Journal of Consumer Behaviour

Issue 4 2010

Wing-sun Liu

ITC The Hong Kong Polytechnic University

Hung Hom Kln Hong Kong

Tel: 852 2766 6444

Fax: 852 2773 1432

Email: tcliuws@inet.polyu.edu.hk

Richard Elliott

School of Management

University of Bath

Bath BA2 7AY, United Kingdom

Tel:+44(0) 1225 386632

Fax: +44(0) 1225 386473

Email: r.elliott@bath.ac.uk

Nan-Kai Lau

c/o ITC The Hong Kong Polytechnic University

Hung Hom Kln Hong Kong

Tel: 852 2766 6444

Fax: 852 2773 1432

Email: tcliuws@inet.polyu.edu.hk
Ouch! A Logotherapeutic Discourse of the Butch and Tattooed in China

Introduction
In the context of postmodernity, marketing is characterized by a culture of superfluous consumption (Douglas and
Isherwood, 1996), the saturated self (Gergen, 1990), fragmented identity (Giddens, 1991), and hyperrealism
(Baudrillard, 1981). Consumption has become a declaration of the consumer’s existence to the social world and to
the self (Elliott, 1997), and such existential needs have been described as irrational (Elliott, 1997), alienated
(Christopher, 1989), addictive (Eccles et al., 2001), or compensatory (Woodruff, 1997). In logotherapy, however,
existential needs are seen as being transcendental, and the vacuum or tension that is felt by consumers is viewed as
being healthy and intended. This study explores tattooing as an affirmative act of meaning construction located in
lesbian relationships within a Chinese cultural context.

Logotherapy – An Existential Approach

Logotherapy is an existential holistic approach that was developed by Victor E. Frankl. The basic tenet of
logotherapy is “the will to meaning,” in which “man’s main concern is not to gain pleasure or to avoid pain but
rather to see a meaning in his life” (Frankl, 1984, p. 117). Frankl drew on his horrific experiences in a concentration
camp to conclude that even suffering is constructive if we can find meaning in it. Without meaning, an “existential
vacuum” appears, which is described as “a feeling of inner emptiness in which life seems boring and not worth
living, and in which the person is full with doubt and despair” (Barnes, 2000, p. 27). These vacuums can be
compensated for “by a will to power, the will to money, the will to pleasure.” Cushman (1990) argued that we are in
the era of the “empty self,” but that this vacuum has a postmodern filling – consumption. Logotherapy is not actually
a therapy; it is more concerned with the nature of human existence. The aim of the individual is not to reduce
tension: a healthy tension is intended (Barnes, 2000), where the tension between the “possible selves” (Markus and
Nurius, 1986).

Butch Lesbian

Homosexuals are raised in cultures that teach certain gender-role expectations. Some lesbian couples, for example,
designate one woman as the “butch” of the relationship and the other as the “femme” (Blumenfeld and Raymond,
1998), in which the butch member is cast as both protector and aggressor. By appropriating these symbols of
masculinity, the butch stretches the gender image of what it can mean to be to women (Faderman, 1991). However,
this masculine symbolism, of which looks are a major part, makes it difficult for the butch to maintain employment,
and femmes are sometimes obliged to financially support the butch partner, in contravention of the usual masculine
role of breadwinner. It has also been reported that the butch member of the relationship is more vulnerable to
discrimination from heterosexuals and harassment by strangers in society (Levitt and Hiestand, 2002).

Lesbians in China

The first scholarly investigation of lesbianism in China was undertaken by Chang (1926), a sociologist at the
National Peking University. Chang was forced to resign from the university because of the study, and was cast out
of the academic community (Hashikawa, 1940). Another scholarly study on Chinese lesbians was conducted by Mak
et al. (1983). However, as the authors were from the Department of Psychiatry of the University of Hong Kong, their
main issue of concern was sexual experience, as is the case with most empirical studies of lesbianism in China,
which are still conducted from the standpoint that lesbian behavior is a health-related issue (Zeng, 2004). Mak et al.
agree that homosexuality has a long history in China, but highlight the point that homosexuality in the two genders
has always been treated differently: “according to Taoist beliefs, male homosexuality, because it is a relationship
between two yang elements, is considered not harmful to health…. [F]or women not to wed and to engage in
homosexuality could be harmful ... this practice is against the laws of nature” (Mak et al., 1983, p. 21). Fang and
Bullough (1992) remarked that in China lesbianism is no longer a forbidden topic, but that fictional portrayals are
still sager than the reality, providing lesbians are described in negative terms. Their comment that the chief sources
in studies of lesbianism in China are “police blotters, prisoners, or fictional recreations” may be judgmental, but still
carries some accuracy today.

