law, grace,
restitution; the age of restitution, the fourth age, is most dear to
Postel. Postel speaks on rare occasions about the "monarchy of Satan"
(e.g., Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 405v), but his major emphasis is always on
the age of restitution. In his Apol.oqie contr>e l.es detracteur>s de l.a
Gaul.e, pp. 64-65, Postel has a section entitled Contre Car>ion, ou qui-
conque ha escript des quatre Monarchies . Postel's Apol.oqie is bound with
his L'Histoire Memorabl-e des expeditions depuys l.e del.uqe .faicts •••
(Pari2 1.552: chez Sebastian Niuel.l.e) .
S4on Postel and prophecy, see above, note 167.
255 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. lOS.
25 6Postel quotes the words of Mother Johanna: "··• Io son el Signor
per che esso habita in me, et per questo io sono in esso il Papa Santo
Reformatore del mondo." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1410, fol. Slv.
Postel states that at first he was offended when Johanna said that she
was the Angelic Pope. Later he understands what her statement meant.
He writes: "Nam eo quod mihi beata illa virgo dixerat se esse Angelicum
Paparn offensus fueram. Confirmauit autern me vsque adeo in rebus quae
mihi solebat esse fidei et in iis quae mihi ante dixerat quia innumera
alioqui rniracula in ea viderarn, ut duce Recta Ratione, quae ab ipsa de-
pendet, sicut Recta Authoritas ab eius sponso, possirn non tantum ipse
intelligere, sed intellecta toti orbi terrarurn manifes tare et suffici-
enter apud eos qui Deum esse et Prouidentiam credunt demonstrare ••• "
The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 43lv.
Bernard McGinn has noted that a small sectarian group in Milan in
 80

This new Papacy which Postel himself is to guide as the first-born heir
of his Mother Johanna is re 1ated to God's Eccl esi a not to the Pope in
Rome. The true Ecclesia is "mankind taught by God." Postel also points
out the essential nature of the Ecclesia; creatures can accomplish
greater works than the creator, s i nee man is moved by God. 257 Indeed
the power of the Roman Papacy begins its decline in 1547, when Postel
receives his summons to the Angelic Papacy from the Feminine Angelic
Pope. In a tone which sounds quite modern Postel compares the old papacy
which did not allow women to teach in the Church with the Angelic Papacy
which desires all, female as well as male, who have been taught by God,
to rise up from their dead natures into a Renaissance of the Church.2 58
Under the influence of the feminine voice Postel adopts his own
"Platform of Restitution." He states that woe will befall him if he does
not evangelize her doctrine of universal restitution, universal pardon,

the fourteenth century honored the memory of one "Guglielma," (died

1282) as the incarnation of the Holy Spirit. One of their number, named
Manfreda, was hailed as the viaa:roia sanate Guillelme, the "Vicaress of
Guglielma," that is, the Holy Spirit. Along with a female College of
Cardinals she was to celebrate Mass and to convert the Jews, heathens,
and false Christians." See his "Angel Pope and Papal Antichrist," Chu:roah
Histo:roy 47, no. 2 (June, 1978) pp. 155-173, especially pp. 169-170.
Postel complains that both Jews and Christians ignore the truths of
the Zoha:r> about the second coming of Christ in the feminine person. See
Le P:r>ime Nove, in the chapter entitled "Della Scientia et Dottrina della
Sposa di Christo," sig. Giiiv. See also the interesting text by Flori-
mond de Raemond which seems to have some bearing on Postel's claims
about Johanna as female pope. The manuscript is entitled Con.fvtatio e:r>-
:r>oris popvla:rois de Ioanna psevdoponti.fiae vvlgo Papessa (Biblioteca Val-
licellana, B. 107). I am indebted to Professor Filippo Mignini for his
help in securing a microfilm of this sixteenth century text. The manu-
script is cited by Paul Oskar Kristeller, Ite:r> Italiaum II, p. 128.
257 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 240. Note especially
the following statement: "Vult • • • quumque mulieri non liceat in Ec-
clesia docere, summum et Angelicum Pontificatum, qui proprius Ecclesiae
non Papae est, reformari, quae sunt maiora opera in creaturis quam in
creat~ss·" See also below, note 258.
See above, note 257. Also note: "Finale autem illud opus, quod
est a mortuis resurgere, et omnes est Docibiles Dei a Deo doctos,quod
datur a christo per Ecclesiae Renascentiam, id est per Introitum hominum
sen[ium] et morientium sepultorumque et seminatorum in vterum Matris
suae, vere est in immensum nobilius et maius opus quam sit Christo, qui
hoc in se propter Diuinas Naturae suae excellentiam poterat quod fecit.
Sed quod id ipsum in singulis hominibus quoniam si a mortuis vere susci-
tari possit et faciat, hoc vero est maius et maiori admiratione dignum
quam in seipso." Ibid.
 81

and universal baptism.259 The four principles which are essential to

the accomplishments of the new and angelic papacy are, according to Pos-
tel, the love of God, unitive virtue which is related to divine
perfection, charity without limit, and diffusive virtue.260
Postel is so impressed with the excellence of Mother Johanna's life
as a paradigm for his "platform of restitution" that he calls her the
new personal Jerusalem.261 He begins to emulate her life of active love

25 9rbid., fol. 439.

260Ibid., fol. 439v, See above, note 253.
261 see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fols. llOv, 111.
Note especially his words about Mother Johanna, the "second woman," af-
ter Sarah, from the higher Abraham. To emphasize her authority from on
high Postel writes her name IEHOCHANNAH: "Cest pour qu'oy cest arne heur-
euse seconde femme du superieur Abraham (qui apres Sarah eut a femme
cest IEHOCHANNAH, come auant deux mille et 500 ans est reuele, ainsi
quil est et escript en Ghemara, au chapitre sanctsactorum, ou Codess
hacadassim,) se disoit estre La Personele IERVSALEM habitee par son
signeur Cache et Enuironne DEDENS elle par excellence, pour y
recoeuillir, en les excusant, toutes ses brebietes, .,.,"
Postel explains the meaning of the Higher Abraham, and from this
one understands the implication of calling Mother Johanna Iehochannah.
Note the following passage, The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol.
159v: "Nam illi prisci He brei per tradi tionem propheticam certissimam
habebant, Abrahamum superiorem qui est Aeternus Pater,post Sarah primam
vxorem et Iudicae gentis Matrem habuisse imo semper habiturum alteram
vxorem quae licet esset in sacris Keturah hoc est sacrosancto suffitu
pietatis commendabilis, tamen nomine ••• Ihochana dicebatur quia totius
mundi Ecclesiae et non tantum Iudaicae Gratiam Domini adferebat, cuius
nomen hoc proprium in Capite Talmudi quod Codess Cadassim dicitur To-
chana a Rabi Triphone expressum. Alibi autem corrupte Iuchna et Iuchneh
et filius eius Bar Iuchneh dicitur. A Dauide vero in Ephraimaeae gloriae
psalmo SO.dicitur ••• Chana id est hortus folicitatis et socius ips ius
••• id est horti masculini."
Also see n Libra deLla divina ordinatione (Padoua, 1555) sig.
Ciiv. Postel's theory of sexual dualism (or perhaps one should say dual-
sexual unity) is exemplified by Mother Johanna; for example, Postel
states: bisogne che per restituir la seconda et inferiore parte
cioe la Materna cordiale et sensua le la quale anchora non si sa essere
Restituita, e di necessita dico che esso Christo medesimo et non altro,
faci sapere et mostri a tutto quanto il mondo con raggion et con ef-
fetti, ch'el primo grado della sua immortalitate et spirituale substa n-
tia sua, sia passato et concordato nel sesso Femineo della sua mitta, e t
sposa Eua noua per la maternita Generale del mondo come essa medesima
substantia e stata nel grado della Paternita del mondo per recomprar la
prima et superior parte, nascondendo pur la sua Feminile dentro di se
come Adamo." Ibid. Also: ", •• tutte le profetie fra li gentili furono
quasi per femineo, cioe per Sybille proferite et riuelate, nel secondo
lume ouer grado inferiore di uerita. Ma quantumque Feminile, piu chiare
erano assai che l a Mascoline et Iudaiche , come si uede per la Acrosti-
82

and service. He also follows her example of perpetual virginity and ab-
stemiousness.262 The days of calm scholarly activity are over; Postel
is now impelled to a life of action. He speaks often of the need for
action, not words. The man who does not practice charity and pardon
among those of diverse opinions, Postel maintains, is not capable of the
truth nor is he God's messenger. 26 3 If a man speaks of good b~t does
not do good, he neither knows the good nor believes it. As an example,
Postel notes that "an excellent orator is a good man before he is a
skilled speaker." 264
One of the most significant effects of his relationship with the
Venetian Virgin is his increasing interest in Jewish sources.265 This

chide ouer Capiuersi della Sybille Romana ouer cumea delli cui uersi
parlando de Re adorando cicerone fa mentione, nelli libri della Diuina-
tione." Ibid., Ciii. Michelangelo, in the ceiling of the Sistine Chapel,
painted the Cumaean Sibyl with strong masculine characteristics. See
Valerio Mariani, Michelangelo the Painter (New York, 1964: Henry N.
Abrams, Inc.) Plate XXXI.
Postel relates the male and female principle to the lilies and
pomegranates which crown the two columns of Solomon. Note the following
in Abrahami Patriarahae Liber Iezirah • • • (Parisiis, 1552) sig. Eii:
"Nam sicut non est bonum Masculum esse solum, sed opus est illi adesse
auxilium in foemina, sic opus est reparationem et perfectionem Naturae
proficisci a Masculinitate et Foemininitate mundi. Et sicut masculus
informant tantum in generatione: Foemina autem dat totam Generationis
materiam, sic opus est vt finis restitutionis omnium et forma fiat a
Masculo qui restitunt omnia, vt in finem, vt tandem vis foeminea eadem
actu restituat vt in locum. in signum harum columnarum quae vocantur
brachia mundi, Solomon curauerat duas columnas Lillis et malogranatis
coronates erigi ante portam templi, eo quo istae duae naturae omnia sub-
stentant."
On the male-female relationship in Postel see M. A. Screech, "The
Illusion of Postel's Feminism," Journal of the Warburg and Courtauld In-
stitutes 16 (1953) pp. 162-170; also the important study of Claude-
Gilbert Dubois, "Les Metamorphoses mystiques de la sexualite dans la
pensee de Guillaume Postel," Etudes fran~Saises 4, no. 2 (1969) PP• 171-
207. Also interesting for the question of androgynous man is Ernst Benz,
Adam, der Mythus vom Urmensahen (Mlinchen, 1955: Otto-Wilhelm-Barth -
Verla~6~
Biblioth~que nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. 112v; also see
The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 372, 38lv-382.
2 b 3 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 396, 396v.
26 4Ibid., fol. 396v. Postel paraphrases Cicero in the Brutus,
XCVI.
2 65see Il Libro della divina ordinatione (Padoua, 1555) sig.
Ciiiiv. He mentions the Hebrew sources in speaking of the "second or
feminine Advent": "Innumerabili luochi di questo secondo et feminile
Auenimento sono, nelli secret! commentarii della scrittura sacra
 83

is not surpr1s1ng since Postel states that Johanna, untutored in ancient

1anguages, had comp 1ete understanding of the sacred traditions, sacred
books, and even of the most secret and most ancient knowledge of the
prisei theoZogi.266 In addition, Postel says that Mother Johanna was
responsible for his acquisition of the Gospel of James, known as the
Protevangelion Jaeobi Minoris. 26 7 Prior to 1547 Postel had acquired cer-
tain Kabbalistic books and had begun studying them. It was, however, in
Venice that Postel secured a copy of the Zohar, the work above all
others which made the greatest impact upon his development. The Venetian
Virgin was also a catalyst for his avid study of the text since she ex-
plained in detail difficult passages from the Zohar, although she did
not know the Aramaic language in which it was written. Postel explains
that he began to understand the great mysteries revea 1ed in the Zohar
because of the profound insight of Mother Johanna.268 To Postel the sig-
nificance of Venice, Mother Johanna, and the Zohar are forever inter-
twined, and they b~come indelible images graven into Postel's perception
of himself and the world.269

Hebraica, come nel libro Zohar, nel Bahir, nelli Raboth, Midras, Ial-
cuth, Tanchama, Ilanoth et commentarii sopra le diece Sefiroth s 'arri-
trouano, secondo li sensi insegnati da Moseh al senate suo delli sua 72.
auditori delli quali sono stati per succession! longhe, li Profeti, Tut-
ta la Feminita della scrittura doue si parla senza male, o per, ouer del
sesso Feminile, tende a figurar il figurate di questo secondo et Veneto
aueni'2ggto: .....
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 3. It would be
interesting indeed if one could ascertain the family background of
Mother Johanna and from whom she had learned of the ancient traditions
of the Hebrews and especially the mysteries of the Zohar. In Le Prime
Nove, sig. Aiiiiv, Postel writes that when he asked her about her par-
ents and her blood she answered: "La Terra et Il Sangve non hanno parte
in Cielo, cercate la generatione uera del Cielo. Nissuno sa donde io
sia . " One day in the confessional she told him only that she was born
in the confines of Padoua and Verona. Postel notes that she was born
about 1496 (often he gives the date as 1497) and adds: "Cosi di cosa
che hauesse alcuno odore di parenti, sangue, paese, eta, et altre cose
doue si suole attacar il fondamento della fama de mortali mai ne uolse
raggionare." Postel says, on another occasion, that the Venetian Virgin
forsook her parents and her home because of the love of Christ, who
dwelled in her, and because of her devotion to a life of service to
others,
207 The British Library, Sloane ms . 1411, fol. 433v.
268rb'd
~ ., fol. 433; also note Fran~ois Secret, Les Kabbalistes
ehr~tiens, P• 173.
269 venice and Mother Johanna are inseparably linked in Postel's
84

Postel began his translation of the ZohaP in 1548 while still in

Venice. This date can be confirmed from Postel's statement that he be-
gan translating the ZohaP at the time when his beloved Johanna was beset
with internal problems at the Ospedaletto. From archival records we know
that these problems occurred in 1548.270
As he worked on his translation of the ZohaP, he became ever more
convinced that the restitution of all things as interpreted by his
Mother Johanna was confirmed not only in the "most divine and rare books
of the ZohaP," but also in all the books of the ancient interpreters,
especially the "hearers of Moses," in the Rabboth, Midrash, Ialcut,
Hagodoth Bariathoth, Ilanoth, and in the interpreters of the Ten
Sefiroth and the Merkaba, as well as all the books of the Kabbalah.271
In addition, Postel states that as Michael, Gabriel, and Uriel have
been messengers for the three ages past, so Raphael has been appointed
to be the angelic herald of the fourth age, the age of restitution; it
is he who heals with the divine and final medicine which resides in the
MatePia Materna.272 It is not surprising that Postel relates Raphael to
Mother Johanna, the MateP mundi, or uses medical metaphors to describe
the age of restitution, since his "divine mother" was filled with the

construct of the restitution of all things under the feminine principle

of mediation in the fourth age. A statement in Il LibPo della divina
oPdinatione (1555) serves as an excellent illustration: "Perho del primo
aduenimento, li Iudei sapeuano donde fuissi Christo, ma quando douea
adesso uenire, nissuno sapea donde essi douessi uenire per infino che
Christo hauessi mostrato per le sensibile cura della sua Prouidentia
Venetia essere il luoco da lui eletto, per iui fare il Fondamento della
Resti tutione d 1 ogni co sa per la quale Resti tutione egli e di necessi ta
che esso Christo, che e il tutto delli soi membri ueri et rassomigliati,
si uedi dentro di Elia ouer dentro San Giouanni Battis·t a il quale debbe
Resti tuir ogni co sa Math. 17 a tal che sara opera a Christo et al suo
primo Demonstrator nato di Femina Generale, commune. Per questo fu fen-
data et fin qui e da Dio conseruata VENETIA." (sig. Ciiiiv) See also
Le P~~e Nove, passim.
0 see Premoli, op. cit., p. 81; also see Le PPime Nove, sig. Giii.
271 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 432v, 433v; also
note Le PPime Nove, sig. Giiv. See above, note 265. Fran~ois Secret
also points out that during this period (1547-49) he was called upon by
the Papal Nuncio, Della Casa, to censor Hebrew books printed by Bomberg
as a means by Rome of controlling Postel's opinions. See Les Kabbalistes
chP~ti~~s de la Penaissance, P• 174.
2 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 433.
 85

healing spirit of Christ, and he, her spiritual first born, was a medi-
cus.273
Completely convinced of the truth of her prophecy and of his role,
Postel frantically begins to proclaim the fourth age of restitution in a
flurry of writing. With amazing rapidity, which he considered a sign of
his divine election, he wrote in 1547 the AbsconditoPUm a constitutione
mundi clavis, De Nativitate Mediatoris ultima, and ITav8£vwcr {a : sive com-
positio omnium dissidioram circa aeternam veritatem, published under the
name of Elias Pandochaeus.274 In addition, he translated the Bahir, a
part of the commentary of Menahem of Recanati, and a part of the
Beresith Rabba.2 75 He al so published in Hebrew Or nerot ha-Menorah and a

27 ~edical analogies fill Postel's works, especially his unpub-

lished texts. The healing spirit of Christ is in all things, a Vertumnus
who directs Proteus, as Postel writes in an exegesis of his translation
of the Zohar. He states: "Qui est omnia in omnibus facit omnia in omni-
bus, et omnia ex omnibus, ut doceat se ex nihilo prius omnia fecisse.
Sic semen quoduis est deus, spiritus, coelum elementa, radix, truncus,
rami, folia, flos, fructus, effectus, medicine etc. Sola relatione ad
res diuersas aut tempus locum modum et cetera acciderat. Multo magis
sacrosanctus ille noster Vertumnus Christus Jesus, ut nos lucrifaciat
tam in suis scripturis quam in suis naturis agit continuo Proteum, quia
in aequiualentia, eminentia potentia et realitate est omnia et in se et
in omnibus." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1410, fol. 367v. Franc;ois
Secret partially cites this passage in "L 'Hermeneutique de Guillaume
Postel," Archivio de Filosofia, Urrr:mesimo e Ermeneutica, (1963) no. 3,
P• 107; also see Antonio Rotondo, Studi e ricerche di storia ereticale
italiana del cinquecento. Pubblicazioni dell'Istituto di Scienze Peli-
tiche dell' 'Universita' di Torino, Vol. XXXI (Torino, 1974: Edizioni
Giappichelli) pp. 136-137.
The Venetian Virgin is often related in idea to Rachel as Shechi-
nah. Note: "Unde tota spes restitutionis est in Rachele et Domina mundi
quae non habens virum plures filios in duobus pariet quos mens humana
sciat 2 9fpere." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1410, fol. 366.
Elias Pandochaeus was the pseudonym which Postel used to rein-
force his own interpretation of himself as prophet of the restitution of
all things.
On the title page of the rrav8£vwcr {a there appears the warning Tubae
penultimae stridor. A copy of this rare book is in the Bibliotheque na-
tionale, Paris. On the title page is written "ex testamento Ga. Nau-
daei". Gabriel Naude evidently owned this copy of Postel's rrav 8£vwcr {a •
In addition to the phrase quoted there is a drawing of the sun and below
it the moon.
275 Postel's translation of the Bahir was formerly considered a lost
work. (See Franc;ois Secret, Les Kabbalistes chr~tiens, p. 174; also his
Bibliographie, pp. 40, 46). However, in 1969 it was discovered by Dr.
Martin Steinmann, Vice-Director of the manuscript section of the Univer-
sitatsbibliothek of Basel, with the shelfmark A IX 99. For an important
86

Latin translation of this work under the title Cande'tabri typiei in

Mosis tabernaeulo • • • inter>pretatio. 276 During this period of intense
activity of publishing books and translating the Zohar, he continued all
of his priestly and charitable services at the Ospedaletto.
As had happened in Rome, Postel remained suspect during his Vene-
tian sojourn of 1547-1549, and Mother Johanna was mocked and ridiculed
as we 11.277 Poste 1' s devotion to Mother Johanna was extreme, and he
probably claimed, as he did later, that she was the feminine messiah.
She may have made these statements about herself. It is not surprising
that Mother Johanna's prophecies would cause comments since she enjoined
the Venetian Senate that it was she who was represented with the Son
(Postel) in the mysterious carvings over the north portal of the Church
of St. Mark in Venice which were executed on the order of Abbot
Joachim. 278 In addition, Mother Johanna encountered prob 1ems with one
of the women, the notable Antonia Negri, who came to give assistance to
the little hospital on instructions from the Barnabites; Antonia Negri
may have been jealous of Mother Johanna and the attention Postel paid to
her. The little hospital was probably too small to house successfully
two feminine prophets, since Antonia Negri had so great a reputation of
sanctity that ecclesiastics and others consulted her as an oracle, and
she probably would tolerate no rival.279 At any rate, one knows forcer-
tain that Antonia Negri in 1548 had caused many problems for the direc-
tors of the Ospeda 1etto because of her arrogance and tone of authority
which she used not only with the Fathers and Sisters of the hospital but
also with "one who had governed the hospital for a long time."280 There
can be no doubt that the one referred to was Mother Johanna who was both

discussion of this manuscript and also Postel's relations with Basel,

see Antonio Rotondo, Studi e r>ieer>ehe di storia er>etieale italiana del
einqueeento, Torino, Vol. XXXI, pp. 117-159; note especially 121-122.
Also see Fran~ois Secret, "Un Manuscrit retrouve de G. Postel," Biblio-
th~que d'Humanisme et Renaissance 35 (1973) pp. 87-99.
276 see Fran~ois Secret, Les Rabbalistes ehr>~tiens, P• 174.
277 see Le Prime Nove, sigs. Fiiii, Giii.
278 see Il Libro della divina or>dinatione, sig. Diiv; Le Prime Nove,
sig. Hi iii v. Also note Fran~ois Secret's comments in Les Kabbalistes
ehr>~tiens, p. 174; also note his Le Thr>~sor> des pr>oph~ties for an illus-
trati~9 of this mysterious carving.
9orazio Premoli, Stor>ia dei Bar>nabiti, p. 80.
28°rbid., p.96.
 87

founder and governor of the hospital. This important documentation from

Orazio Premol i, who did not name the "one who had governed the hospital
for a long time," is verified and clarified by Postel in a statement
which appears in his Le ~ime Nove del altro mondo. Postel writes that
the "paoUne" women at the hospital who were "hypocrites and assassins
of the poor" were "worrying to death" his Mother Johanna.281 Postel also
states that these "hypocrites" because of envy caused trouble for him as
well as for Johanna. Consequently, Postel in 1549 left the little Ospe-
daletto and his Venetian Virgin who had made him her spiritual heir and
had promised him two presents -- "la per.fettione del CerueUo et intel-
ligentia Restituita et ••• la consumatione del core et uera Ragione ri-
parata .... u282 But these gifts were yet to be granted, as we shall dis-
cover.
When Postel left Venice in 1549, his mind was directed toward one
goal, the restitution of the world into one sheepfold. Postel's previous
inclinations toward his prophetic role had now been confirmed by the
Venetian Virgin. Postel had been ordained to a new priesthood by the
feminine angelic pope, Johanna. In his new priestly function Postel was
to dispense the benefice of Pardon or Absolution for all men, since
they, damned before born, did not know what they did.283
Under the guidance of Johanna Postel's priestly responsibility was
greatly enlarged. His obedience was now to the "feminine papacy". Jo-
hanna seems even to have supplanted Ignatius in relationship to Postel's
loyalty. He believed her prophecies because as he says, she held the
"keys of David".284 This point needs to be clarified. In the Kabbalah
David symbolized Malkhut, the tenth Sefiroth or God's presence in the
world. As a counterpart to the biblical King David, God has "another
David" (David ahra) who is in charge of all the inhabitants of the upper

281 The "paoline" were, of course , the women associa t ed with the
Barnabites who we r e often r efer r e d to as "chi erici regolari di S.Paolo,
S. Paolo converso, s. Paolo o Paolini, s. Paolo e Barnaba, S. Barnaba,
and Barnabiti", Ibid., p. 19. See Le ~ime Nove, sig. Giii; also note
sig. ~iiii.
l:l 2 Postel speaks of thes e gifts from the Venetian Vir gin as two
ga rments because she said that "io vi mandi il vostro doppio
vestimg~to." Le Prime Nove, sig. Fii.
2 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115 , fo l. lOSv.
28 4Le ~ime Nove, sig . Giiiv.
88

world, and he is the Sheahinah (ZohaP, 3:84a).285 Together with Abraham,

Isaac, and Jacob, David constitutes the "fourth leg of the Merkaba."286
It is this aspect of David, David as Sheahinah, that Postel is attribut-
ing to his Mother Johanna when he says she holds the keys of David, for

2 8 5see article "David," in Kabbalah, by Gershom Scholem, Enaya?-o-

paedia Judaiaa (Jerusalem, 1971) Vol. V, p. 1331.
Note Postel's statement in his own hand about the two Davids,
literal and figurative: "••• postquam disrupta sunt vincula mea, eo quod
sum filius Ancillae illius cuius David in sua Matre dici in laudem Dei
filius nullo modo potuit vere. Quum enim literalis et figuratiuus pri-
musque Dauid ille qui erat sine Iod, sit et plus tempore in Regnum as-
sumptus, ut cui sa tis fuisset profetiae suae lumen •••• " Bi bliotheque
nationale, fonds latin 3677, fols. 29, 29v.
David is for Postel a unifying figure; ·as King David he ruled the
united kingdom of Judah and Israel; as David the Sheahinah he is God's
presence in the world and becomes the David with Iod, the last David.
In Christianity David is important because Jesus was considered the Mes-
siah, son of David. "The title 'Son of David' bestowed upon Jesus by
sufferers turning to him for help, merely denotes the Messiah, a title
also bestowed upon BarKokhba by Rabbai Akiva. By Paul's generation, how-
ever, Christians already believed that Jesus was descended from the
House of David. • •• The Church regarded David as a prototype of a king
obeying its precepts, and his anointment by Samuel was the basis for
that of kings and emperors by the Church during the Middle Ages." Enay-
a?-opaedia Judaiaa, Vol. V, pp. 1331-1332, article by David Flusser,
"David," in Christianity. It is easy to understand why David would be of
utmost significance to Postel, since David fulfilled numerous expecta-
tions,.
L8 6In an unpublished text, Deal-aPatio et manifestatio i?-7-orum sea-
PetoPum sapientiae Dei quae David peP poenintentiae beneficium sibi no-
tifiaata assePuit diaens Ps. 51 ••• (Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin
3677, fols. l-68v), Postel speaks of David in this context. He writes:
"Ecclesia autem Judaica antequam regi suo renuncians mutaret nomen istud
in synagogam, sic etiam diuidebat sacras scripturas in legem Prophetas
et Hagiagrapha seu in Chethuuim quasi proprie et vere scripturae sint ad
quas vt [in]tra spiritus sancti gratiam et impulsum qui omnibus prophet-
icis libris sparsus est etiam Intelligentia et sensus prophetae illius
adhibita est, eo quod de eo solo dictum est, Inueni Dauid virum secundum
cor meum. Quum itaque Lex sit summum sacrae scripturae Genus ••• opus
est, ut sit Dauidis gradus tertius, veluti ex lege et prof.etis constans
qui Rationis humanae hoc est verae sanctissimaeque et planae naturalis
Magiae Sapientiaeue, scientiam, una cum Reuelationis obscuritate, aut
cum fidei nullo adhuc modo intellectarum rerum Authoritate coniungeret
•••• (fols. 2, 2v) Eadem quinque elementa prophetae rursus contrectant,
sed omnino intra se abscondunt Aethereum illum spiritum quo duce totius
mundi materia disponitur sub coelo. Dauid autem cum Lumine et feruore
ardentis charitatique omnino perfectissime unitae fidei, et cum Rationis
beneficio vtrumque genus nempe Diuinum vna et humanum, Formale et Ma-
teriale coniunxit ...... Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3677, fol.
2v.
 89

we reca 11 that Mother Johanna,

like David, is considered to be the
Shechinah. This is significant for it shows that Postel, at the time of
his departure from Venice in 1549, was becoming increasingly influenced
by a type of Hebraism which would eventua 11y transcend the influence of
He 11 eni sm. 287
The two years in Venice under the tutelage of the "one
who held the keys of David" were the turning point in Postel's outlook.
Mother Johanna held the "key of David," and she would eventually entrust
this great key to Postel. In an unpublished text Postel explains the
significance of David's key; and one is aware that in 1547 one of the
books he published under the influence of Johanna's prophecies was the
Absconditorum a constitutione mundi cLavis, qua mens humana, tam in di-
vinis, quam in humanis, pertinget ad interiora veLaminis aeternae Veri-
tatis. A careful study of this text leaves no doubt that the "key of
hidden things" is David's key. In the unpublished text Postel emphasizes
the importance of David's PsaLms as third in grade to the first grade of
law, the "summum sacrae scripturae genus," the second grade of prophets,
and harmonious with both these first two grades of sacred scripture.288
The PsaLms of David join the knowledge of human reason, which is the
"truest, most holy natural Magic or wisdom," with the obscurity of reve-
lation. They also reveal the "continuous presence of Elias in whom the
composite of EL and Jah indicates the union of created wisdom."289

287 The influence of Plato, Aristotle, and Neo-Platonism was inte-

grated into Postel's Kabbalism which began with the prisci theoLogi and
found its highest expression in the Zohar. He joins the ratio of Hel-
lenism and the Hebraic emphasis upon God's law as handed down to Moses
with the esoteric books of the Hebrews, especially the books of the oral
tradition, or Kabbalah, which reveal a hidden and more profound mystery.
Note the interdependence of ratio and the KabbaLah in the following
statement: "Ratio autern naturalis hoc ipsum dernonstrat, quod Cabala seu
sancta Hebraeorurn Authoritas demonstrat." Bibliotheque nationale, fonds
latin g~77, fol. 46.
2 Ibid., fol. 2.
28 9This is a familiar theme of Postel. Note especially the follow-
ing statements: "Nam tarn in rnernbris maxirne prirnariis quam in capite
Christi oportet ea omnia irnpleri quae scripta sunt in Psalmis prophetis
et lege de ipso. Sed praeter quam quod est illi hoc concessurn ••• quod
spiritui sancto respondet, assiduamque Eliae praesentiarn monstrat in quo
cornposi tum... El et Jah notant Factae Sapientiae vnionern •••• "
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3677, fol. 3.
Also note in the following passage the relationship of Eliah and
Eliahu to Elias: "Sed ad duas illas vitae Christi intra nos transfusae
partes tertia accedit veluti ex vtroque cornposita, quae suum summum
90

The key of David unlocks many secrets, and Postel states that in
the prophecy of the Psalms David teaches that God wishes that Truth re-
side in the kidneys just as in the head or heart, and that the highest
power of truth lies hidden in Elias.290 In Mother Johanna's capacity as

gradum in Elia commonstrauit. Nam ea de causa Duplici Dei nomine

••• Eliahu, et ••• El-iah dictus est, quasi Deum DOMINVM dicas, ita ut
sicut Melech Salem erat Sacerdos Dei altissimi qui Pater aeternus est
praecedens ibi filium et spiritum sanctum, sic Moses erat Aharone maior
et sacerdos Dei filii minister qui hie Patris et spiritus sancti prae-
cedit ordinem, Quare Elias proprie dux Prophetiae est, et Sacerdos
spiritus sancti. Et reuera tanta fuit in ipso Eliah virtus Filii Dei
per renum scrutationem et increpationem cooperantis ipsi Eliae
Ibid., fols. 38, 38v.
One is also reminded that by the name Eliahu under the foot of Pos-
tel's Candelabri typiai interpretatio appears that statement,
"L'auteur en est homme de Kefar Sekania, du nom d'Eliahu kol maskaliah,
qui s 'est converti au Judaisme pour 1' amour d 'Israel, que Dieu a dis-
pens€ aux extr€mit€s de la terre, afin de le tirer d'exil et de le li-
b€rer." See Frano;ois Secret, GuiUaume Postel (1510-1581) et son inter-
pr~tation du aand~labre de Moyse (Nieuwkoop, 1966: B. De Graaf) p. 13.
290 see above, note 287. Also note Postel's statement about truth
residing in the kidneys: "... sunt et alia tam admiranda secreta, quum
in euius scriptis, tum maxime in illis excellentiis quae in illo toto in
corpore veteris et noui Testamenti sunt expositae,ut merito scriptum re-
liquerit, quod usque ad noctem Renes eius illud increpuerint, et quod
Deus Veri tat em vult esse in Renibus." Bi bliotheque nationale, fonds
latin 3677, fol. 3.
Postel's statement about truth residing in the kidneys reflects the
Kabbalistic view of man in which various bodily organs and their func-
tions are linked with certain aspects of the ten Sefiroth or with cer-
tain planetary or celestial influences. Postel describes in numerous
unpublished texts the parts of the body and their relationship to the
cosmic grades. In the statement cited above, Postel means that Truth
resides in the elementary realm (the kidneys) as well as in the super-
celestial (the mind -- radius dei, mens, regia intelleatus) and the
celestial (the heart-- orbis solis seu aordis). In a planetary formu-
lation truth residing in the kidneys means that truth resides in Mars.
In a formulation of the ten Sefiroth which correspond to the body
of Adam and the parts of the universe and their alternative, one notes
the Tiferet corresponds to the Sun and to Mars. We can infer then that
Postel means that truth resides in Tiferet Israel who unites with
Malchuth (Sheahinah) or the Kingdom each Shabbat. Therefore, Postel's
strange expression means that Truth resides in God's Kingdom on earth,
and man's purpose in the elemental realm is to unfold God's truth.
For interesting diagrams which derive from the Kabbalah, see Manley
Hall, An Enayalopedia Outline of Masonia, Hermetia, Qabbalistia and Ros-
iaruaian Symboliaal Philosophy (Los Angeles, 1975: The Philosophical
Research Society, Inc., Golden Anniversary Edition) pp. LXXIII-LXXV,
CXXI-CXXIII. Also see Joscelyn Godwin, Robert Fludd. Hermetia Philo-
sopher and Surveyor of Two Worlds (Boulder, 1979: Shambhala) pp. 72-72;
 91

"keeper of the key of David" she is the 1ink between the higher and the
lower realms, or between God and His creation. Just as the Virgin Mary,
she encompasses within her nature universal maternity which is joined to
the Mosaic grade by b1ood and produces immaculately a composite part
which answers to Elias, who also has a double spirit. 29 1 Johanna's "im-
maculate conception" produces her "little son," Postel, the new Elias.
As "divine mother" she has the universal spirit of motherhood within
herself, and for this reason she is EZiana or EZianus secundus. Her son
Postel is EZias Tertius.292
From Postel's brief association with Mother Johanna from 1547
through 1549 he developed a myth about this mystical woman and about
himself. In Postel's mythology Johanna becomes a cosmic symbol of medi-
ation and reason, and hence the embodiment of the maternal or material
principle. The impression which this Venetian Virgin and the Ospeda-
letto made upon Postel cannot be emphasized too strongly. She was the
major influence in all of Postel's philosophy subsequent to their meet-
ing, and she was the one who instructed Postel in the art of "divine
medicine," the medicine of healing.
As Postel departed from Venice and his "virgin-mother" in 1549, he
took with him the vision of Johanna as the universal mediating mother of
reason and divine healing. She held the key of David which became a sym-
bol for Postel. He must wait until he returned from Jerusalem a second

S. T. Heninger, The CosmographicaZ GZass: Renaissance Diagrams of the

Universe (San Marino, 1977: The Huntington Library) pp. 144-158.
A strange document attributed to Abraham Colorno and entitled
CZavicuZa SaZomonis et theosophia neumatica has numerous passages which
remind one of Postel's Absconditorum ••• cZavis (1548) and De Davidis
gradu et exceUentia (Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3677, fol.
2ff). I am indebted to Professor Deckert, Landesbibliothek, Dresden,
for s~~~ing me microfilm of the mss. (Mss. Dresden, N. 74, N. 121).
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3677, fols. 32v, 33.
292 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 429. Also note Res-
titutio omnium (Parisiis, 1552), sig. Fviiv, where Postel writes: "Et
ideo dicunt in orationibus Elias propheta, Elias profeta, Elias profeta,
tribus vicibus." A Rosicrucian document published in Germany in 1616 is
entitled HeZias Tertius, Das ist: UrtheiZ oder Meinung von dem HochZ~b­
Zichen Orden der Brf1ierschafft des Rosencreutzes. I am indebted to
Professor Deckert, Landesbibliothek, Dresden, for sending me a microfilm
of this work.
 92

time, however, before he was entrusted by Mother Johanna with David's

key.
Postel states that Mother Johanna had promised to give him the Gar-
ment of the immortal corporeal substance of corporeal Immortality, but
wicked envy and a "crowd of new hypocrites" forced him to leave the
hospital and Mother Johanna.293 The "new hypocrites" may have been the
women in Antonia Negri's circle, who had caused trouble in 1548 for Jo-
hanna and Postel, or possibly civic official s . 294 At any rate, Postel

293Le Prime Nove, sig. Fiiii.

294The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 87. There is refer-
ence to these problems in a letter of 19 May, 1549 which Postel wrote to
Masius before his sudden departure from Venice. He reiterates the mys-
tery of his Venetian Virgin in whom the fullness of Christ dwells. He
then writes: "Sine enigmate loquor. Ri detur et exsibilatur ab universe.
Sed scio cui credi di, quid viderim et a udiverim. Sed quia Dominus iubet
silentium haberi, ideo adhuc non prodit Zoharis Versio, sic nee Apoca-
lypseos ~7TO lJ~VJ.la-ra . Nam ea est sponsa de qua agitur capite penultimo."
From a subsequent statement in the same letter there is an implica-
tion that the civil authorities of Venice were causing problems in addi-
tion to the women at the Ospedaletto. He states: "Mater mundi non nisi
ad insta r sui sponsi patris nostri qui in c oelis est, post mortem spiri-
tua lem pot est veni r e ad r esurre ctionis suae gloriam. Oport et enim f e re
a t oto orbe, e t maxime a b illis qui impensius f avent a uthoritati hu-
manae, illam omnibus modis reprobari. Unde tanta est impietas mundi, ut
etiam illi solita in pauperes uti Charitate sit vetitum: sed aliquando
caetera coram." This letter was cited by Chaufepie, p. 220.
He also speaks of these troubles in The British Library, Sloane ms.
1413, fol. 87: " ••• relic tis omnino rebus secundis me ad duras a duersas-
que contuli quia a lit er rurs us Orientem r epituturo f ui s s e t imposs ibile
aliam s ollicitudinem supe raddere visum est."
In t hi s l e tter written shortly befor e his de partur e fo r Jerusa l em
books were very much on his mind, as we ll as the problems he ha d in-
curred because of his claims about Mother Johanna. He states that he
has written De ultimo adventu but it was not published because of the
large amount of majuscule type needed. He notes that his Grammatica
Arabica could not be edited for the second time beca use of the l a ck of
type. He speaks of a His pa nic-Arabic dictiona ry which w ould be of use
unt il he c ould prepa r e a n Arabic dic tiona r y to accompa ny his Arabic
gramma r. He also notes tha t he sent his Latin tra nslation of the Bahir
to Oporinus with a n enlarged title . Poste l's r efer ence is t o Chavae s eu
Evae matris omnium viventium -- admirabiZes et super omnes doctrinas
mundi, secundum evangeZicam Veteris et Novi Testamenti veritatem ampZec-
tandae prophet i ae ••• ex Zibro Bahir, id est Zuci s purissimae •••• This
work appears from its very long title t o be a tra nsla tion with commen-
t a r y t o pro ve the mystery of Johanna . The title of his transla t i on of
the Bahir, without enla r ged title , is Behi r id est Zuci s purissimae
Zibri, inter secretionis doct r inae audi t or um Mosi s i nter pr etes , summa
auctori t ate constantia inter pr etatio , qua duce ad univer sa , et i am recon-
 93

says that he left Venice in 1549 to go to Jerusalem to search for books

of the New Testament written in Arabic.295 He hoped to publish the Gos-
pels in Arabic not only for the Ismaelites but also for those Christians
who lived in Asia and whose native language was Arabic.296 Postel also
expressed a desire to perfect his knowledge of Hebrew in the p1ace of
its origin. He visited Cairo and Damascus before his arrival in Jeru-
salem, but he was impeded in buying many books in the Oriental languages
by 1ack of funds. 297 He endeavored to secure funds to purchase these
rare books from Cardinal Granvelle, who was unknown to Postel in 1549
when he wrote to the Cardinal about the numerous books which he had seen
in Cairo and Damascus.298 One does not know if he received any funds
from Granvelle at this time for book purchases. There is evidence, how-
ever, that he received some aid from Granvelle or his family several
years later.299
In spite of his financial problems he traveled throughout Syria and
arrived at Constantinople.300 He absorbed the culture and much

ditissima Seripturae mysteria summa .faeiUtate pervenire Ueeat (See

Secret, Bibliographie des manuserits de Guillaume Postel. P• 48).
Postel's Chavae seu Evae matris omnium viventium • • • editae ex
libra Behir was discovered in June, 1969 by the learned Vice-Director of
the Manuscript section of the Universitatsbibliothek of Basel, Dr.
Martin Steinmann. In addition, Dr. Steinmann located other important
manuscripts of Postel which were assumed to be lost. These are found
with the shelf-mark A. IX. 99. For a discussion of this significant dis-
covery and also for Postel's relations to Oporinus, see the lucid pre-
sentation by Antonio Rotondo, Studi e rieerehe di storia eretieale ital-
iana del einqueeento (Torino, 1974: Edizioni Giappichelli), pp. 117-124.
The above-mentioned edition of Postel's Grammatiea Arabiea eum lex-
ieo is noted in Giorgio Levi della Vida, Reeerehe sulla .formazione del
piu antieo .fonda dei manoseritti orientaU della BibUoteea Vatieana,
Studi e testi (Citta Vaticana, 1939) pp. 322-323. See also his Seeondo
Eleneq 9 ~ei manoseritti arabi islamiei, Studi e testi. no. 242 (1965).
Postel was in Venice on 19 May, 1549, but by August he was in
Jerusalem. His departure from Venice was hasty, as he writes in a letter
to Masius on 21 August, 1549 from Jerusalem. See Chaufepie, p. 216, see
below gote 297.
~ 9 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 87.
297 see Chaufepie, Nouveau Dietionnaire, P• 216, letter to Masius
dated ~S August, 1549 from "Mt. Sion extra Jerusalem".
2 See Marion L. Kuntz, "A New Link in the Correspondence of Guil-
laume Postel," BibUoth'lJque d'Humanisme et Renaissanee 41 (September,
1979) QQ. 575-581.
299 Ibid·
300chaufepie, op. eit •• P• 216.
94

knowledge of the East and subsequently wrote several works about the
region, in addition to his Syriae descriptio which was published in 1540
after his first trip to the Holy Land in 1536. After his peregrinations
which took him to Constantinople he returned to Jerusalem and found many
volumes of the New Testament and the "ancient traditions" written in the
Syriac language. Very fortunately for Postel he met in Jerusalem Gabriel
de Luetz, Baron of Aramon, French ambassador to the Turkish court who
was returning from Egypt after a Persian expedition. Postel wrote, in a
letter to Masius, dated 1550, that he would never have been able to buy
the many rare books which he had found, had it not been for the kindness
and generosity of Gabriel d'Aramon.3°1 The Ambassador insisted that Pos-
tel be his traveling companion for several months. This association was
mutually fruitful, for d'Aramon had an excellent scholarly guide in Pos-
tel, and Postel, thanks to the bounty of the Ambassador, was able to buy
books and travel in comfort. During his travels with d' Aramon he found
ancient silver shekels, some at Acre and two at Jerusalem. Postel is
credited with being the first to publish correctly the obverse and re-
verse of the ancient coins.302 He was very impressed with the ancient
Samaritan city of Shechem; he eagerly investigated the ancient alphabets
of the Samaritans and other Semites, their various religious practices,
and their cultural manifestations.303 He was interested in the Druses,
a religio-political community of people who could not, according to Pos-
tel, be called truly followers of Christ or Mohammed or Moses. Postel
commented upon the instability of Syria and attributed part of the pro-
b1em to attacks by nomadic Arabs and to the uncooperative and warlike

301I bi d ., p. 217.
30 2 The ancient shekel is pictured along with the Hebrew alphabet in
his Lingvarvm duodeeim .•• introdvetio (1538), sig. Ciiii. Postel had
secured numerous examples of ancient shekels on his first trip to the
East in 1536 and was the first to depict correctly the shekel. In his
Lingvarvm duodeeim ••• introdvetio, he does not state if the coin was
bronze or silver; he does, however, give a clear representation in Sa-
maritan chirography, Ierusalaim halzedossah (Holy Jerusalem) and Selze l
Israel (shekel Israel). However, in De Foenievm Uteris (Paris, 1552),
sig. Bii, he writes that he saw many bronze shekels while he was invest-
igating the ancient ruins of Jerusalem as well as some in silver and
gold. He says that on all the coins a vessel for manna had been struck
on on~ ~ide and on the other the rod of Aaron.
0 About his travels with d 'Armon, see letter to Mas ius, dated
June 10, 1550, cited by Chaufepie, p. 216.
 95

Druses.304 Postel's travels in the Near East and his scholarly

investigations provide rare information on the Druses and also the
Caraim or Caraites as they are now known. Postel met both Druses and
Caraim in Constantinople and in Syria in 1538. Postel mentioned the
Caraim as one of the three Jewish sects 1 iving in Syria who used the
ancient Hebrew characters.305 He wrote again in 1552 in De Foenicvm
literis of the use by the Caraim of the ancient Hebrew language; and he
also mentioned some of their customs.306 In addition to Postel's
absorption with ancient languages, especially Hebrew, his interest in
the Caraim was probably heightened because the first printed Caraite
work, an edition of the liturgy, was set up in 1528-29 by Rabbanite

304 see letter to Masius, d a ted 10 June, 1550, cited by Chaufepie,

p. 217. On the Druses see Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971)
Vol. !X pp. 924-928.
O~see Lingvarvm duodecim ..• introdvctio (Paris, 1538), sig. Ciiv.
Postel says of the Caraites: "Alii dicunter Ca raim. i. lecturarii, si
liceat verbum effingere, qui reiectis hominum documentis omnibus tantum
sacra amplectuntur, obseruant ditisimum hominum genus: sed vsqueadeo
caeteris i nuisum, vt bona pars virginum illorum quia per affinitatem, et
paucitatem non sibi satis sunt, innupta maneat , asserunt insuper com-
muni s opinionis iudaei, si accideret vt Christianus, et Caraimus vnus
demergerentur vna pari vtriusque saluandi potestate, pontem se effec-
turos corpore Caraimi ad saluandum christianum."
3 0°See De Foenicvm Uteris (Paris, 1552), sig. Aviv, in which he
speaks of: "··· Iudaeos homines, qui proprio linguae charactere, lege
Mosa'ica solum, incogni tis aut repudia tis ali is sacrorum veteris testa-
menti libris in suis sacris vtantur,qui haec prima videret, colligeret
n ecessaria gen tem esse a ntiquissimam in Iudaeorum genere, et quae ante-
quam cae teri sacrorum libri scriberentur proba renturue , iam a caeteris
Iudeis d e fecisset."
Also note, Ibid., sigs . Avii, Avii v : "Quum enim videantur Iudei
communes Thalmudicis sanctionibus irretiti, et Caraini qui repudiatis
omnino glossema ti bus neotericis, summo adinuicem odio in Iudaismo per-
sistunt: hoc t a men habere commune vt vna cum Mose etiam libros omnes
canonicos pro canonicis habeant, qui sunt in lingua Hebraica nunc super-
s tit es, et communi vsitatoque char acter e vtantur: Samaritani autem d i f-
ferenti solum charactere quinque libros Mosis omnino iisdem verbis et
sententiis a tque alii habean t, neces se est ••• vt iam a b ipso legisla-
tionis tempore literare Samaritanorum extit e rint et f u erint in vsu c om-
muni, anteq uam nunc extant publice et in populari vsu extarent ." One
should note that there are two sets of signatures in this work distin-
guishable only by the size of the l et ters.
Postel's De Foenicvm literis is filled with important information
a bout the Samaritans among whom he classed the Caraites.
Also see t he informative a rticl e a bout the Caraites (Karaites) by
Josef Horovitz, Leon Nemoy, and Shlomo Hofman in the Encyclopaedia Ju -
daica (Jerusa lem, 1971) Vol. X, pp . 761-785.
96

typesetters at Daniel Bomb erg's printing estab 1 ishment in Venice. 30 7

Postel seems to be the first European who wrote about the Caraites. 308
Because of unusual and often unknown information about the East
which Postel transmitted to the West in numerous writings, he was re-
garded as an Orientalist of first rank in the sixteenth century. Richard
Simon, librarian of the Royal Oriental Collection in Paris, in the
seventeenth century, considered "notre fameux Normand Gui 11 aume Postel"
an authority on Jewish subjects. 309 He was cited by the Abbe Henri

307 see EncZyelopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971) Vol. X, PP• 781-

