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Carcass Boycot Movement in Nepal
Carcass Boycot Movement in Nepal
Carcass Boycot Movement in Nepal
Suraj Dhakal
Ujjwal Prasai
18 May 2018
This paper attempts to shed light on why and how Chamar community fought against
the tradition that pushed them into the swamp of inequality and social injustice.
communities of Nepal1, and also known for its multiple surnames including Ram, Harijan,
Mahara, Mochi and Rabidas (Krishna B. Bhattachan) — is placed at the most bottom position
of social hierarchy for its traditional livelihood practice. (Paswan 226-227) Subjugation of
Chamar was primarily rooted in landlessness and Balighare Pratha2 wherein males were held
responsible for dispose of cattle carcass and females worked as midwives. This traditional
occupation was enforced in such a way that only Chamar were held responsible removal of
carcass. Eventually, this very tradition turned out to be the sole reason for severe
discrimination against them. Since most Chamar were landless, their only means of
subsistence was sale of raw leather extracted form cattle carrion. Chamar, for generations,
1
Based on telephone interview with Saptari, Nepal based journalist Bhola Paswan
2
Tradition wherein so-called lower castes (Dalits) serve so-called higher caste people with
their traditional occupations and in return get food grains (bali) periodically from each
earned their livelihood at the cost extreme social injustice, and the vicious cycle of poverty
forced Chamar3 to dispose cattle carcasses from higher caste households, grabbed a
significant attention in national and international arena back in 1999. Regardless of its belated
publicity in late 1990s, the foundation of the movement dates back to early 1950s when first
institutionalized attempt to shun the tradition was made along with the establishment of
community based organization named Nepal Harijan Sudhar Sangh. (Paswan 224-225)
The first phase of the movement was active in improvisation of the tradition than its
complete abandonment. Thus, by the end of April 1958, the movement managed to stop
Chamar of Saptari, Siraha and Dhanusa from consuming carrion meat. Moreover, the first
Leather and Shoes Factory. Back then, Chamar were forced to sell raw leather to local
contractors at scrap value notwithstanding higher value in Indian market4. Nepal Harijan
Sudhar Sangh continuously fought against those contractors for more than two decades; and
subsequently government decided to shut down leather contract system in 1982 (Paswan 229-
230)
The second phase of Sino Bahiskar Aandolan, often touted as a milestone in liberation
of Chamar, took the movement one step further thereby not only shunning the carrion meat
but also by completely shunning the tradition. It was spearheaded by social activist Baldev
3
Nepal’s one of the most marginalized so called low caste community
4
Back then, the price of raw leather in Indian market was ten times than the amount paid by
Ram, a recipient of Dr. Ambedkar International Prize. Baldev’s struggle against social
injustice and inequality was profound. Back in 1964, Baldev initiated a campaign against
unfair distribution of land demanding that poor Dalit tenants get the ownership of the land
they sharecropped on. In the same year, Land Reform Act was passed, which opened legal-
avenue for resolving landlessness of tenants.5 Baldev’s involvement on land reform campaign
established him as an opinion leader of the community; and his thus formed persona —
Bahiskar Aandolan. A community gathering, called upon by Baldev Ram after seeing his
relatives eat meat form carcasses, served as a cornerstone of the movement. Then, in the
following months of July 1999, Baldev was active in raising awareness against consumption
of carcass meat and also against dispose of animal carcasses without any pay. (Yadav)
agencies including Action Aid and other so-called lower caste communities including
Musahar and Dusadh — managed to completely shun animal carrion in his village
Madhupatti, Saptari. Regardless of its constant disapproval from higher caste communities as
well as that from state authority6, the carcass boycott movement managed to stretche to other
district of Saptari’s vicinity. Back then, the movement had grabbed notable attention in
national and international arena for it was rigorously and regularly reported by country’s
5
Second chapter of Land Reform Act 1964 contains provisions for issuing land ownership
Sino Bahiskar Movement, notwithstanding its subsequent success, on its initial phase was
besieged by higher castes including Yadav and Chaudhary to a great extent. Higher caste
prohibition in use of public properties like roads and forests were some of the tools higher
castes used to make Chamar stop the movement. Once the news about economic blockade
was reported rigorously by national dailies, attention of human right activists, Dalit right
activists and that of government was drawn. Regardless of these oppositions, Sino Bahiskar
Movement was already at a point of no return. Subsequently on 24 March 2000, after series
3. Illegal and inhuman economic blockade imposed upon Chamar shall be withdrawn
urgently.
4. Aforementioned decisions shall apply to all. If violated, legal actions shall be taken.
(Paswan 239-241)
Conclusion
Sino Bahiskar Movement, in the first hand, raised awareness among Chamar about
inequality and social injustice associated with the traditional caste-based occupation they
practiced without a second thought. Moreover, the movement helped Chamar get rid of
discrimination is still pervasive for most Chamar do not have any alternative means of
Works Cited
Jha, Abadhesh Kumar. "Baldev Ram, who fought for Dalits and landless people, dies at 67."
<http://kathmandupost.ekantipur.com/news/2017-08-02/baldev-ram-who-fought-for-
dalits-and-landless-people-dies-at-67.html>.
Nepal. Working Paper Series. New Delhi: Indian Institute of Dalit Studies, 2009.
Paswan, Bhola. "Carcass Boycott Struggle in Siraha and Saptari: Madhesi Dalit's
24/unequal-exchange.html>.
Yadav, Mithilesh. "Social activist Baldev Ram dies at 74." 02 August 2017. myRepublica. 09