Tattoos – Now and Then

The word “tattoo” is derived from the Polynesian root tatu or tatau, which means “to strike or root.” There is also a
powerful impulse within Polynesian culture to ascribe tattooing to the “ethnic other,” and hence by a familiar
dialectic to the “class other” (Gell, 1995).
In the past, traditional tribal groups interpreted body modifications as a material display of the moral attributes of the
group, through which individuals could assert their conformity of the norms of the group. Individuals decorated
themselves as members of a tribe (Wolman, 1989). Metaphorically, the human body became a space that was
thought about, and in the constitution of body politics, social membership was indicated by bodily modification and
body marks (Douglas, 1966). As an extension of the qualities of individuals and their social relationships with
others, the appearance and the bearing of the displaying group was an ”external reflection of inner moral condition”
(Wolman, 1989, p. 124)

Egerton and Dingham (1963) posited that the establishment of identity is the most prevalent motivation for tattooing
in contemporary society. They claimed that “a tattooed person is identifying himself to others; he is communicating
something about a relationship with other persons or things that he believes he possesses, or wishes to possess, or
wishes other to believe he possesses” (p. 145). Tattooing physically marks the body and is a means of altering or
constructing the body at will. Hardin (1999) argued that the cultural construction of a woman’s sexuality, which is
based on her appearance, can be effected through alteration by tattooing.

Tattoos can now be purchased for money, like other commodities, and the growth of this practice has resulted in a
new fashion trend that must be interpreted in the context of increasing aestheticization and commodification (Klesse,
2000). Sanders (1985) elaborated on the risk that is involved in the act of tattooing, Watson (1998) studied the
choice of symbol and location of tattoos, and Goulding (2003) contended that tattooing is an act of consumer
resistance and voluntary exclusion. In another study (Goulding et al., 2004) delved into the client/provider
relationship. Kjeldgaard and Bengtsson (2004) described tattooing as the consumption of fashion, while Bengtsson
et al. (2005) examined the phenomenon of brand tattooing. A postmodern account of the consumption of tattoos and
simulated self and identity is given by Velliquette et al. (1998). From these studies it is unclear whether this area of
consumption should be seen as resistance, a potent form of identity construction, or just the adoption of a fashion.

Tattoos in China

There are only a handful of studies on tattoos in China (e.g., Jian, 1993; Xu and Zhang, 1988). The tattoo may have
a negative image in modern China (Jian, 1993; Xu and Zhang, 1988b), but in certain periods of Chinese history it
was much more acceptable. The most famous tattoo in Chinese history is probably that of a legendary general of the
Han Dynasty period, Yue Fei (206 B.C. – 220 A.D.). Yue Fei’s mother marked his back with a tattoo of a four-
character phrase that read: “Energize, be loyal to, and protect the nation.” During the Warring States period (475-
221 BC), many people feared that they might lose track of their children in such chaotic times, and had a design or
characters tattooed onto their children’s skin to mark them out as their own. Tattooing was also carried out because
of superstitious beliefs, with people tattooing images of a cross or the Buddha on their bodies to ward off evil and
harm. Another common use of tattooing was to place a mark on criminals, both as a measure to prevent their escape
and as a form of punishment (Jian, 1993). In the various studies of tattooing that have been conducted in China,
tattoos are always described as a social taboo and are associated with criminals. For example, Jian (1993) reported
that “ there is a higher percentage of youths with tattoos who have broken the law than there is among youths
without tattoos” (p. 2). Jian concluded from his survey of tattooing among 7,200 inmates in China (1989) that many
inmates have tattoos for reasons of ignorance, revenge, to flaunt their superiority, sexual desire, superstition, and
remorse. Having said this, as life transitions, whether external or internal, are a major motivation for obtaining a
tattoo (Watson, 1998)