782.
308Richard Simon writes: "Il (Postel] a aussi fait connoitre la
secte des Caraites parmi les Juifs." See LettPes choisies de M. Simon,
Tome I (a Rotterdam, 1712) (fac. rept. -- Frankfurt/Main, 1967: Unver-
anderter Nachdruck) P• 210.
30 ~Ibid., pp. 207-212; also note Tome II, pp. 167ff. In the twenti-
eth century Postel is still cited for his early contributions to Ori-
ental Studies. See v. v. Barthold, La D~couPVePte de Z'Asie. HistoiPe
de Z'ol'ientaZisme en Eul'ope et en Russie. Traduit par B. Nikitine.
(Paris, 1947: Payot) . Of Postel's significance to Oriental studies Bar-
thold says, p. 129: "A Paris, au XVIe siecle fut realisee pour l a premi-
ere fois la pensee exprimee encore au XIVe siecle, -- on fonda l'ensei g-
nement uni versi taire des langues orientales, par l esquelles, jusqu' au
XIXe siecle, on n'entendait que les langues de la Bible et de l'Islam .
Le premier professeur de la langue arabe a ete Guillaume Postel, proba-
blement le premier orientaliste du type qui disparut seulement au XIXe
siecle, avec une plus-grande specialisation. Admirateur enthousiaste de
l'Islam et des litteratures orientales, Postel passait d'une lanuge ori-
entale a une autre et disai t qu' il pouvai t traverser sans interprete
tous le pays jusqu' a la Chine • • • • Les occupations scientifiques se
melaient chez lui a des plans fantastiques dans l e domaine de la poli-
tique et de la propagande religieuse . Les exagerations des orientalistes
de ce type ne diminuet pas, certes , leur importance de pionniers de l a
science dans toutes les branches de l'orientalisme ••••
"Postel, le premier parmi les plus recents savants europeens occi-
dentaux, se servait d'un ouvrage geographique a rabe, notamment de celui
d'Abould-Fida, compilateur du XIVe siecle, bien que la premiere traduc-
tion de cet ouvrage en une langue europeenne ne fut publiee qu'au XVIIIe
siecle." (p. 130)
See also Geoffroy Atkinson, Les Nouveaux HoPizons de Za Renaissance
fl'anqaise (Paris, 1935) who praises Poste l's knowledge of the Orient.
He cites from Postel (p. 171) a passage about customs of the Japanese.
Postel was among the first who wrote about Japan.
Note also the following works of Postel which deal specifically
with the Orient: Syl'iae descPiptio (Paris , 1540); De UnivePsitate ZibeP
(Pa ris, 1552); De Originibus (Basel, 1553); Descl'iption et ChaPte de Za
TePPe saincte (Paris, 1553); Des MePveiZZes du monde (Pa ris , 1553); De
La RepubZique des TuPCS (Poitiers, 1560); HistoiPes oPientaZes et
pl'incipaZement des Tul'kes (Paris, 1575 ).
 97

Gregoire in 1828 as an authority on Judaism.310

Postel became seriously interested in comparative religions during
this sojourn in the East.310a At some point he acquired a great volume
of the Koran which he sent to the Papal Vicar, Filippo Archinto. He also
acquired numerous books written in Arabic, among them a volume of Ori-
ental cosmography, a book of new Oriental cities, works on music and
astronomy, also medicine. In addition, he acquired many copies of the
Gospe 1s and the New Testament in Arabic, as we 11 as the New Testament
and other ancient books of the ancient traditions written in Syriac.311
Postel also had the pleasure of Andre Thevet's friendship during his
travels with Gabriel d'Aramon. Thevet, the noted geographer, was a mem-
ber of the Ambassador's delegation as were Pierre Gilles, who had been
sent by Francis I to buy rare books, and Jean Chesneau, who acted as
scribe to d'Aramon.312 This erudite group was not without its frictions,
however, si nee Postel and Gi 11 es exchanged harsh words when Gi 11 es ex-
plained that he was the only one empowered to buy books.313

31°Histoire des seates reLigieuses, Vol. III, p. 307. I am indebted

to Professor Richard Popkin for this reference.
JlOasee Enrico Cerulli, Nuove Riaerahe suL Libro deLLa saaLa e La
aonosaenza deU 'IsLam in Oaaidente, Studi e testi, no. 271 (Ci tta del
Vaticano, 1972: Bibliotheca Apotolica Vaticana). Note especially Chapter
XI, "La Visione di Maometto nell' opera di Guillaume Postel," pp. 202-
205.
311 chaufepie, op. ait., p. 217.
312 chesneau recorded the history of this expedition in Voyage de
GabrieL de Luetz, seigneur d'Aramont. On the travels of d'Aramon, see
Clarence Rouillard, The Turk in Frenah History, Thought, and Literature,
1520-1660 (Paris, 1938), pp. 195ff.
313 Post e l, Juste Tenelle, and Pierre Gilles made the greatest con-
tributions to Oriental manuscripts in Francis' Royal Collection. King
Francis, contrary to the advice of his bibliotecaire, Guillaume Bude,
preferred collecting oriental manuscripts rather than Greek. Postel's
acquisitions which he bought as the King's agent in 1537-37 during his
first trip to the Orient formed the basis of the King's collection of
Oriental manuscripts.
Some of Postel's Oriental manuscripts which he acquired on his sec-
ond visit to the Holy Land, 1549-1551, made their way to the Jesuit Col-
lege de Clermont, later the College Louis-Le-Grand. Thirty-five of the
Arabic manuscripts in the College Louis-Le-Grand had belonged to Postel.
Postel had to sell some of his Oriental collection to Elector Pala-
tine Otto; Professor Kristeller suggests that the noble collector was
perhaps Pfalzgraf Ottheinrich, a well-known patron. These rare works
served as the foundation of Arabic manuscripts in the Palatine collec-
tion now in the Biblioteca Vaticana. See Histoire G~n~raLe de Paris.
98

In June, 1550 the legation had arrived in Constantinople. Postel

was enthusiastic about his project of translating the Gospels into all
the languages of the East. He noted that numerous Turkish translators
were available, but they cared more for war than literature. In a letter
to Masius he demonstrated his concern about the fate of his De Origini-
bus, which he had sent to Oporinus evidently in the previous year. He
urges Masius to see that Oporinus send the book to Bibliander and that
Masius recommend it to Bibliander along with his Pr>otoevangeUon if
Oporinus has not yet published them.314 Postel makes an interesting re-
ference to the Aich Latin Bible which he urges Masius to preserve. This
Aich Bible was sent to Masius by Renialmus.3 15 In the same letter Postel

Les Anciennes BibUotMques de Paris par Alfred Franklin de la Biblio-

theque Mazarine (Paris, 1870: imprimerie imperiale) Tome Deuxieme, pp.
134-261. See also Levi della Vida, Recerche suUa .formazione del piu an-
tico fonda dei manoscritta orientali della Biblioteca Vaticana, pp. 290-
396. Also see Jeanne Bignami Odier, La Biblioth~que Vaticane de Sixte IV
b Pie XI, avec la collaboration de Jose Ruysschaert. Studi e testi, no.
272 (~i~ta del Vaticano, 1973) p. 126, n. 92.
See letter of 10 June, 1550, cited by Chaufepie, op. cit., p.
217. In 1552 Oporinus published the Pr>otevangelion which Postel had pre-
pared in Venice in 1549, and in 1553 he brought forth Postel's De Ori-
ginibus. However, the annotations which Postel had prepred for the Pr>o-
toevangelion edited by Bibliander were suppressed, much to Postel's dis-
pleasure, as he notes in an unpublished text (The British Library,
Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 87v). See also Rotondo, op. cit., pp. 125-126;
Professor Rotondo in his chapter "Guillaume Postel et Basilea," pp. 117-
159, has provided interesting insights on Postel's relations with the
Basel publishing world. See also Peter G. Bietenholz, Basle and France
in the Sixteenth Century. The Basle Humanists and Pr>inters in their Con-
tacts with Francophone Culture (Geneve, 1971: Librairie Droz), pp. 137-
144. Bietenholz devotes a chapter to Postel in which clear insights into
Postel's relations with Basel are presented. It is misleading, however,
to state that Postel "clearly was a Catholic." (p. 144) It would be more
accurate to say that Postel was catholic in his religious views, not
Catholic, especially in light of his condemnation of the Roman Papacy.
Since the Roman popes have aborted the true priesthood or papacy, Postel
writes, the papcy is no longer related to Rome. The Papacy based on the
ancient priesthood of Melchisedek must be returned to Jerusalem. This
priesthood or papacy is related to the Ecclesia not to Rome (see The
British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 240). Professor Secret has also
discussed Postel's relations with Basel in numerous articles and notes.
See his Bibliographie des manuscrits de Guillaume Postel, Appendix, pp.
147-1~1.
15 Postel may have left this rare medieval (13-14th century) Bible
with Bamberg when he returned from the Orient in 1537 and stopped at
Venice for several months before his return to Paris in 1538. In the
letter to Masius of 10 June, 1550, printed by Chaufepie, p. 217, Postel
 99

writes that "our Niger", a man of diligence and great promise, was ac-
companying the expedition.316
Postel departed from Constantinople, laden with rare books and ex-
otic memories. He arrived in Venice in 1550, probably in the fall of
that year. 317 Postel says that he brought back to Venice the most an-
cient and most accurate manuscripts of the Arabic New Testament which he
discussed with Iohannes Renialmus, Bamberg's editor.318 At the printing
establishment of Bomberg Postel had also prepared the copies of the New
Testament in Syriac.319 While Postel was in Bamberg's house discussing
the printing of the rare manuscripts which he had brought from his ex-
cursion to the Holy Land, Moses Mesopotamia, whom Postel identified as a
Syrian priest, presented himself to Postel. He gave aid to Postel and
Bomberg in editing these rare texts.320
In contrast to the joy which Postel experienced with Bomberg and
Renialmus upon his return to Venice, grief was awaiting him at his
beloved Ospedaletto in Venice. Mother Johanna had died in 1549 or 1550

praises Bibliander and then writes of the "Aich": "Secundum enim te unum
neminem puto in Germania digniorem, cui nostra commendem. Cura ut per-
quam diligenter asserventur TopT~quod ad te misit dicutiendi causa Re-
malmus [sic]." The name of Bamberg's editor is Renialmus (see The Bri-
tish Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 87). On the Aich Latin Bible see
Enaya~~~aedia Judaiaa (Jerusalem, 1971) Vol. VIII, P• 1267.
Chaufepie, op. cit., p . 217. Postel does not give the man's
name, but Weill ident ifies him as Heliodorus Niger, a learned man who
was studying oriental languages. Professor Louis Gates, Jr., Yale Uni-
versity, has suggested that "noster Niger" may have been Tasfa Seyyon,
the E§h~opian who translated the Bible into Ethiopian about 1530.
1 G. Weill, De ••• vita et indole, p. 26, thinks that Postel re-
turned in February, but see below, note 321.
3 Hlsee The British Library , Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 87: " ••• attuli
Venetias multa vetustissima fide lissimaque e xemplaria Arabici noui test-
ament!, de quibus vtrisque per typos mul tiplicandis ut in Orientem re-
ferantur aut deferantur, et dum maxime de hac re cum Ioh. Renialmo Dan .
Bomberghi curatore , cuius aere Syriaca ipsa exemplaria para ueram, per-
tractarem, Ecce (o admirando Christi prouidentia) se offert vtrique
Moses iile Syrus sacerdos ••• atque mihi ......
31 Ibid· Weill states, op. ait •• p. 26, t ha t Postel also left some
of hi~ 2 rare books in the home of his friend, Antonio Tiepolo.
0 Postel sent Moses later to aid Widmanstadt in Vienna. See The
British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 87 and also his Cosmographiaae
disaipZinae compendium (Basilea, 1561: per Ioannem Oporinum), Fraefatio ,
sigs. a3, a3v.
100

during his absence. 321 Therefore, he did not resume his duties at the
Ospedaletto but returned instead to Paris.
The success of Postel's second sojourn in the Holy Land evidently
ameliorated the notorious reputation which he had acquired when he left
Paris in 1543, since upon his return in 1550, he was again received at
the French court.322 Henry II was now King of France, and Postel enjoyed
favorable relations with the King and also his sister, Princess Mar-
garet. He speaks warmly of Henry II and his accomplishments, and to the
King's sister Margaret he dedicated his Les TP~s MePveiZZeuses ViatoiPes
des femmes. 323

32 1Postel states that: "Vocate autem est Iochanah sacrosancta illa

anima in qua spiritualis corporis Christi gradus primus delitilit a 1497
anna ad 1549, •••• " However, in Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 2, he gives the
date of her death as 29 August, 1550. He writes: "Christus autem in ci-
uitate totius mundi ingratissima ••• voluit rursus in Paupertate Probro
et Dolore viuens et infirmis pauperibusque ministrans transigere vitam
sub indiuiduo sanctissimae totius mundi foeminae et in quam Mariae vir-
ginis matris mens rediit, et nomine Matris Iochannae a Pauperibus Ap-
pelari in loco templo diuinorum Iohannis et Pauli proximo vbi corpus
morta le delato in Coelum spirituali quale ex Aristoele demonstrari, re-
liquit 29 Augusti 1550." I believe that the correct date of her death is
29 August, 1550 and that Postel returned t o Venice some time afte r this
date.
322Bouwsma, CorzaoPdia Mundi, p. 16, says that Postel returned to
Paris in 1550 or 1551. The correct date of 1550 can be ascertained from
an unpublished text of Postel in his own hand. Postel writes of his
Mother Johanna's immutation in 1540 and the promise of her return to
him, which he said he had almost forgotten upon his return to Paris in
1550. He states: "Quum autem Parisiis huius r e i partim iam negligens
partim oblitus agerem decimo anna post, hoc est 1550 salutis paternaie
" The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 43lv.
323 In De Foeniavm ZitePis (Paris, 1552) which Postel dedicated to
Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine, he praises Henry, who " ••• summis occupa-
tionibus tantoque regno administrando necessariis, et praesertim suae
rei militaris reformatione districtum ••• tamen superstitibus quum aliis
tum maxime Hebraicae ipsius linguae sanctae Lectoribus salaria a patre
constituta repraesentari curasse, numeroque illorum illis, quos dignos
ea functione iudicaui t, augeri insti tuisse fecisseque." ( sigs . Aii v,
Aiii). Chaufepie, op. ait. , p. 222, indicates that he resumed his duties
as Royal Lector; however, from the citation above it seems more like ly
that Postel was hoping to be reinstated rather than that he had already
been reinstated. In either case the praise was elaborate. Note espe-
cially sig. B.
Weill thinks that Postel was hoping to get back his former position
as Royal Lector. See Weill, op . cit., p . 27; Weill also states that
Margaret was pleading Postel's case for reinstatement before the King's
minis ters .
 101

After his return to Paris Postel was again writing feverishly. He

published more than fifteen books in 1551-1552, and his scholarly repu-
tation continued to be enhanced. It was during the year of 1552 that
Postel published his Abrahami Patriarchae Liber Iezirah which he trans-
lated from the Hebrew original secured in the Orient. Daniel Huet was
later to write of the excellence of Postel's translations.324 His
sparkling scholarly reputation was besmirched, however, by a strange
spiritual-psychological experience which took place on January 6, 1552
and about which Postel was to speak and write until the end of his life.
This amazing occurrence Postel called his "immutation," and it was simi-
lar to the "immutation" which his Mother Johanna had experienced in
1540.325 Postel wrote of this strange phenomenon subsequently at vari-
ous periods of his life, and he never changed the story. Whatever hap-
pened to Postel early in the new year 1552 became the greatest reality
of his life, and one is not surprised that this supreme religious trans-
formation was intimately related to his Venetian Virgin.326 Mother

324 chaufepie, op. cit., p. 222. Bishop Huet also owned a copy of
the Cremona Zohar, which copy is now in the Pitts Theological Library,
Emory University. Gabriel Naude may have gotten his copy of the Zohar
from Bishop Huet. For important information about Naude as an editor,
see Paul Oskar Kristeller, "Between the Italian Renaissance and the
French Enlightenment: Gabriel Naude( as an Editor", Renaissance
Quart~rLy 32 (Spring, 1979, no. 1) pp. 41-72.
25 "Scimus Venetias iam totis mille centum et pluribus annis sic
fuisse et insti tutas et conserautes. Hoc aut em incogni tante tot mundo
factum est dum innumera excidia in toto Christianismo contigerant, ut
Materni Indiuidui Suppositum Corpore coelesti praeditum ibi super Vir-
ginem perpetuam descenderet, dum in Charitatis summis operibus esset oc-
cupatissima, et exemplus suis filiis in vniuerso illam imitaturis prae-
bens." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 431, 43lv.
326 Postel writes again and again that he must proclaim the truth of
his immutation, even though this truth endangered his life. In an unpub-
lished text (The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 156v) he says:
"... hie NATVS Mulierum in spiri tu et Mente Eliae locum nunc Ephraimi
per gratiam et Aetherei corporis substantiam occupans summum subeat
huius assertionis gratia periculum, ut Mundi Maternitas in Virgine
Veneta exposita, et huius Primogeniti Rationis asserendae Essentia et
Immutation ad Dei Gloriam aeternam cognoscatur."
Note also fol. 157: "... sic et ego ut toti mundo manifestem in
superioribus quidem Naturam Creatam Formatam Factam Et Emanatam Potenti-
ae Sapientiae et Clementiae Dei et Diuinarum illarum virtutum per quas
particulares de vniuerso maxime autem de homine curam habet, cuius
Naturae Creatae et Formatae caput est Mundi Maternitas vnde omnis dis-
tinctio rerum quae Materiam et locum necessario respicit: in inferiori-
102

Johanna had promised Peste 1 that she would return to him and revea 1 a
great mystery. She returned to him in a spiritual experience which Pos-
tel said was as true as God is. The power of this spiritual immutation
left his body burning for three months, as his old body was purified by
the fire of the spirit of the Mother of the World. 327 The spi ri tua 1
presence of Johanna infused the old body of Postel even to the marrow of
his bones, according to his story.328 He was indeed a new man, a new
spiritual man whose reason had been restored to its original perfection
before the fall.329 He was now clothed in new garments of the spirit.

bus autem demonstrem ipsam Maternitatem in Persona Reali et actuali, pro

quo Veritate asserenda Ecce ego offero meipsum ad quoduius mortis peri-
culum, vt haec secunda pars Essentiae mei Redemptoris, quae reuera tam
in superioribus uam in inferioribus ad hanc diem fuit incognita et toti
mundo fit nunc a Deo NOVA super terram ut sit in HABERl, sicut in ESSE
est FOEMINA CIRCVNDANS VIRVM, ibi Deum quidem, Hie autem Deum incarnatum
et Corpore glorioso omnibus suis electis comunicabili praeditum, ut
omnes et singulos per medium huius comunicationis Diuinae Naturae qua-
tenus poetest fieri Diuinae naturae faciat esse particpes, in aeternum
complexuram et ci rcundaturam fore, ut ex ipso intra illam delitescente
sicut intra Creatam et mobilem Sapientiam suam Deus omnino immobilis
Creat ~9rmat Facit et Producit omnes suas creaturas , ......
3 Postel explains that "... elle me vnit vi ron deux ans a pres
trouuer a Paris, ce ui est aussi vray comme Dieu est, dond par la force
de !'Esprit quelle bouta en moy , ie scay bien, que comme aulx nouueaulx
nays enfantz, m'aduint beaucop de legerets en moy publique parler, comme
seroint, d'hauoir accuse quelques vns, de m'hau[oir] empoysone ••• sauf
que par les coniectures contre eulx legitimes et par les accident z de
mon co rps tout ardant et par plus de troys moys altere, ie m'esmouuoys,
qui pouuait est r e aussi bien pa r l'entier de cet estrange pur et nouueau
Esprit en mon corps pecheur et ard qui y mettoit en se purifiant contin-
uelle ardeur, come seroit par ardente poison." Bibliotheque na tionale,
fonds ~ran~. 2115, fol. lllv.
3 8 Postel des c ribes the phenomenon thus : " Natura per IMMVTATIONIS
mysterium in me et vigilantem et videntem sese sensibilite r ad intima
vsque ossa transfundens, me que in loco filii primogeniti sui Re stituens,
et adfuit, et me de mea inc r edulitate vehementer arguit." The British
Library , Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 431v.
Postel, in add ition to his vivid descriptions of this baffling ex-
perience, uses synonyms to try to explain it. He writes: "··· io potessi
sensibilmente intendere tutto qua ndo i1 teribil e [sic] mysterio de la
Immutatione cioe della Innouatione et mutatione corporale Sensibile et
Intelligibile per l a qua le il Corpo Spirituale e Incalmato et Ripiantato
sopra i l ripurgato tronco del mortal corpo et Animale." Le Pr>ime Nove ,
sig. ~Hiiv.
The British Library , Sloane ms. 1411 , fol . 226v .
 103

These new garments allowed him to know that which previously was un-
known •330
Postel relates the strange story of Johanna's promise of two gifts,
which she spoke of before her death and the fulfillment of this promise
at his immutation which took place about two years after her death. Jo-
hanna had told him that when she departed into heaven, she would entrust
to him two gifts, since God had made her the "Forte Donna" written about
by Salomon, the one whose servants and little sons were to be clothed in
double raiments. She continued by describing the two most beautiful pre-
sents which were to be his as her own first-born "little son". The first
present was to be the perfection of the head and restored intelligence;
the second was to be the consummation of the heart and true Reason re-
stored .3 31
Postel writes that after he had been back at court, at Paris, and
at Angers for a little more than a year, the promises of Mbther Johanna
became real, and before his eyes he saw a spiritual body cover com-
pletely his mortal trunk so that the exterior form of his body was only
a mask for his spiritual essence. 332 The first gift was a garment of
gleaming whiteness for the new spiritual body. The second gift was a
second garment, red in color, to repair the original error in the lower
and the higher part of man, the anima and the animus.333 His reason had
been restored in the maternal restitution, as he says, and his intelli-
gence in the paternal. Postel's description of this fantastic phenomenon

330 Postel writes that the learned Dr. Caspar Schwenckfeld also
wrote of the difference in the two bodies or garments of Christ. See Le
Prime Nove, sig. Fiiv. Also see his EpistoZa GVVIELELMI POSTELLI ad C.
Sahvv~gfkfeZdivm (Ienae, 1556).
Le Prime Nove, sig. Fii.
332 rbid•, sig. Fiiiiv.
333 ..... laMia Gloriosissima Madre riprendendo lamia poca fede, et
rifaciando mia ingratitudine mi Manda di sopra di detto mio Corpo Spiri-
tuale primo et Naturale et conosciuto da Aristotile, 11 uestimento et
soprauenstimento di Redemptione, et di Restitutione, con la Remissione
di tutti li miei peccati, onde io de Disperatione, ouero di Timore es-
tremo passai in una allegrezza infinita. Il uestimento primo et princi-
pale era gia da me riceuuto nel Santo Battesimo come per questa segno
tutti li battezzati si uestiuano di bianco secondo che si canta nell'of-
ficio • • • • Il Sorpauestimento dalla parte della madre in color rosso,
per reparar il uitio originale nella parte inferiore come nella superi-
ore, cioe per la Restitutione della Ragione nella Restitutione Materna
" Le Prime Nove. sigs. Gi, Giv.
104

resembles other well known mystical experiences, and his heightened sen-
sory perceptions of color during his immutation are strangely reminis-
cent of sensations resulting from the use of mind-expanding drugs, as
related in medical reports.
The remarkable gifts which he received at his immutation made him a
Comprehensor; he had passed beyond the grade of Viator.334 Postel speaks
of his immutation as a certainty and one can believe that it was as cer-
tain to him as "two times two are four," as he himself says.
After his profound spiritual experience Postel became frenetic in
proclaiming the truth of his restitution and the necessary restitution
of all men. His immutation was the final step in Postel's gradual but
steady shift from the life of scholar to th.e life of scholar-activist.
He writes that the true art of oratory is accomplished by deeds alone,
not words.335 He had always, since his encounter in 1547 with the Vene-
tian Virgin, emphasized the need to perform good works as a living ex-
ample of the mediating power of Christ within each man.336 Now his call
for action was more intense than ever before. Every man could be and
must be restored as he had been. He had obtained the power of Christ
within himself, and his reason had been restored. Metempsychosis became
a reality to Postel because the M>ther of the World lived in him. In

33 4 "Vt autem testificatum certissime de spiritual! Christi aduentu

in illam differentius aut excellentius atque prius quam in vllo alio
Christi membro, toti mundo faciat ••• etiam in me suo primogenito demon-
strare clarissimum Regnantis Christi triumphum curauit. Licet enim ad-
hue illis naturae legibus comedendo bibendo quiescendo Naturaeue neces-
sariis muneribus inseruiendo et sensum verum inuendiendo occuper, quibus
voluit premi Christus et quibus Adam si non peccabat fuisset obnoxius,
tamen in tali me gradu Intelligentiae constitui voluit, ut Comprehensor
in Via et non tantum viator videar et sic cuilibet poscenti demonstrari
valeam. Nam illa vna dum mihi a Christo praeparatam vestem Immortalita-
tis tradidit, vna etiam et esse, et me etiam cognoscere comprehensorem
dedit, ita ut nil plane credam eorum omnium quae in obscurissimis fidei
articulis sunt posita affirmatque necessaria. Sed ea tam clare intel-
ligam quam scio his duo facere quatuor aut quoduis aliud vel primorum
principiorum vel demonstrationum certissimarum axioma." The British Li-
brary~ Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 362, 362v.
3 5rhe British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 362. See above note
263. 336
He writes: "Ideo vocauit ipsa sacrosancta Mater filios suos ad
exemplum vnius illius solius operis Charitatis cuius Deus Rationem in
die Iudicii so lam exiget." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol.
362.
 105

1 ike manner the restitution of a 11 things was to be accompli shed by

metempsychosis, which to Postel meant the indwelling of God's presence,
the Shechinah or the feminine spirit of Christ.337 As first born of the
restitution he sounded the last trumpet as herald of the fourth age of
the Church, the age of restitution of all things to their original per-
fection.
Postel interpreted this mystical experience as his divine ordina-
tion into a new priesthood. His ordination was consummated as the son
born of the spi ri tua 1 or "chemica 1" rna rri age of the New Eve, the M>ther
of the World, his MJther Johanna, to the New Adam, Christ. From this
mystical marriage, a spiritual son was born. 338 Postel's new birth took
place in 1552 when the spirit of his MJther Johanna descended into him
and enveloped him with a new spiritual body and new garments. The "chem-
ical" marriage of Johanna to the New Adam, Christ, took place in 1540 at
her own immutation. The basis of this marriage was the union of the
animus and anima, the higher and lower parts of man's nature, the male
and female. Johanna as M>ther of the Wbrld, the Shechinah, was wife of
the Law (Uxol' legis} who ruled the lower world with natural reason.
Although Johanna's physical body had "ascended into heaven," as Postel

337 An excellent example of Postel's belief in metempsychosis is re-

vealed in his interpretation of Jacob who becomes another man. In the
following passage one should also be aware of Postel's use of symbols:
"Iaacob quandiu Jaacob est, extra uadit inter utrumque ad orientem,
quoad lucretur quatuor uxores pro una Rachel. Rediens inde mutatur in
uirum alterum, in occasu, in transitu torrentis Iaboc, id est Iordanis:
et tunc fit Israel, quando praeualuit contra angelum et tollitur illi
neruus rebellionis carnis de quo nullus uerus Israelita ab eo tempore
uoluntarie comedit. Sicut itaque Christus Iesus, est dignitas et per-
sona in eodem subiecto, sic pro duobus ponitur differentissimis in
scriptura, Iaacob et Israel. Christus in suis honoribus et titulo contra
usum mundi voluit ad hanc diem in se et suis conculcari, ut in nomine
IESU proprio omne genu flectatur. Iaacob fratris supplantator, semel et
iterum, fit exul in conquirenda familia. At Israel factus in terra sanc-
ta, agit composita familia: et domi praedilectum Biniamin, qui est in-
star filii et matris, generat." Abscondito1'Wn a constitutione mundi ala-
vis (Basel, 1547), sigs. f4, f4v. One should be aware of a key word in
the pasage cited, namely, the word composita. Composite nature is the
basis ~S Postel's metaphysical system and his idea of restitution.
3 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 342v. His sonship to
Mother Johanna is explained as his "divine ordination." See I], Libl'O
della divina Ol'dinatione (Padoua, 1555).
106

claimed, her spiritual presence "was, is, and will be the anima of
natural reason which rules the lower world."339
As son of this spiritual allegiance Postel became the son of the
"fourth watch" or the age of restitution. The fourth watch is the age
of the "Infant nursing at the breast of his M>ther," which means the
perfection of the fourth age in which all must be restored without any
stain of original sin. In the fourth watch of restitution all men will
be reborn, reel othed, nourished, and fed on the Miternal Milk of im-
mortal life.340 From the ashes and dust of his folly, Postel had been
reborn as the wise son of his spiritual father, Christ, the new Adam,
and his spiritual mother, the Shechinah, the New Eve, his own M>ther Jo-
hanna .3 41
The ideas and the language which Postel uses to describe his immu-
tation and his new birth and the "chemical marriage of the Sun and
M>on," places him among those authors in the Gnostic and na ture-mysti ca 1
traditions, such as Reuchlin, Cornelius Agrippa, Paracelsus, Symphorien
Champi er, John Dee, Robert Fludd, Giordano Bruno, and subsequently,
Jacob Boehme, Henry M>re, F. M. Van Helmont, Emanuel Swedenborg, and
Willi am Blake, whose themes resemb 1e those of the Rosicrucians .3 42

339 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 432v.

340Ibid., fol. 434v. Postel speaks of the fourth watch and the Mys-
tical Motherhood: "Quarta autem vigilia dicebatur INFANS SVGENS de
matris vberibus, quod notat quarti temporis perfectionem per quam Resti-
tutis omnibus opus est ut sine vlla peccati originalis macula rensacamur
et superuestiamur alamurque et sugamus vitae immortalis Maternum Lac in
Eua v~ziri omnino destructum. "
Ibid., fol. 432.
342 see John Warwick Montgomery, Cross and CrucibLe. Johann VaLentin
Andreae (1586-1654). Phoenix of the TheoLogians (The Hague, 1973: Mar-
tinus Nijhoff) for an excellent study on Andreae and his ChymicaL Wed-
ding. Montgomery in his bibliography, Vol. II, p. 558, notes the work
of D. Hirst, Hidden Riches: TraditionaL Symbolism _from the Renaissance
to Blake (New York, 1964: Barnes and Noble) in which the author links
Postel to alchemical and Rosicrucian themes. See also the important
study of Frances A. Yates, The Rosicrucian EnLightenment (London, 1972:
Routledge and Kegan Paul), P• 35, where she places Postel among the IL-
Luminati; also note The OccuLt PhiLosophy in the ELizabethan Age (Lon-
don, 1979: Routledge and Kegan Paul) pp. 121-122. Gabriel Naude in his
Instruction a La France svr La verit~ de L'histoire des Fr~res de La
Roze-Croix (Paris, 1623: Fran<;ois Julliot) Chapt. V, PP• 40-52, dis-
cusses Paracelsus and Postel in relationship to the Rosicrucians. More
will be said of this subsequently.
On Symphorien Champier see the informative study of Brian Copen-
 107

Postel is correctly placed in the tradition along with others better

known in occult phi 1osophy. Paste 1, perhaps more than others, empha-
sizes the Zohar as the key to the comprehension of hidden things and the
restitution. The key which unlocks these mysteries was to Postel the
key of David which his Mother Johanna held in trust.
Postel's immutation marked a period of activity even more extreme
than the two years he spent in Venice working with the Venetian Virgin
at the Ospedaletto in 1547-1549. He began teaching and preaching about
his immutation and the imminent restitution of all things in France and
Italy.343 Margaret Valois, sister of Henry II, tried to get Postel
reinstated as royal reader, but his positions were now too extreme; con-
sequently his only source of income seems to be from his public lectures
and perhaps from some printing activities.344 He attracted large crowds
to his lectures, and his books were widely read. Two editions of his
Les Trl;s MerveiUeuses Vietoires des femmes in which he recounts the
prophecies of Mother Johanna and his own immutation were published in
1553.345 The success of his book about Mother Johanna and the ensuing

haver, Symphorien Champier and the Reeeption of the OeeuLtist Tradition

in Re~~~ssanee Franee (The Hague, 1978: Mouton Publishers).
Weill, op. eit., p. 28. Also note the dedicatory letter to Fran-
~ois Raquier in Postel's Liber de eausis (1552) which was signed "in
SehoL~~/taLorum. L552".
See Weill, De • • • vita et indoLe, P• 28, on his lectures. On
the printing activities there is no firm evidence. However, Postel pub-
lished a number of broadsheets and books with no indication of the pub-
lisher. Evidence will be presented later in this study to indicate Pos-
tel's relationship to the printing trade.
There is an important broadsheet entitled ResoLution eterneLe des-
tin~e au Roy et peupLe Tresehrestien. Pour obtenir La vraye et finaLe
vietoire, qui est eeUe des eoeurs de tout Le monde, faisant qu'iZ
despende pour Le vray, et tant de Dieu que du CieL ordonne Empire Les
Biens La Vie et Honneur which Postel published in 1552 and in which he
names a large number of his works, which were in the process of being
printed or were soon to be printed. Many of these titles have not yet
been ~!~covered. Much research on Postel as printer remains to be done.
Postel published this work in January, 1553 as he says in the
first edition by Jehan Gueullart. The second edition was published some
time later in 1553 by Jehan Ruelle. This later edition of 1553 printed
by Ruelle was reprinted in 1970 by Slatkine Reprints (Geneve). Profes-
sor Secret, BibLiographie des m:muserits, p. 20, does not list the
Ruelle edition of 1553.
108

excitement which was being aroused by those reading it caused Henry II

to put a stop to Postel's public teaching.346
Consequently, Postel left Paris in Mly, 1553. He stopped for a
brief period in Dijon and Besan~on, where he had apparently received an
offer to teach. He did not remain but a few days in Besan~on, however,
but made his way to Basel where he arrived in June.347 Professor Bouwsma

3 4 6see Weill, op. ait., PP• 28-29, where he comments: "Summos sta-
tim clamores in se concivit 'ita ut ejus auctoris coercendi gratia rex
ipse cum sanctiori concilio et curia parlamenti tractarint de cohibenda
quae huic attendebat multitudine.'"
In his Lea Tr~s MerveiUeuses Viatoires des .femmes (Paris, 1553:
Iehan Gueullart) Postel reaffirmed his divine calling and his immuta-
tion. From the following statements (pp. 32v-35), one can easily ascer-
tain why this book caused such a stir in Paris in 1553. Postel writes:
"La Diuine Prouidence par ce en cecy s'est voulu monstrer omnipotente,
que depuys que la mere du monde Eue nouuelle nasquist, qui fut viron
l'an de grace 1500. ans elle ha plus descouuert le monde et principale-
ment des Indes que par 5500. ans au parauant n 'hauoit este faict ••••
Et pour autant que par !'Esprit d'Eue nouuelle (qui dedens soy circonde,
cache, enuironne, et porte son Esoux Adam nouueau) la partie inferieure
du Petit monde est Restituee comme la superieure, et qu'il ne reste plus
aultre chose, sauf que par la Raison et Authorite des deux enfantz de
ladicte Eue facent et en la superieure et en 1' inferieure partie due
grand monde Restituer le Regne de Dieu •••• Par ce l'ange, tant le Men-
tal comme le spirituel, ou tant !'Intellect comme !'Intelligence, qui ha
presente a Cain, a Ismael a Esau, a Dan, a Coreh et a Iudas Ischarioth
maistre d'hostel ou Connestable du roy des Iuifz, la couronne de sou-
ueraine humilite et abiectin en souueraine predestination de dignite su-
preme est venu au monde a Paris le 6. de Ianuier 1552. Et six moys apres
!'Intellect et Intelligence a qui heureusement ha obey Abel, Seth,
Isaac, Iaacob, Biniamin, Moyse et Sainct Iehan l'Evangeliste est aussi
descendu et venu du terrestre Paradis a Paris, soubz les vertus d'Enoch
s'appellant faict Iehan l'Euangeliste chercheant sur qui il puisse re-
poser sans estre centrist€ ne par amour propre chasse, auquel appartient
tout le Droict Tempore! au monde, comme a son frere tout le spirituel,
lequel il obtiendront iusques a la venue du dernier Antechrist, ce que
i 'ay voulu icy mettre pour en aduertir le monde ••• pour admonnester
tout le monde a fuyr l'ire de Dieu et de leur Pere et Mere qui sont
auant cinq ans commen~antz, et il y a au iourd'huy en Ianuier 1553. six
moys decretz, preparez faire le premier iugement du monde, duquel autant
plus ~g7rible part aduiendra ala France et principalement a Paris •••• "
Jean Pierre Niceron, M~moires ••• des hommes illustres, P• 306,
has Postel going to Basel, then Dijon before he arrived in Paris.
Niceron says that he taught mathematics in Dijon. Weill, pp. 30-31,
states correctly his itinerary -- Paris, Dijon, Besan~on, Basel. He ar-
rived in Basel on 24 June, 1553 which is confirmed by a letter written
by Postel to Henry Bullinger and published by Weill, PP• ll5-ll6. In
this letter he speaks of a possible return to Besan~on, after his visit
to Basel. See William Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi, PP• 18-19.
 109

believes that during the summer of 1553 Postel began to consider an al-
liance with the Protestants. 348 This seems doubtful , however, because
Postel had just as many enemies among the Protestants as he did among
the Catholics. He was never on good terms with dogmatists in either
fold. Instead he was on friendly terms with the more moderate Protes-
tants such as Opori nus, Bib 1i ander, and Me 1anchthon. In a 1etter to
Melanchthon, written from Vienna in 1555, Postel makes clear that he is
not pleading for world harmony on the side of the Protestants or Catho-
lics but on the side of reason.349 He could no more approve of what he
considered the excesses of Calvin in Geneva than the attitudes of the
doctors of the Sorbonne who had caused trouble for him in 1543 and again
in 1553.350 Postel sought the middle ground between the opposing forces
and hoped to demonstrate that men must not separate themselves from each
other by dissension, since God willed that no one be separated from His

34 8W1.·11·1.am Bouwsma, op. e1.·t ., p. 19 • Antonio Rotondo, St ua·1- e r"l--

·
eerehe ... , p. 125, does not subscribe to this opinion, nor do I. See
infra~ ~ext.
4 Postel writes: "Certissimum est in hoc reformationis Ecclesiae
aut restitutionis omnium motu ••• ad hoc ut possit demonstrari, et non
tantum suaderi, aut verisimilibus tradi argumentis, tam spiritualis
Christi adventus, quam Antichrist! vera et toti orbi terrarum cognosci-
bilis aut manifesta praesentia spiritu oris Christi prosternenda opus
esse omnino, non autoritatis, quam quisque pro sua contorquet libidine,
sed rationis, toti mundo cognitae, et non tantum creditae argumentis ad
persuadendum." Cited by Jan Kvacala, Poste7,7,iana, p. 34.
Pos tel seems in this letter to Melanchthon to want t o join together
all brothers in a Reformat ion based upon Reason. Postel points out that
he is not opposed t o the true priesthood or papacy, but only tha t
priesthood which holds itself higher than God (p. 39). Postel remarks
(p. 38) that the last years of Pope Paul III and all the years of Pope
Julius III were the papacies of the Antichrist.
j 50 see Postel's statement to Melancththon, Bullinger, and Martinus
Boraus in his Apo?,ogia pro Serveto ViUanovano, The British Library,
Sloa ne ms. 1411, fols. 353-393, where he writes that pardon is more im-
portant than blame in the business of reformation. He pleads the case
of humanity and compassion (fol. 355v), "donee ipse INTELLECTVVM parens
et fons Christus sese ita in nos transfundat ••• vestra autem Ecclesia
••• tolerabilior omnibus illis populis qui Christum recepere ex Vsu Rei-
publicae vestrae sacrae videatur, ideo ad eius ministros pro summae
verita tis discussione scribere volui ut si spiritus Christi Generalis in
nos omnes transfusus suiipsius partes et consensum in nobis suis membris
mutuo agnouerit tandem generet in suis r amis s icut in seipso truncus
ille vitae Concordiam ut simus vnum sicut ipse est vna c um Patre suo
vnus. Hui us vero vnionis Basim sola EXCVSATIO stabilire potest."
110

Love.351 He deplored the actions of Calvin against Servetus in which

Calvin acted as accuser, witness, and judge.352 Although Postel
obviously had business to discuss with Oporinus about the publication of
his books and, in particular, his translation of the Zohar which he had
begun in Venice under the inspiration of Mbther Johanna and had sent to
Oporinus sometime after its completion in 1553, he departed from Basel
after a stay of only two months. 353 In his Apologia pro Serveto Postel
acknowleges that Calvin published a little book which Postel says was
written to excuse himself for the burning of Servetus and in which Cal-
vin accuses Postel of holding the same opinion which cost Servetus his
life.354 Although Postel denied that he had ever heard the name of Ser-
vetus before his death, he declares that he has a manuscript copy of
Servetus' De Trinitate in which Servetus writes of a certain middle na-
ture which is between his divinity and humanity. Postel agrees with Ser-
vetus about this middle nature of Christ; indeed, this nature which Pos-
tel calls "composite" is central to his concept of Christ.3 55 Postel

3Slibid., fol. 355v.

3 52 Postel states: "Quoniam igitur accepti Caluinum, quem audio hie
fuisse Serueti Accusatorem Testem et Iudicem •••• "Ibid., fol. 356.
J 53 on Postel's translations of the Zohar and the problems connected
with the publication, see Fran~ois Secret, Le Zohar chez les kabbalistes
chr~tiens de la renaissance, PP• 51-78; note especially P• 52, notes 1
and 3. Antonio Rotondo, however, has clarified the problem and cor-
rected some erroneous assumptions made by Secret. See Antonio Rotondo,
Studi e ricerche di storia ereticale italiana del cinquecento, PP• 117-
142. 3Akso see discussion infra.
5 Of Calvin's book Postel writes: "· •• post eius [Serueti] mortem
opuscula sui erga Seruetum facinoris probandi caeteris gratia scrip-
sisse, in quibus audio etiam meum nomen, quasi essem illi sententiae pro
qua Seruetus luisse dicitur affinis perstrinxisse, et in totam Germaniam
disseminasse libellos illos." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol.
356. Postel states that he will write against Calvin because "silence
will not be in the service of truth." Beza, in a letter to Bullinger, in
1553, writes that Postel is a fanatic whose ideas are not unlike those
of Servetus. See Antonio Rotondo, Studi e ricerche di storia ereticale
italiana del cinquecento, pp. 126-127, and note 120.
JSS"Certe nee nomen Serueti audiueram antequam post ipsum ignibus
absumptum peruenit ad Manus meas scriptum quoddam ipsius de Trinitate
quod admodum cursim et vellicatim legi. Nondum enim typis prodierat. Nee
in eo opere animaduertere aliud potui, quam quod in Christo vult praeter
Diuinitatem et vna cum ipsa Humanitate esse Naturam quandam et substan-
tiam mediam quae reuera est appellandaque est Deus, fuisse et esse in
Christo." Ibid., fol. 356.
See Elisabeth Feist Hirsch, "Michael Servetus and the Neoplatonic
 111

had no favorable op1n1on of Calvin whom he described as one who acts as

if he is the supreme Pope.356
Whether the events in Geneva during the summer of 1553 which
reached a climax on October 27 with the death of Servetus were the
direct cause of Postel's brief stay in Basel one cannot say with cer-
tainty. One can reasonably assume, however, that the climate of Geneva
in 1553 made Basel less than safe for Postel; one can also assume that
the publication of Postel's Zohar was a cause of concern to Oporinus be-
cause of his fear of the authorities.357 While in Basel Postel had en-
joyed the hospi ta 1i ty of Opori nus and consequently the friendship of
Theodore Bibliander, Jean Bauhin through whose friendship Postel

Tradition. God, Christ, and Man," Bibl.ioth't3que d'Humanisme et Renais-

sance 42 (1980) pp. 561-575. See also Jerome Friedman, Michael Servetus:
A Case of Total Heresy (Geneve, 1979: Librairie Droz); note also his
"Sixteenth Century Christian-Hebrica: Scripture and the Renaissance Myth
of the Past," The Sixteenth Century Journal 11, no. 4 (1980) pp. 67-85;
"The Archangel Michael vs. the Anti-Christ: The Servetian Drama of the
Apocalypse," Renaissance and Reformation 11 (1975) PP• 45-51.
Postel's Apologia pro Serveto written in 1555 (see The British Li-
brary, Sloane ms. 1211, fol. 354 v) with its criticism of Calvin was
never published. Sebastien Castellio, however, published under the
pseudonym Martin Belli us an anthology of protests against Calvin's ac-
tion ~n6itled Concerning Heretics, Whether They are to be Prosecuted.
5 See Chaufepie, op. cit., p. 229. Postel writes to Masius in
1555: "Et ex altera parte Heretici me impetunt, traducunt, devorant,
inter quos quidam, ui iam quasi summum pontificem agit, Calvinus, me
perstringere ausus est in quodam scripto, ubi cum iis qui non recte de
Diuina Natura sentiunt, me involvere cupit, ita ut sim tanquam signum ad
sagit§~7·" Postel believes that he is on Calvin's "hit list".
See above, note 355; on Castellio and the reaction to Servetus'
burning see Ferdinand Buisson, Sebastien Castellion, Vols. I-II (Nieuw-
koop, 1964: B. De Graaf). See especially, Vol. I, Chapt. XI, "Le Sup-
plice de Michel Servet et L'Opinion Protestante Contemporaine," pp. 335-
359; also note the Traicte des heretiques of Martin Bellie, which is
analyzed and extracted, pp. 360-413. Also note Roland H. Bainton, The
Travail of Religious Liberty (Philadelphia, 1951: The Westminster Press)
pp. 72-124, for discussions of Servetus and Castellio. As we have al-
ready noted, an excellent discussion of Postel and Basel is found in Ro-
tondo, op. cit., pp. 117-159. Also see Peter G. Bietenholz, Basle and
France in the Sixteenth Century, PP• 137-152; Bietenholz emphasizes the
tensions in Basel during 1551-1554 and the circles in which Postel
moved. Also note Steven E. Ozment, Mysticism and Dissent. Religious Ide-
ology and Social Protest in the Sixteenth Century (New Haven, 1973: Yale
University Press) pp. 168-202, for an excellent exposition of
Castellio's problems with Geneva and the basic principles of Castellio's
thought. The emphasis of Castellio upon reason and conscience is re-
miniscent of Postel.
112

probably met Sebastien Castellio, Theodore Zwinger, and possibly an

acquaintance with the Dutch Anabaptists whose leader, David Joris, was
already acquainted with Postel's writings. 35 8 In addition, he met Caspar
Schwenck fel d some time during this period for he began corresponding
with him as soon as he returned to Venice in August, 1553 _359 He
maintained correspondence with Schwenckfeld over a number of years, and
one letter of Postel to the German spiritual reformer was published in
1556 with the praefactio of Flacius Illyricus, the sworn enemy of Pos-
tel.360 The friendship which Postel developed with Oporinus' nephew,
Zwinger, was a close and lasting relationship.361 He allowed Zwinger to
keep his precious translation of the Zoha~ which still had not been pub-
lished at Oporinus' death.36 2 He still hoped, as late as 1571, that it

358 see Peter Bietenholz, op. cit., PP• 140-141; Bainton, ''Wylliam
Postell and the Netherlands," op. cit., PP• 161-172; Fran~ois Secret,
Biblioth!Jque d'Humanisme et Renaissance 23 (1961) pp. 132ff. Postel
maintained an active correspondence with both Bibliander and Zwinger, as
well as with his intimate friend, Oporinus. See The British Library,
Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 96-118v. Note also H. de la Fontaine Verivey,
"Trois heresiarques," Biblioth~ue d'Humanisme et Renaissance 16 (1954)
PP• 312-330; J. A. Van Dorsten, The Radica"l- A~ts (Leiden, 1970: E. J.
Brill); also note the previously cited, Wallace Kirsop, "The Family of
Love in France," Jouffla"l- of Religious Histo~y (1964-65) PP• 103-118.
See also Alastair Hamilton, The Fami"l-y of Love (Cambridge, 1981: James
Clark3 ~Co. Ltd.).
5 From Postel's letter to Schwenckfeld (The British Library,
Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 120-121) it is clear that Postel has explained to
him the restitution of all things which Postel believed was imminent.
For example, Postel writes: "Charitate itaque consummari omnia relictis
ritibus, necesse est, quum lex scripta in cordibus videbitur, opus est
enim ut duplex adsit in restitutis spiritus, ut Elizeus ab Elia postu-
lavit unus pro parte superior! paterna et mental! in cerebra ad restitu-
tionem animorum, et hie fuit datus Apostolis; alter pro parte inferior!
materna et spiritual!." This letter is published in Jan Kva~ala, Poste"l--
1-iana, pp. 8-10, with minor changes in transcription from the manu-
scrip~,
00 See Episto"l-a GVVIELELMI POSTELLI ad c. Schvvencfe"l-divm (Ienae,
1556). See also Abbe Joly, Vie de Gui"l-7-aume Poste"l-, 4 parties,
Bibliotheque municipale de Dijon, ms. 1042MF, 4th partie, fol. 117,
where Flacius refers to Schwenckfeld as Stenckfeld.
361 Postel was corresponding with Zwinger up to the year of his
death in 1581. There are letters written throughout the last twenty
years of his life; one letter is dated in 1580 and another long letter,
though without date, seems to have been written even later. These let-
ters appear in The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413; some are published
by Jan Kva~ala, Poste"l-7-iana.
J 62 see Fran~ois Secret, Le Zoha~ chez 1-es kabbalistes ch~~tiens,
 113

could be published; if not published, it must be preserved. 363 However,

in the event that its publication should not be possible, he kept his
Latin Zohar from the Syriac language with himself, as a safeguard, as he
states in a letter to Zwinger, dated 23 May, 1579.364 Postel mentions

PP• 52-53.
3 6 3 see The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 103. Postel makes
a very interesting statement in this letter to Zwinger. Postel recog-
nizes that his writings are scorned, but he must persist in order to es-
tablish the priestly state of Jerusalem as Moses did in ages past. He
comments that his determination is occasioned not by his presumption,
nor by his merit, but only by his Elian vow which is consonant with the
spirit and virtue [of Elias] to which all truly pious men subscribe with
him.
Professor Paul Lawrence Rose seemed unaware that Postel was an
"Elias man". Note his comments in his review of Jean Bodin, CoLLoquiwn
of the Seven about Searets of the SubLime (Marion L. Kuntz, Princeton,
1975) in BibLioth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 39 (1977) PP• 409-410.
Rose states: "Again, Postel had a poor opinion of Bodin whom he criti-
cised as a renegade Carmelite and sometime member of the Elian sect
,,,," (p. 409) Rose seems to misinterpret Professor Secret's transcrip-
tion of BN3678, fol. 4lv, to which he refers, for Postel writes (and
Secret transcribes) " , ,, par un moyne renie, qui fut carme angevin .....
(BibLioth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 23 (1961) P• 353). Postel never
criticizes Bodin for being a member of the "Elian s e ct; " he refers to
Bodin as a renega de monk who was a C armelite of Angers. In a similar
statement written in Latin by Postel he speaks of Bodin as an "ELiani"
which means a member of the Carmelites. This was confirmed by Professor
Secret in a letter to me, dated 18 February, 1976. The point is not
whether Bodin was an "Elian", but rather that Postel was not criticizing
him for being an "Elian". It would have been pointless for Postel to
criticize Bodin for being a m ember of the "Elia n sect " since Postel him-
self wa s an "Elias man" and spoke constantly of being res tore d in the
virtue of Elias. Rose apparently wa s unaware tha t Postel changed his
opinion of Bodin, for he writes favorably of Bodin's writings in a n un-
published text. For example, Postel writes: "Vt magis et clarius quam
vnquam antea sint Satanae artes expositae a Bodino jurisconsulto in
libro Daemonomaniae •••• "; also note: "Tamen magis Laumdum sit descrip-
tus Satan ••• quam vnquam antea fuisset, Ita ut demonstretur ex Bodini
scriptis verissima et tactu palpabilis veritas, pro r e ligione Christiana
pateat ,,,," Bibliothique nationale, fonds latin 3401, fols. 31, 32v.
See a lso P. L. Rose, Bodin and the Great God of Nature . The MoraL and
ReLigious Universe of a Judaiser (Genive, 1980: Librairie Droz ). Rose
seems disinclined to assess the influence of Postel on Bodin's " late-
bloom!gf emphasis upon prophecy.
Postel writes of his Zohar: "Zohar apud me est ex Suriana lin-
gua Latinus." He also writes of his Compendiwn of the Talmud: "Thalmudi
compendium est bis excusum, non ma lum opus nomine Fons Iaacob, non malum
opus in q uod omnes c i t a tiones sunt ex Talmudo sumptae . Est et I a lcut,
et Ma iemoni, si v e lint Judae i iis vti ." The Briti sh Libra ry, Sloa ne ms.
1413, f ol. 108.
114

this precious book in his last will, dated 1581, and requests that it be
preserved. 365
One readily sees from the letters which Postel wrote to Zwinger
during the last fifteen years of his life that he expected his t~achings
about universal pardon and universal religion to be propagated through
the Basel scholar and printer. 366 This enterprise was not without diffi-
culty and danger from the "Calvinistic tyranny," however, as we learn
from Paste 1' s letter of February, 1567 to his friend and physician-
printer Zwinger. Postel's books and manuscripts had been destroyed, and
he placed the greater part of the blame upon Theodore Beza, "who is dis-
turbing not only France but also Germany." In describing the burning of
his books Postel paraphrases Vergil and says that "perhaps it will be
pleasing to remember that the ashes of Christ's martyrs burned with liv-
ing men in whose company the bodies of my books as if my children
perished."367 The complete sincerity and conviction with which Postel
proclaimed the middle course between extremes and the need for universal
reformation of men in a universal brotherhood under God exp 1 a ins, in
part, his suffering when his books, "his children" in whom Postel's
ideas lived, perished in the flames fueled by dogmatism.
One is aware that Postel was dependent upon Zwi nger and Opori nus
for the dissemination of his books. In Postel's letter of February, 1567
to Zwinger, Postel writes that he had requested help from DuPuy in order
to secure a copy of Zwinger' s Theatrwn, but that Dupuy had refused •36 8
Therefore, Postel says that he is returning the seheda of Froben. Pos-
tel's associations with Basel were important and lasting, as we have

365For Postel's last will see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fran~.