Objectives of the study

We have limited knowledge of the consumption of tattoo in contemporary China, even fewer among the butch
lesbian in the context. The aim of this study is to explore aspects of symbolic consumption through a focus on the
consumption of tattoos by lesbians in China. By concentrating on a small marginalized group of butch lesbians we
explore tattooing in their identity projects, the “tensions,” and the “vacuum” (Frankl, 1984) and, in that connection,
the way(s) in which the “existential vaccums” (Frankl, 1984) are filled.

Method

This study was conducted in Hong Kong, and all of the participants were Chinese. The first author was working as a
part-time tattooist, and the unique consumption behavior of a segment of her clients – butch lesbians – triggered the
study. Seven self-identified butch lesbians in their twenties and one male tattooist participated in the study. The
study was conducted through phenomenological interviews by the first author, because such interviews have the
ability to uncover both personal accounts of lived experiences (Kalve, 1983) and subcultural influences (Mick and
Buhl, 1992). In-depth interviews of around three hours were carried out at the homes or workplaces of the
informants, and were interpreted phenomenologically. The long interviews were loosely structured and non-directed
(McCracken, 1986), and usually started with “grand tour” topics, followed by details of the life history of the
informant (Atkinson, 1998). Thompson et al. (1994) affirmed that “symbolic metaphors” have their own ability to
analyze both “personal” and “socio-cultural meanings,” and thus represent an individual’s perception of self with
respect to the social group. Particular attention, therefore, was paid to “symbolic metaphors” in the interviews and
final transcription. The interviews were audiotaped and transcribed phonetically, and field notes were taken.

The transcriptions and field notes were reviewed several times to gain a sense of the whole, and as many categories
as possible were generated. Similar emergent themes were clustered, and finally the themes and the theoretical
framework were related to literature that was relevant to the data. The analysis of the accounts of the informants was
undertaken through an interactive process of description, consideration of the informant’s stories, and theorization
(Thompson, 1997). To make the analysis more perceptive, the second author was involved in triangulating the data
and the themes that emerged. All of the informants were assured of anonymity. Their background is summarized as
follows. All of the names employed are pseudonyms.

Name Age Occupation No. of tattoos

April 23 Gym Coach 1

Janet 20 Salon Junior 2

June 23 Salon Junior 1

Sue 26 Engineer 3

Vicky 22 University Student 1

Ankie 25 Hair Stylist 4

Pat 22 Waitress 1

Joe 32 Male Tattooist 2

Findings

As encouraged by the pioneers of Consumer Culture Theory, this study attempts to investigate the ”contextual,
symbolic, and experiential aspects of consumption as they unfold across a consumption cycle that includes
acquisition, consumption, and possession” (Arnould and Thompson, 2005, p. 871). The informants in this study
have reinterpreted this old form of initiation – the tattoo – in a new way, one which Salecl (2001) contended is an
“attempt to find in the body a place of stable identity” (p.33). In logotherapeutic discourse (Frankl, 1984), this could
be viewed as an existentializing act. It was later discovered in the triangulation process that pain plays a salient role
in this “consumption cycle” before, during, and after tattooing. Thus, the interpretive themes in the study are
grouped into three stages: to tattoo – for pain, tattooing – in pain, tattooed – more pain.

1). To Tattoo – for pain

Be a man … stand the pain, but don’t touch my breast

Butch lesbians like to wear men’s clothing in tune with their ambivalent identity (Davies, 1992). Other than
clothing, tattooing serves as another expression of “subcultural capital” (Thornton, 1996). In many senses, tattooing
is being reinterpreted as a practice of self-definition (Edgerton and Dingham, 1963) and a symbol of masculinity
(Steward, 1990). Blanchard (1994) asserted that women are more interested in the cosmetic aspects of tattooing,
whereas men use tattooing to assert their identity. The masculine drive in the ambivalent identity of the butch
lesbian is highlighted by the forthright assertion of all of the informants that they were tattooed by a male tattooist, a
statement that was further validated by the tattooist, Joe.