2115, fol. 118.
366The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 101, lOlv.
367 "Certe olim meminisse iuuabit Christi martyrum cineres vna cum
viuis combustere hominibus in quorum consortium meorum librorum tamquam
liberorum aliquot corpora periisse, certe semper in laude ponam." The
Briti~g Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. lOlv.
8 Postel writes: "Nam ad caetera de Theatro tuo, negauit Puteanus
etiam si 500 haberet se daturum aliter quam praesenti pecunia, ideo re-
mitto schedam Frobenii, quam Lucrio volebat non data exemplari retinere.
tanti eius fides est. tentabo tamen iterum data vectigali." The British
Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 101. In a previous lette r to Zwinger Pos-
t e l writes of his desire to have a copy which he could not buy because
of his poverty (The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 99).
 115

noted in the case of Zwinger. As late as 1571 Postel was sending greet-
ings to Jean Bauhin and his father and also the family of Castellio.369
Postel's relations with Basel will be discussed subsequently in the con-
text of Postel's plan for universal restitution or Sabbathism, which was
heralded by events of 1566.
Although Postel was in Basel as late as 24 June, 1553, he was back
in Venice in August at the home of the Giunti .370 He again resumed work
on the Syri ac text of the Gospe 1s •371 He a1so preached the gospe 1 of
restitution in neighboring towns.372 While he was in the process of es-
tab 1i shi ng a Syri ac text of the Gospe 1s, t-bses ~sopotami a, a priest
whom Postel had known in Rome and Venice, again presented himself as an
aid to Postel's Syriac project.373 Shortly thereafter Postel heard his
old friend and Hebrew scholar, Widmanstadt was preparing a Syri ac New

3 69The Brit·ish Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 102. Also see Fran-
~ois Secret, "G. Postel et Bale," BibUoth~que d' Humanisme et Renais-
sance 37 (1975) PP• 110-111; also "G. Postel et Sebastien Munster;"
"Postel et Theodore Bibliander; " "Erasmus Oswald Schreckenfuchs," Ibid.,
22 (lj~O) PP• 377-384.
0 see The British Library, Sloane ms . 1413, fol. 121. In the con-
clusion of Postel's letter to Schwenkfeld we read: "Vale Venetiis 17.
Augusti 1553 in Giuntae Librarii aedibus si forsan tu aliquid ad nos
scriptum volueris." One recalls that Zuanmaria Zonta (Giunta) was one
of the directors of the Ospedaletto of Saints John and Paul, when Postel
was t~;re in 1547- 1549.
Postel had collated the Syriac manuscripts many years before.
See The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 87.
312 A Jesuit saw him teaching in Padua. See William Bouwsma,
ConcoPdia Mundi, P• 20, note. 75.
37 3see the PPaefatio of his CosmogPaphiaae disciplinae compendium
(Basel, 1561), dedicated to the Emperor Ferdinand where he writes : "at-
tuleram inquam exemplar fidelissimum noui Testamenti, quam ad rem meo
succurrens desiderio pridem etiam eiusdem linguae manifestandae studio
incitatus Daniel Bombergus, curator curatore suarum rerum Iohanne Reni-
almo impensas suppeditauerat: a cui us conquirendi peregrinatione quum
uix rediissem, se statim mihi Venetiis obtulit Cassis ille sacerdos ue
T. M. notus, Moses Mesopotamius Syrus, uetustis exemplaribus instructus,
cuius opera sum usus ad mei collationem, eo quod meum erat recentius
scriptum: ••• " sig. a3.
See The British Library, Sloane ms . 1413, fol. 87, where Postel
speaks of the good fortune of Moses' arrival: "... Ecce (o admiranda
Christi prouidentia) se offert vtrique Moses ille Syrus Sacerdos, cui,
pridem Romae a suo Patriarcha misso fuerat idem studium atque mihi et
quem ea de re tandem ad Widmanstadium quasi huius linguae perdiscendae
cupidum (nam nesciebam adhuc illud aut patria pulsum, aut tibi esse Can-
cellarium) mittere vtrique nostrum visum est .....
116

Testament in Vienna, and he decided to send Mbses to help.37 4 Cardinal

Reginald Pole gave assistance in this project, and Mbses was welcomed in
Vienna.375 Whether Postel was invited to Vienna because of the kind ges-
ture in sending Mbses Mesopotamia or whether he decided to follow on his
own and hope for support, one cannot be certain. However, by the end of
the year, 1553, Postel was in Vienna and shortly thereafter had been ap-
pointed by the Emperor Ferdinand to a chair in the University.3 76
In 1554 he gave his inaugural address about the use of the Phoeni-
cian language, and this speech was published the same year in Vienna. 377
His lectures were enthusiastically received, and he rendered valuable
assistance to Widmanstadt who was preparing a Syriac New Testament. Pos-
tel's contributions to this project were significant, since he had al-
ready comp 1eted in Venice the text of the Gospe 1s in Syri ac; in addi-
tion, his knowledge of the art of printing was important in the prepara-
tion of the Arabic characters. Postel's knowledge of printing was well-
known, and he was the only person from whom the great Leiden publisher,
Christophe Plantin, ever sought information about type.378

374 see above, note 373. Postel speaks of the dire circumstances
connected with Widmanstadt's departure from Suebia because of the civil
wars in Suebia and the numerous hardships imposed because of this
strife. On the friendship of Widmanstadt with Elias Levita, see Gerard
Weil, 3~~ie Levita, PP• 345-247.
See Praefatio to Cosmographicae disciplinae compendium sig. a3v.
Also note The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 87; Georges Weill,
De •• '3ff.ita et indole, PP• 33-34.
6Postel' s success at the University is attested by a document
from the University of Vienna, dated 17 January, 1554. It reads:
"Secundus Graecus, qui et idem linguae arabicae professor et quotidie
his 1~11t." Cited by Georges Weill, op. cit., P• 34.
Ibid. , P• 35. The title of the publication is GuiUelmi Pos-
teUi, regii in Academia Viennensi Unguarum peregririarum et m:J.thematum
professoris de Linguae Phoenicis siue Hebraicae exceUentia • • • prae-
fatio (Vienna, 1554). Postel was admired in Vienna for his amazing know-
ledge and was called a "second Greek," Weill, p. 34 (see above, note
376).378
See Dr. Leon Voet, The Golden Compasses. A History and Evalua-
tion of the Printing and Publishing Activities o.f the O.fficina nantini-
ana at Antwerp, trans. Raymond H. Kaye, (Amsterdam, 1972: Vangendt and
Co.) Vol. II, p. 80. Postel explained to Plantin how Granjon was to cut
a Syriac fount. Postel was among the first in Europe to use Arabic type.
See Paul Lunde, "Arabic and the Art of Printing," Aramco World Magazine
32, no. 2 (March-April, 1981) PP• 20-22. I am indebted to Professor
Brian G. Armstong for this reference.
Postel and Plantin shared other interests among which the most sig-
 117

In the Pr>aefatio of the Syriac New Testament, dedicated to the

Emperor Ferdinand, Widmanstadt praises Postel's erudition and his con-
tributions to the preparation of the Syriac New Testament. 379 In spite
of Postel's success in Vienna he remained there only five or six months.
His departure from Vienna in Mly, 1554, was sudden, and he 1eft without
informing the Emperor of his departure or the reasons which prompted his
decision.380 Writing later to the Emperor Ferdinand Postel says that he

nificant were religious toleration and the group known as the Family of
Love. On Plantin's association with the Family of Love and later with
Barrefelt, see Voet, The Golden Compasses, I, pp. 27-30. Postel and
Plantin were both associated with the Family of Love, as was Masius,
Postel's devoted friend. Professor Voet, op. ait., pp. 29-30, prudently
describes the toleration of Plantin, an explanation which is most appro-
priate to Postel. "To those who in all conscience did not wish or were
not able to choose between the two faiths, libertinisme offered a refuge
and a solution ••• the 'third force' of the sixteenth century should not
be confused with the Libertines of the following century, ••• Their (men
like Postel and Plantin) acceptance of two religions one beside the
other, the symbolic conception of the sacrament and their tolerance are
based on the mystic idea that religious quarrels are totally futile be-
cause, when truth appears, all dissensions, all antitheses, all that
divides will vanish before the great harmony."
On the correspondence of Plantin, see Max Rooses, Correspondanae de
Christophe PZantin (Antwerpen, 1883: Kraus Reprint, Nendeln Liechten-
stein, 1968), The Postel-Plantin letters appear on pp. 80-81, 82-84,
86-89, 154-155, 188-191; Postel's letter to Plant in which explains the
cutting of the Syriac type is found in Rooses, Supplementum, Correspon-
danae, no. 90 (letter of 28th July, 1569).
On the Family of Love, Plantin, and Postel, see also B. Rekers,
Benit~~rias Montano (Leiden, 1972: E. J. Brill) pp. 70-104.
See Georges Weill, De ••• vita et indole, p. 35. Chaufepie, op.
ait., pp. 117-118, note M. On Postel's contribution to Guy LeFevre de
La Boderie's edition of the Syriac New Testament of 1584 as w711 as the
Polyglot Bible, published by Plantin, see Fran~ois Secret, L'Esoterisme
de Guy Le F~vre de La Boderie (Geneve, 1969: Librairie Droz) pp. 17-26,
and p~~3im· Also see B. Rekers, op. ait., pp. 45-69.
Widmanstadt said that evil men were plotting against Postel.
Postel himself gives the reasons for his sudden departure in a long let-
ter to the Emperor Ferdinand. See The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413,
fol. 87v, Also see Bibliotheque na tionale , fonds latin 3402, fol. 10;
Georges Weill, De • • • vita et indole, pp. 35-36. Also note Postel's
Clarissima et ex Aristotelis veris sententiisque hoa est maxime Natura-
libus Rationibus deduata Demonstratis which is dedicated to Widmanstadt.
This document is found in the Bayerische Staatsbibliothek, Mtinchen, oe-
feleana ms. 262. I am indebted to Dr. Eva Horvath for providing a micro-
film of this work and to Paul Oskar Kristeller for bringing it t o my a t-
t ention. Also note Fran~ois Secret, Bibliographie des manusarits ••• ,
P• 141.
118

left without taking leave of his ~jesty because he had received letters
from Venice which informed him that his books, especially those written
after 1547, were about to be placed on the index of prohibited books.381
As soon as he heard this bad news, he abruptly 1eft Vienna because he
hoped he could get to Venice in time to block this action.
As he was nearing the border between Austria and Italy, he was mis-
taken for a certain Franciscan who had killed another monk, and he was
thrown into prison for a brief period. Weill records that he escaped on
the day after he was put into chains and then made his way to Venice.382
Postel felt convinced that if he explained to the Inquisitors the
Truth of his immutation and the meaning of "maternal mediation," they
would understand that he was not a heretic but a prophet proclaiming the
restitution of all things. 38 3 Consequently, he asked for a hearing be-
fore the Tribunal of the Inquisition so that reasons could be stated why
his books and himself had been condemned as heretical, and what specific
teachings were prohibited; in short, Postel was asking the Inquisitors
to justify to him their judgments concerning him and his works. Postel
of his own volition placed himself "in an open prison assigned to him"
to show his sincerity during the process.384 The Inquisitors did not
engage in the rational dialogue which Postel had expected; instead they
presented him with a 1ong 1is t of excerpts from his books and demanded
that he abjure them. ~ny of these statements had been collected as
early as 1550, and a 1arge number were taken from his De Mediator>is
natiuitate ultima (1547) .385 Postel writes that the Franciscan

381 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 87v.

3 8 2Georges We1"11 , op. ctt.,
. P• 36 •
383The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. BBv.
384 rt would be interesting if we could ascertain exactly what Pos-
tel means when he speaks of placing himself in an "open prison". Since
he says that the "open prison" was assigned to him, he could have bee n
placed under "house arrest" in the care of a Venetian family, or he
could have been assigned to the cason but with the freedom to move
about, hence his stat eme nt an "open prison". The only clue Postel gives
us about where he was placed is as follows: "Postquam sponte me in
aperto carcere mihi assignato continui aliquot dies, contigi t me ad
vnius propositionis (aut forsan etiam plurium si res successisset)
auditionem vocari." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. BBv. Se e
below~ g· 122, about his late r imprisonment in the cason or casone•
8 The excerpts, with the date 1550, are found in Archivio di
Stato , Venez ia, Santo Uffizio, Busta 12. Postel r efers t o this one wri t-
 119

Inquisitor began the hearing in a peacful manner, but it soon became

evident that the Inquisitors were no match for Postel, at least in
rational argument .386 He retracted some of the statements but refused
to accept the Inquisitional charge that both he and his works were
heretical ,387 One of the Inquisitors wrote to him, as Postel recounts,
and told him that he understood almost nothing in his writing and that
for any one to understand Postel's labyrinthine thought, one would need
the "help of a Delian swimmer."388 Postel was chagrined that he was
being ca 11 ed hereti ca 1 , when the chief Inquisitor said he could not
comprehend anything which Postel wrote. He could not deny, however, the
truth of the miracle of his l'<bther Johanna, even if he had to pay with
his life. He compares himself to John the Baptist who denied "to the

ing from which they had excerpted his op~n~ons considered heretical by
the C~gGch. See The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 88v.
The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 88v.
387 Postel's statement is found in Archivio di Stato, Venezia, Santo
Uffizio, Busta 12. He writes: "Rogo itaque earn Magistratus et sacri et
ciuilis et mixti auctoritatem ad quam haec cognitio pertinet, ut quum
humani a me nil alienum putem, et me errare potuisse ubi ipsa Ecclesia
iudicauerit censeam et ex animo reuera fatear, ita ut sim aut declarare
aut retractare omnia quae mihi indicata fuerint paratissimus, Ecclesia
ipsa per suos ministros me velit a personali censura catalogi in quo pro
libris aut cum libris nomen meum expositum est absolutum declarare. Nam
errare quidem potuero. Sed certe Hereticus esse numquam potero."
Postel's name and his books appear on numerous Catalogues of Pro-
hibted Books in Venice from 1547-1570. Some lists are undated. His name
and books figure prominently in the case of Vincent Valgrisio. He is
cited as Elias Pandochaeus in the charges against Valgrisio who had a
bookshop near the Rialto bridge. See Archivio di Stato, Santo Uffizio,
Buste 12, 14; Santo Uffizio, Processi, Busta 159. Also see the numerous
appearances of Postel's name, usually cited as Elias Pandochaeus, in Li-
bPOPUm pPohibitopum EZenahus, Biblioteca Marciana, Mss. Latini, Cl. XIV,
Cod. ~g~, n. 4255, fols. 114-124.
This reference made by the Inquisitor seemed to amuse Postel,
for he refers to it on several accounts. The Inquisitor was commenting
upon Postel's obscurity. Aristotle called Heraclitus, "the dark one",
ho skoteinos, in De mundo v. 396b. 20; also Phys. I. 2. 185a, 185b.
There is a reference in the CoZZoquium HeptapZomePes of Jean Bodin
which speaks of obscurity and the need of a "Delian swimmer", If one
reads the full statement of Senamus in which the "Delian swimmer" refer-
ence appears, and the subsequent statement of Salomon who defends the
"veiled teachings of sacred wisdom", one may suggest that Bodin is teas-
ing Postel about his obscurity. The "Delian swimmer" allusion is surely
no commonplace. See Marion L. Kuntz, CoZZoquium o.f the Seven about
SeaPets o.f the SubLime of Jean Bodin (Princeton, 1974: Princeton Univer-
sity Press) pp. 93-94, also note 15, P• 93.
120

legates of the Pharisees" that he was Elias, although Postel writes, it

is the "highest truth that he is Elias and a prophet and even more than
a prophet ." 38 9
Postel's deni a 1s must have satisfied the Inquisitors for the time
being; he appeared before them some time in January, 1555. He was free
to move about in late February, but he was still suspect. He writes to
Mas ius on 24 February, 1555, and his tone was that of a man severely
distressed. He expressed the hope that the ancient books in Arabic per-
taining to medicine, astronomy, geometry, and other disciplines could be
sent from Paris, so that he could make copies to be preserved in some
public library. 390
Although Postel's condemnation as mad did not follow immediately
his first interrogation, he was considered mad by some, hereti ca 1 by
others , and consequently he had no means of support. Because of his fi-
nancial plight, he arranged through Masius that his beloved books which
he had brought from the Orient be sold to Duke Palatine Ottheinrich.
The sale of his books was heartbreaking to Postel, but he had to have
money to survive, and he also needed resources to pursue his publication
of the Gospels in Syriac.391
Fi nanci a 1 prob 1ems only compounded more serious concerns. Shortly
after his first appearance before the Tribunal Postel wrote two books in
Italian in which he explained his own immutation, and the miracles and

389The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413 , fol . 88. Postel speaks of
John the Baptist but infers the same i s true fo r himself.
390chaufepie, Nouveau Diatinnaire, p. 229.
39libid.; also note his Praefatio to Cosmographiaae disaipl.inae
eompendium, sig. b2v, where he writes with sadness about the sale: "Ut
a utem fiat secundum uatenus per meam summam paupertatem potui, maximam
Arabicorum uoluminum copiam comparaui, et in has nostri Latini orbis
prouincias a ttuli, quorum uoluminum copiam maxime in noui Testamenti ex-
emplaribus antiquissimis , meis in sarcinulis librariis habeo Venetiis:
r eliqui autem fuerant ante VI annos duci Bauariae illustrissimo principi
Otthohenrico ducentis aure i s oppignerati, quos al ioqui n e mille quide m
iuste pesolui posse putem: credo autem post eius mortem tanquam summos
thesauros, penes haeredes eius in summo precio et custodia haberi, licet
non cognoscantur. Nam uel unus Abilphedeas princeps Cosmographus, uix
sexcentis coronatis persoluatur. Inter caetera autem Damascenus in sua
linguae propria Damascena Arabica ibi adest, pro reddenda ratione nos-
trae fidei toti Ismae litarum orbi: similiter et Pentateuchus antiquis-
simo uolumine, et al~a pleraque mea sollicitudine non indigna, in
Ba uari a s unt."
 121

prophecies of his Venetian Virgin. These books, IL Libro della divina

ordinatione and Le Prime Nove deL aUro mondo, were written before
February 24, 1555 because in a 1etter of that date Poste 1 informed
Masius that he had sent these two works to him. 392 In these works Postel
again reiterates the history of Mbther Johanna and his own divine ordi-
nation. Si nee these were the very ideas for which he had been judged
heretical, the single-mindedness of Postel in proclaiming his own resti-
tution and the restitution of all things is apparent. Some may view the
publication of these books as a supreme example of Postel's courage,
while others may see this as an example of his folly. Postel's motiva-
tion was a matter of conscience in proclaiming what he considered to be
the Truth, for he indicated that he had rather die than compromise his
conscience. 393
He did make, however, some additional retractions as the investiga-
tions continued during the summer of 1555. Neverthe 1ess, the scanda 1

392chaufepie, op. ait., p. 229.

393 Postel writes to the Emperor Ferdinand: sed literis iam
pridem ab amicis commouebar ut quam primum et necessario adirem Venetias
occursurus sanctioni de multorum scriptis prohibendis (Catalogum vocant)
inter quae mea etiam nisi mature adessem rogatu quaestoris uiolatae re-
ligioni qui eo merito ex rustico postea numerum cardinalium auxit,
ponenda erant. Accelaraui quidem et oblata satisfactione obsistere cona-
tus sum. Sed tardius id fuit quam ut obuiare potuerim. Vnde quum scopus
scriptorum meorum maxime post 1547. salutis annum emissorum eo tenderet
ut vniuersus orbis terrae aut saltern Latina Romanaue Ecclesia et in ea
potissimum Venetiae cognosceret prodigiosissimum et super res mnes quae
vnquam in mundo post Iesu Christi naturam et miracula contigerunt ad-
mirandum Essentiae et Scientiae prodigium factum in Virgine Veneta seu
Venetiis [ i} demonstrata, illis quae in hanc sententiam postremo scrip-
seram, publice abire iussis, volui absolute de re, quam tanti momenti
credo Ecclesiae satisfacere. In Conscientia enim mea, quam in me, et in
omnibus viuenti bus, certissimum est. • • • Nam Catalogi author inscripto
sic libello Catalogus scriptorum Hereticorum, vel nequissime vel certe
imprudentissime in eo scripserat Personam notando Guilielmus Postellus,
et non sicut opus fuisset, Scripta Guilelmi Postelli." The British Li-
brary, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 87v, 88v.
It is clear that Postel was distressed that he personally had been
labelled a heretic, in addition to his writings. This letter to the
Emperor is important, for in it Postel gives reasons for his return to
Venice and also his statements before the Tribunal. This undated letter
in Postel's hand is a significant corollary to the records of the Inqui-
sition in the Archivio di Stato, Venezia. See also Aldo Stella, "Il Pro-
cesso veneziano di Guillaume Postel," Rivista di storia deUa ahiesa in
Ita'lia 22 (1968) PP• 425-466.
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122

caused by the publication of n Libro deHa divina ordinatione and Le

Prime Nove made Postel's retractions unacceptable to the Inquisitors. 394
He was questioned specifically about these two works in August and
September, 1555 and was incarcerated during this period in the cason or
prison at Santi Apostoli. Statements to the Inquisitors in Postel's
hand, signed daZla aasone, during the months of August and September,
prove that Postel was no longer free to move about the city •395 He was
imprisoned in the aason (aasone) in the Campiello della Cason which is
in the sestiere of Cannaregio, the sestiere which is near the Ospeda-
letto. Debtors and those under investigation by the Holy Office were
placed in this aason .396
On the tenth of September, 1555 the fiscal procurator visited Pos-
tel in the aasone and asked where the two books, Le Prime Nove and n
Libro della divina ordinatione were published, who published them, and
who sold them, if they were being sold. 397 The procurator, in his re-
port, quotes Postel as saying that they were published in Padova by a
young man who had frequented the schools, whose name he could not
recall; however, he thought his name appeared on the second book; Postel
also added that four hundred fifty copies of each book had been printed,
that some were at the bookstore of Signor Simon Gal unga, some "at the
sign of Erasmus." Some were at Padova, and the remaining had been sent
to Antonio Tiepolo, who had carried them to the Tribuna1.398

394 William Bouwsma, Conaordia Mundi, P• 23, overlooks the relation-

ship of the publication of the books mentioned and the final condemna-
tion as mad. If Postel had not been compelled by conscience to write
and publish the "scandalous books", he would very likely have remained
free -- at least for the time being because of his great reputation as a
scholar and also because of his friendship with Archinto, Papal Vicar of
Pope Paul III, and later representative to the Inquisition hearing
Poste~95 case.
396Archivio di Stato, Venezia, Santo Uffizio, Processi, Busta 159.
See Giuseppe Tassini, CuriosiUr. Veneziane, VIII Edizione
(Venezia, 1970: Filippi Editore) pp. 466-467. I am grateful to Signora
Iolanda Pizzamano, Biblioteca Correr, Venezia, and to Signor Giuseppe
Ellero, Archivist, I.R.E., for providing information about the aason in
Venic3 9 fn the Cinquecento.
Arc hi vio di Stato, Venezia, Santo Uffizio, Processi, Busta 159,
fol. ~~S
Tbid.
 123

One can surmise from the report of the procurator that Postel was
clearly concealing the publisher "whose name appears on the second book"
and also other booksellers who had the books for sale. We shall return
to this point. A week after the report was filed by the fiscal procura-
tor who had visited the easone and questioned Postel about the
publication of suspect books, the final verdict was handed down on
September 17, 1555.399 Civil and religious authorities weighed the evi-
dence and judged that Postel gave birth to and held various new, fool-
; sh, rash, and mad opinions; that he manifested heresy and impiety; 400
that in spite of his confession and apology he at present still held and
followed the same opinions and saw to it that those opinions were
printed.401 This last statement clearly is a reference to the two books
he published in Padova in 1555. For the aforenamed reasons and after
careful deliberation and study of his words and acts, according to the
Inquisitorial judgment, the Tribunal decided that this heresy which was
being spread to others must be stopped once and for all .402 The judg-
ment against Postel had several pronouncements and stipulations, namely,
that Postel was mad, demented and delirious, and that his madness and
delirium were of an especially dangerous and scandalous sort which would
spread, unless checked, and would be very damaging to the Catholic
truth. Therefore, in order to stop this heresy and keep any of Postel's

399rbid., fol. 62.

400 Postel' s case was heard, according to his own statement (The
British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 89) by the "most excellent
priests and doctors and the magistrates who knew him very well, both
about his teaching and customs, where he had taught and where he had
lived," Postel mentions that one of the Inquisitors was a Franciscan.
401 Archivio di Stato, Venezia, Processi, Santo Uffizio, Busta 159,
fols. 61, 62. The Inquisitors were right in assuming that Postel had
not changed his opinions. In his own words, in a letter written to the
Emperor Ferdinand about 1560-61, he states: " ••• sic pro illis in con-
fuso et non in speciale, et maxime quatenus sunt facti et non iuris, me
obtuli ad mortem, pot ius pro meae Conscientiae sententia volens mori,
quam in re quae mihi videretur verissima mihi ••• contradicere." The
Briti~h Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 88v.
02 The Inquisitors sent to Padova for information, since Postel had
earlier lectured there, and since in Padova Postel had said the two
books being investigated had been printed. The Inquisitors were well
aware of Postel's contacts in Europe. Since it was well-known, in
Venice, that Postel had important friends in the business of publishing
the Tribunal's fear of Postel's "scandalous" teachings being perpetuated
was well founded.
124

teachings from being perpetuated and compounded into posterity, the Tri-
bunal ruled: (1) that Postel be relieved of all duties of the priestly
orders; (2) that he be condemned to life imprisonment; (3) that his two
aforementioned works and any other heretical books of his, wherever they
be found, be burned so that the minds of the faithful would not be cor-
rupted.403 The judgment indicated, however, that if he should return to
a sound mind and should he abjure every single hereti ca 1 opinion, then
he would be freed from prison. In the meanwhile, every effort must be
made to see that he no longer spread abroad his scandalous opinions. 404
It was also decreed that he should be confined to the prison at
Rome where the "prisons were specially allotted and more suitable."405
The Tribunal had sought the opinion of Pope Paul IV and his consistory,
and their directive was that Postel should be sent to Rome for incarcer-
ation.406 Postel held Paul IV responsible for his imprisonment, and in
this opinion he was probably correct. It seems quite certain that the
position of the Tribunal was equivocal. For example, why was no great
effort made to find out who printed the notorious books? Why were Pos-
tel's friends such as Archinto placed on the Tribunal? It is surprising
that this unrepentant "heretic" (a charge the Tribunal claimed but Pos-
tel denied) was allowed to live; the declaration of madness may have
been made in order to spare his life. There are many aspects of Postel's

403 The records in which the judgments of the Tribunal appear are
found in Archivio di Stato, Venezia, Santo Uffizio, Processi, Busta 159,
fols. 4 6!-63.
0 All copies of the Il Libra della divina ordinatione and Le Prime
Nove which could be found were burned. The judgment refers several times
to Postel's novae opiniones. It can be inferred that by "novae opini-
ones" the judges were indicating "novae res" which commonly means revo-
lution. Postel's ultimate goals were not only a revolution within the
individual man, but also a revolution, in a peaceful society, based upon
reasog and a united world under priest and king.
QjArchivio di Stato, Venezia, Processi, Busta 159, fol. 63.
406 Postel writes: "... scripsere ad summum Pontificem Paulum !III
de hoc casu quid videretur. Illius itaque et congregatinis etiam in hanc
quaestionem Romae coactae iudicio et rescripto, sum ea de re ad infamiam
AMENTIAE condemnatus, et quoad resipiscerem ab hac sententia carceri non
obstante meae stultitiae conditione mancipatus Romamque conductus •••• "
The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 89. On the dismay and fear
which Paul IV's election to the pontificate on May 23, 1555 caused, see
Antonio Santosuosso, "An Account of the Election of Paul IV to the Pon-
tificate," Renaiasanae Quarterly 31, no. 4 (Winter, 1978) pp. 487-498.
 125

Venetian trial which cannot be answered definitively. Perhaps the Vene-

tian Tribunal was afraid to free Postel because of the increasing pres-
sure from Rome for orthodoxy and therefore wrote to Rome for advice.
Postel had blasted the "legates of the Pharisees" before whom John the
Baptist denied that he was Eli as and a prophet, and in 1ike manner the
"legates of the Pharisees" at Rome had ordered his own condemnation. 407
Perhaps Postel blamed Paul IV more than the Venetian Inquisitors because
he rea 1i zed that the Inquisitors could have discovered the printer of
his books and destroyed the operation; indeed, if they had chosen, they
could have put him to death, as Postel feared they would.408
One recalls that the fiscal procurator had asked Postel specifi-
cally who had printed his books, and Postel remarked that he could not
recall the name but that he thought it appeared on the second book. The
question now remains which of the two did Postel call the second book,
since both were printed in January-February, 1555. On the title page of
Le Prime Nove deZ aUro mondo one finds "scritta per GuUeZmo PosteUo
primogenito deUa Restitutione"; at the bottom of the title page one
finds "appresso deZ auttore, 1555". On the title page of IZ Libro deUa
divina ordinatione the name of Postel does not appear. Instead, below
the title there is a drawing of a salamander with a crown over his head,
and he is surrounded by flames; bel ow the sa 1amander are the words "in
Padoua per Gratioso Perchacino" and M.D.LV.

407 see The British Library, Sloane ms . 1413, fol. 88 .

408 Even after Postel had written Le Prime Nove and It Libro deUa
divina ordinatione, he continued to proclaim his axiomata of h i s Nouis-
simum Testamentum even at the danger of death. He writes: " ••• pro qua
Veritate asserenda Ecce ego offero meipsum ad quoduis mortis periculum
" See The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 157.
Of his condemnation as a mad man which he relates to his divine or-
dination he says: "Nam amentes stultiue, nulla lege aut excommunicari,
aut condemnari ad mortem possunt. Vnde aequum esset ut stultus vel Amens
ad hoc iudicarer, ut ex morte Amentiae ad Vitam summae Rationis et pru-
dentiae Sapientiaeue resurgerem; vniuersum orbem docendo, vt hanc NOVI-
TATEM FOEMINAE CIRCVNDANTIS VIRVM toti mundo, ab eo in praestantissima
parte sui reprobatus, efficaciter suadeam." The British Library, Sloane
ms. 1411, fol . 159. Postel uses constantly the phrase "woman surrounding
the man," to describe the maternal and mediating principle in the uni-
verse which emanates from God. Postel cites Jeremiah 31 as the source
for this principle which runs throughout his works written under the in-
fluence of the Venetian Virgin.
126

The salamander with crown was the symbol of Francis I and Henry
40
II. 9 However, the salamander which appears on Postel's book is dif-
ferent from the well-known royal symbol. The salamander was associated
in alchemy with the celestial fire and is related in idea to the mysti-
cal Phoenix which constantly renews itself like the salamander from the
ashes. The paradox of ashes leineresl and the life that can rise from
the ashes is a symbol dear to Postel •4 1° The crowned salamander which
appears as a colophon on I1 Libro deUa divina ordinatione is a well-
chosen representation of numerous themes of Postel.
If the name of the printer of the two notorious books appeared on
the second book, as Postel claimed, let us consider for a moment the
evidence which suggests an answer. In Le Prime Nove (sig. Giiv) Postel
speaks of the proof of Johanna's "Divine Ml. terni ty" , and his own sonsh ip
as "Restorer", demonstrated in the rare and precious books of the Kab-
balah and in his own book, Il Libro della divina ordinatione• Therefore,
the nLibro deUa divina ordinatione was a 1ready camp 1 eted when he
wrote about it in Le Prime Nove• In addition, in the Landesbibliothek
of Dresden these two extremely rare books are bound together in what ap-
pears to be the ori gina 1 covering. These books in Dresden are very
1 ikely the ones which Postel sent to ttasius in February, 1555. 4 11 If
this be true, Ml.sius knew the correct order and had them bound

409 on the salamander as a sign of the Valois Kings of France see

Franc;ois Secret, "De Quelques Courants prophetiques et religieux sous le
regne de Henri III," Revue de L'histoire des religions 172 (1967) P• 9.
410 see for example, The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol.
lOlv; Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 159, 377, 425, 430. On the Phoenix which
Postel relates to his Mother Johanna and to himself, see Sloane ms.
1411, fols. 389, 389v. More will be said of the Phoenix later.
On the paradox of life from death or rebirth from ashes note Pos-
tel's words in this significant passage: "Licet enim sum ipse stultis-
simus virorum et hominum, tamen patris et Matris meae sapientia potest
in cinere et puluere huius stultitiae demonstrari. Quod enim nunc de mea
Matre potissimum et de absconditis mei patris secretis in me propter
meae vitae scelera iudicatur in me omnino stultissimum, ita ut Eleboro
dignus a Sapientia mundi iudicer, illud omnino futurum in tanta ratione
sapientia est, ut quicquid vnquam fuit doctrinarum in mundo, saluo Di-
uinae scripturae textit, sit in tenebris et commentatione puerili re-
ponen2um." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 432, 432v.
11 see Chaufepie, op. eit., p. 229, letter of 24 February, 1555
where Postel writes: "Sed quum una cum postremis meis literis, ad te
etiam libellum, in quo inferioris partis Christi historia inest,
miserim, nunc etiam alterum mittam, ubi prioris ratio redditur ......
 127

accordingly, since Postel says that he has sent the 1 ittle book which
discusses the history of the lower part of Christ and now he is sending
the other little book which explains the former. The life of the
Venetian Virgin (Le Prime Nove) explains the history of the lower part
of Christ which is the H Libro deUa divirza ordirzatiorze. The Dresden
copies alone are bound together; the others appear separately •41 2 One
can safely say that Le Prime Nove was the second book; if the name of
the printer appears on this, the second book, as Postel indicated to the
procurator, then the printer of at least one of the books is Guillaume
Postel, whose name appears on the second book. The author's name does
not appear on the title page of IL Libro deLLa divirza ordirzatiorze. Only
the salamander colophon and "in Padoua per Gratioso Perahaairzo" appears
after the title. It is quite likely that, in order to protect the
publisher Postel affixed his own name as printer to the second of these
books; both were written and printed shortly after his arri va 1 in
Venice. It is rather surprising that the Venetian Inquisitors did not
discover the establishment of Perchacino, since they sent agents to

412 In the Bibliotheque nationale, Paris, there is one copy only of

Le Prime Nove, likewise at St. John' s College Library, Cambridge; in The
British Library , London, the re is a copy of Le Prime Nove a nd IL Libro
deLLa divirza ordirzatiorze. Manuscript books of Le Prime Nove, copied from
one of the few printed texts which escaped the flames, are found in the
Biblioteca Gambalunga, Rimini, Bibliotheque Mejanes, Aix-en-Provence, in
St. John's College, Cambridge, and in numerous libraries in Germany.
Some of the copies are from the seventeenth century, but most a r e from
the eighteenth century . I amgrateful to Professor Paul Oskar Kristeller
for information about the c opies. In Base l at the Univers itatsbibliothek
there is a printed t ext of IL Libra deLLa divirza ordirzatiorze and also a
ms. of Le Prime Nove, copies from the printed text. There are no copies
of either book in the Bibliot eca Marciana, Venice, nor at the Biblioteca
Vaticana. I am indebted to Professor Paul Oskar Kris teller who informed
me of the copy in St. John's Colle ge Library . I am also very grateful to
Dr. H. Deckert, Sachsis che Landesbibliothek, Dresden, and to Dr. Martin
Steinmann , Universitatsbibliothek, Basel, for granting my request for
microfilm of these books. Dr. Deckert also kindly sent me a bibliography
of Postel 's works which were in the libra ry at Dresden before World War
II. Only two books survived the bombings, IL Libra deLLa divirza ordirza-
tione and Le Prime Nove. These survived, as Dr. Deckert informed me, be-
cause they were hidden away in safe-keep ing before the bombings because
they were considered the most precious of a ll Postel's numerous books in
the Dresden library. There is an inte resting handwritten note on the
page opposite the title page of IL Libra deLLa divina ordinatione which
acknowl e dges that the second book (Le Prime Nove) was though t to be
worth "26 imperiaUbus" . I t was signed by F. C. Goetze .
128

Padua to gather information about Postel and his contacts. One can
surmise that Perchaci no had his operation we 11 concea 1ed or that the
Inquisitorial investigator did not search too diligently.
In the Short-TitLe Catalogue o.f Books Printed in Italy and o.f
Italian Books Printed in other Countries .from 1465 to 1600 now i n the
British Museum the name of Gratioso Perchacino appears on the list of
printers and publishers.413 Numerous books were printed under that name
in Padua beginning in 1555 and continuing through 1565. From 1565-1600
books with the imprint of Perchacino were published at Venice. It would
be interesting to discover more about the operations of Gratioso Per-
chacino and his associates. Although most of the titles attributed to
Perchacino seem harmless enough, the printer could have been engaged in
the clandestine book trade.413a Postel's relationship to Perchacino is
yet to be ascertained.414
In spite of the problems which the publication of the two books
about his "divine ordination" and his tvbther Johanna caused, Postel said
that he was as certain of his "divine ordination" and the truth of the
tvbther of the World, his Venetian Virgin, as he was that "two plus two
equa 1 four" • Pos te 1 was willing to be mocked for the sake of his Vene-
tian Virgin, as he writes to Masius in 1549:
And that I may speak very clearly to you, that person is a
Virgin, born fifty years before in whom the plenitude of the
substance of Christ dwells just as in Him (Christ] lives the
plenitude of Divinity corporally. Without enigma I speak. I
am ridiculed and mocked universally. But I know whom I have

413 see Short-TitLe Catalogue o.f Books Printed in Italy and o.f Ital-
ian Books Printed in other Countries .from 1465 to 1600 Now in t he Bri-
tish Museum (London, 1958: Trustees of the Brititih Museum) PP• 910-911.
413 aFor an excellent study of printing and the book trade see,
Elizabeth L. Eisenstein, The Printing Press as an Agent o.f Change . Com-
muniaations and Cultural Transformations in Earl y-Modern Europe , 2 Vols.
(Cambridge, 1979: Cambridge University Press).
414 rt is interesting to note Postel's use of the word aaahinus,
which in a certain way recalls the name of the publisher, Perchacino.
For example, in writing of Leviathan, the great fish, Postel states that
God created a double image of Leviathan, both good and evil. God smiles
in regard to the good Leviathan Christ and mocks in regard to the evil
Leviathan. A divine paradox is inherent in the very nature of the uni-
verse and specifically in man's perceptions. Then Postel makes an
inte resting statement using the word aaahinus. He writes: "Omnes enim
Christus liberabit cum cachino summa et illusione confusi Leuiata ni
mali." (The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 60, 6lv).
 129

be 1i eved, what I have see~ 1 ~nd heard. But the Lord orders
silence be maintained ••••
Postel had not maintained silence about his Venetian Virgin, however,
nor was he completely silent about his printing activities.
In Postel's mind his incarceration in the papal prison of Ripetta
at Rome was an illustration of being mocked for the truth of Christ.
Postel complained of the "filthy prison" in which Pope Paul IV had kept
him continually enclosed; he also bemoaned his condition as annihilation
more miserable and pitiable than death of the body.416 But Postel, ac-
cording to his account, had the "last laugh" because Paul IV died only a
few days after he had decided to put Postel to death and on the very day
on which Postel was pleading his case before him.417
In addition to Postel's statements about his confinement in the
papal prison at Rome, we have another witness, Benjamin Nehemia ben
Elnathan, one of six important Jews of Civitanova who were arrested in
June 1559 and placed in prison in Rome in July, 1559. Benjamin Nehemia
kept a journal which provides some interesting details about the history
of Ripetta. Benjamin wrote that at the time of his imprisonment there
were a1so being he 1d two bishops, a number of abbots, and two men who
spoke Hebrew and recited their prayers in the holy tongue. These two
who spoke and prayed in Hebrew also recited each day some Psalms in the
Hebrew tongue. Postel was one of the two mentioned by Benjamin Nehemia,

415"Et ut tibi clarissime loquar, individuum illud Virgo est, nata

in 50 annos, in qua sic plenitudo substantiae Christi inhabitat veluti
in eo habitat plenitudo Divinitatis corporaliter. Sine enigmate loquor.
Ridetur et exsibilatur ab universo. Sed scio cui credidi, quid viderim,
et audiverim. Sed quia Dominus jubet silentium haberi " See
Chauf2r~e, op. ait., p. 220, letter of 19 May, 1549. See above note 414.
The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 89, 89v.
417 see The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 44. Postel, as
we have indicated above, used the Pope's death as well as the death of
Francis I to show the efficacy of his prophecy about the need for reform
and to show the destruction that would follow if his call for a true re-
formation was not heeded. Postel interpreted the death of King Francis
in 1547 and that of Pope Paul IV in 1559 as proof of what he prophesied.
Postel speaks of his imprisonment in his long response to Matthew
Antoine (Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 11) in which he
also explains his voluntary appearance and stay in an "open prison " in
Venice until the Tribunal should hand down its decision. Postel also
confirms he was in the prison of Ripetta, not Castel Sant 'Angelo. His
statement confirms the statement of Benjamin Nehemia Ben Elnathan. See
below, text.
130

and the other was Bartholomeus Spatafora. Nehemia confirmed that Postel
and Bartholomeus had been in prison for a long time.418 Benjamin Nehemia
had also predicted the death of Pope Paul IV by means of astro 1ogi ca 1
calculation; he also described in his Chronicle the destruction of
Hebrew books in Rome in 1559 under the direction of Cardinal Ghislieri,
who was soon to be elected Pope Pius V. Postel also refers to the burn-
ing of the "most correct book of the Holy Bible." 419 He also speaks of
the destruction of the Jews along with their books in France, Spain, and
Germany. 420 Throughout his life and particularly after his meeting with
the Venetian Virgin in 1547, Postel demonstrated profound respect for
the Jews. He was aghast at the persecution of the Jews, the forced
conversions, and the burning of Hebrew books .421 Poste 1 constantly
speaks of the Jewishness of all men. He speaks of Christian-Jews, rather
than Jewish Christians, and the distinction is significant.422 Postel

418 see Fran<;ois Secret, "Benjamin Nehemia Ben Elnathan et G. Postel

a la prison de Ripetta en 1559," Revue des Mudes juives 124 (1965) PP•
174-176. The excellent study of J. Sonne provides important informa-
tion. See his "La Politica di Paolo IV (1555-1559) verso gli Ebrei,"
L'Idea Sionistica ••• del movimento sionistico (1931) pp. 11-15. Profes-
sor Sonne writes that Paul IV issued a proclamation as soon as he as-
cended the Papal throne in July, 1555 in which fifteen restrictions were
made against the Jews of excessive severity, "fra le quali 1 'obbligo di
abitare in un quartiere separate (ghetto) e di portare un segno distin-
tivo, il divieto di possedere immobili, limitazioni nell 'attivita com-
mercifle e professionale e via di seguito." (p. 13)
lYsee Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol 67. Note also
Fran<;ois Secret, "Postel temoin de la destruction des Talmuds a Rome, en
1559,4 2 8iblioth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissance 23 (1961) pp. 358-359.
Ibid., Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 67.
421 He writes: "... sicut vidi ipse me is oculis perinde li bros
bibliorum sacrorum correctissimos ex aequo quia Hebrice scripta aut im-
pressa erant Romae iussu Nondum Papae qui nunc est, comburi ••• sic in
Germania et in Gallia et in Hispania saepe sunt cum his libris destructi
in Germania Judaei •••• " Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol.
67.
422 rbid·: "Sumus vero nos Christiani Judaei longe quam olim litera-
les fuissent veriores, vt et Israelitae, quia Regem Judaeorum et Regem
Israelis Jesum Deum verum Magnique concilii angelum et hominem verum re-
cepimus et adoramus (vbi impia gens cum sua nunc maxime in sacramen-
tariis renascente factione, illum assidue aut verbis aut infidelitate
aut impietate illum ridet subsanat blasfemat) ita vt etiam ex praestan-
tissimis illius sectae viris sit qui Herodo comparare summam euangelii
veritatem scripto in primaria ciuitate illorum a ministris visitato et
impresso sit ausus.) Ideo vero adoramus quia vt et Deus vnus adorandus
est, sic et scabellum pedum eius i. quaedam terrae species necessario
 131

emphasizes the continuity of the true Israelites. until the Popes. whose
duty it was to insure the pure worship of the one true God. defiled
God's worship by their greed and harlotry. The Popes who were to be
Guardians of pure worship now must be castigated and guarded. and in
every way they deserve the castigation pronounced by Isaiah.423 Postel
emphasizes that the Christian tradition is only Judaism. with names
changed.424 The problem. as Postel saw it, was that Christianity had
forgotten its own roots, its own tradition. Postel was just as harsh in
his cri ti ci sm of Christians who were not Christi an-Jews as he was of
Jews who did not accept their king who was "Angel of the Great

adoranda est. eo quod Rex ille Juaeorum quem vere Regem habemus, nos
vere i~~aeos facit et Isra~litas."
'Ibid. • fol. 67v: "Vnde Jesaias decla rans Ierosolymae ad ins tar
Romae per suorum Ciuium scelera factae ma ledictionem. c um Angelo Romae
scribit. Vae Arieli Ciuitati contra quam castra ponit Dauid. quia Deo
vt Babylone Romaue Rebellis est. Ariel autem -- id est -- leo Dei. siue
leo diuinus, est Angelus Romae, qui Vandaliorum Rege G'ezerricho seu
Genfericho Romam euertene vna cum B. Marci symbolo euangelico qui leo
est, migrauit Venetias vbi exemplum iam mille annis durans proponit rei
maximae et difficillima quae est CASTIGARE vel custodire Custodes • cui
rei, quia iam ambitione summa laborabant Romani summi Pontifi ces, nee in
se nee in aliis vitam Apostolicam imitari volendo. et Symonis Samaritan!
scelus haeresim primam sectando A MANV a LINGVA, ab OBSERVIO in sacra
loca ~~feperent ~···"
Postel g~ves numerous examples, but only one important section
will be cited. For the complete passage see Bibliotheque nationale.
fonds latin 3401. fols. 66-68v. The following passage is from fols. 67.
67v: " ••• tamen diu fuit translatum Imperium, opus est in magna a uthori-
tate Judaeos doctissimos Auitae traditionis fuisse qui ita docuere
muniri illum statum quem sibi ob immensam multitudinem put a bant fore
propitium, vt quo nomine putant Christum vocari ad vniuersum Imperium
quod est [blank] Otho Aiss illud suffuratum imponi curauere Imperatori
in quod imperium secunda translatum est. Nam nomina recte imposita aut
mutata dare victorias summas, aut seruare actionum proprietates persua-
sissimum habent tam ex mutatione nominis Abrahami Sarai et Iaacobi quam
ex nouo testa mento vbi Petrus ob fidei firmitatem noua confessione re-
nouatam Chipho siue Cephas, Beatus Joannes cum f ratre Iaacobo toni trui
filii propter summa illa mysteria quae a liquando in nobis erant ad ad-
moni t ione m totius mund i , declarantur. Certe !tal i non ab r e didicere
omnibus arctioris r e ligionis votum sacramento recipientibus muta re vt et
Papae fit nomen." It is distressing that someone blanked the word or
words before Otho Aiss, where Postel is speaking of the name in which
Christ is called to the Imperium of the world. Perhaps Otho Aiss is re-
lated to "Otot Mas hi' ah" one of the most important books of apocalyptic
lite rature in which ten occurrences are described as foreshadowing the
immine nt appearance of the Messiah. See Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jeru-
salem, 1971) Vol. XI, p. 1413.
 132

Council ." 425 For the restitution of all things it was necessary for all
men to be Christian Jews and to return to Jerusalem to the three sacred
mountains -- llbunt llbriah, llbunt Zion, and llbunt Golgatha. 4 26
Postel called himself God's Ass, and he viewed his suffering and
that of the Hebrew people as a sign of God's special favor and purpose.
In writing of his condemnation in Venice and his imprisonment in Rome he
frequently pointed ot that God's Ass (iste asinus Dei) was born to
suffer for God's sake and to institute the restitution of all things
which had been ordained by God, "who has a care for mankind."
In a letter written by Postel to Theodore Zwinger on February 15,
1580, only a little more than a year before Postel's death, he clarifies
his personal dedication to Judaism. 4 27 He is the "ass of God" who is
bound to the vine in the blessing of Judah in which are the greatest
riches of Christ. In Postel's mind Christianity is a continuation of Ju-
daism, but Christianity must return to its Jewish roots. Then and only
then can a union of God's people take place; this union of Israel, by
which name Postel designates the human race, rests upon charity which is
truly Evangelic and not "Gospellic", nor mocking of Jesus. Because Pos-
tel is bound "to the vine in the blessing of Judah" he says that he
loves the Jews so much more fervently than the "Josephite Ephraim-
ites".428

425 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fols. 66v, 67.

426 "resus enim Christus nulla re egens propter Asini huius Benefic-
ium omnia condidi t, eo quod ad portandum et Glorificandum Dominum et
Chris tum eius super suum corpus intrando in Jerusalem ad tres montes.
Ad Moriah ad Zion cum Eucharistiae ibi institutae mysteriis post 27940.
vicibus ecstaseos Mortem institutis, et ad Montem Golgotha vbi et cruci-
fixus et sepultus Resurrexit a mortuis, vt per Huius sui Asini scientiam
Ratio etiam Naturalissima detur, quae totius mundi sapientes confundat."
The B~~7ish Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 110.
The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 110. For the cita-
tion,4~Se below, note 428.
Postel's acknowledgment of his love of Juadism was written in
1580, the year before his death, and it indicates that his desire for
world unity is based upon a synthetic religious philosophy. Postel
states: "Iste inquam Asellus ad vitem in Judae benedictione alligatus,
sunt summae Christi Diuitiae. Et ideo tam vehementer amo Iudaeos plus
et prius quam Iosephitas Ephraimaeos." The British Library, Sloane ms.
1413, fol. 110. For some sagacious remarks which have bearing on this
topic see Antonio Rotondo, Studi e riaerahe di storia eretiaale italiana
del ainqueaento, pp. 133-134.
 133

As early as 1547 there were i ndi cations that Postel had become a
Jewish convert. He wrote in the Hebrew edition of his CandeLabri typiai
in Mosis tabernaauLo interpretatio under the foot of the
Candelabrum: "L'auteur en est un homme de Kefar Sekania, du nom d'Eliahu
kol maskaliah, qui s'est converti au Judaisme pour l'amour d'Israel, que
Dieu a disperse aux extremites de la terre, afin de le tirer d'exil et
de le liberer."429 Conrad Pellican did not translate this statement in
his Latin version of the text. To assess the precise nature of Postel's
conversion is impossible; however, from statements made throughout his
life and particularly those made in the last years of his life, it seems
that Postel's conversion to Judaism meant his acceptance of the pure
worship of God as practiced by the ancient Hebrews who followed the com-
mandments from God to Mbses which were written in stone as the Table of
God's Law. Postel's "conversion" to Judaism did not mean that here-
jected Christianity, however. His conversion to Judaism was his declara-
tion that he had returned and that all the world, especially the Chris-
tian world, must return to the worship and praise of the one true God.
Christianity had failed in this as well as other religions. Postel be-
lieved that the true and pure worship of God was inherent in God's Law
as handed down to his prophet Mbses, and before the time of the written
1aw, in the Covenant es tab 1i shed between God and His patriarchs,
Abraham, Isaac, and Jacob, and previously in the covenant of natural law
made with Noah. Christianity must be true to its origins in the
Covenant, in the Law, and in God's presence, His Christ, which is hidden
in every man. Postel believed that the purpose of every man was to
strike the spark of his divinity and thereby to allow the "Christ within
man", God's presence or His Sheahinah to be visible. Postel points out
quite strongly, however, that God alone is necessarily Unitrine, never
transitory or a Hebrew being or like to a momentary creature. He also
deplores the philosophy of relativism which would have each man do what

42 9Cited by Fran~ois Secret, GuiLLaume PosteL 1510-1581 et son in-

t erpretb.tion du Cand~Labrede Moyse (Nieuwkoop, 1966: B. De Graaf) p.
13. Sec ret also sta tes that this statement made by Postel may be the
or igin of Be za ' s r ebuke a ga inst Poste l: "• •• et frequ e nta nt l e s syna -
gogu e s des Juif s , n on sans g r a nd e s conje cture s de s '~tre f a ut c ircon-
cire , f a r c i t son es prit deja mal a rr ~ te de t out e s les r~ve ri es de s Juif s
134

seemed right to him, rather than what seemed right to God as set forth
in His Law. 430 This Christian Judaism or the religion of Christ living
within man Postel called Sabbathism. Postel's Sabbathism caused him to
be branded the leader of a new sect, the PosteZZani. Postel denied that
he was establishing a new sect; rather he was demanding a return to the
true Church estab 1i shed by God before the beginning of a 11 ages. The
fourth age, the age of restitution, was to usher in the true worship of
God, that is, Sabbathism, or Christian Judaism~31 Postel writes that
Sabbathi sm wi 11 take place some time after the year 1566. It is inter-
esting to note that Postel signs his name at the conclusion of the let-
ter to Zwinger, Guilielmus Postallus. Postallus is the more Hebraic
spelling of his name, which, he says, means in Hebrew to multiply (Post)
the dew (tal or tel). The Latin name Rorispergius which Postel frequent-
ly adds to his own name means the same as his Hebrew derivation of Pos-
tel -- that is, to scatter (spargere) the dew (ros, roris). The letter
to Zwinger written in 1567 in which he uses the word Sabbathism is the
only occasion, to my knowledge, in which he signs his name Postallus.432

430 Postel writes: "(QVIA DEVS SOLVS VNITRINVS NECESSARIO EST Nun-
quam Transitorius vel Hebraeus aut Hebraicum ens ut creaturae momentan-
eae.) ••• illa •••• gens errorem vnum summum commisit, quum in Diuitiis
Delitiis Honoribus quam fluxis agere volens faciendo, vt vnus quisque
faceret quod sibi rectum videbatur, non quod Deo, non quod Conscientiae,
non quod Legi aut Regi, sed quod sibi vnicum rectum •••• " The British
Libra43i Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 108.
In a letter to Theodore Zwinger dated 3 February, 1567 Postel
writes of the judgment that will come to Catholics and heretics alike
unless a universal reformation takes place. Then he speaks of Sab-
bathism: "Nam Sabbathismum populo Dei ad Christi INTRA NOS hie secundo
Aduentu venientis agentisque victoriam et diuturnam pacem totam orbe
terrarum futuram, adesse inuenireque sensim inter vere pios pauperes
spiritus introduci post hunc 1566, salutis annum qui vere exactiori sup-
putatione 5566 creationis est, introduci certissimum est." The British
Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. lOlv. He did not spare the Popes in Rome
from his censure. For example, he had used vituperative language against
Paul III because "he set himself above the Councils of the Church." He
writes: "Supra omnes quod dicitur Deus. Vbi enim obtinuit a primaria
nominis Christiani potentia, quod iam ante quingentos annos petebat
fieri ne corrigatur supra concilium, factus est actu filius perditionis
vltimis Papae Pauli 3. annis Bononiae, transacto discessionis impiae
pacto." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 429. Also note The
British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. lOlv, where Postel warns that
God's judgment will fall upon Catholics and heretics alike if they do
not bZ§~me truly reformed.
Postel's hand is quite legible when he writes Postallus; he
 135

The nature of Postel's Christianity or Christian Judaism or rather

his "conversion" to Judaism has been constantly misunderstood. The Vene-
tian Inquisitors also misunderstood it; Postel knew this and conse-
quently could say with honesty that he was no heretic. The problem was
that the religious mind of the sixteenth century did not comprehend what
Postel meant by being a Christian Jew. For that matter the twentieth
century has the same problem. It is easier to label Postel mad, a here-
tic, or even a "good Christian" than to try to comprehend the labyrinth
of Poste 1' s re 1 igi ous thought. Consequently, the 1abe 1 of Minotaur which
Wissenberg fastened upon him in the Cinquecento has not been easily de-
tached.433
With this explanation of Postel's Judaism in mind one gets a
clearer picture of the agony he suffered as he watched with his own eyes
the burning of Hebrew books in Rome in 1559. When Paul IV died on 18
August, 1559, all the prisoners including Postel were set free. Postel
states that the whole College of Cardinals established by public decree
that however many were being held in the prisons of the Inquisition
should be set free lest they be burned within the prisons. 434 The
prisons were indeed set on fire by the furious populace upon the death
of Pope Paul Iv. 435

spells it with an a, clearly not an e. See The British Library, Sloane

ms. 1413, fol. 101 v. In 1580 he writes his first ll,ame as Goileelmus,
which is the name of the Redeemer in Hebrew, on his ~~opt o~6 t ELementa-
que veritatis aethernae •••• The complete signature is Goileelmos Pos-
tello Rorispergio Cosmopolita explicatore. See Bibliotheque nationale,
fonds ~~tin 3401, fols. 18bis,
4 See The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 82, 82v, letter
of Wissenburg to Oporinus, in which Wissenburg warns against the Mino-
taur, Postel. Also see Fran<;ois Secret, "G, Postel le Pantopaeon," Revue
de L'histoire des reLigions, 165 (1964) pp. 202-235; also see Fran<;ois
Secret, Cui Haume PosteL Le Thr~sor> des Pr>oph~ties de L'Univers (Le
Haye, 4 ~z69: Martinus Nijhoff) P• 28.
"Quum iam itaque supra quadriennium in teterrimo carcere assidue
fuissem conclusus, visum est toti consistorio cardinalium in morte Pauli
4. Pontif. summi statuere publico decreto ut quotquot careceribus Inqui-
sitionis retinerentur, omnes libertati suae redderentur et exire {quod
alioqui recusabant) ne intra carceres comburerentur []." The British Li-
brary43~loane ms. 1413, fol. 89.
See J, Sonne, "La Politica di Paolo IV (1555-1559) verso gli
Ebrei," Idea Sionistica ••• deL movimento sionistico ( 1931), p. 15. "Ed
avvenne che quando, subito dopo la morte di Paola IV, queste carceri
furono demolite dal furore del popolo, e i carcerati messi in lierta, si
136

The year 1559 was significant to Postel not only because this year
marked his freedom from the papal prison but also because in 1559 the
Zohar was published in Aramaic at Cremona. In an unpublished manuscript
written in 1560 Postel writes of the pub 1i cation of the Cremona Zohar.
He explains that his own Latin translation of the Zohar had not yet been
published by Christian typographers because God willed that the original
Aramaic version be published first; Postel reasoned that this was impor-
tant lest anything be added or changed.436 He also notes that the Zohar
was pub 1i shed by Jews at Cremona. 437 On the title page of the Cremona
edition, printed by Vincenzo Conti, the proofreaders are recorded,
namely, Hayyim, son of Rabbi Samue 1 , son of Gotteneu, and Vittorio
Eliano, grandson of Elias Levita.438
Postel was very well acquainted with the difficulties connected
with the pub 1i cation of the Zohar. He writes of the burning of the
TaLmud by Christians and the prob 1ems that the Jews were having at
Padua, Ancona and Cremona. Postel a1so indicated that he knew Hebrerim
at these various places and consequently was quite aware of the
difficulties in printing all Jewish books and especially the Zohar.439

poterono vedere uscire fuori accanto ai vescovi ed ecclesiastici anche

deglie 3Ebrei."
4 6 "Ideo licet in Rabboth, Midras Ialcuth aliisque variis legis
oris fragmentis fuisset de illa propositum per typografiam Christianis
typografiis emissam, tamen donee voluntario spontaneae mortis per illa
asserenda periculo, ab eius Primogenito suscepto, esset de ipsa Matre
mundi sancitum, Deus non permisit euulgari, et ne a gentilibus, de
quorum summo bono agitur in Matris mundi mysteriis (vt videlicet aeterna
penes illos Regni Monarchia conferatur) quicquam additum aut immutatum
videretur, et ut etiam ab ipsis Gentilibus Christo addictis recipiatur,
a Iudaeis propriis est excusum opus Cremonae et Mantuae et ab inquisi-
tione approbatus, statim postquam Gallia et Germania ob inaudita noua de
Matre mundi ab eius primogenito mysteria, tota est commota. Sunt autem
Gentilium primogeniti et praecipui Galli et Germani." The British Li-
brary, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 223. Postel also mentions in the same ms.,
fol. 200, his translation of which he says: "A me aut em auxilio Veneti
sangu!~~s latinum opus factum est."
Ibid., fol. 223.
43 8There is a copy of the Cremona Zohar (1558-1559) at the Pitts
Theological Library, Emory University, Atlanta, Georgia. I am deeply
indebted to Dr. Channing Jeschke, Director, for the use of rare
materials in the Library; also to Rabbi David Blumenthal, Professor -
Cohen Chair of Judaic Studies, Emory University, for his translations of
the t!j~e page on which the proofreaders are named.
For important historical information concerning the dire year of
 137

Postel says, however, that he persuaded Rabbi l'<bseh Basal a of Ancona

that the Zohar must be set to type in the original language. 44 °From
the Cremona edition of 1558-1559 Postel made his second Latin transla-
tion of , the Zohar.441 Neither translation was ever published, although
letters to Oporinus and Zwinger make clear that Postel considered the
publication of the Zohar in Latin of utmost significance. As late as
1580 he was writing to Zwi nger urging its pub 1 i cation. One cannot be
completely certain why Oporinus never published the first Latin transla-
tion nor Zwinger the second; perhaps because Postel was already such a
cause c~Lebr~, the risk would have been too great. 442 In addition, the
1etters to Opori nus and Zwi nger written after 1566 indicate that the

1559 see Postel's letter of 1580 to Theodore Zwinger, The British Li-
brary Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 109v.
440 rbid.: " ••• Zohar est propositus a R. Moseh Basola, qui (ne tot
tyrannides Aeruscatoriae a Romanae curiae et ab Imperatoriae alumnis in-
ventae contra Talmud, ne imprimeretur aut ne impressus venderetur insig-
nandi summa Iudaei redimerent licentiam a sede Romana) contra quendam
Patauii, praesumentem de summo Rabinatu obtinuit tam vt Zoharis libri
praestantissimi opus cum Ticinum typis prodiret, quod contigit Cremnae
etiam cum approbatione seuerissimae alias inquisitionis Hispancae ibi ob
Mediolanensem statum vigentis. Ex eo sicut ipsi Moseh Basolae suaseram
Anchonae imprimi debere, sic ex impresso meam versionem desumpsi l at ine
faciendam, quam forsan Basileae in lucem typosy[ ] emittet iuxta Talmud
" Postel has another interesting statement about his version of the
Zohar: "quoad nostra Zoharina versio prodiens pacem toti orbi adferat, a
Judaeisque vt salus adsi t Judaeis Basilaeae videatur, probeturque Oc-
casio4, ••• "
41The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 109v. For the most
recent a ccount of the complicated history of Postel's two translations
of the Zohar, the first begun in Venice while at the Ospedaletto and the
second after the publicat ion of the Cremona Zohar in 1558-59, see An-
tonio Rotondo, Studi e ricerche di storia ereticaLe ••• , pp. 127-147.
Postel also translated the Bahir which has been located in the Univer-
sitatsibliothek of Basel by Dr. Martin Steinmann (shelfmark A. IX. 99).
See Antonio Rotondo, op. cit., pp. 139ff. Also see Franc;ois Secret, "Un
Manuscrit retrouve de G. Postel," BibLioth~que d' Hwnanisme et Renais-
sance 35 (1973) pp. 87-97. Postel's statements about the Cremona Zohar
are not mentioned in the two accounts cited above.
442 Theodore Beza played no small part in this drama for he was one
of Postel's harshest critics . See the important doc umentation and dis-
cussion by Antonio Rotondo op. cit., pp. 129-144. Conrad Pellican also
played a part in Oporinus' decision not to publish. Rotondo notes that
Pellican, reading Postel's gloss "Illuminatus doctor Raymundus notavi t
in Testamento," added: "Lullista est Postellus." (p. 131) Professor
Bouwsma, Concordia Mundi, PP• 78-97, also emphasizes the influence of
Lull on Postel. Postel, on several occasions, speaks of the "illumina -
tus Raymundus."
138

Basel publishers were involved in some way with Postel in the religious-
political movement which they hoped would culminate in the establishment
of the universa 1 monarchy. This is especially true in the case of
Zwi nger. The Zohar was of supreme importance to Paste 1 because he be-
lieved that this book proved all the mysteries revealed by Mlther Jo-
hanna, especially about the second coming of Christ in the feminine per-
son, a fact which, Postel states, Jews and Christians fail to appreci-
ate.443
By which route Postel departed from Rome after his release from
prison or whether he went to Cremona one cannot ascertain. From Italy,
however, he made his way to Basel in hope of seeing Opori nus. He re-
mained in Basel about six months but did not meet with the Basel pub-
lisher. One can again surmise that Oporinus was afraid to receive Pos-
tel. While waiting for Oporinus Postel spent a brief period at the baths
at Baden. In spite of his failure to see Oporinus Postel was treated
kindly by Baron Paumgartner who gave him money; upon the death of
Elector Otthei nri ch he also promised Postel that he would repurchase
Postel's books which he had been forced to sell to the Prince if Postel
would send him other books which he had kept at Paris.444
Postel stayed only a little more than six months at Basel.He evi-
dently returned to Venice from Basel, for he sends a letter to Emperor
Ferdinand written from Venice on 16 October, 1560. From Venice Paste 1
made his way to Trent where he hoped to meet some of the pre 1ates who
were attending the final sessions of the Council. Since he feared the
hatred of Flacius Illyricus, whom he accused of plotting to have him
assassinated, he remained only a few months in Trent. He then took a
circuitous journey to Augsburg to escape what he believed were Flacius'
threats against his life.444a 1-kien Postel finally arrived at Augsburg

443 Le Prime Nove, sigs. Giiv, Giii.

444 see Franc;ois Secret, "La Correspondance de Guillaume Postel.
Une lettre au Baron Paumgartner," BibZ.ioth~que d' Humanisme et Renais-
sance 25 (1963) pp. 212-215; also note, "Une lettre a Oporin (1553),"
Ibid. 4 ~P· 216-221.
4 asee G. Weill, De ••• vita et indole, p. 40; Chaufepie, Nouveau
Diotionnaire, P• 229. Whether Flacius intended to harm Postel physi-
cally is uncertain. He did "assasinate" Postel with words. He attacks
both Postel and Schwenckfeld with vituperous language. For example, he
writes: "Is [Postellus] enim tum multa impia, ac foeda scripta edidit,
 139

where he had planned to see Paumgartner, he found the Baron absent from
the city.445 Exhausted in body and without the financial support he had

tum etiam superiore anno Venetiis Libellum quendam, titulo de Veneta

Virgine, ueluti alter Montanus de sua priscilla, et Maximila. In quo
tantos errores et furores asseri t, ut Cloacam Satanae id scriptum, et
eum hominem merito uocare possis. Pauca quaedam inde recensebo, ne piis
nauseam cieam, aut etiam spiritum Sanctum in pusillis Christi con-
tristem.
"Faci t tres mundos, tria corpora, et tres animas. Satanam esse a
Christo in coelo uictum, ac inde pulsum, primum circa 1540 Domini annum
Octob. 16. die, et inde perpetuo in coelo cantari, Halleluia. Illam suam
Virginem, uel scortum potius, esse de substantia Filii Dei, esse alteram
Euam, esse matrem uniuersalem totius mundi, sicut earn etiam in sequenti
Epistola uocat, esse summum Pontificem totius Ecclesiae. • •• Se, cum
primum restitueretur, tanta luce et uidendi ui fuisse donatum, ut per
integram horam purissimum salem inspexerit, nisi quidam nebulones
Lutherani sibi uenenum propinassent ••••
"Talibus multis ac inauditis furoribus est ille liber et alia eius
seductoris refertissimus, ut non dubites, non hominem, sed Satanam aut
etiam multas Diabolorum legiones in illo hominis cadauere inhabitantes,
talia contra Deum blaterare, et blasphemare •••• Sciunt inquam, Inferi,
quod ubi haec doctrinae Stenkfeldii obtinuerit, receptaque fuerint, mox
illis quosuis errores per suos Postellos, Stenkfeldios, Berneros,
Krautualdias, et alios pseudoapos to los spa rgere, et miseris homini bus
obtrudere libere licebit. Clarum ergo testimnium est haec Epistola.
Item quod Pos t ellus in praedicto Libra hortatur omnes ad lectionem
librorum Stenkfeldii, quod spiritus Postelli et Stenkfeldii pulchre con-
ueniant ••••
Stenkfeldius enim potissimum ab anno 1546 coepi t sacra rum
literarum authoritatem uiolentius, et manifestius oppugnare, et somniis,
fantasmatibusque satanae fares ac fenestras aperire. Postellus uero
circa 50. est re s titutus, ut ipse testa tur, et coepit tam tetra euomere •
••• Conueniunt igitur isti duo nefarii spiritus, et pseudoprophetae dog-
matibus, tempore, et a mi ci tia." See EpistoZa GVVIELELMI POSTELII ad C.
SehvvenekfeZdivm. Cum ~aefatione M. Matthiae FZaeeii IZZyriei (Ienae ,
1556: Excudebat Christianus Rhodius), A2v-A4. Postel's letter to
Schwenckfeld was written from Venice in August, 1553.
Postel viewed the Council of Trent with certain misgivings because
he believed that certain positions of the Council would lead to further
divisions in Christian unity. As ea rly as 1547 he was trying to explain
to the delegates of the Council his position about the restitution of
human nature. See his ~o seriptis de naturae humanae instauratione •••
satisfaetio et retraetatio ad Reverendissimos patres Zegatos SS. in Con-
eiZio oeeumenieo nune 1547 Bononiae eongregato. GuZieZmi PosteZZi saeer-
dotis. Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Ms. Vaticanus Latinus 6147,
fols. po-123v.
4 5Fran<;ois Secret comments that Postel's letter to Paumgartner
(see above, note 444) indicates that at Augsburg Postel met Hieronymus
Wolf, who was a colleague of M. Sc henckius, who had previously r e ndered
service to Postel. See Fran<;ois Sec ret, "Une Lettre au Baron Paum-
gartner," Ibid., not e 5. Se e also Georges Weill, De ••• vita et indole,
140

hoped for, he made his way through Germany into France. 446
Postel arrived in Lyon early in the year 1562. The climate of this
city surely was not hospitable, for a lawyer of the city, Mitthew
Antoine under the influence of Calvin, said that Postel wanted to put
the Mbslems in place of Christians in regard to predestination. Postel
denied this and wrote a 1engthy response •447 He was a1so accused of
preaching PosteZZisme. Postel answered that if PosteZZisme meant a re-
turn to true religion and faith through reason, then the charge was
true. The atmosphere at Lyon was so charged against Postel that he was
arrested on charges of seducing more than three hundred people away from
the true Gospel and inciting rebellion.448 Mbnsieur de Sault, Governor
of Lyon, however, wrote to Queen Catherine that the charges were not
true, and orders soon arrived from Paris to release him.449 Postel in-
dicated that he had hoped that his Arabic Gospels would be printed at
Lyon and that he had discussed this project with Antoine Vincent who was

p. 40. Also note Chaufepie, Nouveau Diationnaire, P• 226 (Letter to

Masiue 4 2f 25 November, 1563).
4 "William Bouwsma, ConaoPdia Mundi, pp. 24-25, says that Postel
remained very briefly in Basel, and before the end of 1559 he was in
Poitiers, where he left the manuscript of De La R~pubUque des Turas
with a printer. Postel's wanderings during this period 1559-1561 are
difficult to pinpoint because he feared being imprisoned again. Conse-
quentk4 he kept on the move.
'see ApoZogie de GuiZZame PosteL auZx aaZumnies d'un qui se diat
Doateur en Zoix nomme Matthieu D'Antoine, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds
latin 3402, fols. 1-36.
44 8see Franc;ois Secret, "L'Arrestation de Postel a Lyon," BibZio-
th~que d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 23 (1961) pp. 357-359. Professor
Secret has also published (BibUoth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 21
(1959), P• 459) a judgment by Guilelmus Damas ius Lindanus (Van der
Linden (1525-1588)) about Postel and PosteUisme: "Postellians prennent
leur origine de Guillaume Postel Normant, qui estant tres docte iusques
a miracle presqu'en toutes disciplines, arts liberaux, et langues es-
tranges, a mis en avant ne scay quelles vaines badineries des resveries
des Rabins et Talmudistes que P. Palladias estime tant abominables qu'il
est indigne les reveler aux bon Chrestiens."
Also see G. Weill, op. ait., pp. 40-41, where he states that Pos-
tel's enemy, Matthew Antoine, had written against Postel in a book in
whose prefatory letter he said that "se, nuper in Burgundia versantem,
nonnullos invenisse Postelliano veneno pefusos •••• " While in Lyon Pos-
tel had remained a brief period in the home of Baron Senecey. Ibid., P•
41. See also Franc;ois Secret, "Lettre de Postel au Baron de Senecey,"
BibZioth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 23 (1961) pp. 540-543.
44 9Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fols. 25, 25v. See
above, note 447.
 141

interested in publishing the Bible in various languages. 450 This plan

did not materialize because of Postel's difficulties, and he returned to
Paris after his release. He resumed teaching in public, but again he
aroused a new storm of protest. He defended his views before the Parle-
ment, and on December 12, 1562 the judges decreed that he should be de-
tained for three months in the M>nastery of Saint M!rtin des Champs
unti 1 the case was decided. In June of 1563 a new sentence was handed
down that Postel should remain in the Mbnastery, yet for some reason he
was dismissed. 45 1 He recovered some of his books and was allowed to
teach cosmography pub 1i ely •452 However, the former comp 1 a i nts were
voiced again, and new ones were added. He was again accused of organiz-
ing a new sect ca 11 ed the PosteUani , a charge which he again denied,
saying that he did not wish to found a new sect. Quite the contrary, he
aspired to extol universal concord.453 He also maintained that he did
not wish to disturb the public peace but it was reasonable and necessary
that there be a union of the church uni versa 1 •454 He was also accused
of holding Jewish opinions.455 In spite of a lengthy retraction which

450Ibid., fol. 26.

451 G. Weill, op. eit., P• 42; also see Chaufepie, op. eit., PP•
229-2~g~
Chaufepie, op. eit., p. 229, notes that Postel's lectures were
atten~5~ by large crowds of people.
From numerous quarters came the charges against Postel for
founding the PosteZZani. In an unpublished text Postel writes to the
Emperor Ferdinand about the accusations, especially those concerning the
PosteZZani. He states: " ••• propter calumnias quae de me circumferuntur,
quasi vel multitudinis aliquis concitator, vel regum principumque capta-
tor et importunus increpator fuerim, optime nota et perspecta esse
cupio. ••• Nihil vero eorum quae dico, in angulo gestum est, et quicquid
vel dicendo vel docendo vel etiam scribendo in cognitionem hminum indu-
cere aut reducere sategi, illud ita temperaui, ut nusquam alioqui in
consortium ullum, vel duos homines pemiserim coalescere, qui aut Postel-
lanos, aut quouis alio nomine quod mei ullam redoleret memoriam farnam
aut gloriam (eo quod Matrem Vniuersi Rationem rectam et a Christo in no-
bis Restitutam volo human! generis Procurare Concordiam, solique Iesu ut
Pontific! et Christo ut Regi aeterno parare Regnum) dici aut credi ut
mea hortatione premoniti vellent." The British Library, Sloane ms.
1413, fol. 85. Also see comments about the PosteZZani made by Sebastien
Munster in Franc;ois Secret, "G. Postel and Sebastien Munster,"
BibZioth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissance 22 (1960) pp. 377-380.
454 see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds franc;. 2115, fol. llOv.
455 Postel confirms this accusation. Bibliotheque nationale, fonds
franc;. 2115, fol. 102v. For an illuminating discussion of simuZatio and
Judaizing in the Cinquecento, see Albano Biondi, "La Giustificazione
142

Poste 1 addressed to Catherine de M:!di ci the roy a1 authorities directed

that he be placed in the Mbnastery to preserve the peace of the city.456
Postel was seized at the home of Joseph Scaliger and confined to the
Mbnastery early in 1564.
The royal authorities considered Postel's repeated call for univer-
sal restitution tantamount to revolution. This restitution was indeed a
new order of the universe which would reform the individual man and sub-
sequently society and the state. The charges of estab 1 i shi ng a group
known as PosteZZani were not entirely ill-founded. Postel was indeed de-
termined to herald the fourth age of restitution, but he was truthful in
denying any desire to found a new sect. Sectarianism as we have shown
before was completely antithetical to Postel's religious thought or his
philosophy. The message of uni versa 1ism or uni versa 1 harmony was Pos-
tel's theme. As he said, if Postellism meant a return to true religion
and faith based on reason, then he proclaimed Postellism.457

della simulazione nel cinquecento," in Er>esia e r>i.for>ma neZ Z'ItaUa deZ

ainqueaento. Miscellanea I. Biblioteca del "Corpus Reformatorum Itali-
corum" (Firenze, 1974: G. C. Sansoni) pp. 7-68. It is not surprising
that Postel was accused of Judaizing, given his decided preference for
Jewish :>ources, especially the Zohar>, "that most precious book".
456 Postel's Retr>aations to Catherine de Medici are found in Biblio-
theque nationale, fonds fran<;• 2115, fols. 99-117. See also Georges
Weill 4 qe ••• vita et indoLe, pp. 44-49.
5 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 113.
 ..Ji'"(')'.,.....,.
I I
b n::J~'f' !\N l•"'\
f
T\''Y"i N'TI.
t
rrr-..:,.?
-'-'.l
t
~\''r"J JJ.:1 1'(1•) r' N.')'Y' i!J' N :J~1!1 ~
'C:>"1~ ~ ~i1 1.n"K ~-..!11"< n'n' !"( _ :l'\\ M

GUILLAUME POSTEL.
Guillaume Postel in Isaac Bullart Academie des sciences et des arts,
Courtesy of Roger Viollet.
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds lat. 3224 fol. 44. Cathedral of Laon, site of the miraculous
exorxism.
 PART III

CONGREGATOR (1562 - 1581)

Toy quiconque verras ceste morte peinture,

Asseure toy de veoir vn chef, qui a compris
L'vn des plus genereux et sublimes espris,
Que Dieu nostre temps ait mis en la nature •••458

Fearful of the consequences which might result from Postel's "sound

of the trumpet" to herald the age of restitution of all things, the
authorities decided that Postel should be detained in the M>nastery of
Saint Mlrtin des Champs. 4 59 Although he was assigned to the M>nastery
in an effort to subdue him, he still enjoyed some acclaim. He was
praised for his knowledge of medicine, and King Charles IX received Pos-
tel and called him his own philosopher.460 Postel never changed his in-
tellectual and spiritual commitment to the restitution of all things,
however. He apparently had some freedom of movement outside the M:ln-
astery, for in 1566 Postel was in Laon to witness the exorcism of a
young girl, Nicole Obrey, in the public square in the presence of Catho-
lics and many Protestants who had come to mock. Postel states that the
demon which had been tormenting the young woman departed from her upon
sight of the host. Postel attached great significance to the exorcism
which took place at Laon in 1566, and it became still another sign for
Postel that the age of restitution under the leadership of Postel, now
Rori spergi us, had begun. He interprets the exorcism and subsequent
flight of the demon from Nicole Obrey as a great miracle. He constantly
refers to the exorcism as the "Miracle of Laon."460a If for the first

458 Andre Thevet, Les Vrais Portraits et vies ••• , p. S9ov.

459on the title page of the ITavBEvwo {a (1547) which Postel pub-
lished under the name of Elias Pandochaeus, Postel sounds the warning --
"Tuba~6BenuUimae stridor."
Georges Weill, op. cit., PP• 44-46.
460 aJean Bodin also writes of the exorcism in his De La Demonomanie
144

two years after his entrance into the Mbnastery Postel had found a more
tranquil life than he normally enjoyed, the year of the miracle of Laon,
1566, heralded the beginning of another very active period in his life.
Previously, Postel had calculated that the age of restitution was to be-
gin in 1556; when this did not occur, he waited for another sign. The
miracle of Laon seemed to Postel to be a new sign of the fourth age, the
age of restitution which he had been proclaiming for many years. His
calculation was emended, and he now believed that the year 1566 would
usher in the united rule of King and Angelic Pope in the universal mon-
archy.460b The miracle of Laon fueled the flames of reformation which
always burned within him. Since the demon fled from Nicole Obrey upon
sight of the host or "divine food," Postel reasoned that the sacramental
bread bears witness to God's Eternal Testament. God fed His people in
the desert with bread, or manna from heaven. He 1i kewi se pro vi des
spiritual sustenance by the food offered in the Miss in which mysteri-
ously abide the living presence and power of God; likewise, the living
drink is from the vine. Since man must live physically and spiritually,
bread and wine are universal sacraments which reveal God's power and His

(Paris, 1580), pp. 157-165. Bodin does not emphasize the "miracle" as
does Postel, however. Fran<;ois Secret, "G. Postel and Jean Bodin,"
Biblioth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 21 (1959) pp. 465-467, also
notes this.
460 bFor preaching in the Netherlands in 1566 which proclaimed "the
ideal, peaceful reintegration of society", see Phillis Mack Crew,
Calvinist Preaahing and Iaonoalasm in the Netherlands, 1544-1569
(Cambridge, 1978: Cambridge University Press).
Because of information supplied me by Professor Paul Oskar Kris-
teller, I am able to present still further evidence of the significance
which Postel attached to the year 1566. In Staats und Universitats-
bibliothek, Hamburg, Codex 69 (nr. 122 and 238) we find an important
fragment in Postel's own hand. The fragment, transcribed for the first
time, speaks of the need for spiritual food, and the critical year of
1566 is signaled. The fragment is as follows: "G. Poste-llus Vtebatur
1566 Ad 1579 duplici? <,;wn Vita corporea est duratio siue CONSISTENTIA
per alimentum. Alimentorum aut em vnus Gradus summus sit necesse est,
qui det homini aethernitatem corporeae vitae. De illo autem, in hoc
opere agitur ex Authoritate, sicut Ratio et Demonstratio esse docent.
Nam vt Natural! Ratione scimus in multis aliment! gradibus vnum esse
summum, ita dari necesse est, vbi et inde, idque Authoritate omnino
summa probari, ut hie fit: si quis manducauerit ex hoc pane (Vicio qui,
ait Jesus, sum ego) Viuet in aethernum et qui solum Manna comederunt,
mortui sunt." I am indebted to Dr. Eva Horvath for sending me a micro-
film of this text.
 145

care for His own. In Postel's thought the manna in the desert and bread
in the Miss are in truth the same substance.461 The efficacy of the
spiritual food, according to Postel, has been proven by the demon's de-
parture from Nicole Obrey at Laon.
Postel had believed that his immutation in 1552 was a sign of his
divine calling; in like manner he interpreted the miracle of Laon as a
witness to the power of God's presence in His divine food and a 1 so a
personal sign to him of his own restitution and his role as harbinger of
the new age under the eternal testament.462 The eternal testament, as
Postel describes it, proclaims that as God had aroused the higher
Pharaoh or Satan, He also conquered him through grace as witnessed by
the miracle of Laon. God's power over Satan, whom He had aroused, demon-
strates His Love for mankind. Consequently, man must demonstrate his

461 Postel expresses this idea in numerous texts . However, note the
following which is especially revealing: "Nam in Deo immobili impos-
sibile est vllum personam seorsim ab alia moueri. Passiuae itaque huic
filli consubstantialis personae, totius mundi Intelligentia prime ab
Aetherno sensim emanata adest tanquam odor ab odorato corpore, [et]
demum Creata Fermata et Facta, ut sit Dux Formae Dux Materiae Dux Com-
positi, in coelesti, in Aethereo et in Elementari mundo sicut in nobis
in Cerebro in Pectore et in Ventre agit Animalem vitalem Naturalem vim
movendo sic omnia propter hominem Adamum et Aedom ut procurans et pro-
creans, medianteque Aethereo corpore viuicans in humane temperamento
ipse Testamentum, non tantum Nouum, sed Aethernum ex cabala Petri Resti-
tuens et constituens, et assiduo desiderio passus patiensque confirmat
Noach Gallicas promissiones. Nam quia basis est Regni Vinarii, vnde
!anus a vino potius Ogys aut Ogiges a pare Latine dictus est, Deus Pacti
Testamentive Aetherni cum eo meminit, ut opus sit, esse ibi Aethernum
Regnum Imperialeve, vbi constat Noachum, cui promissum est, elegisse se-
dem maxime pro Iapeti, qui testibus 72 interpretibus est Primogenitus
(sicut omnia Dei beneficia Naturalia per ascendens coelum, et item
per descendens coelum in vnius Hemispherii mundi calice semper datur)
Et ea de re sacra nobis exponuntur sub Noacho Panificii et Vini-
ficii Authore mysteria , quae demum a Semo offeruntur, pro Abrahami bene-
dictione, vbi superior et inuisibilis Christi pars decimat et subijcit
decimando Abrahamum, suam ips ius inferiorem partem." The British Li-
brary 4 Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 337-337v. Also see above, note 46ob.
62 "... vnde opus est nunc, ad hoc ut Cabala Petri de Aetherno et
non tantum nouo testamento demonstretur ab aetherno etiam per Angelos
tradita in manu mediatoris quoniam legem dedit toti mundo, et non solum
in Moseos Manum solam Mosaicam, opus inquam est, ut hoc 5566. Creationis
anno qui est 1566 Redemptionis ponatur in Haberi pro toto mundo, ut cog-
noscat totum genus humanum: quomodo vbi abundauit delictum, necessaria
corpori, ad Gloriae Potentiaeque Dei demonstrationem, impactum ..... The
British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 338.
146

comprehension of the eternal testament by praise and love of God and by

the practice of uni versa 1 brotherhood. The Pure Act of God demands an
appropriate reaction from man. The eternal testament had been revealed
by God to the first Peter, and now in 1566 it has been revea 1ed to the
second Peter who is Anusius Venetus, that is, Guillaume Postel •463
Comprehension is a key word for Postel, and he often indicates com-
prehension by the word HABERl which he writes with capital letters. Pos-
tel points out that the greatest error of the Jews was in their lack of
comprehension of the meaning of God's manna. In the wi 1derness they
asked 1'-bses the wrong questions about manna. They wanted to know who
the manna was, rather than the appropriate query what the manna was.
Likewise, reformed Jews or Christians do not yet comprehend the rea 1
meaning of manna. Postel says that they eat, but they do not know that
bread is spiritual food which gives life to the universe. 46 4 Since Pos-
tel claims to be a Comprehensor of this most sacred mystery, he is bound
to explain to all men this "Basis of the world" which is both physical
and spiritual and to summon all to the universal monarchy which is the
Eeelesia universalis, God's respubliea on the earth. Because he is a
Comprehensor, he now must be a Congregator. Postel states that the
political order of the universe should have proceeded from Cain. How-
ever, because of Cain's sin against his brother Abel, a new eongregator,
Ephraim, was appointed by God. However, in the "age of restitution" a
"new" Cain, that is, Ephraim-Postel, is the Congregator mundi .465

46 3Ibid., fol. 338v. In a similar context he calls himself Rori-

spergius Anusius or Petrus. Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402,
fol. 64v.
4 6 4Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 62.
4 65see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3677, fols. 34, 34v. On
Postel as Comprehensor note, The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols.
362, 362v: "... in tali me gradu Intelligentiae constitui (Christus]
voluit, ut Comprehensor in via et non tantum viator videar et sic cuili-
bet poscenti demonstrari valeam."
On Postel as Congregator, note especially the following statements
written in his own hand: "Restitutio enim omnium colligere debet vniuer-
sos in vnam solam Ecclesiam et Politicam congregationem, quod quidem a
solo Christo fit et fieri potest debetque, sed cum velamine et tegumento
illo quo iam bis Elias fuit tectus, in se solor et in Johanne baptista,
ut tunc quum venerit nunc postremo vna cum omnibus sanctis Christum con-
comitantibus ut veniens INTRA NOS paratam sibi in nobis faciat mansio-
nem, sed duce Eliae spiritu et virtute restituat omnia. Et hie est
Asellus ex congreatione omnium As ina rum mundi consurgens natusque. • ••
 147

Paste 1 Rori spergi us as God's messenger proclaims the mystery of divine

sonship which is offered to all men who comprehend the universal signif-
icance in the name IESVAH, which Mbses called Elohenu, He who is
secunda Diuinae Trinitatis Persona, per incarnationem facta
nostra in nostra Carne humana, quam nee Pater assumit, nee
spiritus sanctus, ille vere in suo nomine ••• IESVAH id est
SALUS vel SALVATAE NATURAE praestantissimae HV~NAE numen •••
vitam in resurrecti one sua nomine Vni uersae Naturae Humanae
••• assumpsit ••• factam prius in eo quam in nobis fecit •••
vt per sui Proprii Corporis et Sanguinis mysterium sensim ipse
etiam Localiter et Corporaliter fieret in nobis per Con-
secrati oni s sacramenta 1is cooperation em. Hi c enim et Sic
Satanae seu Luciferi seu Belzebuli Victor Demonstretur Laumdum
necesse est, ut pateat claritate illius suae summae Lucis
Sapientiariae, per quam Vniuersi homines intelligant de Pani-
bus oportet, quae Lux iuxta ~rchez orta et toti mundo •••
veri ssima vi sa est per centum quni quages imum mi 11 i a homi num
aut, vt minimum per octagi nta quatuor mi 11 i urn Fidem Laumduni
Fundatam in Vno solo instanti Veritatis ibi fundatae, Vt
HABER I Hi nc et in to tum vni uersae Habi tabi 1is W6ae orb em
aleat et spargatu~ sensim illa Lux Vertitatis ••••
The eternal testament which is a sacred decree from the Law of Mbses
and from the Gospels established the unity of all Being of whatever kind
as a statute of Unitrine God and the foundation of the new age. This
edict of unity is especially dependent upon the Paternal aspect of God
in the chain of nature. 467 This unity of Being is proven by IBIATUS,

Nam me vnum tanquam reuera (quod flens et poenitens dico) omnium qui vn-
quam fuere ministrorum tanti sacramenti iussit IESVS Christus ut pro
congregando in vnam solam massam et Concordiam toto mundo, et pro omni-
bus prius damnatis quam natis, per Excusationem quia nesciunt reuera
quid faciunt consecrarem ••• " Bibliothique nationale, fonds latin 3677,
fols. 34 v, 35. Also note my article, "Journey as Restitutio in the
Thought of Guillaume Postel," History of European Ideas I, no. 4 (1981),
PP• 1-15.
4 66 Bibliothique nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 31. In fol. 26
Postel notes that Moses, called the Messiah Elohenu Deus noster, writes
" ••• !~9i Israel Dominus Unus Deus noster Vnus, Dominus Vnus est •••• "
The unity of all Being is thus explained: "Et ideo dominus
dixit in Euangelio sicut Moses in lege HAEC SVNT VERBA QVAE LOCVTVS SVM
VOBIS. Et in testamento aeterno Accipite et Comedite HOC EST CORPVS
MEVM. Hoc enim est statutum aetherenum a me sic ordinatum, Vt HOC •••
VOX quae Decretum et statutum aeternum Dei, quo Vnumquodque ENS consti-
tutum in Esse quocumque modo sit a Deo Vnitrino, et maxime a Patre, SIT
Vinculum Naturae sic ut est in suo ESSE constitutae. Vnum autem illudque
maximum in Christianis siue Verissimis vt saepius dixi Iudaeis qui Re-
formati Iudaei sunt (quia absolute Verum est Non errauisse, nee errare
posse Ecclesiam specialem Dei sponsam) malum Personalis ignorantiae oc-
cidit, ••• vt [doctores) errauerint in hac re quod HOC ad Panis et HIC
148

("Thereness"), of the son living in the uterus of the virgin "mother of

his own highest nature ."468 By means of "Thereness" nature is again
made fruitful, as formerly nature was snatched "from the waves" and from
destruction. Postel emphasizes the life giving qualities of "that manna
which is indicative of the quiddity of God alone."469 Minna or Dew (Ros)
is a 1 so compared to the "round substance of Coriander" from which the
whole human race takes its life." 4 70 Postel uses Dew as a symbol of the
chain of nature which does nothing in vain. For example, "divine dew"
is the source of man's creation and of his recreation or reproduc-
tion.471
The pri nci pl e of divine sons hip makes a 11 men brothers who must be
gathered again into one sheepfold. Therefore, Postel must necessarily
be a Congregator. Res to red reason or comprehension are essenti a 1
characteristics for grasping this truth of the age of which all men are

ad Calycis Consecrationem •••• " Biblioth~que nationale, fonds latin 3402,

fol. 62v. Postel makes the point that the consecration of both bread
and wine together is a fiat of God indicated by the Hebrew word Jehi.
Divine food, according to Postel, cannot be separated into HOC and HIC·
Both are HOC, that is, a 'Veeretum Dei et eius Vox Pro Creatione et Re-
ereatione Restitutioneque rrrundi Duee Saeramento Altaris .futura." Ibid. , -
fol. ~3.
68 "Idem enim IESVS in Virginis Matris suae Naturae summae Vtero
IBIATVS, ut ita liceat Latine dicere, id est, in LOCO IBI et nonalibi
tunc ~gglocatus ...... Biblioth~que nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 62v.
"... IESVS • • • IBIATVS • • • qui creauit imo creat coelum et ter-
ram et omnia quae in eis etiam in tempore infinite (si liceat dicere)
futura sunt, ab ipso sunt in instanti prius facta, Vt et Manna illud
solius quiditatis Dei significatiuum in aetherno instanti est creatum,
sicut per Roris et Pluuiae beneficium assiduum fit Totius alimenti mundi
Alba et instar Coriandri rotunda substantia, de qua totum genus viuit
human~m." Biblioth~que nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 62v.
70Ibid. Manna is compared to coriander and is called gad in the
Bible and kusbar in the Targum Pseudo-Jonathan, Exodus 16:3, and Numbers
11:7. Rashi stresses the fact that the comparison is made on the basis
of its roundness, not its color. Postel also stresses the roundness of
coriander. Eating coriander was regarded as "ensuring fleshy children."
See article "Coriander," Eneyelopaedia Judaiea, op. eit. , Vol. V, p.
972.
471 on the salutary effects of manna (dew) as a sign of God's care
for His children, see article ''Manne," by Henri Leclercq, Dietionnaire
d'Areh~ologie Chr~tienne et de Liturgie (Paris, 1931: Librairie Letouzey
et Ane) Vol. X, premi~re partie, pp. 1416-1423. A vase full of manna
was preserved at the Lateran Palace, according to Jean Diacre (see p.
1419). Note also, p. 1422, that a Jesuit, Father Gilles Boucher, in 1653
claimed to have some portions of this "heavenly food".
 149

one in one priestly kingdom under God through His mediator Christ.
Bread and wine, physical and spiritual food, are exemplary of all the
natural kindnesses of God through ascent and descent "in the Cha 1ice of
one hemisphere of the world."472
The power of the spiritual bread in the exorcism at Laon reaffirmed
for Postel his belief in the urgency of universal restitution, which re-
formation must be led by Postel Rorispergius, who was also Anusius Vene-
tus.473 Postel used the name Rorispergius quite often after the miracle
of Laon in 1566 to indicate that he possessed special dispensation and
divine ordination. As first-born son of the Mbther of the Wbrld, Mbther
Johanna, he was clothed with the body of Ephraim in the spirit and
virtue of Elias. His "divine ordination" equipped him for the task of
"scattering God's dew," hence, his name Rorispergius. He also called
himself "Jambaptiste Ror>isper>ge astr>ologue souver>ain" who will bring
forth from Paris the prediction of the holy magic and true astrology. 474
In Postel's mind an example of holy magic took place at Laon. He
wrote of La on for the first time in 1566 under the name of Petrus
Anusius Synesius in a work entitled De summoper>e consyder>ando mir>aculo
victor>iae cor>por>is Chr>isti. 475 He wrote of the miracle a second time in
1566 in a text entitled De Romanae Cabalae admir>andis ••• myster>iis,
Sermo under the name Petrus Anusius Venetus. 476 Indeed from 1566 until
1581, the year of Postel's death, the miracle of Laon was constantly in
his mind and documented in his works. 477
The publication of De summoper>e consyder>ando mir>aculo victor>iae cor>-
por>is Chr>isti under the name of Petrus Anusius Synesius was evidently
necessary because of pressure from "that patron of his own Jewish
parents and heretics, now Chancellor in this time," as Postel

472 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 337v.