Joe: Men prefer large patterns and put them on their arms and back. Women choose smaller ones for
cuteness. Normally they want it black, as it is easy to match with their clothes. They like to have them done on
the lower legs (above the ankle) because they can show it off when wearing pants . . . They [the butch
lesbians] usually have short hair, act like men, and always want to protect their girlfriends . . . They seldom
want female tattooists to do the tattoo for them. They don’t care, they are also men, so I always tattoo them.
But usually my wife (a female tattooist) does the girls.

When talking about her experience in a tattoo shop, April mockingly described some of the other male clients in a
tone that sounded like she beat the men in endurance and courage in withstanding the pain.

April: In the tattoo shop, there were many “gold haired”1 men. Opposite me (while waiting) there
was a young “gold haired” man who was having a tattoo on his back. While he was getting the
tattoo, he was on the phone . . . using lots of foul language. Suddenly, he hung up the phone and
begged the tattooist to stop for a while as he couldn’t stand the pain. Ha, ha . . . he was in tears.

Interestingly, although they claimed that they did not mind using a male tattooist, Sue mentioned that she went to
find a female tattooist when she wanted a tattoo near her breast. They might be “gender-neutral in terms of tattoo
iconography, placement and size” (Neville, 2005), but the feminine norm, however subtle, is revealed in the
performance (Butler, 1990). It is interesting to note that in the study of Sanders and Vails (1989), male tattooists
tried to be “gender neutral” in the sense that “they (male tattooists) adopted a rigid business-like demeanor so as to
avoid the potentially conflictual sexual implications of the intimate physical contact” (p. 212).

Here we can see the importance of performance for, as Butler (1990) maintained, their gender identity is real only to
the extent that it is performed. To be butch they must perform the male tattoo behavior or even out-perform it.

2) Tattooing – in pain

Buy the process! Buy the pain!

Pain is always mentioned and emphasized in the process of tattooing. It is an integral part of the process, and is
described with nostalgia, a new kind of existence that is talked of with pride. The pain reminded April of something
that had happened to her before.

April: I enjoyed the pain actually . . . it might sound stupid. It’s just like someone using the
cutter to cut my skin slightly. It’s interesting, when I was in college I liked to use a cutter to cut
my hand.

1
In Hong Kong, “gold hair” is a metaphor for someone with the look or feel of a gangster.
Like April, Pat also cut her hand, and tried to describe the difference between the two kinds of pain in
terms of the sense of control and aesthetics involved (Sanders, 1988).

Pat: Cutting your hand is something you can control yourself, the depth and the strength, yet I
like to cut it at the same point, because you can hear the sound “lit, lit.” It’s very deep . . . The
pain of a tattoo and the pain of cutting are different. Tattooing is somewhat like hammering;
cutting your hand is something you can control. The feeling of cutting your hand is more fun,
but it’s not beautiful: the effect of tattooing is better.

Pat explicitly stated that it was pain that inspired her to have the tattoo, and spoke about her experience
with an almost mystical reverence.

Pat: I don’t know . . . I admit that I am a pervert. It’s painful . . . it’s like an ant bite, an endless
kind of bite . . . maybe not so painful, more inflammatory, particularly when it [the needle]
comes close to the bone. It’s like something’s hammering your bone . . . it’s not very
comfortable, but it’s also kind of fun.

The mastery of pain generates pride from within and the appreciation of courage from others. The pain is analogous
to that which Campbell (1987, p. 56) called “a state of enjoyable discomfort.”

June: The pain of tattooing brought about a new mode of ecstasy . . . I quite enjoyed the pain from
tattooing. People always say that if there are ten levels of pain, then labor is top and tattooing is
seventh . . . That feeling is good . . . after the tattoo was finished, the feeling was very special, it
seemed like something very special had happened to me, something had been added to my body. I
told myself I had finished something important . . . they [her friends] really felt that I had shown a
lot of courage.

Sue: After my friends saw my tattoo, they usually said “I also want to have one, but I don't have
the courage: you have guts!” You know, not everyone has that courage.