47 3rbid., fol. 338. See above, pp. 145-146, and note 463.
474 rn an unpublished text entitled La Pr>ognostication ••• extr>aicte
des secr>ets de Za saincte Magie et vraye astr>ologie ••• Postel signs his
name as the "souereign astrologue". The date of this manuscript is 1568.
See B!9!iotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 37.
See Fran~ois Secret, Bibliogr>aphie des manuscr>its, p. 22.
47 6The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 331-338v.
477 He speaks of this in a manuscript written the year before his
death. Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401 passim. Also see in
addition to titles already cited, Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin
3402, fols. 53-73.
150

writes •478 Postel accuses the Chancellor, undoubtedly Michel

L'Hospital, of blocking the publication so that the true history of the
miracle of Laon would not appear "under the name of any known
person."479 The miracle which took place in Laon was a catalyst for
renewed activity by Postel to bring about the restitution of all
things. He seems to have begun a new program of action almost
immediately after the miracle and even from within the M>nastery of
Saint Martin des Champs.A document signed by the monks and dated 1566,
appears to be a formal declaration for religious unity made by Postel
and the monks, as well as a witness to Postel's catholicity.480 In
Pos te 1' s mind the Ecc'Lesia cathoUca is God's Ecclesia unive:r>sa'L which
has been nourished, since the creation of the world, by divine manna
which is the principle of creation and recreation. The Ecc'Lesia
catholica, that is, the Church universal or the Church of the World,
proclaims the one true God through "its professors, truly kings and
worthy of His royal name through knowledge and wisdom."481 In God's
church Postel makes clear that there is no distinction made between Jew
and Christian since from the beginning of the Church, that is, from the
beginning of creation, there has been nothing better in the world than
the best Jew and the best Christi an .48 2 The true Church, however, has
been abused by an evil Jew and by an evil Christian; also the most holy

478 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 4302, fol. 71. See also
Fran<;ois Secret, "Guillaume Postel et le miracle de Laon," Bib'L iot h~que
d 'Humani sme et Renaissance 28 (1966) pp. 399-405. See the edition of
Mme. A~ H. Chaubard, Le Mi:r>ac'Le de Laon en Lannoys.
419 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 71.
480 The wording of the document is careful and restrained, yet one
can easily discern in it the theme of restitution so dear to Postel.
This interesting "edict of universalism or catholicity" is written by
Postel, in hi s more formal style of handwriting. See Bibliotheque na-
tionale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 18. Note especially the following state-
ment which bears witness to his continued desire to restore all to one
Church truly catholic or universal: " ••• vt votis quisbusdam a se con-
ce ptis satisfaciat, et potissimum vt Arabi ce exponendi typis Euangelii
pro Ismaelitarum gente ad fidem conuertenda, negotio ab illo ante
viginti annos incepto, et interim quoad sponte se reip. probaret ob quo-
rumdam calumnias interrupto, pergat invigilare, que maximi momenti res
est , Ipse autem siue hie descessurus siue vlterius cornmoraturus petiuit
a nobi~ anteac tae hie suae vitae testimonium: ......
4 ~ 1 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds l atin 3401, fol. 18bisv.
482Ibid .
 151

name of Magia, which from the beginning was based upon virtue, has now
been abused by evil angels who rely upon luxury and sensual matter.483
Since his early days in Paris, Postel had proclaimed the need for
universal harmony. His interest in languages and his remarkable mastery
of them reflect his larger concern for world unity, which he felt would
be abetted by a knowledge of languages, especially the ancient languages
in which sacred books were written. His encounter in 1547 with the mys-
terious mystic in Venice whom he called his Venetian Virgin served to
push Postel further toward an activist position for change. His numerous
pub 1i cations which hera 1ded the new age of uni versa 1 harmony and his
many travels and pronouncements on behalf of world unity led Postel to
be labeled a madman as well as a revolutionary. Consequently, confine-
ment in the Monastery seemed to be the only way to subdue Postel's revo-
lutionary ardor. The meaning of his career and system of ideas could be
expressed as a correction of St. Augustine's City of God. Augustine
placed the real City of Man far below the City of God. Postel was trying
to make the City of Man the City of God; Postel never abandoned his goal
of establishing the City of God. He was never content with the City of
Min, which is the program of Thomas Hobbes.
The problem of the immured and silenced prophet was how to express
his zeal. How could he remain silent when he was commanded to speak?
The Chancellor, Mi che 1 L' Hospi ta 1 , evidently endeavored to restrain Pos-
tel from any renewed religious activity by trying to block Postel's pub-
lication of the event which he considered a great miracle and sign from
God that the new age of restitution, reformation and universal harmony
was imminent. However, Postel was not deterred by the Chancellor, whom
Postel referred to as "that patron of his Jewish parents and of hypo-
crites."484 Although he published his first work about the miracle under
his thinly disguised pseudonym, Petrus Anusius Synesius, his activities
on behalf of the restitution of all things and the volatile religious
situation in Paris evidently forced Postel to use a more concealing
pseudonym. The name of Jehan Boulaese has always appeared in relation-
ship to Postel, and he has been considered a disciple and amanuensis of

483Ibid.
484Ibid.
 152

Postel .485 Evidence now seems to indicate that Boulaese was a pseudonym
which Postel used, as his activities directed toward the establishment
of the universal monarchy became more intense.
At this point it is necessary to review the evidence which seems to
indicate that Jehan Boulaese is none other than Guillaume Postel. There
are no records of the birth or death of Boulaese. All that one knows of
him is what he says about himself on the works written under the name of
Boulaese. There are several texts in manuscript which provide evidence
for our consideration. De LoaaLi statu aut positione Corporis Christi
in saaramentis, et quod LoaaLiter adorari et eripi debeat is written in
a hand attributed to Jehan Boulaese with corrections by Postel .486 The
first part of the work explains the real presence of Christ in the Eu-
charist and is an attack against the Ubi qui tari ans. A second section
begins (fols. 350v-352) with the theme directed specifically to the mir-
acle which took place at Laon as proof of the real presence. Subse-
quently, the miracle at Laon is related to the miracle which took place
in the virgin of Venice in whom the spirit of Christ or lvbther Nature
dwelled. The author is readily identified as Postel, since he says that
this Venetian miracle was revealed "to one man alone who writes this."
The hand of the copyist is interrupted by the familiar hand of Postel,
who attaches a letter to his friend, Theodore Zwinger. He writes:

48 5see Fran~ois Secret, L'Esoterisme de Guy Le F~vre de La Boderie

(Geneva, 1969: Librairie Droz) pp. 17-18); also "Guillaume Postel et le
miracle de Laon," BibUoth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissance 21 (1959) pp.
453-457. Albert-Marie Schmidt, "Guy Le Fevre de La Boderie Chretien,
Poete et Kabbaliste," Cahiers du Sud sur IsraeL (Paris, 1950) PP• 169-
182.
486 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 346-352. The hand
that is attributed to Jehan Boulaese resembles the handwriting of Jean
Bodin. The handwriting of Bodin is documented in two letters to
Castelnau-Mauvissi ere, Bi bliotheque nationale, Cinq-Cent"s de Colbert,
Vol. CDLXXII, pp. 157 and 261. See Roger Chauvire, introduction to his
abridged edition of Le CoUoque de Jean Bodin des searets aaahez des
ahoses subLimes (Paris, 1914) P• 5. Almost identical with the handwrit-
ing attributed to Jean Bodin is the writing found in a copy of the De
morte de G. PosteLLi, Fonds. Dupuy 630, fol. 125. A hand quite similar
to Bodin's is found on what appears to be a letter pasted inside the
bindings, back and front, of the copy of Postel's La Loy saLique which
is in the Folger Renaisance Library, Washington, D.C. The handwriting
attributed to Boulaese which strongly resembles the handwriting of Bodin
appears often in Postel's mss. after 1566.
 153

To you, dearest Zwinger, those little words appropriately mine

and not by the hand of the amanuensis alone, but of that Pos-
tel of Barenton who 4~iftated these things written above under
the name of another.
Postel's statement to Zwinger raises some questions. He said he
wrote these things (De LoaaLi statu) under the name of another. The name
of G. PosteUi appears on the title page but in a hand different from
that of the copyist; Postel's name was obviously added after the work
was sent to Zwinger, or else his remark that he wrote it under the name
of another would make no sense. Because of the brevity of the text it
seems that what Postel sent to Zwinger was a chapter or section of a
1arger work, and it was probably this work which was written under the
name of another.
In 1566 or shortly thereafter Postel published De summopere aon-
syderando miraauLo viatoriae corporis Christi under the name of Petrus
Anusius Synesius, and his De Romanae CabaLae admirandis ••• rrrysteris,
Sermo also written under a pseudonym, Petrus Anusius Venetus, remains in
manuscript. This latter text written in Postel's hand was sent to
Opori nus, the uncle of Zwi nger. Consequently there would have been no
reason for Postel to explain to Zwinger that the work was written under
the name of another, since the Basel editors were quite familiar with
Postel's handwriting and could easily surmise that the works signed with
the name of Petrus Anusius Synesius were written by Postel.
The text which Postel said he wrote under another's name may be De
saaro Jesu Christi triumpho, which has the name of Soul aese as author
and not the obvious text, De summopere aonsyderando written under Pos-
tel's pseudonym Petrus Anusius Synesius. 488 Much evidence supports this

487 "Ad te, vero, Zwinghere charissime, ista paucula verba propria
mea et non solius amanuensis manu, sed Postelli illius Barentonii qui
haec superius sub alicuius nomine dictauit, et dum adhuc superstes esset
D. Claudius Espenseus Doctor qui contrarium scripserat, ista sic ut
sunt, quae morte perveniente ad eum ut sperabam non peruenerunt, ad te
inquam haec paucula scripta sunt ••• " The British Library, Sloane ms.
sgl·
1411, 4 352.
The text is found in the Bi bliotheque nationale, fonds latin
3224, fols. 1-415. It is a strange text, long, and rather disjunctive.
Parts were written in 1566; other parts were written in 1570. On the
title page under auatore we find the name Chr. Hericurtio Laudunensis.
Then in another statement we read that Joe 'hanneus Boulaese speaks so
that God's victory over Beelzebub may be known. Additional statements
154

thesis. In the postscript to Zwinger in which Postel speaks of writing

a "work under the name of another" his major emphasis is upon Hoaeitas.
Postel argues that in the priestly consecration of the bread, HOC ex-
presses both hoe and hi a and should be repeated in relation to both
bread and wine.489 In the De saero Jesu Christi triumpho, the subject
of the composite meaning of HOC is analyzed throughout, and HOC is writ-
ten in the margins on numerous pages. 490 Pos te 1 exp 1a ins that hoe is
written Honau in Syriac and means this, not i n (in) or under (sub ) or
with bread (cum pane ) as those who refuse to accept transsubstantiation
claim.490 a Postel accuses the Lutherans of mocking the "real presence"
of God and His Christ when they called the consecrated host Ian le
Blanc.491 During the exorcism the demon who was tormenting Nicole Obrey
called the host, which was placed in its paten before the demon's face,
Ian leBlanc . The "real presence", however , proved too much for the de-
mon who finally departed from the demoniac Nicole Obrey.491a
If the Lutherans did mock by calling the host Ian le Blanc, as Pos-
tel claimed, they were perhaps mimicing the story of the demon who asked

a ppear on t he tit l e page and will b e discussed below. Pos t e l' s handwrit-
ing al~~ appea rs on the title page.
See The British Library , Sloane ms . 1411, fol. 352. Also note
his statement: " ... Consecratio vere fit vtriusque speciei, vnde tantum
abest ut sit indiuiduum vagum HOC, et RIC, vt sit summa t otius mundi
consiste ntia sic a ffirma ns. HOC quod i am est per ve rbum IESV f iat da tum
ipsi Eccl esiae , ac tu e t ve r e consecr a t um i n huius pani s specie , e t RI C
id est consec r a t ione per FIAT iam fac t a Transsubs t antiat ur s a nguis ex
vino Aquato in Ca l yce hoc posit o , est Ca lix continens pro con tento , es t-
que SANGVIS meus •••• Bi bli ot h~ que nationa l e , fonds latin 3402 , f ol.
62v.
490 see f or example, Bibli o th~que nationa le, f onds l a tin 3224, f ols
139, 145, 283 , 285, 293. Postel relates "this ne ss" (hoc) to "there ness"
( i bi). See B i bli o th~ q ue na tionale , f onds latin 3402 , fols. 59- 63. "Thi s -
ness "4Choc ) is the divine dew (fol . 63 ).
90aThe Brit i sh Libr a r y , Sloane ms . 1411, fo l. 352 .
491About the mocke r y of the Luthe r ans conce r ni ng Ian l e Blanc Pos -
t e l writ e s : serunda s tabit sempe r ve ritas , t atum genus humanum
l i be r atura a b error is tene bris , et et iam illud nomen quod sui summi
ha stes Germa nica impietate infec ti doctore s a tana imposuere ipsi Deum et
Christum eius irridendo vocandoque Ian le Blanc, qua si simus artolatra e
panis ve ob suam Adoratores •••• " Biblio theque na tiona le, f onds l a t i n
3402, 9o1. 65 .
4 laA dr awi ng of this amazing e xorcism a ppear s i n B ib liotheque na-
t i ona l e , fonds latin 322 4, fols . 4 3- 44. For the demon' s blasphemy see
fo l s . 47, 145 , 293 .
 155

if the host was "White John". The demon ' s blasphemous designation of the
host as Ian le Blanc perhaps implied that the host was the forerunner or
even the "stand-in" for the "real presence" as John the Baptist had been
for Jesus. The Lutherans may have enjoyed a double joke if they were
linking Postel's designation of himself as Ian-Cain and Jambaptiste to
their mockery of the demon's reference to the host as Ian le Blance. At
any rate Postel did not find amusing the joke about Ian le Blanc, and he
writes often of the Lutherans' wickedness.492
The very obscure reference to Ian le Blanc which appears in De saero
Jesu Christi triumpho, hitherto attributed to Jehan Boul aese, and the
mention of Ian le Blanc in a similar context in a text of Postel written
in his own hand strengthens the argument that the De saero Jesu Christi
triumpho is intimately related to Postel. In addition, Postel's hand-
writing appears throughout this text in marginalia and in textual cor-
rections.
There is additional evidence, however. Even though it seemed neces-
sary to Poste 1 to use a pseudonym which could not be easily traced to
himself, he could not resist leaving clues for his friends, and perhaps
for posterity, since he bemoaned the fact that so many of his works had
to be written under the name of others.493 In the use of the name Jehan
Boulaese Postel is true to his usual pattern. On the title page of De
saero .. • triumpho Poste 1 in the 1eft-hand corner 1eft a clue, and the
familiar hand of Postel appears and the statement is significant:
Hoc Jochanneo Boulaese qui contentis omnibus laboribus, impen-
sis, et vitae periculis a Gallia expeditis quis. Romam veni,
ut Ecclesia Dei opt. max. intelligeret sibi hoc miraculo deum
providere [ J esse auxilio, obtuli et submisi hoc quinque
[li ]brorum [volumen] Corporis Domini victoriam [con]tinens
sancti ssimo Patri nostro s~~ 4 patre [ae ]therno Domino Pi o V0
Pontifici maximo anni 1571.
The handwriting is unmistakably that of Postel. An elaborate cipher
and a strange symbol (~) under the name of Boulaese seem to com-
pound the mystery. However, the mysterious sign ( - - v - ) is found in
at least two unpublished texts which bear Postel's name and which are in

4 9 2see above, notes 489-491. Postel also censures them as Ubiqui-

taria~~j
See below, pp. 163-164 and notes 509-513.
494 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3224, fol. 1.
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds lat. 3401, fol. 6. Autograph.
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds lat. 3402 , fol. 73 . Autograph.
156

his handwriting •495 The sign ( --v- ) in alchemy represents dust.496

This symbol is significant for Postel had often said that although he
was the "most foolish of men, the wisdom of his Father and Mlther could
be proven in the ash and dust of this folly ."497 From the statement
cited above in Postel's hand but using the name of Jochanneus Boulaese,
one can assume that Postel himself went to Rome to present to Pope Pius
V his work about the miracle of Laon so that the Church would know for
herself that God's Pro vi de nee cares for her. In the text cited the
author writes that his departure from France was wrought with great ef-
fort and danger to 1 i fe; one a 1 so knows that this acknowledgement has
particular significance for Postel, since an extended absence from the
Mbnastery would have been unacceptable to the Royal authorities who had
confined him there for safe keeping. The use of the pseudonym obviously
allowed Postel greater freedom of movement to pursue his efforts for es-
tablishing the universal monarchy or Ecclesia universalis. Postel inter-
preted the miracle which took place at Laon as an indication that the
appropriate time had arrived.
The De sacro Jesu Christi triumpho provides addition a 1 support for
the thesis that Boulaese is Postel. At the conclusion of one section of
the text we read:
Ego i taque [ J supra profiteor me hanc summam scripsisse his-
toria~s ut et alia scripta teste meo chyrographo hie apposito

The key phrase is "with my own handwriting opposite as a witness"; and

indeed on the opposite page the well-known hand of Postel appears in a
paraphrase of Matthew 12:28 and Luke 11:20. 499 Even the choice of this

495 see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 6v and 3402,
fol. 7~.
4 6 see Manley P. Hall, An Encyclopedic Outline of Masonic,
Hermetic, Qabbalistic and Rosicrucian Symbolical Philosophy, p. CLV and
the table of Mediaeval Alchemical symbols. The symbol~. which
Postel used in combination with other symbols indicates other
substances, also mercury. Drawn in this manner -..1\..- it
indic~97s the sublunary world and like this ~the spirit.
"Licet enim sum ipse stultissimus virorum et hominum, tamen
patris et Matris meae sapientia potest in cinere et puluere huius stul-
titiae demonstrari." The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fol. 432.
State~9gts similar to this are repeated in numerous texts of Postel.
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3224, fols. 58, 59.
499 Postel writes: "Si autem ego dicebat Jesus Judaeis in spiritu
 -> -.;_~ J
~,,,::\', }~{it\6;r ~c~ .~~~7onf~O
1

r. .') . .,:. :,·, ;. . .·*

•~ I,, ........

. . . . . . r. ..
~,.,(.t., '____ ,,. ' ,, f\ '\,ub(;.,., ~.\'ut..-u'lt: 1 -.hH(..t.,..

··~". J.~.. ....... c # ... ..~'·{·'' ;:'1

... . ,-. . . r·"".

. _. .
/1.~1./ ~............. -~
-
~.. ""''*' ~ .... , ·"'~"'" ...""'+" ..~ r.'..tf·•n•~t .. -;.

"--- \
~h~. ll \ ~ ri;
>
t: r !>
)
Ci"' ~~~ Hf11 (t;

Bibliotheque nationale, fonds lat. 3224. Hand of Postel, left-corner of title page.
Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fr. 2116. Hand of Postel in margin, possibly all of title
page is autograph.

Bibliotheque nationale, fonds lat. 3224 . foL 59 . Hand of PosteL last four lines.
 157

text written in Postel's hand which verifies his authorship is signifi-

cant. In the Gospels Jesus indicates that his casting out of demons is
a sign that the kingdom of God has come. Postel believed that the flight
of the demon from Nicole Obrey in Laon in 1566 was a parallel to Jesus'
statement to the Pharisees that the kingdom of God was at hand. The last
years of Postel's life, indeed from 1566 until his death in 1581, were
spent in frantic activity to summon all people to a true reformation
which was essential for the establishment of God's kingdom on earth.
There can be no mistaking Postel's intention, for he speaks of the mil-
lenarian age in a text written shortly before his death.500 And there
is ample evidence to prove that Postel believed that he was the chosen
"Dew Sea tterer" (Rori spergi us) who was "sounding the 1as t trumpet as a
signal for reformation or restitution ."501 Because of the volatile

et digito dei spiriturn irnrnundurn Beelzebub et alios ejicio daernones igi-

tur pro[ ] peruenit in vos Regnurn Dei." Ibid., fol. 59.
On several occasions Postel points out a change of name may be nec-
essary and also relevant to a higher calling. Note for example his
statement in the following unpublished text, written in 1566 and en-
titled Quod Germanorum scriptores doctissimi incoeperint lucem originum
verarunc attingere, et a Gomero deducere: " opus est in magna
authoritate Judaeos doctissirnos Auitae traditionis fuisse qui ita
docuere rnuniri illurn staturn quem sibi ob irnrnensarn rnultitudinern putabant
fore propitiurn, vt quo nomine putant Christurn vocari ad vniuersi
Imperium quod est [blank] Otho Aiss illud suffuraturn irnponi curauere Irn-
peratori in quod imperium secundo translaturn est. Narn nomina recte irn-
polita aut rnutata dare victorias surnrnas, aut seruare actionurn proprieta-
tes persuasissirnurn habent tarn ex rnutatione nominis Abraharni Sarai et
Jaacobi quam ex nouo testamento vbi Petrus ob fidei firrnitatern noua con-
fessione renouatarn Chipho siue Cephas, Beatus Joannes cum fratre Jaacobo
tonitrui filii propter summa illa rnysteria quae aliquando in nobis erant
ad attornnitionern totius rnundi, declaraturi." Bibliotheque nationale,
fonds latin 3401, fols. 67, 67v.
500 Postel provides a "constitution," as it were, for the new age of
restitution and universal monarchy. See Bibliotheque nationale, fonds
latin 3401, fols. 32-35 in which Postel lists seventy-two principles for
the new age. Note especially his concluding remarks: "Et hie est Aphor-
isrnorurn veritatis finis. Vigilia festi per Aue Maria consecrati anno
salutis 1580. Creationis autern 5580 anno illo vere in hoc notando a Pos-
teritate, quia Paschatis festurn qui est dies in Mente Diuina Primus et
Sabbathurn aethernitatis, tertia Aprilis contigit, sicut Passionis dies
eadem die fuerat vt Restitutis ornni bus ad HABER! sic sint in aethernurn
ut in Deo solo erant cum suo aetherno die Sabbathi per Angelicas suas
••• Jedeoth ...... (fol. 35).
:>OlNote Postel's statement in a letter to Zwinger: "Haec et Roris
lucidi scintilla a Rorispergio tibi charissirne Zwiinger dernonstrata
Narn ante omnia irnpiorurn Rornanorurn supputatione per Rornuli tyrannidern in-
158

religious climate of France, however, Postel believed it essential to

shroud his identity under the name of Jehan Boulaese in order to conceal
his efforts to bring about a peaceful revolution in the hearts of
men.501a The precise nature of his activities is not certain; however,
the letters to Zwinger written in the last ten years of his life, as
well as letters written to his beloved Masius after Postel's confinement
make clear that Postel had a specific plan in mind and that his two
friends figured prominently in the scheme of grand proportions.
If we are correct in our assumptions about Postel's use of the name
Jehan Boulaese as a cover for his covert activities on behalf of a new
order, we can also state that the choice of the name John as a pseudonym
is especially typical of Postel. John was a beloved name to him because
his Venetian Virgin was named Johanna. Since Postel claimed to be Jo-
hanna ' s "first-born son" of the "new world" and instaur>ator> of the new
golden age of restitution, he chose a name which would indicate, accord-
ing to his emithoZogie, this unique relationship.502 He writes in Les
Tr>es Mer>veiUeuses Victoir>es des femmes that "Per>e Iesus conduit IAN
CAIN et Za Mer>e Iochanna conduit IAN ABEL" .503 !'vbther Johanna or
Jochanna, as he calls her, was both "mother" and "brother" to Postel and
a "third John," because in Postel's esoteric system she was regarded as

troducta, sublta ex hominum memoria Restituenda illa !ani Galli seu

Noachi institutio est, in qua solis 360 diebus ut et gradibus constare
debet annus, vt semper Principim mensium, et Principium signi sit vna,
et Aprilis sit caput anni quia tertia eius die passio domini fuit ••••
et si typis prodire istud voles,sic incribes De Restitutione omnium
Guil. Postelli Rorispergii Epistola ad Theod. Zvvingerm, vbi de fine Em-
bryonis mundi agitur pro abolenda Vniuersi Violentia." The British Li-
brary5 yloane ms. 1413, fol. 113.
0 aThe name, Jehan Boulaese, does not appear after 1579. Cf. frag-
ment transcribed above, note 460b, in which Postel emphasizes the dates
1566-1579; this is the same period in which the name Jehan Boulaese ap-
pears5o~ manuscripts and books, all dealing with the miracle of Laon.
0 Postel emphasizes tht his "emithologie" reflects "emeth" (the
truth). Three works in particular explain the strange relationship,
namely, IZ Libr>o deZZa divina or>dintione, Le Pr>ime Nove del- aZtr>o mondo,
and Les Tres Mer>veiUeuses Victoires des .femmes. However, all of Pos-
tel's writings after his meeting with Johanna in 1547 reflect her mysti-
cism and glorify the "miracles" of his Venetian Virgin and the signifi-
cance 03 her name.
50 Les Tr>es Mer>veiUeuses Victoires des .femmes, op. cit., P• 41.
 •
·til
.~

Bibliotheque nationale, fonds fr. 2116, fol. 23 . Hand of Postel in margin. Text possibly
hand of Postel.
I

Copy ..from Bfbliotheque nationale. Bibliotheque nationale, Paris. Copy owned by

Gabnel Naude.
 159

the Universal Mother of the Wbrld; consequently she fulfilled all

familial relationships except that of Father.504
Even the spelling of the name John which we find on the title page
of De saal'o Jesu Chl'isti tl'iwnpho, which "Boulaese" says that he wrote,
reflects the elaborate nature of Postel's mythology or emithologie
(truth). Instead of the usual Latin spelling, Johannes or Joannes, one
finds instead Joahanneus and Joa'hanneus. Similarly, Postel frequently
wrote Johanna's name as Joahanna or Jehoahanna to indicate that the liv-
ing presence of Christ was dwelling within her. When one reads the name
of Jochanneus Boulaese on a text about the miracle of Laon, one senses
the strange presence of Guillaume Postel who seems driven to reveal him-
self even in a pseudonym which appears to have successfully concealed
his identity. 50 5

504 The "Johnness" which Postel attributes to Johanna is an example

of his extreme esotericisim. Note, for example, ..... sic merito Ioannes
Tertius fuerit ipsa IEHOCHANNA quae est NON ENS APTVM DONIS Dei dandis
fretus •••• " Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 65. See
above gote 492.
5o Other manuscripts provide additional evidence. For example, the
title page of Liul'e de la Diuine Ol'donnaae (Bibliotheque Aix-en-
Provence, Mejanes 395) is written in Postel's handwriting, though in the
less familiar block style which is a combination of printing and writ-
ing. This work, written in 1552, is signed IEHOCHANNE CAINO HANIGMARO
siue instaul'ato aut Renata authol'e but the pseudonym does not prove to
be an enigma (cf. HANIGMARO). It seems that the real enigma is found in
the left-hand corner of the title page (cf. above, pp. 155-156, note
497) where in the manner of an "Ex Zibl'is" one reads "ex Zibl'is Johannis
Boleze a1'1'otensis." The word a1'1'otensis is strange since Boleze (Bou-
laese) claimed to be a citizen of Laon. The enigma is probably in the
word a1'1'otensis which appears to be a word coined by Postel from a1'-
1'01'a1'e, to bedew; if this be true Boleze a1'1'0tensis is in reality Postel
Rorispergius, the man divinely appointed to spread God's dew, which is
the same as manna (physical bread) and manna (spiritual bread).
The evidence that Postel used the name Jehan Boulaese or Joahanneus
Boulaeseus or Johannes Boleze A1'1'otensis seems convincing. For example,
the very long text, De saal'O Jesu Chl'isti tl'iwflpho is replete with
clues. At the beginning of a section entitled Thesaul'Us (fol. 187) there
appears again the well-known hand of Postel who writes a dedication to
"Reuel'endo in CHRISTO Patl'i et Domino, Domino Petl'o de Gandy episaopo
pal'isiensi hwnanissimo vigilantissimoque ". On the page following (fol.
188) Postel, using the name of Boulaese, writes to the "pious reader" in
his well known hand:
Jochannes Boulaese Pio Lectori S.
Ne mireris, candide lector, si soli veritati et non elo-
quutioni studentes haec acta publica de Victoria Corporis
Domini contra Beelzebub immundum spiritum, dedita opera de
160

As we shall see in the concluding paragraphs of this study. Postel

Gallico in Latinum transtulerimus verbo. Hoc enim pacto et

veritatem melius conseruandam et facilius in omnium populorum
linguas transferendam speramus ad Dei honorem et Ecclesiae
Catholicae defensionem. Bene vale Christiane lector et aequi
bonique consule. E Collegia Montis acuti.
(Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3224, fol. 188)
Note also that Postel writes of the Jesuits as the "poor students of
Montagu" ~ontis acuti). See above, note 63. Ignatius and his followers
studied in the College of Montaigu when they first gathered together in
Paris.
Under the name Boulaese several books were published which detail
the miracle of Laon and are drawn from the ms. under discussion (BN
3224). The books about the miracle of Laon are: L'Abbregee histoire du
Grand miracle par nostre sauveur et seigneur I esus-Christ en Za saincte
hostie du sacrement de Z'auteZ .faict ~ Laon 1556 ••• (Paris, 1573: T.
Be lot); Histoire veritable de la guerison admirable advenue et .faicte
par la bontf~ de Dieu ••• (this book is bound with the previous); Le
Manuel de !'admirable victoire du corps de Dieu (Paris, 1575: Denys
du Val); Le Thresor et entiere histoire de Za triomphante victoire du
corps de Dieu ••• (Paris, 1578: N. Chesneau).
In the passage cited above the efficacy of language in effecting
man's understanding of God's Truth is a theme which Postel repeated in
numerous works. Through this document "Boulaese" repeats, as if delib-
erately calling attention to the fact, that he is "a priest, a professor
of sacred and Hebrew literature and a citizen of Laon." All of these
designations are descriptive of Postel, except the last, unless we as-
sume that Postel was a citizen of Laon "by adoption" since he frequently
signed his name Cosmopolitus • or World Citizen. Also in Postel's mind
Laon was the city in which the sign of the new age was given. Venice,
of course, was the location of the first sign in the person of the Vene-
tian Virgin. It would be quite natural for Postel to claim citizenship
in Laon and Venice. One also is aware that Postel considered himself a
priest for life, in spite of his estrangement from the Jesuits. One also
knows that Postel acted as an interpreter in Oriental l anguage s for King
Charles IX, though without official titles (See Paul, Ravaisse, "Un Ex-
Libris de Guillaume Postel" in Melanges o.fferts aM. Emile Picot (Paris,
1913: Librairie Damascene Morgand) p. 328). Consequently, in 1570, he
could state that he was a professor of "sacred and Hebrew lay.guage."
Postel's publication in 1579 in Paris of Lea Premieres Elements
d'EucZide Chrestien to which he appended his name GuiJZaume Postel dit
Rorisperge, doyen des Lecteurs du Roy, proves that he certainly con-
sidered himself a professor of languages for the King. The title page
of La Facile Entree des cachez depuis le commencement du monde (Biblio-
theque nationale, fonds franc;. 2116) indicates that the work is par
Jehan Boulese Gauloys Cosmopolite; the handwriting is Postel's, however,
but written in his "block style" and at first glance not as easily re-
cognized. In the margin, however, as if Postel wanted the "enlightened"
to know that he is the author who signs the work "par Jehan BouZese
Gauloys Cosmopolite," in his beautiful cursive style of handwriting, he
writes of a favorite theme of his, the si~cZe d'or (cf., his La doctrine
du si~cZe dore (1553)). Postel's hand is recognized in correct ions and
 161

was still so suspect in the last years of his life that his name could
not appear on works of which he was the main contributor. In addition,

marginalia throughout this text. One can easily surmise that Postel,
while trying to conceal his identity by use of ps eudonyms and by a dif-
ferent style of handwriting, was not completely successful in either
case. His pseudonyms often reveal the man and his ideas; in the case of
his handwriting it was evidently impossible for him to change his hand-
writing to the extent that it was not recognizable. This self-revelation
is an important part of Poste l' s chara cter. Postel's philos ophy and his
Kabbalism are clearly reve aled in the text of his manuscript.
"Boulaese"-Postel dedicated one section of De sacro Jesu Christi
triumpho (see fols. 59, 61) to Cardinal Lotharingius to whom Postel in
1552 had dedicated his De Foeni cvm Ziteris.
As if the problem of Boulaese's identity were not complicated
enough, the question still remains: If Postel wa s Boulaese, who was the
amanuensis whose handwriting has been called that of "Boulaese". One
can only s a y a t this writing that the hand attributed to "Boula ese"
looks very much like the hand of Jean Bodin. Compa re The British Li-
brary, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 346-351 (attributed to be "Boulaese's"
hand) with that of Jean Bodin, in two autograph letters to Castelnau-
Mauvissiihe, Bi bliotheque nationale, Cinq-Cents de Colbert, Vol.
CDLXXII, PP• 157 and 261. Roger Chauvire cites these two specimens as
the only two which are known to be in the hand of Bodin. See Roger
Chauvire, HeptapZomeres Extrai ts (Paris, 1914) P• 5.
The complex relationship between Bodin and Postel needs to be in-
vestiga t e d thoroughly. Sometime a f ter the mira cle of Laon Pos tel's
opinion of Bodin obviously changed. He wrote in De ce qui est pr emier
pour reformer Ze monde of the renegade monk, a Carmelite from Angers and
his book, Methodus historiae, in which Bodin, according to Postel, en-
dangered the eternal kindom of Jesus by placing the eternal monarchy in
Germany. Postel disagreed with Bodin's assessment because Postel, as we
know, believe d tha t the unit y of Europe, a nd the world for that matt e r,
was destined to r es ide i n GaZ Zia or Ce Zt i ca be cause the Ga ZZi m were "the
half -Jewish" r a ce, descenda nts of Noah, and commissione d by God t o r e-
form themselves and Israel, tha t i s , the human r ace. The Germans, or
Cymbri, were brothers to the GaZZi, as also were the Hiberi or Spanish,
but Postel was offended that Bodin would emphasize a part of the Cymbri
instead of the whole or GaZZi or GaZZim which Postel used as the general
term for mankind, "snatched from the waves" by God's providence a nd
Noah's piety. In spit e of his disagreement over Bodin's concept of his-
t ory , in 1580 Poste l prais ed Bodin f or " exposing more c learly t han ever
be f or e the a rts of Satan" in his book De La Demonomanie (s ee Bi bliothe-
que na tiona le, fonds l a tin 3401, fo l. 3lv; a lso c ite d b y Fran~ois
Sec ret, "G. Postel et Jean Bodin," BibUoth?3que d'Humanisme et Renais-
sance 21 (1959) PP• 465-467). It is possible that Bodin, some time after
1566, became a disciple of Postel and worked with him in an effort to
establish a ref ormed respubZica. Professor Pa ul Lawrence Rose believes
that Bodin ha d some kind of conversion experience . I am incline d to
think tha t whateve r Bodin' s "conversion" experience may have been, it
wa s rela t ed to Poste l and the mira cle o f Laon which Bodin also wit-
nesse d.
162

as his last letters to Zwinger indicate, he was continuing his drive to

establish the new order of the world. He was, even in his old age, con-
sidered dangerous. Therefore, he apparently chose the name Jehan Bou-
laese to conceal his activities.
The last years of Postel's life which were spent in the Mbnastery of
Saint Martin des Champs were not years of retirement from his youthful
aspirations of world harmony as we have indicated. His social and po-
litical theories were based on his firm belief in the unity of mankind
and the interrelationship of all parts of the universe as a manifesta-
tion of the unity of the one true God. Although Postel could not estab-
lish permanent residence outside the confines of the Mbnastery, his pas-
sion for world harmony and unity was boundless, and his acti viti es
directed toward the restitution of all things never ceased during the
last years of his life. He continued to write as a "sorivetoste" and
oaZamus Dei and to proclaim the message of restitution, as his visit to
Pope Pius V in Rome in 1571 while using the pseudonym Jehan Boulaese
demonstrates. 506
Postel's numerous efforts to have the Bible translated and printed
in all languages continued during the years in the Mbnastery.507 Postel
through his friend Andreas MBsius first suggested to Christophe Plantin
in 1565 that the Bible should be published in five languages. Plantin
was successful in securing the approval of the project by King Philip II
of Spain to whom the monumental work was to be dedicated. Benito Arias
Mbntano was sent by Philip to supervise the work, and financial backing
was secured by Antwerp businessmen.508 Although Postel's name does not
appear in the preface to the Polyglot Bible published by Christophe
Plantin in eight volumes in 1571, Postel's contributions to this edition
of the Bible in Hebrew, Chaldaic, Greek and Latin were enormous.509 Guy
Le Fevre de La Boderi e, the be 1oved disci p1 e of Paste1 who recommended

506 see above, p. 156. Postel considered his ability to produce an

enor~o~s amount of works another sign of his "divine ordination".
0 See his sad statement about his lack of success at least in using his
own na~ on his work in Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 69.
08 see B. Rekers, Benito Arias Montano (1527-1598) (London, 1972:
The w~0 Burg Institute) PP• 45-69.
Although Montano was the general editor, the real work was done
by Plantin, Masius and Poste l. Ibid., p. 54. See above, note 507.
 163

him to Plantin, prepared the Syriac version of the New Testament under
Postel's direction in 1568.510 Andreas M!sius, the beloved friend of
Postel from whom he received instructions in Arabic, was an important
contributor to the Polyglot; however, he was reluctant to have his name
mentioned in the preface because of his fear that his close friendship
with Postel would set in motion unfavorable consequences. 511 Franciscus
Raphe 1engi us, the son-i n-1 aw of Pl anti n and friend and pupil of Paste 1
to whom Postel had given his precious Latin-Arabic glossary, which he
had formerly entrusted to Masius in 1555, was engaged in the correction
of Sante Pagnino's modern Latin translation of the Bible.512
All the scholars who contributed to the Polyglot Bible were either
disciples, pupils, or friends of Postel; yet Postel's efforts on behalf
of this enormous undertaking were deliberately concealed because his
past acti viti es as well as those from within the fvbnastery made him
still suspect and dangerous to Catholic orthodoxy ,513 Postel was ob-
viously considered a "judaizer" and contaminated by rabbinical scholar-
ship; reactionary theologians held him suspect because of his emphasis
upon Jewish sources.514 Postel's notorious reputation necessitated
secrecy regarding his contributions. Guy Le Fevre, in a letter written
in July, 1571 to the general editor of the Polyglot, Benito Arias
Mlntano, warns that the name of his mentor must be kept in silence "lest
the mention of his name cause the whole Polyglot to be condemned."515

510Ibid., PP• 46-47.

511Ibid., p. 51.
512rbid., also Ravaisse, op. oit., p. 315, and Chaufepie, Nouveau
Diotionnai~e, p. 228.
5l 3see above, PP• 151ff.
514 Rekers, op. oit., states that the reactionary theologians in
Spain, headed by Leon de Castro, actively persecuted the judaizantes,
who wSIS' he believed, co~taminated by rabbinical scholarship.
See Rekers, op. o~t., p. 143, where he publishes the text of Bo-
derie's letter to Montano about Postel. Boderie writes that in spite of
Postel's bad reputation, he is "catholicae et romanae ecclesiae accer-
rimus propugnator ac defensor et piae atque christianae vitae." One must
understand, however, that to both Boderie and Postel the meaning of the
catholic Church was not that which was promulgated after the Council of
Trent.
The need to conceal Postel's contributions to the Polyglot Bible
was also voiced in a letter of Plantin to Monsignor Gabriel Cayas, as
well as Plantin's acknowledgement of Postel's erudition. Plantin writes:
"Is est vero Postellus qui sumptibus invictissimi et serenissimi impera-
164

In a letter to Zwinger, dated 1572, Postel laments the fact that all of
his work on the Polyglot Bible of Plantin is presented as the work of
another.516 He indicates that one of his exemplars was used in the edi-
tion of the ThaPgum, and that the exemplars of the Syriac New Testament
were his, although the latter carried the name of Guy LeFevre de La Bo-
deri e.517 He a1so notes that he brought home from the orient an Evan-
geLium in the Syriac language before it was published in Vienna. 518
Plantin himself had reason to want to keep Postel far in the back-
ground of this project because Postel knew well Plantin's association
with Henri Ni cl aes, founder of the Family of Love. From a 1etter of
Plantin to Postel we learn that Postel assumed that Plantin was associ-
ated with the Davidists and subsumed some of their teachings into the
Family of Love, a belief which Plantin denied. 519 Plantin did not make
public his commitment to the Family of Love or his association with

t·oris Ferdinand! et jussu ejusdem curavit Viennae Austriae Novum Testa-

mentum syriaca linguae procudi et typis mandari. Qui vir, etiam si fan-
tasticus habetur, multa certe ingeniosa neque semper vana tractare vide-
tur in suis operibus.
"Vale et perpende pro voto omnia. Sciat vero D. T. me numquam quid
de hac Bibliorum editione aperuisse huic Postello, ••• " See CoPPespon-
danee de ChPistophe nantin, Publiee par Max Rooses (Antwerpen, 1883)
Kraus Reprint (Nendeln, Liechtenstein, 1968) I, pp. 191-192.
Note also Postel's letter to Plant in, pp. 189-191, in which he
speaks of the necessity of having the whole Bible in the ancient lan-
guages.
516 see the letter in Postel's hand written from Paris "ad Templi B.
Martini Propylaeum 1572" in The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol.
105. Note especially: "Sed quia in eo statu sum (utinam summae et in
arduo positae virtutis meritus, quam incolumem oderunt improbi et sul-
latam ex oculis requirunt,) ut maxime viuens satagensque rerum diuinarum
humanarumque, nullus, et Amentis instar, mortuo deterior sum, cogor ut
aliena opera fiant quae procuro,"
511 ",,, nisi Bombergianae editionis Thargum non addiderunt sed al-
terius nondum antea a Christianis visae editionis, hoc mihi non est ad-
modum probatum ,,,, Vnus ex meis praefuit edition! tam Tha r gumi totius
que Syriaci Noui Testament!. Nomen eius vobis nondum innotuit. Est enim
juue nis admodum et etiam frate juueniore praeditus (Huic Nicolao ,
Senior! aut em Guidon! Fabricio nomen est.) , ••• " Ibid. See above, note
516.
518This was, of course, the Syriac New Testament published by Wid-
manst~~~·
See CoPPespondanee de ChPistophe PLantin, Vol. I, P• 80, where
Plantin writes to Postel: ",,, car je n'entends par bien vostre inten-
tion quand vous y mesles je ne scay quoy des Davidistes , et qu'en ayes
reserve le secret et verite in eonsoPtii ehaPitatis usum.
 16 5

Postel in order to protect his publishing house and especial ly the

publication of the Polyglot Bible. The friends of Plantin were cer-
tainly aware of the necessity of maintaining an externally Catholic pos-
ture while internally sustaining their spiritualist libertarianism. In-
deed, the professed principle of "personal identification with the
divine being" by the Familists, led by Niclaes and later by Barrefelt,
was compatible with Postel's insistence since 1547 of the need for the
second coming of Christ to be intra nos. Consequently, the influence of
Postel on the publication of the Polyglot Bible was not as secret as
Plantin, Boderie, and Mbntano had hoped. Postel's visit to Rome in 1571
under the name of Boulaese may have been a rash attempt by Postel to se-
cure approva 1 for the work as we 11 as to speak of the miracle of La on,
as he had indicated.520 His visit may also account in part for the lack
of secrecy about Postel's contributions to the Royal Bible. At any rate,
substantial opposition ·to the Polyglot was aroused in Rome, Spain, and
Flanders because men of "doubtful, even heretical reputations were em-
ployed in its editing and publication," and Postel was frequently men-
tioned, as well as his disciples and friends, Boderie and Masius. 521 It
is certain that much of Wilhelmus Lindanus' attack on the Polyglot was
aimed directly against Postel .522
Postel's temperament and his firm belief in his prophetic role did
not allow him to remain silent or inactive. In addition to his "secret"
contributions to the Royal Bible, Postel was actively but secretly en-
gaged in organizing a brotherhood of "new men" who would work with him
to establish God's Eee~esia on earth. Guy and Nicolas LeFevre, Andreas
Masius, probably Oporinius, and Theodore Zwinger, and possib l y Jean

5 20 see above, pp. 155; also s ee Rekers, op. eit ., p. 73.

521 B. Rekers, op . eit., PP• 52-66.
522 Postel speaks of Lindanus' a ttacks in Apo~ogis u~tima Poste~~o
1578 anno sa~utis scripta ••• Bibliotheque nat ionale , fonds latin 3401,
fols. lff. B. Rekers, Benito Arias Montano , p. 57, states t hat in the
letter which Montano wrote to King Philip II about the inquiry in Rome,
Montano made sneering remarks about his opponents, "who were so ignorant
to think that the Talmud was a man, and to confuse Masius with a heretic
of the same name." This is especially interesting in light of the fact
that Postel used the pseudonym Petrus Amasius. Masius was also suspected
of heterodox opinions. Rekers points out that Lindanus became Montano's
fiercest antagonist in Flanders and wrote many fur ious letters to dis-
credit the Polyglot.
166

Bodin were Postel's brothers in the restitution of all things. Postel,

as we have seen, believed that the new order was to begin in 1566 and
that the miracle which took place in that year at Laon heralded the be-
ginning of the new age. wtlen the instauration did not develop in 1566,
Postel looked for other means of securing its inception. His desire to
have the Bible published in five languages was evidently part of his
larger plan for world unity. He interpreted the appearance of the new
star in 1572, which he had predicted, to be another sign of the new age
of God's kingdom on earth, especially since the star in the figure of a
rhombus represents the cross with the three stars of Cassi opea. He
writes to Zwi nger that the new star which he refers to as the "power of
the seventh and Sabbathari an conjunction" presages the new age which
wi ll begin "in 1583, 1584, 1585, or 1586."523 Tycho Brahe did not view
the star's appearance as a cross in the sky, but he had emphasized, be-
fore Postel's book, the coincidence of the new star with the seventh
great conjunction. 524
Postel's immutation and his extraordinary mental gifts, the miracle
of Laon, the Polyglot Bible, the new star of 1572, and also the preser-
vation of Venice, city of Mbther Johanna and the example of a true prin-
cipate, were interpreted by Postel to be concrete signs that God will
preserve His Church.525 These signs in Postel's mind have a unique mean-
ing for him. Postel, viator> and compr>ehensor>, is now God's appointed
congr>egator>, who must gather all the sheep into one sheepfold. The one
sheepfold is, to Postel, the inauguration of God's universal monarchy or
kingdom on earth. Postel , viator>, compr>ehensor>, and now conqr>eqator>,

523 .. quousque diuini judicii vis autem in omnes gentes aut

status ex aequo, uel in solos tam Privata quam Politica conditione
tyrannos adfuerit, ut ad 1583.4.5 et 6 salutis annum erit vis septimae
et Sabbathariae coni unctionis maxime proxime cum sacris prognatis
Danielis • • • consentiens . Dominus suam seruet Ecclesiam." The British
Libra52 Sloane ms. 1413, fol . lOS.
4see Fran~ois Secret, L'Esoter>isme de Guy Le Fevr>e de La Boder>ie,
PP• 51-68.
52 5on the protection of Venice from the Turks Postel writes: "• ••
sed status Rei publicae Venetae • • • in veri Principatus exemplus as-
seruatur pro iis qui de hac re non cogitant, Diuinitus non meritis nos-
tris dura bit •••• " The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 105. Also
see Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 227-252, about the significance of the defeat
of the Turkish fleet at Lepanto.
 167

assumes the name of Rorispergius, ·and this is the most significant of

all the many names Postel used to describe himself. The name
Rorispergius also helps us understand the fear of revolution which Pos-
tel and his activities engendered; the charges of founding a new sect
and his confinement to the Monastery must be understood in light of his
name Rorispergius, to which he often appended the name Cosmopolitus.
Rorispergius describes Postel as the man chosen to scatter God's Dew
(Ros). God's Dew, which is both physical and spiritual food, is for all
men gathered into one kingdom under God. Man's unity and brotherhood on
the earth are necessary, since fragmentation and separation are anti-
theti ca 1 to God's unity and an affront to God Who wi 11 s that no man be
separated from His Love. Postel believed so strongly in the need for
world unity and brotherhood as an indication of man's comprehension of
God's unity and a demonstration of true praise of God that he worked
frantically to bring about the new age. He sets his grand plan in motion
within the !lbnastery. He states that twelve must go out from the "Acad-
emy of Paris," just as there were twelve patriarchs and tribes according
to the !lbsaic law and twelve apostles according to evangelic law. These
men with Postel as their leader are to hasten the harmony of the world
or the restitution of all things in accord with the divine unity .526
Those who have struggled with God's angel Phanuel become again true
Israelites and eooperatores (workers) of God. Postel Rorispergius leads
God ' s workers, which he ca 11 s a1so AgrieuUura Dei, in discovering the
things which pertain to the necessary and perfected arts.5 27 As
"Scatterer of God's Dew" or His Presence or "Thereness" Postel sees him-
self as the consummate Artist, who comprehends and indeed holds the su-
preme Art within himself.528 The supreme Art to Postel is the power of

52 6Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. llv. Postel

writes: " ... et a Parisiorum Hccademia mit tendas pro Concordia orbis
Terra5 ,-·· " The date of this text is 1578 (see fol. llv).
2 Ibid., fols. 12, 12v. One is aware of the numerous book emblems
which show a man laboring in the field under the light of the divine
tetra~~§mmaton which illuminates his work.
Postel speaks often of the arts and the artist whose true art is
expressed by working for the concord of the universe. Note Postel's
statement: "Dei enim cooperatores sumus ••• vt agamus Inueniendo ea quae
ad Artes perfectas necessaria, et maxime ad liberales et ad coelestes
Diuinasque, sic ad Dei Laudem aethernam Inueniendas Probandasque et Ec-
clesiae Tradendas, sicut Deus ipse Creavit Formauit Fecitque et seruat
168

God's presence within man which changes him into a new creature. The
spiritual change within man can be compared to the chemical changes
within the eiements. The restitution of man's reason makes man a aompre-
hensor of his true nature; he becomes one with himself and one with God.
This unity of man with God Postel proclaims as the true Art of the Age
of Gold. Postel sees himself as the third Elias or Elias the Artist who
is the "sovereign astrologue". The name Rorispergius signifies Postel's
declaration of himself as Magus. As a true Magus he reads the book of
nature written by the finger of God in the exterior world of creation
and in the interior world of man's heart in which God's truth abides.
Postel as Magus performs the "magic" of summoning all men to search and
find within themselves the image of God and His Truth. This is the true
Alchemy which Postel the "sovereign astrologue" practices. The Zohar is
Poste 1' s b1uepri nt, as it were, for the understanding of true A1chemy.
In Postel's 1ast testament he speaks of his translation of the most
precious book of the Zohar which must be guarded and protected. In the
margin of the testament a gloss on the word "zohar" appears, indicating
"Zohar" as "alchemical manuscript."529
Postel viewed his confinement and disgrace as a prelude to his role
as Angelic Pope or Priest of Reason and greatest humility. 530 He acknow-
ledges that the truest things are considered fantastic and that he must
be mocked and scorned. He accepts the necessity of suffering since he,
Rorispergius, is also God's Ass and Angelic Pope, guided by the angel
Raziel .531
From within the walls of the tvt>nastery, that "Academy (or Collegium)
of Paris," Postel established the mechanism for the new age of enlight-
enment when every man with reason restored would live in harmony and
unity with his fellow men, reflecting his true nature which is his cre-
ation in the image and likeness of God. Postel, of course, hoped that
under his leadership the new age would begin. But as the years wore on,
he made other plans to insure the estab 1i shment of the uni versa 1 mon-
archy or the new age of restored reason. First of a11 , the p1ans for

pro ng~6s ••••" Bibliothlque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 12v.
Bibliothlque nationale, fonds fran~. 2115, fol. 118.
530Bibliothlque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fols. 7, 7v.
53lrbid . , fol. 7v.
 169

the new age must be kept secret until the appointed time. Postel used
the "secrets of scripture" as a precedent, 1est "pearls be cast before
swine ."532 His numerous writings, especially those in manuscript and
written in the last fifteen years of his life, are the axiomata for the
new ord!'!r of the universe .533 As the Zohar> and the books of sacred
scripture, especially the prophetic books of the 01 d Testament and the
mystical books written in the sacred language have provided the sub-
stance for Postel's writings, his own books and manuscripts become the
handbooks for the restitution. Postel states explicitly his desire that
all his works be preserved for posterity.534 He spoke of this in a let-
ter to his beloved Mlsius in 1563 and again in a letter to Zwinger in
1572.535 In the latter Postel expresses the hope that his works will be
preserved, but he acknowledges that it wi 11 be in God's providence
whether his works either be preserved or perish. Judging from the vast
number of Postel's works which remain, Postel's wish was granted.
Postel was keenly aware that someone after him must assume leader-
ship of this great undertaking for world unity. He had fixed his hopes
upon MJ.sius as his agent in Germany .536 After the death of Misius in
1573, Postel looked to Zwinger for help in this great enterprise.537 In
1578 he writes that there must be a Pr>oteetor>, not Oppr>essor>, of God's
Church, whose chief task wi 11 be to unite a 11 states and 1ands into one
State. In addition to that "most perfect principate of Venice," the New
Jerusalem, Postel compliments Zwinger's city of Basel as a paradigm of
the new age. The Prince of the new age who will lead the world into one
State or sheepfold is like heroic Hercules in the law of Nature. Postel
speaks of himself and his mission :
Vere enim futurum est, ut in nomine loco et iure virtute
Christi sit Vnus reuera PROTECTOR, non oppressor Ecclesiae,
qui non solum Helvetiam Vestram sed et Galliam, Habitabilem ve
totam terram , protegendo CIVITATEM VNAM faciat. Et si poterit
qui ad te scribit Excusans omnes Mlteriales Politicasue con-
gregationes Uniuersi, Basilaeae vestrae rationem primariam ha-
bebit. Princeps enim ille ut Dauidis jus sic Veneti Ducis

53 2rbid., fol. 12.

533rbid., fols. 32-35; see above, note 500.
534 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 9lv .
535Ibid.; also The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. lOS.
536 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 90.
53?The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 108.
170

conditiones subibit in sempiternum suo in ordine seruaturus in

suo summo ordi ne ut quod • • • Hercules o 1im in 1ege Naturae
conatus est nempe Ciuitatem Vnam Vniuersum facere, iste quis-
quis erit, in nomine Christi Jesu hoc faciat, et sic fiat 3in
nostro tempore Vnum ouile et Vnus Pastor Excusatione Duce. 5 tl
From Postel's statement it is clear that he expected the universal
monarchy to be accomplished in his lifetime (in nostro tempore) and that
universal Pardon was to play an essential role. Postel's belief in the
validity of his prophecy is clear. He sees himself as the true Magus
whose mag i cal art is from God. True magic must be distinguished from the
wicked magic of charlatans. The true magic which Postel claims to pos-
sess as Magus is available to all men, since Truth is written in the
hearts of an.539 In Postel ' s terminology the magician is he who dis-
covers the pure gold in nature, the 1aboratory which God has provided
for man. The pure gold, the quest of man's exploration, is discovered
when man examines himself and the theater of nature with right reason
and finds nature's order or harmony and its multiplicity within its
unity. True gold is reflected in nature's mirror, for nature mirrors the
image and likeness of God.540 The light of true reason can lead man,
Postel believes, to a comprehension of nature which mirrors the Being of
Beings which is God. Although God is not visible, and, in one manner of
speaking, incomprehensible, nature is visible and comprehensible to the
five senses and to the sixth or common sense. Therefore, Pos te 1 views
nature as the means by which man can comprehend the i ncomprehensi b1e.
Man's comprehension of nature leads man to his real purpose, namely, the
praise of God the Creator of the Universe. Postel's philosophy of nature
was not a mental construct alone; it formed for him the basis of an
intellectual-spiritual revolution which would change the fabric of soci-
ety and politics. Knowledge of nature, under the leadership of Reason,
would enable man to see himself in a new way -- in the image and like-
ness of God. With man's new image of himself and the theater of nature
there would be no limits to progress, Postel reasoned. The establishment
of the universal monarchy was to be the first step in Postel's grand

538Ibid., fol. 106.

S39Bibl i otheque nationale, fonds fran~. 3402, fol . 52 .
54°Ibid., fols. 93, 93v.
 171

scheme for world unity.540a He believed that the fragmentation, politi-

cal and religious, in which the sixteenth century world found itself
would disappear when the individual man saw himself as part of a whole
from which he could not be separated. The question of relationships was
crucial to Postel's argument, and he constantly used examples from the
natural world, especially the human body, to illustrate his thesis that
all things are in a11. 541 God is the All \oklo is One. Min's life on earth
should reflect his comprehension of this great truth. The establishment
of One State under the One True God illustrates man's understanding of
himself in relationship to God and Nature who do nothing in vain.
Postel devoted the great part of his 1i fe to fostering the estab-
1i shment of the uni versa 1 monarchy which Postel described as a Triune
State, that is, a Democracy without Ochlocracy, Aristocracy without Oli-
garchy, and t-t>narchy without Tyranny. 542 In 1580 when the monarchy was
still not a reality, Postel issued a "Rorispergian Warning" to all
people and rulers in order to turn "the danger of greatest tragedy into
the direction of most pleasing comedy." Since the condition of the pres-
ent church is such that men are compe 11 ed, even if unwi 11 i ng to "a com-
mon table", Postel's Rorispergian warning is that "compulsion" must be
by advice, by persuasion, by argument, and by obedience. The establish-
ment of the universal monarchy, in Postel's opinion, can be accomplished
by reason as an alternative to force.543
Postel died on September 6, 1581 with his dream of one world under
God still unfulfilled. He was buried, according to his request, in the
Chapel of the Virgin in the 1'-t>nastery of Saint Mirtin des Champs. His
bones were subsequently moved to Saint Nicolas des Champs. In 1804 this

540 acardinal Reginald Pole also speaks of the need for instauratio,
the foundation of which is for a nation to be restored under God. See
Bi blioteca Marciana, Mss. !tali ani, CL. X, Cod. XXIV, col. 652 7, fols.
120, 120v. Pole's saternents about instauratio appear in a letter to
Cardinale di Loreno, dated 1555.
~ 41 see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3401, fol . 16, in which
Postel states that all parts of the body, even the veins, nerves, and
arter!~~· function as praise to God.
The British Library, Sloane rns. 1413, fol. 109v.
54 3 .... . quo narn modo possit nunc sic conuerti surnrnae et alias hor-
ribilissirnae Tragoediae periculurn in Jucundissirnae Cornoediae Catastro-
phern ...... Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol. 93v.
172

burial place was desecrated, and the bones of Postel were moved again to
the catacombs of Paris.544
In life and in death Postel did not find a safe repose, nor did he
see his dreams for a united world fulfilled. A probing, restless mind
and an unyielding determination led him into unchartered waters. A man
of enormous i nte 11 ectua 1 powers and energy, he rose from ob 1i vi on to
great acclaim. His fortune changed as suddenly, and he was reviled as
madman and heretic. In spite of all the vicissitudes of his life here-
mained true to his basic belief in the unity of all nature and the unity
of God. It is easy to understand how Postel became the center of numer-
ous controversies. His intense nature often led him into extreme posi-
tions. Not satisfied with the political or religious life of his day he
reinterpreted the meaning of Christianity and Judaism. In addition, the
demarcation lines between these two religions and Islam became blurred.
True Christianity to Postel was Judaism reformed; Judaism, true and re-
formed, found its life in God's Law and His Christ. Postel's unitarian
emphasis satisfied neither Catholic nor Protestant.
Opinions about Postel tended toward extremes, as we have indicated.
Although his name continued to surface in writers of the past three cen-
turies, among whom notably are Richard Simon and Gabriel Naude, his in-
fluence has been inadequately assessed. Postel has been acknowledged as
the first Orientalist and the first comparative linguist. His polar map
was a landmark, and his knowledge of geography provides insights valu-
able even in this modern scientific age. He was the first western man to
write about Japan. As a political theorist his one-world view had a
decidedly modern appeal. His fanciful use of metaphor and his "stream of
consciousness" style of writing necessarily make him difficult to under-
stand and appraise. Evaluation of Postel and his contribution to the
history of ideas has often been dependent upon the preconceptions of his
contempraries and subsequent generations. Consequently, he has been
viewed simultaneously as genius, fool, charlatan, prophet, mag·ician,

5 44 se~ Paul Ravaisse, "Un Ex-Libris de Guillaume Postel," M~larzges

offerts a Enrile Piaot, P• 322, n. 1, where he states: "Lorsqu'en 1804 ce
cemetiere fut desaffecte et que les ossements qu'il recelait durent etre
evacues vers les catacombes, on releva dans l'inventaire des tombs celle
de G. Postel. Voyez E. Gerards, Les Cataaombes de Paris (Paris, 1892,
in-12, p. 152)."
 -- - - ~ -~ ~-
-~
11AN0ENQ.l:IA•~ . ·
COMPO~
SlTIO OMNIVM OISSIDI,
crum drca ztemam ucritatent aut
ucrifimilitudinem uerfantium, qu~
nonfohimintereos qui hodie in£1,
1dclium ~ ~~da:orum ,. ~~retic~rum,
1Elcatholtcorum nomuN uocantur,
j orta funt &uigent; fed iam ab ad...
I rnifs1s per peccatum circa noftrum
intdlefm tenchris fuere intet cccle.r
fiz·p·eculiaris 8(. c·otnmu:-,
. . -~sm~bra.
SyR.lPT;9;~R ELI.Ji.. PANtt
.? · t. ~ ( .1. ·; : ''docbeo~ . •
": '4 :·; ~~·: :t -. i
.·· '.\.• ' :· 'j'
...
.. . . ..• \ t., .,~ \
I
'. i •·. , "

Tub~_:penultimci! fttidot.-
 173

madman. There can be no mistaking Postel's opinion of himself, however.

He believed himself to be a prophet of the restitution of all things, a
man whose reason was divinely restored and in whom the presence of
Christ dwelled through the immutation of the Spirit of the Mbther of the
World, the mystical Virgin of Venice. His millenarian views cannot be
minimized, yet his millenarianism saw man's reason as the spark which
would ignite the new age of gold . Postel's age of gold or the restitu-
tion of all things moved beyond Joachim's age of the spirit. In short,
Postel saw himself as a true Magus, not only for the Renaissance, but
for all times. The name Rorispergius, which he gave to himself, explains
his idea of himself.545
His devoted disciples transmitted his teachings and preserved his
writings. This perpetuation of Postel as Angelic Pope, r-'essiah ben
Ephraim and Magus has close ties to Rosicrucianism. Postel's books and
especially his unpublished -works provide ample evidence to support Pos-
tel's affinity to this mysterious brotherhood, which Dame Frances Yates
has brilliantly described as the Rosicrucian Enlightenment.546
Whereas, in the confines of this present study of the life of Guil-
laume Postel, an adequate analysis of Postel and the Rosicrucian En-
1i ghtenment cannot be presented, one waul d be remiss, however, if some
of the most salient associations were not mentioned as one tries to as-
sess Postel's influence. Miss Yates has shown that John Dee played an
important part in the Rosicrucian Enlightenment. John Dee himself

545 Postel states: "• • • certo ille dignus vocatione essentiaque aut
officio sui muneris judicatur et demonstratur esse, qui quid sit Res et
Functio nouit. Primus et assertione natural! et experientia Rorispergius
est •• • Quia finale opus totius Adamini corporis, in omnia tempera dura-
tu r i per Restitutionem omni um, de qua hie tractat Rorisperg i us ••• et
pe r numbem Roridam aut Ros t ldam ipsum tegentem s i c •• •• " Bi bliotheque
nationale, fonds latin 3401, fols . lSv, 16. Postel also states that he
is the man who has "seized the opportunity" to inaugurate the universal
monarchy. He says he is the vir occasionarius or Iss Hitti, one of the
noble men, "qui sub Temporis Occasine agunt et Deo Naturaque cooperan-
tur, Iste Vnus Vocetur Iss Hitti." (fol. lSv). Postel's claims about
himself were to be repeated later by Sabbatai Sevi. See Gershom s.
Scholem, Sabbatai Sevi. The Mystical Messiah (Princeton, 1973: Princeton
University Press).
546 Frances A. Yates, The Rosicrucian Enlightenment (London, 1972:
Routledge and Kegan Paul); The Occult Philosophy in the Elizabethan Age
(London, 1979: Routledge and Kegan Paul).
174

confirms that he knew Poste 1 • Francis I, according to Dee, had asked

him to be one of the King's "t<Bthematical Readers", an honor which Dee
refused. However, Dee names Postel among those whom he met at the Uni-
versity of Paris. 547
The meaning of the mysterious name for the Brotherhood seems to have
a relationship to Postel and his self-designated name Rorispergius.
Pierre Gassendi said that the name Rosicrucian was derived from ras
(dew) not rosa (rose) .5 48 However, both ras and rosa are significant
for Postel. By his name Rorispergius Postel claimed to be the one who
was chosen to scatter God's dew ( ros). We have spoken at 1ength about
Postel's interpretation of "God's dew"; suffice it to say that Postel
constantly uses the word ros in the context of resurrection, and rebirth
or a general resurrection of mankind into new spiritual man was the very
foundation of the general reformation or rebirth which the Rosicrucian
documents proclaim.549 The rose as a symbol also has significance in
relationship to Postel, since the rose of Sharon is the lily, the virgin
flower which mysteriously reproduces itself. The lily appears as a major
symbol on Postel's manuscripts and books and has a central place in the
development of his theories concerning the universal monarchy. He empha-
sizes the significance of the lilies which decorated the candelabrum of
Mbses and the columns of Solomon and Boaz.550
In 1623 Gabriel Naude, in his Instrvction a Za France svr verit~ de
histoire des Fr~res de Za Raze-Croix discussed Paracelsus and Postel in
relation to the Rosicrucian "scare", as he called it. Naude gives no
final verdict on Postel and the Rosicrucians, but the fact that he de-
voted almost ten pages in his rather short book to Postel is indicative
that Postel had been associated in the minds of his contemporaries with

54 7nee also mentions Orontius, Mizaldus, Petrus Montaureus, Ran-

conetus, Danesius, Jacobus Sylvius, Jacobus Goupylus, Turnebus,
Straselius, Vicomercatus, Paschasius Hamelius, Petrus Ramus, Fernelius,
Jo. Magnionus, Johannes a Pena. See The Compendious RehearsaZ o.f John
Dee (1726) Appendix, p. 504. Luigi Firpo, "John Dee, Scienziato, Negra-
mante ~ Avventurieor," Rinascimento (1952) PP• 25-84.
5 8Examen PhiZosophiae FZuddanae, III, P• 261.
549 see Frances Yates, The Rosicrucian EnZiqhtenment, pp. 238-260.
5 5°see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds latin 3677, fols. 69-88v; also
note his CandeZabri typici Mosis ••• interpretatio.
 175

the strange new movement, the Rosicrucians, and that this association
continued into the seventeenth century and later.
We have indicated throughout this study that Postel called himself
Elias and said that he was filled with the spirit and virtue of Elias;
he a 1so stated that he was Eli as Terti us, and as Eli as Terti us he was
proclaiming the true art. Postel seems to think of himself as Helias
Artista announced by Paracelsus. In addition, Postel's imagery is al-
chemi ca 1 •He speaks of the union of the sun and moon; of the true medi-
cine which heals all; of his healing powers third in grade after Lull
and Clenardus; of metempsychosis; of changing base metals into pure
go 1d; of the mysterious egg which reproduces itself; of being snatched
from the waves (de fluetibus) as the sign of the restitution of the Gal-
lim under Noah; of the need to conceal secrets from the uninitiate; of
the importance of Solomon's temple and the movement of light from East
to West and back again .ssoa There are countless similarities between
Postel's called-for restitution and the movement later known as Rosi-
crucianism.551
Postel leaves numerous examples of the hieroglyphs or "magical lan-
guage and writing" a 1 so mentioned in Rosicrucian documents. Strange
crosses (t,
~), mysterious circles ( (!) , ({), interlocked triangles
(~~ enclosed by four dots which make a rectangle, appear on numerous

SSOacf. Traetatvs Apologetievs Integritatem .Soeietatis de Hosea

Crvee defendes ••• Authore R. de Flvctibus Anglo MDL (Lvgdvni Batavorum,
1617: Apud Godefridvm Basson). Father Mersenne accused Postel of Atheism
and of being the inventor of a new religion. He describes Poste l as an
atheum magum, placing him in the same category as Archangelo de
Borgonuovo, Charron, and Robert Fludd. See Correspondanee du P. Mari n
Mersenne, editee et annotee par Cornelis de Naard (Paris, 1945: Presses
Univer§itaires de France) Vol. I (1617-1627) pp. 229-233.
S)lNote especially Bibliothlque nationale, fonds latin 3402, fol.
91. The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 425-434v.
Postel compares Mother Johanna to the "Egg of Reason," and one is
reminded of the numerous references to the egg of the universe in Rosi-
crucian documents. Note the following: "Qui cquid de hac Chou! sit au t
asser a tur certissimum est de ipsa • • • Jochanah aut Juchneh intelligi
quod est significatio Allegorica eius Naturae quae Vniuersum mundum alit
et conseruat ouo Rationali enutriens • • • sed Ouum ipsum, est ingens
illa, et vniuersalis Naturalis Rationis totum orbem continentis a lentis-
que et usque in aeternum ali turae moles, quae mihi tanquam primogeni to
eius pro cibo totius generis Rationalis et data, dum ipsa sacrosanc t a
auis me posuit .... " The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols . 389v-
389.
176

unpublished texts of Poste1. 552 The triangle as well as the rectangle

are basic symbo 1s in Rosicrucian mathematics and in the concept of
microcosm-macrocosm. Variations of Postel's symbol.~, can be seen in
numerous Rosicrucian documents. In addition, Postel discusses the tri-
angle as a symbol of the Hebrew letter Iod which is the foundation of
all other letters as well as the composite of all. llhen the points of
the 1etter iod are connected, a triangle results, for examp 1e ( t1' ) •
The triangle, Postel states, is a sign or symbol of the power of God Who
is the Foundation and Origin of all things.553 In the same passage, Pos-
tel associates the letter iod with the masculine or formal principle and
the letter he (?f) with the feminine or material principle. Of course,
one is aware that the sacred tetragrammaton begins with the 1etter i od
and that the letter he appears twice in the ineffable name. The numerous
documents and drawings associated with Rosicrucianism have their
counterpart in texts of Postel. For example, the title page of John
Dee's Monas hierog~yphiaa (1564) which presents the mystical philo-
sopher's egg flanked by two columns, as well as the title page of Khun-
rath's Amphitheatrvm sapientiae aeternae have distinct parallels in Pos-
tel's manuscripts. In an amazing passage Postel speaks of the "oval" as
representing the life of the universe. This oval figure, Postel states,
is the "colophon and consummation" of the works of the world which con-
tinues to reappear as a sign for all to see in the human fingernail !554

552 see Bibliotheque Mejanes, Aix-en-Provence, ms. 395 , fol. 207;

The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 424v, 425. There is a
strange engraving from 1660 which shows four+. placed in an enclosed
garden. One of these ~ is being held on high by a man, fully clothed,
who is standing in whal appears to be a grave. See Dr. Herbert Silberer,
Hidden Symbolism of A~ahemy and the OaauU Arts (New York, 1971: Dover
Publications, Inc . ), P• 194 (plate opposite). On the title page of the
ms . , C~aviau~ae Sa~omn i s et Theosophia pn~atiaa (Landesbibliothek,
Dresden, ms. Dres. N74) there is a symbol which reminds one of
Postel'§ interlocked triangles.
553 Bibliotheque Mejanes, Aix-en-Provence, ms. 395, fol. 25ov.
554 Postel as God's messenger proclaims the mystery of His Creation
and "Thereness", a sign of which is in the "oval figure". Note espe-
cially the following: "• • • in sui secundi Adventus secundi qui INTRA NOS
fit virtute cuius nunc toti mundo saluando coelitus rnissa sum nuncius
••• patet, vt idem in Missa Parisiensi, aut Romano seu Carnothensi more
clebranda, sit in aethernum per nostram operam cooperans operi Domini
semel operate ad impletum sicut ad quod Naturae opus assidue facit in
producendis Creaturis ipsi Creationi mundi a Deo Patre per Filium Nomine
 177

Postel saw himself as the horseman who drove his team in subjection
to the reins of God and His Church. 555 On the day of his death a wit-
ness recorded the words of that "Tower of Israel and its Horseman" .556
Postel was a kindred spirit of the Rosicrucian Englightenment, for he,
with restored reason, knew how to cooperate with God, the Priesthood,
and the Law of J'vbses in formulating and promulgating the great mystery
of man and his high calling as a son of God, which can only be realized
in a universal State in which all men are brothers, and sons, and with
God. Postel believed himself to be prophet, Messiah, and Magus. If such
opinions seem fantastic, such was the life and thought of Guillaume
Postel, a man, in many respects, an enigma in his own century and also
in ours.

Elohim proprie Vocatum Factum est, et vt dixi sic EST HABENDVM, et Vere
aestimandum Credendumque. Est hoc omnium operum mundi colophon, et con-
summatio, cuius causa creatus est iste mundus Admami Traditione tradita
posteris constat, quod illud Animal cui Deus pellem detraxit (sic enim
Adam per Parabolas et similitudines ut Dominus docebat) erat
Tziporen, animal quidem inuisum, sed tamen cui Hirci figura erat, sed et
clari tate splendida cutis tot ius, qual em in solis Vnguibus humanis cum
sua Ouali figura superesset in omnibus videmus." Bi bliotheque na-
tionale, fonds latin 3401, fol. 15v. Also see fol. 15, where Postel
writes "Ipse enim est omnia in omnibus", and then draws the oval figure,
thus 555.
Ibid.
556 Bibliotheque nationale, fonds Dupuy 630, fol. 125. This manu-
script, a copy of fonds franc;. 2396, is written in a hand which re-
sembles that of Jean Bodin.
 BIBLIOGRAPHY

I. Bibliography of works of Guillaume Postel used for this study

A. Minuscripts

*Since a list of Postel's manuscripts with incipit can be found in Fran-

~oi s Secret, BibliogPaphie des manuscPits de Cui Uaume Pos teZ ( Geneve,
1970: Librairie Droz), I do not give i ncipit for those manuscripts which
are recorded by Professor Secret. Additi anal manuscripts not found in
Secret's bibliography will be indicated by an asterisk, and incipit will
be given.

Ai x-en-Provence

BibZiot h~que Mejanes

Ms. 395, fols. 1-354.

*Ms. 397 (17th century).

Incipit: "Le PPime NoveZ deZ aUPo mondo " (same as other copies
cited; see below).

Antwerp

Museum PZantin- MoPetus

*Arch. 91, fol. 187.

Letter of Postel to Plantin, dated 28 July, 1569. Inci pit: "Judicium
Postelli de Syriaca typosyna. Censeo saluo meliori judicio recte
perpenso de Christi a no Syri acoue charactere negoci o, "
(autograph). A transcription of this letter is to be found in Sup-
pLement a Za COPPespondance de ChPistophe PZantin by M. Van Durme
(Anvers, 1955: De Nederlandsche Boekhandel) n. 90, pp. 111-112.

Basel
Off entZiche BibZiothek deP Uni vePsitat BaseZ

*Ms. AN.V. 12a, fol. 1-33. (17th century).

Incipit: "Le PPime Nove deZ AUPo Mondo, cioe Z'AdmiPabiZe HistoPia
 179

et non meno necessaria et utile da esser letta et intesa da ogni uno

che stupenda intitualat a La Virgine Venetiana Parte vista , parte
pr ovata, et fideUssimamente scritta per Gulielmo Postello, prima
genito della Restitutione, et Spirituale Padre di essa Vergine.
Jeremiae 31. Creavit Dominus Ihovah novum super terram. Apresso del
Auttore 1555.
(N.B. Ex libra typis excuso deseriphis Liber Bibliothecae publicae
Basil i ens is) • Incipit: "All i raggi onevo 1 i 1 ettori sa 1ute
perfettissima. Veramente egli e impossibile che Iddio possi mostrar
piu chiaro •••• "

Cambridge

St. John ' s Co llege Librar y

*Ms. 0.4
"Le Prime Nove de l aUro Mondo •••• (same as above). (In grati amm1
testificationem, ob plurima Humanitatis officia, a Collegia Divi
Joannis Evangelistae apud Cantabrigiensis multifariam col lata,
Li brum hunc inter a 1 i os 1ecti ss imos ei dem Co ll egi o 1ega vi t
Illustrissimus Vir, Dominicus Antonius Ferrari, J.U.D. Neopolitanus ,
1744. Teste J. Creyk.)

Citta Vaticana

Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana

*Fonda Barberiniano Latino 834 (XVI 41) misc. XVII, fols. 98-102.
Incipit: "Gulielmi Postelli sacerdotis apologia et postulatio pro
iis quae ab eo scripta et di cta sunt de restitutione omnium seu de
naturae humanae abso 1uta i nstaurati one. Ad Ml.rcell urn Tit. sanctae
Crucis Card. Presb. et demum ad totius Consistorii Patres ad quod eo
absente dirigitur." (This ms. is cited by Paul Oska r Kristeller,
Iter I taUcum, (Lei den, 1967: E. J. Brill) Vo 1 • II, p. 445; Fran~oi s
Secret, Bi bliographie ••• , p. 143, n. 1, citing J • Schweizer,
indicates the existe nce of ms.)
Fonda Vaticano Latino 6147, fols. 120-123v.
(Incorrectly cited as Vat. Lat. 6149 in Secret, Bibliographie ••• , p.
142) •

Fonda Vaticano Latino 6207, fol. 96.

(Both of these mss. also cited by Paul Oskar Kristeller, I ter I tal-
icum , Vol. II (Leiden, 1967: E. J. Brill), pp. 337-338).

Di jon

Biblioth~que municipale de Dijon .

Bibliotheca publica Collegii Divio-Godranii

Ms. 1042.
180

Vie de Guillaume Postel par l'abbe Joly.

1° La Vie de Guillaume Postel, Professeur Royal des langues
etrangeres et de mathematiques, fols. 1-149.
2° Vie de Postel, fols. 1-168.
3° Catalogue des ouvrages de Postel, fols. 1-114.
Notices n.o 2 (fols. 1-15}:Linguarum duodecim characteribus dif-
ferentium alphabetum introductio ••• 1538; suivies (fol. 5-11} de
lettres de Teseo Ambrogio
Notice 31 (fol. 67bis-70}: De Cosmographica disciplina 1636
Liste des ouvrages manuscrits de Postel, fols. 89-99
Promis par Postel, attributes a Postel, d'autres Postel, fols. 100-
114.
4° Ouvrages de Postel
Les Tr~s MerveiZZeuses Victoires des femmes du Nouveau monde 1553,
fols. 1-30
La Doctrine du si~cZe dore, 1553, fols. 31-39
La Loi saZique, 1552, fols. 41-59
Lettres de Postel a Caspar Schwenckfeld, 1556, fols. 61-65
Lett res de Postel a Nicol as de Bauffremont ••• Baron de Senecey,
fols. 67-69
Additions
Additions fol. 1-9
Table analytique, fols. 11-12
Lettres de Postel a Masius, fols. 1-28v
Lettre de Postel a Schwenckfeldius, fols. 29-31v
Lettre de Postel au Baron de Senecey, fols. 32-34
Catalogue des Oeuvres de Guillaume Postel, fols. 35-52v.
Passage qui se trouve copie dans le Catalgoue des ouvrages de Guil-
laume Postel, fols. 53-61v
Ouvrages promi s par Postel , fo 1s. 62-64
Les Tres MerveiZZeuses victoires, fols. 65-88v
La Doctrine du si~cZe dore,, fols. 89-94v
La Loy SaZique, fols. 95-106
Thorn. lttigii Exercitatio de Guill.mo Postello, fols. 107-109v
Extrait des observationes hallenses: de Guillelmo Postello, fols.
110-125v
Notes sur Postel, fols. 126-141v
Eclaircissements sur Postel par l'abbe Sallier, fols. 142-144v
Guillaume Postel (Extrait de la Bibliotheque fran~aise de Du Ver-
dier, fols. 145-149v
Notes pour la vie de Postel, fols. 151-154 .
Duplex Elenchus 1ibrorum manu scriptorum Guill .m 1 Postell i, fol s.
155-157
Ambassade du sr· de la Forest a Constantinople - Postel l'accom-
pagne, fols. 158-160v
Lettre de Joly, fol. 161
Dresden
sachsische LandesbibZiothek

*Ms. Sect. Christ. 718.

 181

"Le Prime nove del aUro mondo •••• n Libro deUa divinaordinatione
" 1555. (16th or 17th century)

Firenze

Archivio di Stato

Carte Cervini 33, fols. 34-37.

Hamburg

Universitatsbib'liothek

*Codex 69 in scnmo (no. 122, 128) frag.

Incipit: " ... amoris gratia primo in amicorum loco pono. Bulling-
herus, Gesnerus Rodolfus et ... amici non obmittentur." (autograph)

*Codex 70 in scrinio (no. 981) frag.

G. Postellus Vtebatur 1566 ad 1579 duplici (?) 1; wf). Incipit: "Vita
corporea est duratio siue consistentia per al imentum, Al imentorum
autem vnus gradus summus sit necesse est •• ," (autograph)

Lei den

Bib'liotheek der Rijksuniversiteit te Leiden

*Ms. BPL 157 A.

De Nativitate Mediatoris uUima nunc futura. Absconditorum a Con-
stitutione Mundi C'lavis et Cande'labri Typici interpretatio (circa
1660) •

*Ms. BPL 157 B.

Cande'labri typici interpretatio.

Cod. Or. 231.

G'lossarium Latino-Arabicum.

*Ms. BPG 25.756 A 9 (opposite p. 110).

Incipit: Translation into Latin of a Greek epigram. "Gul. Postellus
Barentonius Graecia habet ••• bis duo, bis duo sacra: Haec duo sunt
II

London

The British Library

Sloane ms. 1410, fols. 1-627.

Sloane ms. 1411, fols. 1-439.
Sloane ms. 1412, fols. 1-326v.
Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 1-122.
182

Mldri d
Biblioteea Naeional

*Ms. 21698 17 (N.A. 127),

Carta de Postel a Granvela, 21 Ag. 1549. Ineipit: 11 Guillelmus Pos-
tellus al Cardinal Granvela. 21 Agosto, 1549. Reuerendissimo in
Christo patri et Domino. Domino Episcopo Attrebatten ( s i) a pri-
mariis Caesaris Consiliis. Ex. Syria. Quum secundum rationis vsum,
Antistes clarissime, nil ipso loquendi vsu sit communi us hominibus,
• • • • 11 (autograph) This 1etter has been pub 1 i shed by Mlri on L. Kuntz,
11 A New Link in the Correspondence of Gu i 11 aume Pos te 1 , 11 BibliotMque
d'Humanisme et Renaissanee 41 (1979) pp. 575-581.

Mmich

Bayerisehe Staatsbibliothek

Ms. Oefe 1eana 262.

Incerti Auctoris Demonstratio quod, quae sunt in secretioribus et
credit () difficilioribus verorum sacrorum traditionibus et auctor-
itatibus scriptis, sint necessariis argumentis probatissima, ad. J.
A. Widmestadium data ca. 1552-1556. (The ms. is in the hand of
Gu i 11 aume Pos te 1 and is entitled "Clarissima et ex Aristotelis
verbis sententiisque hoe est maxime Naturalibus Rationibus dedueata
Demonstratio ••• ", fols. 1-16.

Paris

Biblioth~que l'Arsenal
*Ms. 8560, fols. 1-89 (18th century).
Le Prime nove del aUro mondo .... (same title and ineipit in all
mss. of this work).

Biblioth~que nationale
Fonds fran~. 2115, fols. 1-118v.
Fonds fran~. 2116, fols. 1-169.
Fonds latin 3401, fols. 1-70v.
Fonds latin 3402, fols. 1-116v.
*Fonds latin 3224, fols 1-416.
Ineipit: "De Saero Jesuehristi Triumpho .. . Auctore Chr. Hericurtio
Laudunensis ecclesiae decano. Deo et summo Jesu Christi vicario haec
omnia de preciosissimi corporis domini nostri Jesuchristi victoria
Contra Bee 1 zebub scripta • • • di cat Joe' hannes Boul aese presbyter
sacrarum et Hebraicarum literarum professor habituatus et ciuis
Laumdenensis et pauper collegii montis actui Parisiensis ad dei
gl ori am et toti us mundi ad veram connes ion em. 1570 11 Anno domini •••
Nicolea Oria Laudunensis patre nata Petro Obrio ••••
Fonds latin 3398, fols. 1-58.
 183

Fonds latin 3399, fols. 1-48.

Fonds latin 3677, fols. 1-120.
Fonds latin 3678.

Rimini

Biblioteca Civica Gambalunga

*Ms. SC. 689 (4.F.II.35, D.IV. 184) (18th century)

La Fleau de la foi ••• ; Le Prime nove; De tribus impostoribus. (This
ms. is listed in Paul Oskar Kristeller, Iter ItaUcum, Vol. II
(Leiden, 1967: E. J. Brill) p. 87.

Rome

Archivum Romanum Societatis Iesu

*Ms. 9 ( 1562) IV, fol s. 248-250.

Incipit: "Summa Probitate et doctri na vi ro D. Iacobo Laynez Soci e-
ta tis Iesu Praeposito doct. theologo. in legati aedibus Parisiis aut
in aula." (autograph)
Incipit: "Iampridem uero optabam certior fieri, Lainesi clarissime,
vbinam ageres in nostra Gallia postquam te illuc cum Legato aduen-
tasse •••• " (autograph)

Venice

Archivio di Stato**

*Santo Uffizio Busta 12.

1 o Incipit: "Con sci entia humanae, et maxi me propri ae i nfi rmitati s
impul sus, sponteque et a nullo ( quum s i a 1iter senti rem • • • • Ego
Guilielmus Postellus sacerdos sic ex animo sentiens scripsi ea lege
ut si quid postea contra fecero aut dixero in poenam a iure consti-
tutam decidam." (autograph) (sine pag.)
2° Guglielmo Postello 1550, fols. 5-13.
Incipit: "Ex libello mediatoris natiuitate ultima nunc futura, et
toti orbi terrarum, in singulis ratione praeditis manifestanda.
Guillelmi Postelli excerpta."
3° Incipit: "Scripsi autem et edidi ista opera hoc ordine •••• "
(fol. 14) (autograph)
4° Incipit: "Apologia pro ratione articulorum inuidiose exlibris

**I have listed all the proceedings in Santo Uffizio, Processi,

Buste 12, 14, 159, even though all of the processi are not works by
Postel. Some corrections of ms. indications, clarification of folio, and
ms. incipit are presented. See also Fran~oi s Secret, BibUograhie des
manuscrits de GuiUaume Postel, p. 144, and Apologies et Retractions.
Manuscrits in~dits pubU~s avec une introduction et des notes
(Nieuwkoop, 1972: B. DeGraaf), pp. 187-225.
184

detortorum. Aut neg are fundi tus sacras scri pturas necesse est, aut
cum illis asserere: Qvod ante omnia creata est sapientia. fols. 17-
24. (sig) 1555 Della Cason alle 2 Sette. Il vostro humile Guilielmo
Postello." (autograph)
5° Al Signore Auditor Miccazzuolo Guidice equissimo.
Inaipit: Redarguito et messo in estremo stupor per le lettere del
mio signor et singular amico misser Antonio Thiepolo, come se io
fossi anchora piu ostinato nelle mie opinioni •••• " fols. 26-28.
(sig) "Della casone alli 2 Settemb. 1555. Il seruitor affettiona-
tissimo alle dignita et persone vostre Guilielmo Postello." (auto-
graph)
6° Al Signor mio molto honorando il Signor Auditore Micca ZUola
Guidice della Inquisitione.
Inaipit: "Credo me errasse in eo quod scripsi Animam Christi creatam
ante omnia et verbo aeterno vni tam, et quod per earn Deus omnia
creauit •••• " fols. 30-36. (autograph)
7° In nomine Domini. Amen.
Inaipit: "Ego Guilielmus Postellus sacerdos quia reuera nunc primum
perpendo et iudico esse illud dictum Diui Aug. verissimum, non po-
test habere Deum Patrem qui non habuerit Ecclesiam Mitrem "
fols. 37-42. (autograph)
8° Contra Gulielmum Postellum Confessio.
Inaipit: "Signor mio charissimo hauendo inteso di qualche mio amico,
come voi pensate secondo che dicete, chio per le lettere scritte a
monsignor il legato, intendendo schiuar il guidicio del vostro
Tribunale •••• fols. 44-46. (Sig.) Di Casone alli 8 Settembris 1555.
Il vostro abiettissimo seruo Guilielmo Postello. (autograph)
9° Al clarissimo Misser Missio Veniero Mignifico Signore la Here-
sia. (autograph) fol. 48
10° Inaipit: "In dei nomine Amen. Cuncti s pateat euidenter et •••
sit qual i um ego Liuius Mirius de Treui o •••• " fol s. 49-50.
llo Gulielmm Postellum et Juliani Nerini ()pro il ••• die 12 Sett.
1555 fol. 52.

Santo Uffizio Busta 14

1° Die Sabbati 21 men. Miii 1547 (fol. 1)
2° Contra Thomaso Englesio Constituto di Vicenzo Valgrisio
Contre Thomam Englesium uenditore librorum hereticorum 1547.
(fols 4-5)
3° Die mercurii 9 mense augusti 1559
4° Contra Vincentium Valgrisium librarium 1559.19 Agosto Zacharia
libraro al segno della fontana
Bernardin Basello
Aluise Valuasor
Zuane Guarisco
5° Obedientia et praesentation de libri prohibiti fatta per (Li-
brari -- 1559. ll mens Augusti
Vincenzo Valgrisio
Zacharia Zenaro Penitentiati per esser
Bernadi n Bose 11 o incorsi nella iscomunica
Aluise Valuason et nella disobedientia
Zuan Gua rico
Hi eronomo Scoto
6° 1559 14 mens Augusti Contra Impressores librorum
 185

7° Inventario delli libri ritrouai nelli magazini di

Zuane Guarisio
Ludouico Auanto
Vincenzo Valgrisio
1570 (fols. 32-44)
(This inventory is very interesting. Note especially, fol. 39, "A
die 18 Agosto 1570. In magazen de nostro Vincenzo Valgrisi libraro
posto nel monasterio di Reverendissimi padri de S. Zuane Polo."
Vincenzo Valgrisio was buried in the Church of Saints John and Paul
in 1575. See Biblioteca-MJseo Civio Correr, Cicogna Isc. #502, n.
I., fol. 14 (Busta Gio. Paolo))
8° 1570 A die 17 Agosto in magazen de nostro Zuane Uarisco libraro
A die dito in magazen di nostro Lodouico Auanzo libraro
A die 18 dito in magazen de nostro Vincenzo Valgrisio
1 ibraro (fol. 46)
9° Contra Vincentium Vadrisium et non nullos alios venditores li-
brorum prohibitorum 1570 -- (fin. sett. 1570). fol. 47
Incipit: "Perche 1' ecce 1so Consiglio di x. con 1a gi unta con forme
alla ottima et santa intentione •••• " fols. 49-83.
(Note, fols. 58-59, where the names of Elia Pandocheo (Postel) Osi-
ander, Agrippa, Carion, Gualtiero appear among others.
Also note fols. 60-61, where we read: "Item referiscono esser stato
nel magazeno di sig. Luca Zonta, et haver trouar tre casse di libri
di di uerse fauitta cosi 1ati ne, come grece, hebree, ca 1dee, et
Turche, nelle qual casse, et tra liquali libri hanno trouato li in-
frascritti libri parte dal Postello composti, et parte d'altri casse
sue, et diuerse altre scritture et lettere famigl iari scritte da
diuerse ad esso Postello, quale lettere sono appresso il R. P.
Ing.ae et parte delli libri sono gli infrascritti vz.
Theodora Bibliandro
Sebastian MJnstero
Henrico Glareano
Guglielmo Postello
A1cora no di Mlumeth
Joan. M.lnstero
Paulo Fagio
Conrado Ghislerio
Paulo Frigio"
Note also, fol. 66, where we read: "Libri prohibiti Postelli et
Theodore Bibliandro (etc., see above, fols. 60-61), ••• iusserunt
eosdem libros comburi, et sic fuerunt combusti penes sanctum offic-
ium."). .
10° Illm 1 e Sanm 1 Patres. cum mihi fuerit demandatum per Illmas et
Sanmas D.D.V .V. ut in casu Vincentii Valgrisii M:!rcatoris librorum
ac Typographi Veneti •••• fo 1s. 91-95.
11 o Contra Vincenti urn Val grisium 1 ibrarium ••• die 4 Novemb. 1570
Allegationes. fol. 98
12° Rm 1 et Illm ss Deputati al Santo Officio della Inquisitione di
Venetia.
Io Vicenzo Valgrisio Libraro et Mercante di Libri in Venetia •••
13° Faccio indubitata fede io per Thomasa Rumno Piouan •••• fols.
99-118 (Documents regarding the case of Valgrisio).
186

*Santo Uffizio Busta 159.

Incipit: "Die M:!rcuri i 3 mens Juni i 1555. ( fo 1 • 206) (The name of
Postel appears on fols. 211, 278, 284v, 285v, 287, 288vff. Fol. 287
contains an account of the questions asked of Postel by the In-
quisitor concerning the publication of n Libro deUa divina ordi-
natione and Le Prime Nove del altro mondo.

B. Books
*The libraries from which I secured copies of Postel's books are indi-
cated after each citation.
Guilielmi Postelli Baren. Doleriensis de Originibus seu de Hebraicae
linguae et gentis antiquitate, de que variarum linguarum affinitate,
Liber. In quo ab Hebraeorum Chaldaeorumve gente traductas in toto
orbe colonias vocabuU Hebraici argumento humanitatisque authorum
testimonio videbis: literas, leges, disciplinasque omnes inde ortas
cognosces: communitatemque notiorum idiomatum aliquam cum Hebraismo
esse. Prostant Parisiis apud Dionysium Iescuier, sub Porcelli signo,
e regione D. Hilarii. (On the final page, note Excedebat P.
Vidovaeus Vernoliensis, Typis ac Characteribus suis vigesima septima
Martii, Anno a partu virgineo. 1538. Ad calculum Romanum. (Location,
The British Library).
Grammatica Arabria. Venaevnt Parisiis Apvd Petrum Gromorsum sub Phoeni-
cis signo, prope Collegium Remense.
Lingvarum duodecim characteribus differentivm Alphabetvm, Introdvctio
Guilielmi Postelli Barentonii diligentia. Prostant Parisiis
apud Dionysium Lescuier, sub porcelli signo, vico Hilario, e regione
diui Hilarii. 1538.
Syriae descriptio Gvilielmo Postello Barentonio avthore. Apud Hieronymum
Gormonti urn, sub ins i gni Tri urn Corona rum, 1540. (Location, The Fire-
s tone Library, Princeton University).
De RepvbUca, seu magistratibus Atheniensivm Liber. Lvgdvni Batavorum,
Ex Officina Joannis Maire, 1635 (original edition, 1541) (Location,
private collection, M. Kuntz).
De Rationibus Spiritus-sancti Lib II. (Parisiis, 1543: Excudebat ipsi
authori Petrus Gromorsus, sub Phoenicis signo, iuxta scholas
Remenses). (Location, The Firestone Library, Princeton University).
De Orbis terrae concordia Ubri IV (s.d., s.l.) (However, date (1545)
ascertained from BN fonds franc;. 2115, fol. 103v) (Location, Stamp.
Barb. V, X, 76, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana.
Absconditorvm a constitutione mundi Clauis, qua mens humana tam in
divinis quam in humanis pertinget ad interiora uelaminis aeternae
ueritatis. Gvlielmo Postello ex diuinis decretis ex scriptore. Lec-
tor Qvisqvis es, aut perlege, etsi potes perpende, et intellige: aut
abstine a censura. (s.l., s.d.) (Location, Biblioteca Apostolica
 187

Vaticana, R.G. Teologia VI 775; Bibliotheque nationale, Paris. Note

same edition, published with Les Tr~s MerveiHeuses Victoires des
Femmes ••• Paris, 1553. Location, The British Library.)

Absconditorum a Constitutione Mundi Clavis • • • Vna awn appendice Pro

Pace Religionis Christianae edi tore A. Franc. de f.bnte S. Amstero-
dami, anno 1646: Apud Ioannem Ianssonium. (Location, Biblioteca
Apostolica Vaticana, Stamp. Chigi VI. 429; Bibliotheque nationale).
De Natiuitate Mediatoris Ultima, nvnc fvtvra, et toti orbi terrarum in
singulis ratione praeditis manifestanda, Opus: in Qvo Totius naturae
obscuritas, origo et creatio, ita awn sua causa illustratur,
exponiturque ut uel pueris sint manifesta, quae in Theosofiae et
Filosfiae arcanis hactenus fuere, Autore Spiritu Christi: Ex Scrip-
tore Gvlielmo Postello, Apostolica professione sacerdote. (Location,
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Palatina IV, 1241).
ITavee:vwa-6. Compositio Omnivm Dissidiorum circa aeternam ueritatem aut
uerisimilitudinem uersantium, quae non solum inter eos qui hodie
infidelium, Iudaeorum, haereticorum, et catholicorum nomine uocan-
tur, orta sunt et uigent, sed iam ab admissis per peccatum circa
nostrum inteHectum tenebris fuere inter ecclesiae peculiaris et
communis membra. Scriptore Elia Pandocheo. Tubae penultimae stridor.
Solus erit Iudex, qui meliora dabit. (s.l., s.d.) 1547?. (Location,
Bibliotheque nationale. (On this copy we read: "Ex testamento Gab.
Naudaei); University Library, Cambridge).
Descriptio Alcahirae Urbis Quae Mizir et Mazar Dicitur. Angela Codazzi,
"Una 'Descrizione' del Cairo di Guglielmo Postel" in Studi in Onore
di Cesare Manaresi. Tipografia, A. Poggi, Varese, 1952, pp. 169-206.
(Location, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, R. G. Miscell. IV. 701.
(1-18)).
Candelabri Typici in Mosis Tabernaculo iusso diuino expressi breuis ac
dilucida interpretatio. Qva Priscorvm Hebraeorum patrum de diuina
humanaque philosophia sent entia expUcatur, ipsaque luce clarius
demonstratur, eos mirum in modum cum nostris Theologis de indiuiduae
Trinitatis et aaeterorum fides arcanorum mysterio consentire. Opus
ualde utile, et omnino EuangeUcae doctrinae conforme, a Zohare et
Behir caeterisque rrultis antiquissimis Cabalae monumentis ad nos
emanatum nuperimeque in lucem editum, Venetiis, 1548. (Location,
Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, Stamp. Barb. BI.6).
Guillaume Postel ( 1510-1581) et son Interpretation du Cand~labre de
Moyse en H~brew, Latin, Italien ~t Franqais avec une introduction et
des notes par Fran~ois Secret (Nieuwkoop, 1966: B. De Graaf).

De Etrvriae regionis, qvae prima in orbe Evropaeo, originibus, insti-

tutis, religione, et moribus, et inprimis de aerei saeculi doctrina
et vita praestantissima, quae in divinationis sacrae usu posita est,
Guilielmi Postelli commentatio, Florentiae, 1551: Lorenzo Tor-
rentino. (Locations, Bibliotheque nationale, Biblioteca Apostolica
Vaticana, The Houghton Library, Harvard University, The Folger
Shakespeare Library).
188

Les Raisons de La monarchie, et quelz moyens sont necessaires pour y

paruenir, La ou sont comprins en brief ... Par Gvillavme Postel.
Mlri ar vt suscit. Imp rime a Le qui nzi esme i our de Miy, Mi 1 ci nq cens
cinquante et vng.

Abrahami Patriarchae Liber Iezirah, siue Formationis mundi, Patribus

quidem Abrahami tempora praecedentibus reuelatus, sed ab ipso etiam
Abrahamo expositus Isaaco, et per ~ofetarum manus posteritati con-
seruatus ipsis autem 72. Mosis auditoribus in secunda diuinae ueri-
tatis loco, hoc est in ratione, quae est posterior authoritate, ha-
bitus. Vertebat ex Hebraeis, et commentarius illustrabat 1551. ad
Babylonis ruinam et corrupti mundi finem, Guilielmus Postellus, Re-
stitutus. Parisiis, Vaeneunt ipsi authori, siue interpreti, G. Pos-
tello. In scholis Italorum. 1552. (Bound with this work is: Resti-
tutio Rerum omnium conditarum, per manum EHae profetae terribilis,
ut fiat in toto mundo conuersio perfecta, et maxime inter Iudaeos.
Interprete ex Hebraeis G. Postello. (Location, Bibliotheque na-
tionale).

A Nos Seigneurs De Parlement, Supplie Humblement Guillaume Postel,

Prestre (s.l., s.d.) (Location, The British Library).
Astronomicae considerationis breuissima synopsis, a Guilielmo PosteUo
una cum trium sororum mathematicarum discipUnarum compendiis quum
stipendiarium lectorem Regium ageret edita, nunc et aucta et cum
caeteris rursus emissa in Reip. compendium. Lvtetiae, Apud Gulielmum
Cauellat, in pingui Gallina, ex aduerso Collegii Camerancesis, 1552.
(Location, The British Library).

Compendiaria Grammatices Hebraicae introductio ad breuissime demonstran-

dum, quomodo in diuinis rebus et Uteris, punctus, linea, super-
ficies, prima omnia docent in uocalibus, accentibus, et literis, ex
unius literae Iodi triangulo compositis. Authore Guilielmo Postello
restitutionis omnium Curatore (Parisiis, 1552: Excudebat Mirtinus
Iuuenis). (Location, Bibliotheque nationale).

Gulielmvs Postellus Cordata Lectori s. En tibi, Candide lector, offeri-

mus ueras et fabulis spoliatas imagines Coeli ••• (s.l ., s.d.) (Lo-
cation, The British Library).

De Foenicum Literis Seu De Prisco Latine et Grece Hngue Charactere,

eiusque antiquissima or-z.g-z.ne et usu Gu i 11 i e 1mo Pos te 11 o
Barentonio authore. Parisiis, Apud Mirtinum Iuuenem, sub insigni D.
Christophori, e regione gymnasii Cameracensium. 1552. (Location,
Columbia University Library).

GuiUelmi PosteUi De Uniuersitate Hbri duo: In quibus Astronomiae,

Doctrinaeue Coelestis Compendium. Lvgdvni Batavorum, Ex officina
Joannis Miire. 1635. (Location, Biblioteca Apostolica Vaticana, R.
G. Scienze VI. 14; private collection, M. Kuntz) (Original edition,
1552) •

L'Histoire Memorable des expeditions depuys le deluge faictes par les

Gauloys ou Francoys depuis La France iusques en Asie, ou en Thrace
 189

et en Z'orientaZe partie de Z'Europe, et des commodites ou i ncom-

modites des diuers chemins pour y parnenir et retourner •••• A Za
fin est L'Apologie de Za GauZe contre Zes maZeuoZes escripuains, qui
d'iceZ Ze ont mal ou negZigentement escript, et en apres Les
tresanciens droictz de peupZe GaUique, et de ses princes. Par-
Guillaume Postel. A Paris Chez Sebastian Nivelle, en la rue sainct
Iacques, a 1' ensi gne des Ci congnes, 1552. (Location, The Houghton
Rare Book Library of Harvard University).

Liber de cavsis sev de principiis et originibus Naturae vtriusque, in

quo ita de eterna rePUm veritate agitur, vt et authoritate et ra-
tione non tantum vbiuis particuZaris Dei prouidentia sed et animoPUm
et aorpoPUm immortaZitas ex ipsius AristoteZis verbis reate
inteUeatis et non detortis demonstretur aZarissime •••• Authore G.
Postello (Parisiis, 1552: Apud Sebastianum Niuellium sub ciconiis,
in vico Iacobaeo. (Location, The Newberry Library).
La Loy SaUque, Livret de Za premiere humaine verite, U1 ou sont en
brief Zes Origines et Auatoritez de Za Loy GaZZique nomm~e aommune-
ment Salique, pour monstrer a queZ poinat fauZdra necessairement en
Za GaUique RepubUque venir; et que de Zadiate RepubUque sortim
vng Monarahe temporeZ. Par Guillaume Postel. Suivant la copie de
1552, a Paris, Chez Lamy, Libraire, quai des Augustins, pres de la
rue Gilles-Coeur. 1780. (Location, The Newberry Library; private
collection, M. Kuntz).
Musices ex Theoriaa ad praxim aptatae compendium, a GuiZieZmo PosteZZo
ex variis authoribus aoZ Zeatum. Lvtetiae, Apud Guilielmum Cauellat,
in pi nqui Ga 11 ina, ex aduerso Co 11 egi i Cameracens is, 1552. ( Loca-
tion, The British Library).
ProteuangeZion sive de nataZibvs I esv Christi, et ipsius matris Virginia
Mariae, sermo historiaus diui Iacobi minoris, aonsobrini et fratris
Domini Iesu, apostoZi primarii, et episaopi ChristianoPUm primi
HierosoZymis. • Vita Ioannis Marai euangeUstae, coUeata ex
probatioribus autoribus, per TheodoPUm BibZiandPUm. Basil eae, ex
Officina Ioannis Oporini Anno Salutis humanae MJLII. ~nse Mirtio.
(Location, The British Library).

Resolution EterneZe destin~e au Roy et peupZe Treschrestien. Pour ob-

tenir Za vraye et finale viatoire, qui est ceZZe des aoeurs de tout
Ze monde , faisant qu 'il despende pour Ze vray, et tant de Dieu que
du CieZ ordonn~ Empire Zes Biens Za Vie et Z'Honneur. Propose L'an
du Salut restitue 1552. Par Guillaume Postel au iugement de Dieu et
du monde. (Location, The British Library}.

TabvZa Aeternae Ordinationis Qvaternario constitvto inter svmmae expan-

sionis et aoactionis terminos, expositae: ut pateat cZarissime ,
quatuor eZementoPUm rationem maxime in spirituaZi, siaut et in eZe-
mentaPi sensibiZi ue natura esse constitutam, propter restitutionem
omnium. Authore Gulielmo Postello Restitute. (s.l., s.d.) (Location,
The British Library}.
190

Tabu~a Restitvtionis Omnivm Constitvionum natvra~ivm et svpernatvra~ium

rerum, quatuor E~ementis in sensum et inte~~ectum humanum conducen-
darum, ad perfectissimam Diuinae Bonitatis admirationem conscripta a
G. PosteUo, vt immvtationis metennoeseos constet orbi Ratio. Ex-
emplaria venalia sunt apud Ioannem Gueullart, ad Phoenicem, e re-
gione, collegii Remensis. (Location, The British Library).

Theoricae Arithmetices compendium a Gui~ie~mo Poste~~o pridem co~~ectum

et denuo auctum. Lvtetiae Apud Gulielmum Cauellat in pinqui Gallina,
ex aduerso Collegii Cameracensis, 1552. (Location, The British
Library).

Vincv~um mundi, compendio expositum, compendio expositvm In Quo Basis

earum rationum exponitur, quibus veritas p~acitorum primorum siue
articu~orum fidei christianae aut probatur aut oppresso quouis ad-
uersario defenditur. Parisiis in quadragesima dictabat auditorum
suorum humanitati in Babylonis ruinam Guilielmus Postellus 1552. ad
corrupti mundi finem. Exemplaria prostant sub ciconiis in vico
Iacobaeo. (Location, The Newberry Library).

De Originibus, sev, de varia et potissimum orbi Latino ad hanc diem in-

cognita, aut inconsyderata historia, quum totius Orientis, tum
maxime Tartarorum, Persarum, Turcarum, et omnium Abrahami et Noachi
a~umnorum origines, et mysteria Brachmanum retegente: Quod ad gen-
tium, ~iterarumque quib. utuntur, rationes attinet. Ex libris Noachi
et Hanochi, totiusque auitae traditionis a M:>sis alumnis ad nostra
tempora seruatae, et conscriptae, Guil ielmus Postell us posteritati
eruit, exposuit et proposuit. Basileae, Per Ioannem Oporinum, 1553.
(Location, The Newberry Library).

In Arati Phaenomena. Imagines CoeU Septentriona~es cvm cir-

So~ensis
cv~is et signis zodiaci. Imagines Coe~i Meridiona~es cvm circv~is et
signis zodiaci. Parisi is, Apud Hi eronymum Gourmontium, sub insigni
trium Coronarum, e regione Collegii Cameracensis, 1553. (Location,
The British Library).

Signorvm coe~estivm vera configvratio. Parisi is, Apud Hi eronymum Gour-

monti urn e regi one Co 11 egi i Cameracensi s, sub ins i gni tri urn Corona-
rum, 1553. (Location, The Houghton Library, Harvard University).

De signorum coe~estium vera configuratione (1636). (Location, The

Houghton Library, Harvard University).

Description et charte de ~a Terre saincte qui est ~a propri~t~ de Jesus

Christi, pour y veior sa peregrination, et pour inciter ses tres-
chretiens ministres a ~a recouvrer pour y rep~anter son empire.
Paincte et descripte par GuilLaume Poste~ depuis ~'havoir et par
~iures et par experience veue. A treschrestienne princesse Catherine
de Medicis de sang etrusque, Hoyne de ~a Gau~. (s.d., s.l .)
(Location, The Houghton Library, Harvard University).

Description et charte de ~a terre saincte • • • • (Paris, 1553?) (Same

title as above. Location, The New York Public Library) This work
also issued as part of L. Mire, La Vie de J~sus-Christ (Paris, 1553)
 191

and ConaoPdanae des quatPe evangelistes (Paris, 1561). (Location,

The New York Public Library).
Des MePvei lles du monde, et pPinaipalement des admiPables ahoses des
Indes et du Nouveau monde, histoiPe extPaite des esaPiptz tP~s
dignes de foy, tant de aeulx qui enaopes sont ••• audiat pays, aomme
de aeux qui enaoPes vivants peu aupaPavant en sont Petournez. Et y
est aussi monstP~ de lieu du PaPadis tePPestPe. (s.d., s.l .)
(Location, The Houghton Library, Harvard University).
Les TPes-MePveilleuses ViatoiPes des femmes du nouveau-monde et comment
elles doibvent h tout le monde paP Paison aommandeP et mesme h aeulx
qui auPont la MonaPahie du Monde viei7,. A Madame MaPguePite de
FPanae. A la fin est adjousUe: La DoatPine du Sieale doP~, ou de
l'evangelike Regne de Jesvs Roy des Roys. A Paris, 1553: Chez Jehan
Ruelle ala Queue de Regnard, rue Sainct Jacques. (Location,
Bibliotheque nationale).
Les TPes MePveilleuses viatoiPes des femmes du novveav monde, et comment
elles doibvent h tout le monde paP Raison aommandeP, et mesmes h
aeulx qui hauPont la MonaPahie du monde vieil. Liuret escript par G.
Postel, A rna Dame Mirgarite de France. A Paris, De l'imprimerie de
Iehan Gueullart, a l'enseigne du Phoenix, pres le college de Reims,
1553. (Location, The British Library). Bound with this is
AbsaonditoPUm a Constitutione mundi Clauis ••••
SibyllinoPUm VePsvvm ViPgiliio in QvaPta BvaoliaoPum vePsvvm Ealogo
tPansaPiptoPvm Eafmsis CommentaPii insta:r>, Gvl i e1mo Pos te 11 o
Avtore. Parisiis, E Typographia Joannis Gueullartii, ad Phoenicem, e
regione Collegii Remensis. 1553. (Location, Bibliotheque nationale).
I7, Libro della divina ordinatione dove si tratta delle aose miraaolose
lequali sono state et sino al fine hanno da essere in Venetia et
prinaipalmente. La Cavsa per laqvale Iddio fin qui habbi hauuto piu
aura di Venetia ahe di tutto quanto il mondo insieme. In Padoua per
Gratioso Perchacino. MDLV. (Location, Offentliche Bibliothek der
Universitat Basel; The British Library; Sachsische Landesbibliothek,
Dresden).
Le PI'ime Nove del aUro mondo, aioe, L' Admirabile Historia et non meno
necessaria et utile da esse:r> letta et intesa da ogni uno, ahe stu-
penda intitulata La Vergine Venetiana. Parte Vista, parte PI'ouata,
et fidelissimamente saritta per Gulielmo Postello primogenito della
Restitutione, et spirituale padre di essa Vergine. Ieremiae 31.
Creauit Dominus Ihouah nouum super terram. Appresso del Auttore,
1555. (Location, Bibliotheque nationale, Paris; The British Library;
Sachsische Landesbibliothek, Dresden.)
Epistola Gvvilelmi Postelli ad C. Sahvvenakfeldivm. Cum PI'aefatione M.
Matthiae Flaaaii IUyriai. Ienae, Excudebat Christi anus Rhodius,
Anno 1556. (Location, Bibliotheque nationale; The Pitts Theological
Library, Emory University)
192

Cosmographioae Disaiplinae Compendium, in suum finem, hoe est ad Diuinae

Prouidentiae oertissimam demonstrationem aonduotum. Addita est rerum
toto in Orbe gestarum LUv6wts, item, Quot, quantaeque Christianarum
Gentium nationes, nobis haatenus inoognitae, in Vniuerso sint, quae
a nostro Orbe Z.umen Euangel.ii sibi Restitutum, oredunt. Gvl ielmo
Postello Authore. Basileae per Ioannem Oporinum. 1561. (Location,
The Newberry Library).
De Cosmographiaa disaipl.ina et signorum aoeZ.estium vera oonfiguratione
l.ibri II. Lugduni Batavorum ex Officina Joannis Mlire. 1636. (Loca-
tion, private collection, M. Kuntz).
De La Repvblique des Turas: et Z.h ou Z.'oooasion s'offrera, des meurs et
Z.oys de tous Muhamedistes, par GviZ.Z.avme Postel. Cosmopol-ite. Aueo
vne TabZ.e bien ampZ.e, des ohoses pl.us notabZ.es, oontenues en tous
Z.es Liures. A Poitiers, De l'Imprimerie d'Enguilbert de Mlrnef.
(Circa 1566). (Location, The Firestone Library, Princeton Univer-
sity).

Histoire et consideration de Z. 'origine, Z.oy, et aovstvme des Tartares,

Persiens, Arabes, Turos, et tous autres IsmaeZ.ites ou Muhamediques,
diets par nous Mohametains, ou Sarrazins. A Poitiers du l'Imprimerie
d'Enguilbert de Mlrnef. (Location, The Firestone Library, Princeton
University).
Divinationis sive Divinae Svmmaeque Veritatis disovssio ••• Guil i elmo
Postello authore. Parisiis, 1571. (Location, The British Library).
De nova steZ.Z.a ••• (Antwerp, 1573) (Location, The Houghton Library, Har-
vard University).
De Peregrina SteZ.Z.a Qvae Svperiore Anno Primvm Apparere Coepit, Cl ariss.
virorum Corn. Gemmae Louaniensis Germani, et GuZ.ieZ.. PosteZ.Z.i
Barentani GaZ.Z.i, ex Phil.osophiae natural-is, mystioaeque TheoZ.ogiae
penetraZ.ibus deprompta Iudioia. (s.l ., s.d.) (Location, The Houghton
Rare Book Library of Harvard University). Secret omits this in his
Bibl-iographie.
Le Thr~sor des proph~ties de Z.'univers. Manusorit pubZ.i~ aveo une intro-
duction et des notes par Fran~ois Secret. La Haye, 1969; Mlrtinus
Nijhoff.
PosteZ.Z.ianae Mappae Boreae typus in De Orbis Catoptrioi sev m2pparum
mvndi prinaipiis, desoritione ao vsv. Libri tres ••• Editio secvnda
••• Authore primvm, deinde recognitone Iacobo Servertio Belli-
Iocensi, Sacrae Theologiae Doctore Parisiensi. Parisiis, 1598: Apud
Lavrentivm Sonnivm via Iacobaea. (Location, Biblioteca Mlrciana).
 193

II. Ancillary Bibliograhy

A. Mlnuscripts

*Indicates ms. not listed previously in relationship to Postel.

Dresden

Saehisehe Landesbibliothek
Ms. Dres. N.74.
Ineipit: "Clauiculae Salomonis et Theosophia Pneumatica". tr. de
langue Hbraique en Italienne ••• , nouuellement en Franc;ois par
Abraham Colorno, fols. 1-213.

Geneva
Bi blioth~que publi que et univer sitai re
*Ms. fr. 441, fols. 32-33.
Ineipit: "M:!moire sur les Opinions de Postel et sur celles des
lui fs ." (I am indebted to Professor Brian G. Armstrong for bringing
this ms. to my attention.)

Paris

Biblioth ~que nationale

Fonds franc;. 23969, fol. 16-17.
Fonds Dupuy 630, fol. 125.

Bi bl i oth~que Sai n te -Gene vi~ve

*Ms. 909, fol. 37.

Ineipit: "Postel (Famille). Recueil de pieces genealogiques."

Rome
Biblioteea Apostoliea Vatieana
Vat. Lat. 5578, fols. 1-84.
Incipit: "Petri Galatini Minoritae serui inutilis Iesv Christi, de
Angelico pastore opusculum ex sacra ueteris et noui testamenti
scri ptura excerptum ."
*Ottob. Lat. 2914, fols. 1-207v.
Ineipit : "B. Amadeus, dicitur a patria. Romae vixit, Systo IV P.P.
regnante, et hunc libellum de Revelationibus composuit hue usque
non dum edi tum ."
194

BibLioteaa VaLLiaeLLaria
Ms. B. 107. Codex xvis.
Inaipit: "Confvtati o Errori s popvl ari s de Ioanna psevdopontifi ce
vvl go Papessa per Fl orimundum de Remundo regi urn consi 1 i ari urn in
Parlament Burdegalensi in Gallis. Opus autographum. Eivsdem argv-
menti opvscvlvm Bernardini Rothomagensis. Item authographum. (I am
indebted to Professor Filippo Mignini for his help in securing this
manuscript) •

Venice
Arahivio di Istituzioni di Riaovero e di Eduaazione
Libra di Partte et Determinationi diverse. FPenaipia L546 finno L604.
Inaipit: "Nel praesente 1 i bro si fara memoria di tutte 1e ocorenti e
che per giornata occoreranno a esser deliberate nel nostro hospedal
per li fradelli sicondo l'ordine et l'osseruantia delli capitoli
nostri.
Arahivio di Stato
Ospedali e luoghi p11, Busta 910, ms. non numerato.
Inaipit: "Le i nfrascritte Robbe furno date in nota da Suor Zuana,
per esser sue, i uxta 1' ordi ne de tutti quell i , che i ntrano
nel' hospedal ."
BibLioteaa Maraiana

*Mss. Italiani, Cl. 7, Coll. 10527, no. 2398.

Inaipit: "Confraternity e (scuole) e Artisti. Ospizii, Ricoveri,
Ospitale ."
*Mss. Italiani, Cl. 10, Coll. 6527, no. 24. (Provenienza, Consiglio dei
Dieci).
Inaipit: "Lettere di Card. R. Pole.
*Mss. !tali ani, Cl. 11, Coll. 6793, no. 62.
Inaipit: "Vita di Guglielmo Postello," fols. 195-196v;
Inaipit: "Opere di Guglielmo Postello," fols. 191-194v, 197-198v.

*Mss. Latini, Cl. 3, Coll. 2211, no. 195.

Inaipit: "Apocalypsis nova, sensum habens apertum: et ea quae in
antiqua apocalypsi erant intus hie ponuntur foris, hoc est quae
erant abscondita sunt manifesta." (saec. XVI).

*Mss. Latini, Cl. 14, Coll. 4590, no. 2.

Inaipit: "Iochimus Abbas Prophetia."
*Mss. Latini, Cl. 14, Coll. 4662, no. 123.
Inaipit: "Prologus in traductionem alchorani Miumethi; •• Miumethi
traducti o," fo 1s. 1-66.
 195

*Mss. Latini, Cl. 14, Cod. CCL, no. 4255, fols. 114-124.
Inaipit: "Librorum prohibitorum. Elenchus."
*Mss. Orientali, n." 216 (Ebraici 10), Coll. 82. EvangeUa Matthaei et
Marai Hebraiae et Latine, aum loais parallelis et N. T. e del sea. XVI
opera giovanile. (I recently discovered this ms. of Poste 1 • The Latin
translation is in the hand of Guy Le Fevre, the Latin annotations in
Postel's hand. The Hebrew text and annotations are in Postel's hand.
This is a rare discovery, and I am happy to present the information long
unnoticed among the treasures of the Biblioteca Marciana).

Biblioteaa-Museo Civiao Correr

Ms. Cicogna #2011 o 502 (Busta).
Inaipit: "Note alle Inscrizioni nella Chiesa di S. Giovanni e Paolo,
gia S. Zanipolo."

Mss. Cicogna 2987-2988, #591.

Inaipit: "Opitali e case date da abitare per carita."
Ms. Ci cogna N.2011.
Inaipit: "Regol e di congregati one de puoueri vul garmente chi amati
Gi esuati ."

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232

Stella, Aldo. "La Lettera del cardinale Contarini sulla predestina-

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---. "Il Processo veneziano di Guillaume Postel," Rivista di Storia
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Strayer, Joseph R. "France: The Holy Land, the Chosen People, and the
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 233

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 APPENDIX I

A RECENTLY DISCOVERED EPISTOLARY FRAGMENT

OF POSTEL: AN HYPOTHESIS CONCERNING THE ADDRESSEE

The conclusion of a fragmentary letter written in Postel's hand and

dated August 15, 1553 has been recently discovered in Hamburg •1 The
fragment is as follows:

-hotlol"l·s---et- amoris gratia primo in amicorum loco pono.

Bullingherus Gesnerus Rodolfus et reliqui am1c1 non
obmi ttentur. Vbi eri t qui ad vos r.breh et Ial cut si tamen
prodiit deferat ego vestri memor fuero. Vale. 15. Augusti
1553. post scriptam epistolam resciui Jalcut non fuisse
Veneti is recuslJll sed fvbreh tan tum.
Tuus ex animo Giulielmus Postellus

The brief but significant statements in this document whet one's desire
to discover the remaining portion of the letter and to ascertain the
addressee. Postel evidently sent the 1etter from Venice, for on 17
August, 1553 he directed a letter to Caspar Schwenkfeld from the house
of the Giunti •2 One is aware that on the same date, August 15, 1553
Postel wrote a letter to the Basel publisher, Johannes Oporinus. 3 In
this long letter Postel writes of the significance of the Zohar, which
he had recently translated and sent to Oporinus •4 He relates the Zohar

1 The manuscript is located in the Staats und Universitats-

bibliothek, Hamburg, Codex 69 in scrinio (no. 122, 238). I am deeply
indebted to Professor Paul Oskar Kristeller for calling this text to my
atten~ion and to Dr. Eva Horvath for providing me with a microfilm.
See the British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 120-121. A second
letter was written to Schwenkfeld some time after 1553 in which Postel
writes: "Servate epistolam 1553 scriptam, ut ad An nos 1556 paremini
sicut in die bus Nohae." Ibid., fol. 122. From the context one notes
that Postel and Schwenkfeld were expecting the "restitutio omnium" to
take place in 1556. When this did not happen, Postel amended the date
to 15~6.
The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fols. 116-117v. Also see
Fran~ois Secret, BibUotMque d'Humanisme et Renaissanae 25 (1963) pp.
216-2p.
Postel speaks of beginning his translation of the Zohar in 1547 in
 235

to the Gospels and the efficacy of the sacrament of bread and wine. 5 He
also indicates his support for the German reformers who shatter the
lethargy of the clergy. 6 He expresses the bold opinion that the
restitution of all things must come from Germany and that if his beliefs
cause him prob 1 ems with the Roman Church, he is prepared to suffer for
the truth J
Postel appends a postscript to the Hamburg fragment, stating that
"post scriptam epistolam resciui Jalcut non fuisse Venetiis recusum sed
rvbreh tantum." 8 Three days before Postel wrote this letter a papal
order had condemned the Talmud and similar books to the pyre. 9 The key

Venice under the inspiration of Mother Johanna. See his Le Prime Nove
del altro mondo (Padova, 1555) sig. Giii.
For the complicated history of Postel's two translations of the
Zohar see Antonio Rotondo, Studi e ricerche di storia ereticale italiana
del cinquecento (Torino, 1974: Edizioni Giappichelli) pp. 119-159. Also
see Fran~ois Secret, Les Kabbalistes chretiens de la renaissance (Paris,
1964: Dunod), pp. 171-217; Le Zohar chez les kabbaUstes chretiens de l(
renaissance (Paris, 1958: Librairie Durlacher) pp. 51-114.
5 The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 116v.
~Ibid. , fol. 116.
Ibid., fol. 117. He expresses similar views about the restitution
of all things evolving in Germany in Bibliotheque nationale, fonds lat.
3401, fols. 36-70v, e ntitled Quod Germanorum Scriptores doctissimi
incoeperint lucem originum verarum attingere, et a Gomero deducere. He
writes of the transfer of authority to Germany: "Certe nullo iure
potuissent in Germaniam a Gallis transferre, nisi quia Deus sic modum
dulcissimum in septem Cophniorum Germanicae electionis disposuit, vt
castigarentur egregie dum tempus a Domino praestitutum, v t nunc,
adess§t." fol. 68.
Ialcut or Yalkut Shimon! is a midrashic anthology covering the
whole Bible. Isaac Abrabanel was the first to mention the Yalkut. An
edition by Meir Prinz was published in Venice in 1566. See
Encyclopaedia Judaica (Jerusalem, 1971: The Macmillan Company) Vol.
XVI, pp. 707-710. Also see Jo. Christoph. Wolfii, Bibliothecae Hebraeae
(Hamburg et Lipsiae, 1727) Vol. III, pp. 1190-1191.
Postel mentions Ialcut as one of numerous Hebrew witnesses to the
truths about the restitution of all thing s as unfolded to him by the
Venetian Virgin, the myst e rious Mother Johanna. He writ es , as follows,
in Le Prime Nove del aUro mondo (Padova , 1955) sig. Giiv: "Quanto 'e di
queste cose ho qua l! sono tanto cerca de lla Madre del mondo come circa
di me • • • in innumerabili luoghi, et autorita delli secreti interpret!
se ne troua testimonii, come nel libro Diuinissimo et Rarissimo del
Zohar, cosi nelli Rabboth, Midrass Ialcut, Hagadoth, Bariathoth,
Ilanoth, et principalmente nelli interpret! delli 10 Sefi roth et della
Mercaua et di tutti libri di Cabala. " He me ntions these sources
and others in H Libra della divina ordinatione (Padova , 1555) sigs .
Ciiiiv-D.
236

question, however, is whether the fragment of six lines and its

postscript is an addendum to the letter to Oporinus dated 15 August,
1553 or is the conclusion to another yet unknown addressee. It is
frustrating that the object of pono in the first line of the fragment is
missing. Postel evidently named a person to be "in the first order of
friends." He then states that Bullinger, Gesner, and Rudolphe
(Gwalterius) and the rest of his friends will not be neglected,
apparently from his friendship.
One can argue that the mention of Bullinger, Gesner, and Rodolfus
(Rudol phe Gwal terius) as friends 1 inks the letter to the reformers at
Basel and ZUrich. Since Postel had already sent his translation of the
Zohar to Oporinus, it would seem logical for him also to send Moreh and
IaLcut, Hebrew texts from which Postel drew many of his ideas. 10 Postel
states that he will send the books as soon as someone is available to
bring them. In addition, in the concluding lines of one of Postel's
1etters to Opori nus he speaks of his Secretorum aeternorum expositio,
and the context of the fragment under consideration is not inappropriate
to the tone of the Opori nus 1etter .11
However, there are certain problems which cause uncertainty about
the fragment as a postscript to the Oporinus letter. For example, would
Postel redate a postscript and sign his name for a second time to a
letter with the exact date and with the identical farewell signature?
It seems unlikely.
There are other possibilities to be considered as one attempts to
identify the person to whom Postel sent this 1etter. Fran~oi s Secret
has pub 1i shed part of a 1etter, written by Opori nus to Francesco Ci ceri ,
the Milanese humanist, in which document Oporinus recommends Postel to
Ci ceri •12 Opori nus wrote to Ci ceri on 17 June , 1553 • On July 25, 1553
Ciceri wrote a warm letter to Postel expressing his great admiration for

9 see Paul F. Grendler, The Roman Inquisition and the Venetian Press,
L540-l605 (Princeton, 1977: Princeton University Press) PP• 89-92.
10Since all Hebrew books were quickly becoming suspect, Postel
obviously knew and trusted the person to whom he was going to send
IaLcut and Moreh. Also see above, notes 8 and 9.
1 ~The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413, fol. 117v.
1 Fran<;ois Secret, "Postel et Francesco Ciceri," BibLioth~que
d'Humanisme et Renaissance 23 (1961) pp. 549-550.
 237

Postel whan he knew only through his works. However, Postel, some time
after Ciceri's letter of 25 July, 1553, visited Ciceri since in a letter
of September, 1553 Ciceri writes to Oporinus about Postel's stay.
The Hamburg fragment of 15 August, 1553 could be the conclusion of
a letter from Postel to Ciceri in response to Ciceri's kind letter of 25
July, 1553. However, the sentence about sending Moreh and IaLcut makes
this hypothesis dubious. It seems unlikely that the 1etter was directed
to one of those who are mentioned in the letter, namely Bullinger,
Gesner, or Rodolfus, although Postel was indeed corresponding with
Bullinger during the summer of 1553 •
Finally, the fragment could be part of a letter to Postel's beloved
Masius to whom he often sent rare books as well as numerous letters. In
a letter to Mlsius written without indication of place or date, Postel
writes of Gilgul, the mind of the M:!ssiah, the Zohar, and also Atarah,
"de illa egi in Ilan quia omnes spiritus mundi in earn incumbunt." 13 The
last line of this letter reads "Vale et tuum Postellum ama."
The fragment which we have been discussing could well be the
conclusion or afterthought of Postel to Mlsius after he had already
written "Farewell and love your Postel." Postel in the fragment
declares that someone or possibly something is placed in the first order
of friends. It is true that Mlsius was the friend most beloved to
Postel. In addition, he remarks that he will send IaLcut and Moreh as
soon as a carrier is available. One can reasonably presume that the
fragment fran Hamburg may be the conclusion and postscription to the
letter which Postel wrote to Mlsius.
A1 though no positive determination about the Hamburg fragment can
be made, I tentatively suggest that it is the conclusion to the undated
letter to Mlsius. At any rate, this epistolary fragment provides
interest, as well as another problem, for those who are concerned with
the labyrinth of Postel's associations and ideas.

13 This letter has been transcribed by Fran~ois Secret, "Lettre a

Andre Masius," BibUoth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissance 23 (1961) PP•
524-529.
238

APPENDIX II

POSTEL ON THE HIGHEST GRADE OF NOURISHMENT

In addition to Postel's voluminous writings which are known , other

hitherto unknown documents in Postel's hand continue to be discovered. 1
A brief, but significant, text located in Hamburg is an example •2
Postel wrote this text sometime after 1579' as the heading
indicates. The document seems to be an introduction to a larger work ,
and its context focuses upon an idea which became a central theme for
Poste 1 from 1566 unti 1 his death in 1581 • Poste 1 speaks of the need for
two kinds of nourishment; namely, physical and spiritual food. He
emphasizes that one highest grade of nourishment is essential if man is
to enjoy eterna1 1 i fe •
The si gni fi cance of spi ri tua 1 food becomes paramount after Poste 1
witnesses an exorcism in Laon in 1566. A demon was driven from a young
girl, Nicole Obrey, when the host (or spiritual food) was placed before
the face of the tormented teenager. 3 Postel interpreted this "miracle

1 In addition to t h e manus c ript f rom Hamburg which will be discuss e d

below, a hitherto unknown letter of Postel to Cardinal Granvelle was
discovered recently in the National Library of Madrid. I am deeply
indebted to Professor Paul Oskar Kristeller for bringing the Madrid and
the Hamburg manuscripts of Postel to my attention. I am also grateful
to Dr. Eva Ho rvath for providing me with a microfilm of the Hamburg
manuscrip t. For the do c ument a tion of the Gra nv elle letter, s e e below,
note ~9.
In addition to t he a utog r a ph un de r discussion, there a r e t wo other
fragme nts which pe rtain to Postel, one of which is a letter in Postel' s
handwriting. The shelf-marks are as follows: Staats und Universitats-
bibliothek, Hamburg, Codex 69 in scrinio (no. 122, 238) and Codex 70 in
scrin~o (no. 981). The text unde r di"scussion is Codex 70.
A detailed drawing of the e x orc ism a ppea rs in a leng thy
manuscri pt, entitle d Saer o J esuehri s ti triumpho habi to • • • eompendiosa
his t oria • • • eonseripta. Auetore Chr. Herieurtio Laudunensis eeelesiae
deeano . The na me of . J e h a n Boula ese a lso appea r s o n the ti tle page a s
we l l a s the h andwri t i ng of Pos t e l. See Bi bl io theque nat iona l e , fo nds
lat. 3224, fols. 1-415. The drawing of the miracle appears on f ol. 43.
This same chart appears in Le Thresor et enti~re Histoir e de Za
triomphante vi etoire dv eorps de di ev sur Z' es prit maZing Beel zebus
(Paris, 1578) with the na me Jeha n B oul aese given as a utho r. Aft e r the
dedi ca tion t o Pius V a nd Gr egory XI II t he c ha r t appears . Also fo und in
t hi s volume i s L'Histoire de la saer ee vietoire , obt enve a Laon . • • par
Christofe de Her ieourt , Doyen de Zadiete Eglise de Laon . Note , P• 31
 239

of Laon" as a sign that the universal restitution of all things was

imminent. 4 The reformation of the world was urgently proclaimed by
Postel under his self-designated title, Rorispergius, or "Scatterer of
the Dew ." 5
Postel had been "divinely ordained" by the mysterious Venetian
Virgin whom he met at the Ospedaletto di SS. Giovanni e Paolo in 1547 in
Venice. 1\bther Johanna, whom he also called the Mater rrundi and the
Vergine Veneziana, had explained to him all the mysteries inherent in
the Zohar and the secret books of the Hebrews, and she had proclaimed
him as her first-born son, whose task it was to scatter God's "dew." 6

where one reads: "Et comme nous penssions par 1' espace de trois ans
quasi expires, depuis nostre excrit, la memoire du faict en estre
perdue, ainsi que le temps met toutes chases en oubly, lors Boulaese,
professeur des lettres Hebraicques, inspercement est surunenu, bien
accompagne des lettres commodes et pertinentes a sa charge: lequel en
ses pre cedens voyages n' ayant peu par tels laps de temps et frequentes
instances arracher de noz mains ce petit commentaire • • [in margine]
Boulaese a Laon pour ce faict l'an 1566 et 1569.
Also note, P• 726, the statement about the chart: maximo
certe lahore et impensis ex amicorum eleemosinis, collectis feci pingere
et sculpere Tabulam referentem interiorem partem Ecclesiae Cathedralis
Laumdunensis, et quae ibi fiebant • • • " Compare the statement cited
above with Postel's remarks which accompany his chart in his Description
et charte de la terre saincte namely, "paincte et descripte par
Guillaume Postel depuis l'hauoir et par liures et par experience
veue.
The depiction of the exorcism also appears in Le Manvel de
L'Admirable victoire (l5?5) and in L'Abbregee Histoire. Also bound
in this collection of works about the Miracle of Laon is Histoire
veritable de la Gverison admirable, advenue et faicte par la bonte et
misericorde de Diev tout puissant tout a l 'heure, a l' endroict d' vne
femme nommee Nicole Obrey • • •
I indebted to Dr. William Bond, Director of the Houghton Rare
am
Book ~ibrary, Harvard University, for the use of these materials.
See Fran~ois Secret, "Guillaume Postel et le Miracle de Laon,"
Bibliot~eque d'Hwnanisme et Renaissance, 21 (1959) pp. 453-457. Also
note "Une Lettre retrouvee de G. Postel au Grand Prieur de France,
Biblioth~que d'Humanisme et Renaissance 30 (1968) PP• 139-143; also, his
review of A. H. Chaubard, "Le Miracle de Laon en Laonnoys. " in
Biblioth~que d' Hwnanisme et Renaissance (20) 1958, pp. 236-238; also,
"1 'Opuscule de G. Postel sur le miracle de Laon," Biblioth~que
d'Humanisme et Renaissance 28 (1966) pp. 399-405.
In a letter to Theodore Zwinger, dated March 29, 1566, Postel
recounts the Miracle of Laon. See The British Library, Sloane ms. 1413,
fols. 98-99.
5Postel signs numerous works under the name of Postel
Rorispergius.
240

This divine "dew" is God's manna, the bread with which man is nourished
physically and spiritually. The power and the spiritual bread working
in the demoniac girl at Laon reaffirmed for Postel his belief that the
universal reformation was at hand. Rorispergius, the name by which
Postel designated his role as prophet of the restitution of all things,
was frequently used by Postel from 1566 thereafter to indicate his
"special dispensation and divine ordination." As "first-born son" of the
Venetian Virgin, he was clothed with the body of Ephraim in the spirit
and virtue of Elias.? As "Jambaptiste Rorisperge Astrologue souverain"
he believed himself to be the one to bring forth from Paris the
prediction of the holy magic and true astrology.8
In Postel's mind what took place in Laon in 1566 was an example of
holy magic. He wrote of the miracle for the first time under the name
of Petrus Anusius Synesius in a book published in 1566 and entitled: De
summopere consyderando miraculo victoriae corporis Christi. In the same
year, he wrote a second time about the miracle in a text called De
Romanae Cabalae admirandis. • • mysteriis and under the name of Petrus
Anusius Venetus •9 He also spoke of the miracle of Laon in a text
entitled De locali statu aut positione Corporis Christi in sacra-
mentis, et quod localiter adorari et eripi debeat . 10
In the Hamburg manuscript in Postel's handwriting he states that
the 1i fe of the body endures through aUmentum; that the highest grade
of nourishment is the one which gives "to man the eternity of corporeal
1 ife ." 11 This manuscript served as a preface to another work which is
mentioned in the text (in hoc opere agitur, ex Authoritate ) whose theme
was very likely the efficacy of spiritual bread. It is almost certain

6 Postel lionizes the Venetian Virgin in almost all his works

written from 1547 to his death in 1581. See especially, however, his
Les Tr~s MerveiHeuses Victoires des femmes (1553), Le Prime Nove del
altro mondo (1555) and Il Libra della divina ordinatione (1555).
7 s ee The British Library, Sloane ms. 1411, fo ls. 292 , 292v , 338v,
396v, 434; Sloane ms. 1413, fol . 103.
8 see "La prognostication de sus Paris (ou de ce qui en doibt
aduenir) extraicte des secrets de la saincte Magie et vraye astrologie
des treys roys Mages qui adorerent Nostre Signeur," Bibliotheque
natio~ale, fonds lat. 3402, fols. 37-52v.
6he British Library , Sloane rns. 1411, fols. 331-338v.

il~~~d~~c~~;~~a~i!:~ 5 !~e above, note 2 .

 241

that the text which this manuscript served to introduce was related to
the other manuscripts noted above, which detailed the miracle of Laon.
In addition, the missing work, of which this text is a part, may
also have dealt with the possibility of extending physical life, since
Postel writes in this manuscript of one highest grade which "det homini
Aethernitatem corporeae vitae." Postel's statement about the eternity of
corporeal life which is nourished by the "highest grade of good" is an
extension of his concept of hylomorphism and indicates a metaphysical
argument rather than a metaphysical statement alone. In Postel's
metaphysics form and matter are together, not apart, and one cannot be
spoken of without the other .1 2 Postel often emphasizes that fonn is
drawn from matter; that the formed object is both form and matter; that
unformed matter contains the fonn to be drawn from it. This concept of
the unity of form and matter, which Postel speaks of as omnia in
omnibus, is basic to his metaphysics and is the foundation for all his
religious and political views of a united monarchy governed by the one
true God whose agents on earth are high priest and king.
Postel observes no dualism in the relation of mind (spirit) and
body. In numerous writings he equates the parts of the body and their
functions to the grades of the spirit •13 Consequently, Postel could
argue logically from his basic metaphysics that, since fonn and matter
are united, the spirit or mind is the form of the body, and the body is

12 The unity of form and matter i s re flec ted in a ll of Postel's

numerous works. See especially, however, Liber de causis
(1552) , rrav6t:vwo f a (l 547) , AbsconditOYWTI• • • C~avis (1547), Les Tr~s
Mervei~~euses Victoires des femmes (1553), Le Prime Nove de ~ a~tro mundo
(1555), and I~ Libra de~~a divina ordinatione (1555); a lso, The British
Library, Sloane ms. 1411, passim.
Postel's views on form and matter seem t o resemble those of Ibn
Gabirol. See Jacques Schlanger, La Phi~osophie de Sa~omon Ibn Gabiro~
(Leide~, 1968: E. J . Brill), especially pp. 216-272 .
1 Postel was a medicus, and he often used his knowledge of medicine
and the parts of the body to illustrate the unity of variety in God, as
well as the relations hip of the bodily parts to the modes of be ing or
celestial grades . See, for example, The British Libra r y , Sloane ms.
1411, fols. 153, 209-210. In a letter to Bullinger, dated June 24,
1553, Postel indicates that he is not afraid of the plague which rages
in Besan<;on because he knows the medical art, and "praeterea judicem
d eum mihi vitae periodum praescripsisse certissimus sum ." See Geo rges
Weill, De Gulie~mi PosteUi vita et indo~e ( Lu tetiae, 1892 : Hac hett e )
P • 115.
242

formed matter. If nourishment from the highest grade of power

strengthens the spirit, why should it not also preserve the body from
decay?
In the Hamburg manuscript, Postel emphasizes that man must
understand the relationship of physical and spiritual bread. If man
does not comprehend that bread (manna) feeds both the body and spirit,
then the spirit is starved and consequently the body. Mm then dies
spiritually and physically. The manna which fed the Israelites in the
desert is an example of physical and spiritual food. The host, or
consecrated bread, is also an example of spiritual and physical food.
The key to the physical-spiritual, body-mind relationship, is man's
understanding which is fostered by reason. For Postel restored reason,
which he claimed to have after his immutation in January, 1552, is the
effective unity of form and matter, mind and body, in the human person.
Postel could provide empirical evidence for his theory from the
life of the Venetian Virgin. He often repeats that this mysterious
woman, in whom the spirit of Christ dwelt, fully survived with little
nourishment except frequent communion. He indicates that she seemed to
live on the spiritual bread (the host) which also provided physical
nourishment. Postel indicates that he likewise could endure with little
sleep or food, and he also took communion frequently. Although the
Venetian Virgin suffered physical death, she lived again through Postel
in a remarkable "immutation" in which the feminine spirit of Christ
which she possessed was infused mysteriously into the body of Postel.
His reason was now restored, and he was again one in mind and body as
was Adam before the fall •
In addition to Postel's statement about the eternity of corporeal
life, there is evidence which indicates that Postel believed in
paZingenesis. Mmy assume that he had found the elixir of life.l4
Christian Petzsch reports that Postel in old age had regained his
youthful appearance; some believed that he had mastered the art of

14 see Frano;ois Secret, "Pierre Gregoire, juge de la Palingenesie de

Postel, BibZiotMque d'Humanisme et Renaissanee 22 (1960) '· PP• 561-;>63.
On the subject of palingenesis also see R. P. Theoph1-h Raynavd1- ex
Soe. Iesv, de sobria alteriv; sexvs frequentatione per saeros et
religiosos homines (Lvgdvni, 1653: Sumptibus Michaelis Dvhan) PP• 7-8.
 243

restoring vigor to worn-out bodies and had practiced this art upon
himself when he was already old. Other stories were told about his
beard turning fran white to black, since Postel was said to have found
the elixir of life. When a Spanish legate asked Postel about the elixir
and how he had extended his life, Postel smiled and said: II
amara me
u15
eonservant •
One may view with scepticism the reports of Postel's longevity and
his restored youth. However, Postel did speak often of "true magic" as
one of the abseondita which man's reason could bring to 1i ght. True
magic is natural knowledge; that is, knowledge of nature and causes.16
Reason and knowledge are essenti a 1 to magic •
In Le Prime Nove del altro mondo, written in 1555, Postel speaks of
nourishment of three kinds and emphasizes that the imaginative substance
plays a major role in the body's well-being, and
delle quali il corpo e nutrito, sono per essa Imaginatiua
primo ri dotte ad Imagini et simi 1 i tudi ni tanto dell i primi
principii come di tutte le parti che sono nutrite di essi
principii. Cosi primamente ogni cosa che se tira delli
intestini per nutrir il corpo, per la Imaginatiua uirtu
ricordando si del principia primo, cioe del seme del padre
che era BIANCO Et poi i nconti nente I magi nandose
principio, 1fioe del Mlterno seme che e ROSSO, fa il SANGUE
ROSSO ••••
The imaginative virtue regulates the body's nourishment and
e quella uirtu da tutti gli ecellenti Filosofi cercata,
laquale compone insieme le parti similari, e fa le organice
ouer instrumentali. Questa e la uirtu detta Colcodam, cioe
che e commune corporea quanti ogni corpo, et che precede ogn i
cosa. Questa e la Diuina arte, ouero Sapientia laquale. 8 e
ministra di quanto li uenne ordinato, dalle due superiori •1
The physical and spiritual nourishment of the body, Postel views as
the true magic, fostered by reason and knowledge. This nourishment is
also the "divine art." Postel's Le Prime nove del aUro mondoreflects
the mystical teachings of the Venetian Virgin, Postel's Mlther Johanna.
The miracle at Laon in 1566 provides additional proof for the truth of
the Virgin's teachings about the body and its nourishment. The Hamburg

15see Christian Gottlieb Petzsch, Exereitatio historieo-theologiea

(Lipsl~e, 1704: Typis Immanuelis Titii) PP• 9-10.

i7see Bibliotheque nationale, fonds lat. 3402. fol. 52.

8Le Prime Nove del alt ro mondo (Padova, 1555) s i g . Diiiv.
Ibid., sig. Dii i i .
244

fragment indicates a similar theme.

Hopefully, the complete text of the Hamburg manuscript will be
found and will further clarify the significance which Postel attached to
the Miracle of Laon. For the time being the intriguing though brief text
from Hamburg must suffice.

(..

'.;JJ,y
~\
:§wn. G. Postell us Vtebatur 1566 ad 1579
Vita corporea est Duratio siue CONSISTENTIA per al imentum.
Alimentorum autem vnus Gradus summus sit necesse est, qui det
homini Aethernitatem corporeae vitae. De illo autem, in hoc
opere agitur ex Authoritate, sicut Ratio et Demonstratio esse
docent. Nam vt Naturali Ratione sciuimus in multis alimenti
gradi bus vnum esse summum, ita Dari necesse est vbi et vnde,
idque Authoritate omnino sunm probaui, ut hie fit: si quis
manducauerit ex hoc pane (Viuo, ait Iesus, qui sum ego V{~et
in Aethernum. Et qui solum Manna comederunt, mortui sunt.

19The text is found in Staats und Universitatsbibliothek, Hamburg,

Codex 70 in scrinio (no. 981).
The symbols or words written above are difficult. My own

interpretation is tha t ,;:JY are symbols which mean "two" or

"second." See Adriano Cappelli, Dizionario di abbreviature ~ati ne et
ita~iane , (Milano, 1961: Editore Ulrico Hoepli, p. 423). The other
letters, which appear to be 6 11 .\ l , in my opinion, stand for dp~i or
dupliei; i f I am correct, Postel used Greek characters to abbreviate
dup~iei• This example of a Latin word written in Greek characters is
not without precedent. See this author's article "Another Link in the
Correspondence of Guillaume Postel, Biblioth~que d'Hwnanisme et
Renaissance, 41 (1979) pp. 575-581.
In a letter to Cardinal Granvelle, Postel writes the Latin word
otareustes in Greek characters. If my hypothesis should be correct, it
would c larify the meaning of the heading . The "double life" whi c h
Postel was enjoying from 1566 to 1579 would then probably refer to his
use of the name Jehan Boulaese, under which name two books on the
Miracle of Laon were published. No evidence for a separate existence of
Boulaese apart from Postel has ever been pres e nted. The name Boulaese
appears on works from 1566 to 1579.
In addition, the "double life" would obviously refer to the
physical-spiritual sustenance whi ch Postel enjoyed .

Abraham, the Higher, 81 n261
"Academy of Paris," 167
Adam, body of, and Sefi roth 90
n290
Age of gold, and Postel , 173;
and restitution of all
things, 173
Age of restitution, 78, 85, 164
AgriauLtura Dei, 167
Agrippa, Cornelius, 106
Aich Latin Bible, 98
A1chemy, the true , 168
"all in all," 171
Allen, Don Cameron, 60
Almul i , l'<bse, 25
Alphonse, Nicol a, 13
Amadeus, Beatus, 18 n54,
53 n168
Ambrogio, Teseo, 4 n8, 27
Amiens, 10, 11
Amyot, Jacques, 6 n20, 8
Anabaptists, Dutch, 112
analogy, medical, 85 n273
Ancona, 137
Ancyra, 24
Angelic Papacy, 80; principles
of, 81
Angel of Great Council , 131-132
Angelic Pope, and King, 144; as
Priest of Reason, 168; Pos-
tel as, 168, 173
angels, 84
INDEX
Angers, 103
anima, of natural reason, 106
Anne of Pi ssel eu, 41 See Duch-
ess D' Etampes
Annius of Viterbo, 37 n113
"L'anno de Le petteaahie ," 76
Antichrist, papacies of, 109
n349
Antoine, Mit thew, 40, 44, 140;
accusations against Postel,
140, aLso n448
Anusius Venetus, 146, 149
Apostles, 24
Arabic language, 39; books of
New Testatment in, 93; con-
tributions written in, 40;
53, importance of, 39; Postel's
acquisition of books in, 97.
See aLso Hebrew language
Aramaic language, 25
d'Aramon, Gabriel, 97
Archinto, Fillippo, Papal Vicar
of Rome, as an Orientalist· 3
n5 , 61 , 61 n202 , 63 n206 ,
67, 67 n219, 69 n224, 97,
122 n394, 124; admiration
for Postel's knowledge, 67;
association with Postel, 67;
interest in Arabic and ori-
ental magic, 67
argumentation, method of, 43
n137

Aristotle, 10, 25, 43 n137, 119
n388; influence of on
Postel , 89
Art, supreme, 167, also n528
Artist, consummate, Postel as,
167
arts, perfected, discovery of
by man, 167
ascent and descent, of God, 149
ashes, as symbol, 126
ass of God, Postel as, 132, 168
astrology, true, 149
Augsburg, 138
Augustine, St., 42
Austria , 118
Avranches, 3, 4 n8
Axiochus, 31, also n96
axiomata of new order, 169
Bacon, Francis, 6 n18
Bahir, 85, 85 n275, 137 n441,
292 n294
de Baif, Lazare, 32, 36 n112
Bainton, Roland, 47, 48, also
n155
Barenton, 3, 4 n8
Barnabites, 14, also n45, 15,
16, 59 nl95, 71, 86; expul-
sion from Venice, 15; and
Jesuits, 15; and influence
on Jesuits, 14; relations to
Jesuits, 14; symbol of, 72
n229
Baron , Sa 1o , 9
Barrefelt, 117 n378
Basciah, Ibrahim, 24
Basegio, Zuane, 74 n234
247
Basel, 44, 66, 98 n314, 108,
111' 115' 137-138' 153' 169'
346; Postel's association
with, 114
"Basis of the world," 146
Bastille, 41
Battista de Crema, Fra, 15, 71
Bauhin, Jean, 48 n156, 111, 115
Bellaius, Cardinal Ioannes (Du
Bel lay), 36 n113
Du Bellay, Guilielmus, 48
du Bellay, Jean, Cardinal of
Paris, 7 n22. See Bellaius
Bellius, Mirtin. See Castellio,
111 n355
Bernard-Miitre, Henri, 59 n195
Besan~on, 108, also n347
Besozzi , Father, 15, also n47
Beza, Theodore, 47 n154, 110
n354, 114, 133 n439, 137
n442
Bible, in Hebrew, burning of,
130
Bibliander, Theodore, 47, 98,
also n314, 109, 111
des Bill ons, Pere, S. J., 2 n5
Blake, William, 106
Blois, 23 n66
Bodin , Jean , 25 n74, 33 nl02 ,
51, 57 n165, 79 n253, 119
n388 , 143 n460a , 152 n426 ,
166, 177; relation ship with
Postel, 111 n363, 161 n505
body, parts of and cosmic
grades , 90 n290
Boehme, Jacob, 106
Bo 1oqna , 63 , 64
248

Bomberg, Daniel, 26, also n75, n356; against Servetus, 110;

42 n133; 96, 99, 115 n373; Postel's opinion of, 109,
and Hebrew printing, 26 n78 111
books of Postel, burning of, "Calvinistic tyranny," 114
114 Campiello della aason, 122
Boul aese, Joe' hanneus, 153 Cannaregio, 122
n488. See Boulaese, Jehan Capito, Wolfgang, 43
Boul aese, Jehan, and Postel , Caraim, 95, also n305, n306, 96
151-162 Caraites. See Caraim
Bourbon, Cardinal, 56 Cardano, Girolamo, 61 n202
Bouwsma, Wi 11 i am, 30 n90, n91, Carmelite Order, 16, 33 n102,
108 113 n363
Bouvery, Gabriel , Bishop of An- Carvings over north portal, St.
gers, 33, 40, 42 Mlrk' s, Zuana' s interpreta-
Brahe, Tycho, 166 tion of, 86
bread and wine, significance Casone, Postel's incarceration
of, 144 in, 121, 122
Brescia, 1 n2 Caste 11 anus, 27, 28 n82 , 41 , 57
brotherhood of man, meaning of, n186
167 Castellanza, 71
brotherhood of "new men , " Pos- Castelli o, Sebastian, 6 n20,
tel and, 165 111 n355, 112, 115; and Pos-
Bruno, Giordano, 106 tel , 111 n357
Bucer, 43 Catherine of Sienna, 53
Buchanan , George, 13, 14, 19 Cayas, Gabriel, Mmsignor, 163
n43 n515
Bude Guillaume, 13, 29, 32, 97 Catherine de M!dici, 55, 56,
n313 57, 62 n205, 65, 140, 142,
Bullinger, 110 n354 , n355 also n456
Catholic reformation and minis-
Cabala. See Kabbalah try to poor, 70 n225
Cain, and Abel , 146 Cenevangelists, 44, 45, 47
Cairo, 93 Chain of nature, 147, 148
Calvin, 39 n120, 40, 44, 45, Cha 1 ice of one hemisphere , and
47, 146; and attitude toward ascent and descent, 149
Postel, 140; and benefices, Champi er , Symphori en , 36 n112 ,
46; and Postel, 44, 111 106, also n342

Chancellor, of Jewish parents,
149' 150
charity, and union of Israel,
132; "Gospellic," Postel's
negative definition of, 132
Charity, Evangelic, 132
Charles IX, King of France, 13,
143
Charles, Cardinal of Lorraine,
100 n323
Chartres, 8
"Chemical" marriage and animus,
arzirm, 105; and male, fe-
male, 105; of Sun and Mlon,
106; and spiritual sons hip,
105
Christ, 94; and divine spark in
man, 133; healing spirit of,
a Vertumrzus who directs PPo-
teus, 85 n273; and man,
within man, power of, 104;
presence of, in man, 133;
real presence of, in Euchar-
i st, 152; second coming of,
in feminine person, 138
Christian activism, 77 n247
Christian Jews, 132
Christian-Jews, meaning of to
Postel, 130, aZso n422
Christian Judaism, 135; and
Sabbathi sm, 134
Christian tradition, and Juda-
ism, and change of name, 131
Christian unity, 49
Christianity meaning of, to
Postel , 49
Christianity and relation to
249
J uda i sm , 49; and return to
true worship, and God's 1aw,
133
Christians, Arabic speaking, 93
Chrysoreus, 32 n99
Church, and beginning of crea-
tion, 150
Church of Saints John and Paul,
72
church universal, union of,
141. See universal church,
universalism
Cicero, 82 n264
Clement V, 39 n120
Clenardus, 175
College de Mlntai gu, 13
College Sainte-Barbe, 8, 10,
11' 13
College of Cardinals, 135
Colorno, Abraham, 19 n290
Columbus, Christopher, 12; and
apoca 1yptic dreams, 12 n40;
as religious visionary, 12
n40 hypothesis about west
wind, 12, aZso n40; and uni-
versal conversion, 12 n40
Columns of Solomon, 82 n261
comparative religions, 97
composite and ZUana, 91
composite nature, 105 n337
CorrrpPehensoP, 146; Postel as,
104
confinement of Postel , his in-
terpretation of, 168
Confraternity of Eternal Wis-
dom, 71; and Barnabi tes, 72
n229
250
Congregator, 143, 146, 148
Constantinople, 25, 32, 39, 57
n186 , 93 , 94 , 98 , 99
Contarini, Gasparo, Cardinal,
72 , also n228
Contarini, Giuseppe, 72
Conti , Vicenzo, 136
Conversini, Benedetto, 17 n52
conversions, forced, Postel's
condemnation of, 130
Cooperatores of God, 167
Coptic religious practices, 20
coriander, salutary effects of,
148 n470; significance of,
148
Coronaeus, Paul , 25 n74
cosmic grades, relation to
parts of body, 90 n290
cosmic symbol, 91
cosmography, Poste 1' s teaching
of, 141
Cosmopolitus, Postel as, 167
Council of Trent, 163 n515; as
catastrophe to Christian
union, 63, 64; Postel's
opinion of, 63, 64, 139 n444
Council of Vienne, 39 n120
covenant, Hebrew, 133
Cremona, 136
Cremona Zohar, 136 , 163 n438,
137
Cumaean Sibyl , 82 n261
Cymbri, 19
Dame of Poitiers, 55, 57
Damiao de Gois, 19, 21; accu-
sations against, 19 n57; and
Faith of the Ethiopians, 20;
and Inquisition, 20; and Je-
suits, 19 n57
Danes, Pierre, 13, 29
Daracuo, Emanuel , 20
David ahro, 87
David, and Abraham, Isaac, and
Jacob, 88; concept of, 88
n285; in Kabbalah, as Milk-
hut, 87; as Shechinah, 88
Davidists, Postel's association
with, 47, 48; 164
Dee, John, 173-174, 176
Delian swimmer, 119, also n388
Dew, God's, 174; significance
of, 167
Damascus, 93
Diane of Poi tiers, 55, 56 n177,
n178
Dijon, 108
"divine dew," 148
Divine Economy, 34
Divine t1iternity, and Zuana,
126
"divine ordination," 105 n338;
and Postel, 128
Divine Simplicity, 34
divine sonship, 147
Doctors of the Sorbonne, and
the scholarly circle of
Francis I, 28
Dolerie, 4 n8
"Double-Vinet," 44
Dresden, 126, 127 n412
Druses, 94
Duchastel , Pierre, 27, also
n82, 36 n112 See Castellanus
 251

Duke of Angouleme, 52 n374, 136

Dupuy, 114 "Elias man," Postel as, 113
n363
EccLesia, 98 n314 Elias Pandochaeus, 1 n2, 50
EccLesia cathoUca, and EccLe- n162, 85, aLso n274, 119
sia universaLis, 150 n387
eccLesia miLitia, 17 ELias Tertius, 91, 168; and
EccLesia universaUs, and uni- Postel 175
versal monarchy, 146 El ohenu, 147
edict of unity, and foundation Enoch, 19 n54, 65, aLso n213
of new age, 147 Ephraim, and new congregator,
"edict of universalism," mean- 146
ing of to Poste 1 , 150 , aLso Erasmus, 14 n43, 28 n82 , 35,
n480 36 n112 48, 65; and Jesuits,
egg, mysterious, of the uni- 13 n43; and moral reforma-
verse, 175 tion, 14 n43
egg of reason, 175 n551 • See Eternal testament, 144, 145,
egg of universe 147; and praise and love of
Eliahu kol Ml.skaliah, 90 n289, God, 146
133 Ethiopian language, 99
"Eli an sect," 113 n363 Ethiopian priest, friend of
Elian vow, and pious men, 113; Postel , 65
and Postel , 113 Etienne, Henri, 51 n164a
Eliana, 91 Etruscans, and Noah, 37 n113;
Eliano, Giovanni Battista, 16 and French, 37 n113; origins
n49 of, 37 n113
ELianus secundus, 91 exorcism , of Ni co 1e Obrey, 143 ,
Elias, 19 n54, 89, 120, 125; 154
the Artist, 168; double
spirit of, 91; as "sovereign Family of Love, 47, 116-117,
astrologue," and Postel, and n378, 164-165, 378
168; Postel in spirit and Fathers of Saint Barnabas, Bull
virtue of, 113 , 149; truth of, 72
in, 90 Febvre, Lucien, 44 n142, 51
Eli as German us. See Eli as n165
Lev ita female, male principle, 82 n261
Elias Levita, 16 n49, 26, 116 female pope, 79-80 n256
252

Feminine Angelic Pope, 80 religious realms, 171

feminine papacy, 87 St. Francis de Paul, 53; and
Feminism, 80, also n256 , 81 prophecy to Louise of Savoy,
n261, 84, 86, 87 52 and reform by French
Ferdinand, Emperor, 115 n373, king , 52; and reform of Es-
116, 117, 121 n393, 123 n401 tates, Church, Universities,
Ferdinand, King of Spain, 12 Court, Courts of Law 52
Fernel, Jean, 14 also n43 St. Francis of Assisi, stigmata
Ferrari , Bartolomeo, Father, of and Postel , 19 n54
15, 71, 71 Francis I, King of France, 23,
Le Fevre , de La Boderi e , Guy, 25, 63, 173; and advancement
26 n75, 117 n379, 163-165; of scholarship, 28; as col-
and Postel, and Syriac New lector of rare books, 23
Testament, 162-163 n66; and Erasmus 29; and
LeFevre, Nicolas, 165 feminine solace, 53; and his
Ficino, Marsilio, 31 n96 circle of scholars, 28; in-
Fine, Oronce, 29 fluence of Erasmus in set-
finger of God, and book of na- tling religious discord, 48;
ture, 168 imprisonment of in Spain,
Flacius Illyricus, 138; enemy 48; and Jewish physician, 9
of Postel, 112 n31; melancholy of, 53; and
de Fluctibus, Robertus, 60 Melanchthon, 48; namesake of
nl98. See also Fludd, Robert St. Francis de Paul , 52; and
Fludd, Robert, 60 nl98, 106 Po yet, 40-42, and prophecy,
Fontainebleau, 23 n66, 32, 58 53; and Reform, 29; warning
n191, 155 of by Postel 52; warning of
food , spi ri tua 1 , and demon' s by Vi 11 a nova, 53
departure, 145; spiritual, Franciscans and influence upon
and 1 i fe , 146 Postel , 18 n54
Foret. de la, Jean, 23, also Franciscus Georgius, 18 n54
n60, 24 Frankl in, Julian, 51 n165
Foscarini, Jacome, 74 n234 Froben, 28 n82, 114
fourth age, and restitution,
105 Gabriel, 84
fourth watch, and restitution, Gallim, 60 nl98
and original sin, 106 Galleys, as half-Jewish race,
fragmentation, of political and 60 n198
 253

Galunga, Simon, 122 Gospels in Arabic, 28; and

garments, mystical, spiritual, antipathy against Postel,
mental, and color symbolism, 140; and Postel, 140
103 , of the spirit, gift Gospels in Hebrew and Arabic,
from Venetian Virgin, 102, 40
103 Gospels of Mltthew and Mlrk,
Gelida, 14 n43. See aZso Geli- Postel's Hebrew version of,
dius, Jean 26 n75
Gelidius, Jean, 10-11 de Govea, Antoine, 13
Gemma, Cornelius, 52 n167, 60 Granjon, 116 n378
n198 Granvelle, Cardinal, 93
genera 1 reformation, and Rosi- Gromorsus, Petrus, 42, aZso
crucian Enlightenment, 174 n134
Geneva, 17 n52, 111 Guidacerius, Agathias, 29
Georgius, Franciscus, 75 n238
Germany, 48 Hagodoth, 84
Ghi sl i eri , Cardi na 1 • See Pi us handwriting of Postel, 160
V, Pope n505
gifts of luana, to Postel, 103 Hayyim, son of Rabbi Samuel ,
Gilles, Pierre, 97 136
Gilles of Viterbo, Cardinal, 65 he, letter, significance of,
Giovanna, 74 n235. See aZso 176
Zuana Hebraic law, Postel's emphasis
Giunti, home of and Postel, 115 upon, 89
Gnostic tradition, 106 Hebraism, influence of, on Pos-
God, Paternal aspect of, 147; tel , 89
presence of, in man, 105 Hebrerim, 136
God's unity, and man's compre- Hebrew books , burning of, Pos-
hension of, 167 tel's condemnation of, 130
Goileelmus, use of name by Pos- Hebrew characters, ancient, and
tel , 135 n432 Caraim, 95, aZso n306
gold, discovery of, 170 Hebrew language, 93; first lan-
Gospel in Syri ac, and Postel , guage, 9, aZso n32; and in-
120, 164 terpretation of scripture,
Gospel of James, 83 38, aZso n115; as parent of
Gospels, Postel's project for all language, 37; primacy
translating, 98 of, 37 n114; relation to
254
Arabic, 39; source of all
language, 34
Hebrew printing, and Inquisi-
tion, 26 n78
Hebrews, ancient, and pure wor-
ship, and law, 133; secret
doctrine of, 65
Hetias Artista, Postel as, 175
Hetias Tertius, 91 n292
Henry II, King of France, 55
n178 57, 100, 168
Heraclitus, 119 n388
Hercules, 169
hieroglyphs, 175
Hirsch, Elisabeth Feist, 7 n22
Hispaniola, 12
Hobbes, Thomas, 151
Hoceitas, composite meaning of
hoc, 154
Ho 1y Land , 52; Peste 1' s second
sojourn in, 100
holy magic and true astrology,
149
horseman, Postel as, 177
L'Hospital, Michel, Chancellor,
150-151
Huet, Daniel, 101, atso n324
Iatcut, 84
Ian-Cain, Postel as, 155
Ian te Btanc, 155; and Luther-
ans' mockery, 154
IBIATUS, and unity of being,
147
Iehochannah, name for luana,
meaning of, 81 n261
IESVAH, 147
Ignatius Loyola, 2 n4, 13, 14-
15, 14 n43, 16, 19, 58, 60-
61; and Damiao, 19; and Do-
minican order, 13; and Holy
Office of the In qui s i ti on ,
17; and Jesuits and Inquisi-
tion, 17 n52
Itanoth, 84
immutation, 101, 106; as divine
sign, 145; and increased
activity of Postel, 107;
physical effects of, on Pos-
tel 102, atso n328; Postel's
explanation of, and Inquisi-
tors, 118; power of, in Pos-
tel's life, 101-102; and
religious transformation,
101; truth of, 104, 118
Inquisition, Spanish, 49
Inquisition, Venetian, judgment
against Postel , 123
Inquisitor, Franciscan, 119
Inquisitors, Postel's retrac-
tion before, Postel's denial
of heresy, 119; Venetian, 1,
atso n2, n3, 2, 3, 118, 135
instauration, and Polyglot, 166
instaurator, of golden age, and
Postel , 158
iod, letter, significance of,
176
Israelites, true, 131
Isaiah, 131
Jacob, 105 n337
Jambaptiste, Postel as, 155;
Rori sperge, as astrotogue

souverain, 149
Japan, and Postel's description
of, 96 n309; and Postel's
interest in, 172
Jehochanna, 159
Jeremiah, 125 n408
Jerusalem, 91, 93; and sacred
mountains, 132
"Jesuati ," 23 n65
"Jesui sm ," 22
Jesuits, 1, 14, 16, 66; as
agents of reform, 58; influ-
ence of on Postel , 22, also
n64; and Jewish converts, 16
n49; and Portugal , 19 n55;
Postel and, 3 n5, 58; and
Postel's erudition, 59; Pos-
tel's profession as priest,
59; and reform, 17-18; and
world unity, 16
Jew and Christian, and God's
Church, 150
Jewishness of all men, 130
Jews, converts and religious
orders, 16; destruction of,
130; and forced conversions,
130; at Padova, Ancona, Cre-
mona, 136, in Paris, and
Francis I, 9 n31; Postel's
love of, 132; Postel's re-
spect for, 130
Joachim of Fiore, 18 n54, 173
John the Baptist, 24, 125
John III, King of Portugal, 9,
20
Joly, Abbe 7
Joris, David, 14 n44, 47,112
255
"Josephite Ephraimites," 132
Jovius, 46
Judaism, and the active life,
77 n247; and Christian trad-
ition, 131; Postel's dedica-
tion to, 132. See also
Postel
Julius III, Pope, 109 n349
Kabbalah, 65, 84, 87; Postel
and study of, 65; and uni-
versal concord, 65
Kabbalism, 89 n287
Kabbalistic books, acquisition
of by Postel , 83
Kant, Emmanuel, 75 n238
Kefar Sekania, 90 n290, 133
key of David, 90, 92, 107; sym-
bol of, 91
key of hidden things, 89. See
also key of David
keys of David, significance of,
89
Khunrath, Heinrich, 176
kindness of God, 149
Kirsop, W:!llace, 48 n155
Koran, 24, 97
Kri stell er, Paul Oskar, 31 n95,
80 n256, 117 n380
labyrinth, and Postel's
thought, 119, 135
language as divine gift, 38; as
innate idea, 39; as means of
unity, 35; as sign of God's
care, 39
La on , 149; "mi rae 1e of" , 143 ,
144, 149, 152; and exorcism,
256
143, 144; and holy magic,
149; and new age, 166; and
sign of kindom of God, 157
Lascaris, Janis, 13, 23 n63
Latomus, Barthelemy, 13
Laura, M:ldre, 72
Law of God , and true worship ,
133
Law of M>ses, 147; and Gospels,
147
Laynez, Diego Jaime (Jacques),
13' 16.
Lefevre, Pierre, 13
Lefevre d'Etaples, 35
Lefranc, Abel , 29
Leonora, sister of Emperor
Charles V, 11
Leviathan, 128 n414
Ubertinisme, in Ci nquecento ,
117 n378
H Libro de?;La divina ordina-
tione, publication of, in-
terrogation because of, 120-
122, 126, 127. See aLso Le
Prime Nove
lilies, and pomegranates,
n261
lily, and universal monarchy,
174. See rose of Sharon
Linacer, Thomas, 35
Lindanus, Wilhelmus, 165, aLso
n522
Loredan, Domingo, 74 n234
Lotharingius, Cardinal,
n505
Lotto, Lorenzo, 74 n234
Louise of Savoy, 52, aLso n167
love of Judaism, and Postel,
132
deLuetz, Gabriel, Baron of
Aramon, 94
Lull , Raymond, 44 n137, 53, 137
n442, 175
Luther, Mirti n, 43, 45
Lutherans, and mockery of "real
presence," 154
Lyon, hostile climate of, 140
Loyola, Ignatius. See Ignatius
M:lcault, Antoine, 36 n112
le Mi<;on Barthelemy (Latomus),
29, 36 nl12
madness, condemnation of Postel
and, 123-125, aLso n408
Magia, holy, abuse of, 151
magician, true, definition of,
170
Magus, and book of nature, 168;
and Rosicrucians, 173; and
truth, 170; true, Postel as,
168, 170, 177
Mill ari us , 43
82 man , as new creature , 168; and
spiritual change, 168
manna , 144 , 146 , 148; and
bread, 145, aLso n461; and
coriander, 148 n470; and
dew, 148; and principle of
creation and recreation,
150; as a sign, 148 n471
161 M:lntua, 9 n31
M:lnutius, Aldus, 35
M:lrgaret, Princess, sister of
King Henry II, and Postel,
 257

99 and Servetus on, 110

Marguerite d'Angouleme, 36 n112 Midrash, 84
Margaret of Navarre, 40, 41, 57 Mil an, 72
n186 millenarianism, Postel's view
Margaret Valois, sister of King of, 157, 166-168
Henry I I, 107 • See aLso Minotaur, label of, on Postel ,
Margaret, Princess 35
MBrranos, 9 n31, 17 M>hammed , 94
MBsi us, Andreas ( MBes, Andre) , Molcho, Simon, 9 n31
47 n154, 66 n216, 67, aLso M>nastery of Saint Mirtin des
n221 , 92 n294, 93 n295 , 94, Champs, 4, 121 • See aLso
aLso n303, 98, 111 n356, Saint Mirtin des Champs
120. 121 • 126. 128 • 158. Montano, Benito Arias, 117
163, 165, 169; and Polyglot n378, 162, 163, aLso n515,
Bible, 162-163 165
Mater mundi, 84. See aLso M>ntmarsan , 41
M>ther of the 1\brl d M>re, Henry, 106
Materia Materna, 84 M>rigia, Giacomo Antonio, 15,
maternal mediation, 118 71
M:Rae, K. D., 33 n102 M>ses, 94, 99; candelabrum of,
mediation, 91 174
~ 1anchthon, Philip, 48, 109 , Moses ~sopotami a, 99, 115-116
aLso n349 Mother of the 1\brl d, 73, 102,
~nahem of Recanati , 85 104-105, 149, 173. See aLso
Merkaba, 65 n213, 84, 88 Zuana
~ssiah, and Jewish expecta- M>unt Golgatha, 132
tion, 131 n424; Postel as, Mount M>ri ah, 132
177 M>unt Zion, 132
~ssiah ben Ephraim, 173 mountains, sacred, 132
metals, changing of, 175 Mlrmel ius, 35
metaphors, medical, 84 Mlslim religion and debate, 24
metempsychosis, 104, 105, aLso mystical experience, and Juda-
n337, 175 ism, 77 n247
Michael, 84 t1fsticism, 77 n247
Michelangelo, 82 n261
middle course, and Postel, 114 Narsinghe, King, 24
middle nature of Christ, Postel nature, God's laboratory for
258

man, 170; hannony of, 170; man in relationship to God,

knowledge of, and man, 170; 171
multiplicity of, 170; Pos- Onkel os, 38 n115
tel's philosophy of, 170; "open prison," and Postel, in
snatched fran waves, 148 Venice, 118, aZso n384
Naude, Gabriel , 172 Opori nus, Ioannes, 1, 37 n113 ,
Negri, Paola Antonia, 15, 71- 44, 47, 92 n294, 93 n294,
72 , aZso n228 , 86 , 92; arro- 98 , 109 , 110 , 111 , 135 n433 ,
gance of, 86 137' 165
Nehemia ben Elnathan, Benjamin, Or nerot ha-Menorah, 85
129-130 Oratory, true art of, 104
Neo-Pl a toni sm, influence of, 89 order, of nature, 170
n287 Order of Barnabi tes, 72 n229.
New Adam , 105 See Barnabites
"New Christian," 9 n31. See Order of Christ, 20
aZso M:lrranos Oriental manuscripts, of Pos-
New Eve, 105 tel, 97, aZso n313
"new hypocrites," 92 original sin, and restitution,
New Jerusalem, 77 106
new star of 1572, as sign of Ortellius, Abraham, 47
God's kingdom on earth, 166 Ospedal etto, 73, 75, 86-87,
Niclaes, Hendrik 47, 164-165 100, 122; deputies of, 74
Ni codemi tes, 44, 47 n234; hi story of, 70, aZso
"Niger," Heliodorus, 99, aZso n225, 71, 72; Postel's work
n316 at, 86; records of, 73 n234;
Noah, descendants of, 60 n198; of Saints John and Paul, 69;
and the Spanish, Italians, and use of tenn "figl iolo ,"
Germans, and French, 60 n198 7 5 n238; and widows and or-
Nonnandy, 3, 4 n8 phans, 72; and women, 72
Noyen, 46 Otho Aiss, 131 n434
Otot Mashi'ah, 131 n424
Obrey, Nicole, and exorcism, Otthei nri c h , Pfa 1 zgra f (Duke
143, 144, 145, 154, 157 Palatine of the Rhine, Elec-
occult phi 1osophy, 107 tor of the Empire) , 97 n313 ,
Ochlocracy, 171 120' 138
Oecolampadius, 43, 48 "oval," and life of universe,
One State, One True God, and 176, aZso n554

Padova, 19, 122 , 123 , al-so
n402, 125, 128
Padua, See al-so Padova
Palmerius, Petrus, 36 n113
Pandochaeus, Elias, 143 n459
"paoline," 87
Papacy, and ancient priesthood.
98 n314; new, 80; relation
to Ecc'Lesia, not Pope, 80;
Roman, 80; and Rome, 98 n314
Paracelsus, 106, 175
Paradis, Paul, 9 n31, 36 n112
Para 1ion, Jacomo, 74 n234
Paris. 8, 100-101, 103. 108
n346 151
patriarchs, of Covenant, 133
Paul I II, 63, al-so n209, 68,
71, 109 n349, 122 n394
Paul IV, Pope, 64 n210, 125,
129-130, 135, al-so n434; and
Postel, 124
Paumgartner, Baron, 47, 138-
139 , al-so n445
Pavia, 48
Pellican, Conrad, 133, 137 n442
Perchacino, Gratioso, 125, 127-
128
Petrus Amasius, pseudonym of
Postel, 165 n522
Petrus Galatinus, 18 n54
Petrus Anusius Synesius, 149,
151 • 153
Phanuel, 167
Pharoah, higher, 45
Phoenician language, inaugural
address of Postel concern-
259
ing, 116
Phoenix, 126, al-so n410
Piccard, Fran~ois, 54, 55
Pius V, Pope, 130, 162
Plantin, Christophe, 47-48,
116, al-so n378, 162 , 164;
and Family of Love, 117
n378, 164-165
Platform of Restitution, 80
Plato, 31 n96; influence of on
Postel, 89 n287
de Pol a nco, Johannes Alphonso.
16 n49
Pole, Reginald, Cardinal, 67,
69 n222
political order. of universe,
146
Polyglot Bible, Postel's con-
tributions to, 162, al-so
n509; 164-165; opposition
to, and Postel, 165, 117
n379; and Postel , reason for
concealing contributions to,
162-163
Popes, greed of, 131
Popkin, Richard, 97 n310
Portugal, 24; and humanism,19,
20, 21; and Jesuits, 21; and
Postel , 9 and reform, 19
n54; and toleration, 20
Postallus, Hebraicism for Pos-
tellus, 134
Postel , and accusations of pub-
lic peace distubance, 141;
on action as means of Truth,
82; and the active life, 77;
al-so n247; and activism, 82;
260
as activist, 151; admiration
for r.tlanchth on, 48; adver-
sities in early life, 7, 8;
and age of restitutio n, 78;
and ancient languages as
guide to Truth, 34; and use
of apology, 58; and ability
in Arabic, 39; and Arabic
language, 17, 23, 27, 28;
and Arabic learning, 25,
120; and search for Arabic
books, 93; and St. Augus-
tine, 151; and balance, 109;
and benefices , 33; birth of,
4, date of birth, confusion
over, 10 n36; precursor of
Bodin, 51, also n165; and
body of Ephraim, 149; and
purchase of rare books in
East, 94; and sale of his
books, 120, 138; and Gabriel
Bouvery, 33; place of bur-
ial, of Postel, 171-172; and
censorship of Hebrew books,
84 n27; center of controver -
sies, 172; and charity, 49;
and chastity, 14; on Chris-
tianity, 49; reinterpr eta-
tion of Christian ity, 50;
paradoxic al nature of, 2;
and coinciden ce of oppo-
sites, 3; and classical
philology , 31; and the Col-
1ege of Francis I , 32; and
account of "College of the
Three Languages," 28; and
comparativ e religions , 97;
as conciliar ist, 28, 60,61
n200, 63; and conversio n,
33; and conversion to Juda-
ism, meaning of, 33; and
conversio n of Mbslems and
Jews, 52; and his contribu-
tions, 172-173; and admira-
tion for Coptic religious
practices , 20; and departure
from French Court, 57; and
criticism of Calvin, 45;
criticism of catholics and
Protestan ts for 1ack of true
piety, 49; and criticism of
Popes, 45; and collection of
rare books, 32 n 100; and
Damiao de Gois, 19; and in-
fluence of Dami ao de Goi s ,
20; and similarity of views
with Damiao, 20 n62; and
derision against, 129; and
desire for reform, 49; dis-
agreement s with reformers
over Eucharist , 47 n154; and
his disciples 173; his in-
terpretati on of discovery of
New 1-brl d, 12 n40; and his
divine election, 85; and
divine ordinatio n, and new
priesthoo d, 105, 149; and
divine voice, 56; and dogma-
tism, 49, 109; and Eaalesia,
98 n315; as Elias of fourth
age, 78; as Elias Tertius,
91; elixir of life, 6; and
enmity of Sorbonne, 45; as
Ephraim, 146; and "eternal

gospel," 65; and explora-
tion, 12 n40; obedience to
"feminine papacy," 87; and
financial distress, 120;
final words, 4; and forced
conversions, 17; on folly,
57; and mission with Jean de
la Foret, 24; on forgive-
ness, 45; and foreign tra-
vel, 31, 43; and Francis I,
23 n66 , 27-28 , 30 , 31 , 40 ,
41; and additions to Fran-
cis' library, 32; and inter-
pretation of death of Fran-
cis I, 64; loss of support
of Francis I, 42; warning of
Francis I to reform kingdom
and realm, 52, 54, 55; and
geography, 12 , aLso n40 ,
172; and geographical know-
1edge, 11; and good works,
1ove of God, and freedom of
spirit, 18; and Gospels in
Arabic, 24, 25; and Greek
literature, 25; and need for
harmony, 51; and harmony of
religions, 49; health pro-
blem, 8; as translator of
Hebrew, 101; and Hebrew lan-
guage, 34, 37; and King
Henry II, 100 n323; human-
ism, 10 n34; humor of, 35;
influence of Ignatius, 14;
and complaints of Ignatius
against, 61; and his "im-
mutati on," 101; imprisonment
of, in Rome, 124; importance
261
of action, 45 n151; and in-
terrogation by Inquisitor,
concerning publication of
heretical books, 122; and
explanation of his opinions
before Inquisitors, 118; and
Jesuits, 2, aLso n4, n5, 58
n195; and entry among Je-
suits, 59 n196; and depar-
ture from Jesuits, 62; in-
fluence of Jesuits, 18; and
problems with Jesuits, 60,
66, 67; on role of Jesuits
in reform, 59; and Jews in
Paris, copy of Hebrew gram-
mar and Hebrew-Latin Psalms
from, 8, 9; and Jewish opin-
ions, 141; and Jewish schol-
ars, 26; as authority on
Jewish subjects, 96; in-
creased interest in Jewish
sources, 82; as authority on
Judaism, 97; as "judaizer,"
and rabbinical scholarship,
163; and acquisition of
books of Kabbalah, 25; and
knowledge of languages, 9,
10 n36, 28; and 1anguages,
24 , 35 , 151; 1anguage abi 1-
ity, 8; and mastery of lan-
guages, 13, 23, 39; and the-
ory of language, 38 n117;
and success as 1ecturer, 33,
107; and 1 ingui stic theo-
ries, 34; longevity of, 5,
6, aLso n18; study of 1an-
guages, 8; and loss of posi-
262
tion at Court, 56; knowledge
of mathematics and philo-
sophy, 10; meaning of ca-
reer, 151; and holy magic
and true astrology, 149;
magus, and performance
true magic, 168; and
"martyred" books, 114;
medicine, 11, also n39; me-
diaus, 85; mental state of,
56; as God's messenger, 54;
and moderation, 49; and ap-
pointment to "M.lsee" of
Francis I, 29, also n88,
n89; and . knowledge of
Orient, 23, 96 n309, 101; on
oratory, 82; and collection
of oriental mss ., 97 n313;
as Oriental i st, 27, 34, 96,
172; on origins, and silence
about origins, 7; also n72,
37 n113; and orthodoxy, 49,
67; duties at Ospedaletto,
69; parents of, 6, also n20,
n21; plots of evil men a-
gainst, 117 n380; poetry of,
36, also n112; and judgement
of Dame of Poitiers, 55; and
Portugal, 9, 10, also n34,
19 n55 , 20; and admiration
for Portugal , 20 n63 and
influence of Portuguese, 20;
association with Poyet
sword of Damoc 1es , 41; pre-
servation of his writings,
169; on his priestly ordina-
tion, 2 n5; on printing and
printers, 1, also n2, n3,
27, 42 nl33, 114; and pro-
phecy, 53, 54 n173, 79, 118;
and prophecies about French
as king and angelic pope, 52;
of as prophet, 64, 177; as pro-
his phet-priest, 62; and pro-
and phetic reason, 54; Postel's
belief in his prophetic
role, 165; prophet of resti-
tution, Postel's op1n1on
himself as, 54 n173, 173;
and preaching in Venice, 70;
on priesthood, 62, 63, 109
n345; and prob 1ems with Sor-
bonne, 43 also n137; and
Protestants, 45, 109; and
Protestant Reformers, 47;
pseudonym, Elias Pandochaeus
50 n162; and disregard of
public opinion, 58; and re-
bellion, 140 on reform, 45
n151, 46; and pleas for re-
form, 56; on role of French
king in reform, 60; and Re-
formers, 111-112; and reli-
gious conversion, 42; and
religious formulations 172;
and relinquishment of bene-
fices, 52; and relinquish-
ment of royal favors, 45:
relinquishment of stipends,
as 42; and agents of restitu-
tion, 169; as revolutionary
151; in Rome, 63; on role of
French king in restitution,
52; on role of humanists,

48; as Rorispergius, 147,
167; on reasons for secrecy,
169; and spirit and virtue
of Eli as, 149; fran scholar
to revolutionary, 56; and
scholary reputation, 101;
and natural science, 12 n40;
and agreement with Servetus
on middle nature of Christ,
110; and founding of new
sect, 167; and ancient she-
kels, 94; and significance
of ancient languages, 151;
and spiritual exercises,
chastity, and priestly
dress, 14; syncretism, 51
n164a; and synthetic ap-
proach to religion, 132
n428; and synthesis of rel i-
gions, 49; teacher as a
youth, 7; on toleration, 51;
translations of, 36; as
translator, 31; and travels
in the East, 94; travels in
Near East, 95; travels in
Orient, Africa, 36; defini-
tion of true religion, 50;
as "reed" of truth, 79; and
Truth of Christ, 129; and
Turkisk convert, 24, 25; and
Turkish teacher, 24; and
universal concord, 54; and
establishment of universal
monarchy, 60, 168; and uni-
versal pardon, 58; and de-
sire for universal religion,
49-50; and universal state,
263
51; on unity, 51; and uni-
versalism, 51 n165; and con-
cern for world unity, 151;
prophecies of Venetian Vir-
gin, Postel's books about,
121; spiritual heir of Vene-
tian Virgin, 87; departure
from Venice in 1549, 87;
under suspicion in Venice,
86; as viator, comprehensor,
congregator, 166; and "sov-
ereign vocation," 18; and
vows of poverty, chastity,
and obedience to Ignatius,
59; and worship of God, 49;
and evangelization of
Zuana' s doctrine, 80; and
Zuana' s pronouncements, 78,
aLso n252, n253, 79; and
correspondence with Zwi nger,
112
PosteL Lani , 16 n51 , 17 n51 , 141
Postellism, 142. See PosteL-
Lani, PosteLLisme
PosteUisme, 140. See aLso Pos-
teUani
Postallus, 134 n432
Poyet, Guillaume, Chancellor,
29 n88 , 32 n99 , 33 , 40 , 41 ,
45, 46 n151, 57; disgrace
of, 41; enmity of Mirgaret
of Navarre, 41; imprisonment
of, 41
Premoli, Orazio M., 14 n45, 71
n226, 87
Presbyter John, 20
Presence of God, and Shechinah,
264
feminine spirit of Christ,
105
Priest of Reason, and Postel,
168
priestly kingdom, 149
Le Prime Nove • • • , publica-
tion of, interrogation be-
cause of, 120-122, 126, 127
Prince of new age, and Her-
cules, 169
printing, Postel's knowledge
of, use of Arabic type by
Postel , 116
prisai theologi, 83-84, 89 n287
Proclus, 75 n238
prophecy, Postel's belief in
validity of, 120, 166-168,
and passim; Postel's inter-
pretation concerning death
of Francis I and Pope Paul
IV, 129
professors, and proclamation of
one true God, 150
Protestant Reformers, 49
Protestants, alliance of Postel
with, 109; and "literal
mindedness," 45
Psalms of David, 90; signifi-
cance of, 89
Pseudo-Berosus, 37 n113
pseudonyms, Postel and, 159
Pullan, Brian, 71 n225
Pyrenees, 41
Rabbi M:>seh Basola, 137, also
n440
Rabbinic sources, influence on
Postel , 60
Rabboth, 84
Rabelais, Fran~ois, 46, also
n153
Radetti, Giorgio, 51 n165
Radical reformation and idea of
reformation, 14 also n44
de Raemond, Fl orimond, 6 also
n20
Ramus, Peter, 6 n20, 8, 13
Raphael, angel, 84
Raquier, Fran~ois, 11
Raquier, Jean, Abbot of Rouen,
11
Raynaudus, Theophilus, 2
Raziel, guide of Postel, 168
reason, restitution of, 103;
restored, 168; restored, and
truth, 148
Rebadeneira, Father, 60
rebirth, and Postel , 106
Reeves, Marjorie, 52 n167
Reformation, and Reason as ba-
sis, 109 n349
relativism, philosophy of, and
Postel's hatred of, 133
religious climate, of France,
158
Renaissance of Church, 80
Renialmus, 98, 99
restitution, and Christian
Jews, 132; imminence of ,
112, n359; of all things,
118
Reuchlin, Johannes, 106
revel uti on, fear of, and Pos-
tel, 167; meaning of, to
 265

Postel , 124
de Ribadeneira, Pedro, 16 n49 Sabbatharian conjunction, and
Rialto Bridge, 1, 119 n387 new star of 1572, 166
Ripetta, 129, also n417 Sabbathi sm, 115, 134
Rocourt, Jean, Judge of Amiens, Sadolet, Jacobus, 36
10 Sagy (Seine-et-Oise), 7
Rodrigues, Simon, 13, 19, also Saint Antonio ~ria, 71
n57 Saint Paul , 58 n189 , 77 n24 7
Romagna, 69 Saint ~rtin des Champs, M:>na-
Rome , 58 , 59 , 69 , 86 , 115 , 124; stery of, 143, 144, 150 ,
environment of, and Postel, 162, 171, 177; Postel's ac-
65; imprisonment of Postel tivities within, 163, 168;
in, 132 as "Academy of Paris," 168;
roots, Jewish and Christianity, and Postel's absence from,
132 156
"Rorispergian Wirning ," 171 Sainte-Barbe, 10, 11, 18, 20,
Rori spergius, 147, 149, 157, 58; and evangelical human-
167, 168, 173; meaning of ; sm, 14 n43; and geographi-
name, 134; name of, and cal learning, 13; and in-
Rosicrucians, 173; and fluence of Portuguese, 20;
Postel as, 134 intellectual environment of,
ros, and rosa, and Rosicru- 23; and spi ritua 1 reform , 13
cians, 174 Saints John and Paul, Church
rose of Sharon , and 1il y, si g- of, 75
nificance of, 174 salamander, 127; and alchemy,
Rosicrucian Enlightenment, and 126; symbol of Francis I,
Postel, 173-177 Henry II, 126; symbol of,
Rosicrucianism, 176 and Postel, 125-126
Rosicrucians, 106, also n342 de Sa 1 i gnac , Jean , 13
Rotondo, Antonio, 47, n154 , 86 Salmeron, Alphonse, 13
n275, 93 n294, 98 n314, 109 Samaritans, Postel's interest
n348, 110 n353, 137 n441 in, 94
Rouen, 11 San Francesco della Vigna,
Royal Bible, 165. See Polyglot Church of, and Zuana, 74
Bible Santi Apostoli, 122
Ruysschaert, Jose, M:>nsi gnor, Satan, 145
63 n207, 72 n228 de Sault, M:>nsi eur, 140
266
Saxony, 48
Seal iger, Joseph, 35, also
n111, 142
Scholem, Gershom, 77 n247
Schwenckfeld, Caspar, 47, 103
n330, 112, 138-139, 139 n444
"scr>ivetoste ," Postel as, mean-
ing of, 162, also n506
Sebastien, grandson of King
John III, 20
Sebonde, Raymond, 44 n137
Secret, Fran~ois, passim
Sefiroth, Ten, 84; and parts of
body , 90 n290
sensory perception, color, 104
Servetus, Michel , 45, 109 n350,
110; and Restitutio, 14 also
n44
Seyyon, Tasfa, 99
Shabbat, 90 n290
Shechem, 94
Shechi nah, 105 , 133 • See also
Venetian Virgin, and Zuana
sheepfold, one, 166
shekels, ancient, silver, gold,
94, also n302
"sign of Erasmus," 122
signs of God's care of His
Church, 166
Simon, Richard, 37 n113 , 96 ,
172
Society of Jesus, 13, 16; and
restitution, 22. See Je-
suits , Ignatius
Solomon, 103; and Boaz, columns
of, 174
Sorbonne , 44, 48, 51; doctors
of, and Postel , 109
Spatafora, Bartholomeus, 130
Spinelli, Baldisera, 74 n234
spiritual bread, power of, 149
spiritual change, in man, and
chemical change, in ele-
ments, 168
Stephanus, Robertus, 42 n133
Suebi a, 116 n3 74
Suleiman, Emperor, 24-25
Swedenborg, Emanuel, 106
symbolism, col or, red and
white, 103
symbols, alchemical, 156 n496;
use of, and Boul aese, Jehan,
155
Syria, 93, 94
Syriac language, and books of
New Testament, 92
Syri ac New Testament, 115, 116;
Postel's contributions to,
99' 117' 164
Syriac text, of Gospels, 115
"T Wonderboek ," 14 n44
Talmud, burning of, 136
temple, of Solomon, 175
Testaments of Postel , 4 also
nlO
tetragrammaton, sacred, 176
Thargum, edition of, and Pos-
tel , 164
theater of nature, 170
Theatrum , of Zwinger, 114, also
n368
Themi sti us , 10
Theocrenus, 31
 267

Thevet, Andre, 1 n2, 3 n8, 5, union of Israel, meaning of,

7' 10' 97 132
de Thou, Jacques Auguste, 5 united world, 172
Tiepolo, Antonio, 122 Unitrine God, 147
Ti feret, and Sun , Mirs, 90 n290 Unity, God and, 35; language
Torelli, Guastalla Lodovica, 71 and, 35; Postel's theory of,
Tours, 24 34; of being, 147; of man,
Toussaint, Jacques, 29-30, 36 167; of the world, Postel
n112 on, 87
Tower of Israel , 177 universal baptism, 81
Trent, 138 universal brotherhood, 114, 146
triangle, significance of, 176 universal harmony, 142, 151;
Tribunal, Venetian, 125 and need for, 151
Tribuna 1 of Inquisitors, ruling universal king and angelic
of, against Postel, 124. See pope, 75 n238
aLso Inquisition, Venetian universal monarchy, 138, 144,
true nature, and man, 168 a46, 166, 171; Postel's ex-
true reason, and comprehension pectation of in his time,
of nature, 170 170
true religion, 50; and Postel- universal maternity, 91
l ism, 142 universal f.bther of World, and
true worship, and Law of God, Zuana, 159
133 universal pardon, 80, 87, 170;
Truth, and God's Kingdom on and Jesuits, 58; and Postel,
earth, 90 n290; in kidney, 114
heart, head, 90; and Mirs, universal reformation, 114
90 n290; and mockery of, universal religion, 49, 50, 114
168; Postel and, 121; power universal restitution, 80, 142.
of truth, in Eli as, 90; re- See Sabbathism
sides in kidneys, and celes- universal sacraments, 144
tial grades, 90, aLso n290; universal state, 51
and Ti feret Israel , 90 n290 Universalism, 51 n165, 142
trumpet, last, 105; signal for University of Paris, 13
restitution, 157-158 Urbi cul a, 53
Uriel, 84
Ubiquitarians, 152 Uxor Legis, and Shechinah, 105
Umbria, 69
268
Valgrisio, Vincent, 1, 119 n387
Van Helmont, F. M. 106
Vasoli, Cesare, 54 n173
Vatable, Fran~ois, 29, 30, aZso
n92
Venetian Inqui si ti on, and Pos-
tel, 17, 118-127
Venetian Virgin , 73, 74 n235,
77, 101, 104, 151, 158; and
Venice, divine favor from,
77; history of, 74; and in-
terpretation of Zohf!r, 83;
and Jewish sources, 82; mir-
acles of, 120-121, 152; pre-
sence of Christ within, 77;
and Rachel , 85 n273
Venice, 19, 25, 26, 27, 69, 72,
89' 93' 96 ' 107' 112 ' 115'
118, 127, 132, 138, .151;
concept of, beloved by God,
most perfect magistrate, 3;
"most perfect principate,"
169; as New Jerusalem, 77,
169; and printing, problems
of Postel in, 92 n294; pro-
tection of, from Turks , 166
n528; significance of, to
Postel, 83; and Venetian
Virgin, 152; and works of
charity, 72
Du Verdier, Antoine, 5 aZso
n16
Vergi 1 , 114
Viator, Postel as, 104
Vicenza, 15
Vienna, 99 n320, 109,116,117,
164; sudden departure of
Postel from, 118
Villanova, 53, aZso n169, 55
Vincent, Antoine, 140-141
Vinet, 43, aZso n137
di Viscardi, Lodovico, 74 n234
Vittorio Eliano 136
"lltlite John," 155. See Ian le
Blanc
Widmanstadt, Johann Albertus,
27, 65, 99 n320, 115, aZso
n373 , 115 , 116 , 117, aZso
n380, 164 n518
Wi ssenberg, 1\bl fgand, 135, aZso
n433
Wittenberg, 48
world of harmony, and Postel ,
167
world unity, 151, 171; Postel'
leadership in, 169
Xavier, Fran~ois, 13
Xenocrates, 31
Yates, Frances A. 32 n99, 173
Zaccari a, Antonio M., 71
Zambelli , Paola, 43 n137
Zohar, 80, 83, 86, 89 n287,
107, 112, 136-138; and
a 1chemy, 168; "most divine
book," 84; Postel's first
translation of, 84, 85 n273;
Postel's translations of,
110, aZso n352, 137 n441;
publication of desired by
Postel, 112-113

Zuana , Midre , 72 , 77 , 80 , 81 ,
86' 90' 92' 99' 102' 103'
105' 107' 110' 126' 138 149;
abstemiousness of, 82; and
age of restitution, 78; as
Angelic Pope, 79 also n256;
and Antoni a Negri , 86; as-
ceticism of, 76; and concept
of unity, 78; and confes-
sors, 75 n238; as cosmic
symbol , 91; death of, 99,
100, also n321; directress
of "Xenodochius," 78;
"divina madre," 74, 91; and
Eliana, 91; as Elianus
secundus, 91; exce 11 ence of
life, 81 "familial" rela-
tionships to Postel, 158-
159; as feminine messiah,
86-91' 106; as "Forte
Donna , " 103; founder of the
Ospedaletto, 72; on General
Pardon, 78; gift of two gar-
ments to Postel , 87; and
good works, philosophy of,
75; and healing spirit of
Christ, 85; hi story of, 72-
73; and "immaculate concep-
tion" of Postel, 91; immuta-
tion of, 78; and "immuta-
ti on," 101; influence on
Postel, 79, 91; as "keeper
of the key of David," 91;
and "keys of David,'' 87; as
mediatrix between higher and
lower, 91; as t<bon, 78; as
t<bther of the \obrl d, truth
269
of, 128; and mysterious
gifts to Postel, 87; 102;
mythology concerning, 91; as
new personal Jerusalem, 81;
and "open kitchen," 76; as
"opera divina," 76; and
Ospedaletto, 73; parentage
of, 83 n266; and perpetual
virginity, 76; piety of, 75;
possessions of, 73 n232;
Postel's conception of, Di-
vine Presence in, 78; Pos-
tel's devotion to, 86; Pos-
tel's history of, 121; po-
verty and charity of, 73;
problems at Ospedaletto, 84;
and prob 1ems with women at
Ospedaletto, 86; prophecies
of, 87; prophecy of, con-
cerning Postel, 78; and
Raphael, 84; and rebirth of
Postel, 106; as "second
woman" after Sarah, 81 n261;
as Shechinah, 78, 79, 89;
significance of name, 74;
Postel ' s single-minded devo-
tion to, 121; sons hip of
Postel to, 74; and spelling
of name as Jehochanna, 159;
as "true mother of the
world," 76 n242; truth of
her prophecy, 85; and uni-
versal maternity within, 91;
as universal mediating mo-
ther of reason and divine
healing, 91; and Venetian
patricians, 75; and Venetian
270

Senate, 86; as Venetian Vir-

gin and M:lther of the W>r 1d ,
73; and Venice, 166; virgin-
ity of, emulation by Postel,
81; work among poor and sick
of Venice, 75; work among
poor and sick in Padova, 73.
See aLso Venetian Virgin,
lvbther Johanna.
Zuo 1a, Mlcca, Judge of Venetian
Inquisition, 8
Zwi nger, Theodore, 47, 114,
115, 132, 134, aLso n431,
137' 138' 152' 153' 154' 157
n501, 162, 164, 165, 166,
169; Postel's relation to,
114
Zwingl i, 43, 48