Vicky seemed very disappointed that the actual pain was not as bad as she had expected. To her the pain is a
major part of the excitement, and is how she gets her money’s worth.

Vicky: At first someone told me that it was very painful. I felt so scared, but when he [the tattooist]
actually got on with it . . . Fuck! That’s it?

I: Did you ask around about the pain before you went for your tattoo?

Vicky: Yes, about three people told me that it depends on the position, whether you are muscular or not,
it’s very difficult to tell. Every one of us has a different endurance level of pain on a scale of 10. Someone
may says it’s 7, someone else might give it a 5 or 6 . . . [I]f you want an analogy, I think that menstrual
pain is worse . . . when the tattoo was finished, it didn’t feel anything special, it wasn’t as exciting as I had
 expected . . . It should be very painful, at least then you feel it [even though] it hurts so badly, but if you
have it done and it isn’t painful, then you don’t feel that you’ve got your money’s worth. They [Japanese
tattoos] are very colorful, but you need the money and to be able to endure pain: it’s about the whole back.

3) Tattooed – more pain

I would do it again

All of the informants said that they would get a tattoo again. Doing so was even described as a kind of addiction.
When talking about the act of consuming a tattoo, they often said that they felt “high.” This is a trait that Elliott
(1994) identified in an account of addictive shoppers, positing that such behavior is more accurately described as an
addiction than a compulsion, because it involves the extension of normal behavior into a pathological habit.

April: Once you do it, you will get addicted to it . . . this happened to my friends also. Many of us want to
get another one. I think we need to control ourselves, otherwise we will have tattoos all over our bodies.

Sue: I think I’m already addicted to it . . . My friends told me that it’s like a drug; tattooing is addictive.

Ankie interpreted this addiction in a different sense – as an ongoing dissatisfaction with the finished product.

Ankie: People say that tattoos are addictive, and it’s true . . . when I got the first one I felt that the pattern
was not serious enough, it wasn’t beautiful, so I tried to enlarge it. I didn’t really like it, so I got another
one on my leg . . . again I didn’t completely like it, so I got the third one, but it’s on the back of my neck
where I can’t see it . . . Then I got my fourth one. Honestly, when I first got the fourth one, I didn’t feel very
comfortable with it, but the fourth one is the one I like the most. I haven’t had any more tattoos since then.

Further Discussion

The Tension of Being ‘Men’

The meanings associated with tattooing are further substantiated by the identities that were constructed, discovered,
and raised by the informants, and the new existence that was put in place. In his system of logotherapy, Victor
Frankl suggested three main areas in which meaning can be found: activities, experiences, and attitude (Barnes,
2000). Intentionally and unintentionally, the informants used tattooing (activity), particularly the pain of tattooing
(experience), to underscore their masculinity (attitude) in their relationships. It is interesting to note that there was
tension in their attempts to become “men,” and that a new existence was created as a result of what they envisioned
they would become, which lay somewhere between what they were doing and what they intend to do (Barnes,
2000). According to Frankl, this tension will always exist and equilibrium can never be achieved. For example,
April’s reiteration of the story of the “gold hair’s” suffering in the tattoo shop revealed her own consciousness of
being “not real,” and Sue was still cautious when the tattoo was planned to be located close to a socially private
body part, her breast.

From the comments that they received about their courage to withstand pain, and the acceptance that ensued from
the tattooing, the informants gained a sense of control that explains their feelings of addiction, as posited by Eccles
et al. (2001). This feeling of control is another meaning that can be ascribed to existence. Watson (1998) proposed
the view that the tattoo as a masculine symbol is used as an alternative to emotional acts such as hugging or
touching, and allows an emotional closeness with other males. However, the demonstration of masculinity through
tattoos is more than a way to “rebel against male dominance” (p. 3) as posited by Pitts (2003); rather, they showed
that they have outperformed men.

The Meaning of Pain

Scarry (1985) wrote, “for the person in pain, so incontestably and unnegotiably present is it that ‘having pain’ may
come to be thought of as the most vibrant example of what it is to ‘have certainty’” (p. 4). This sense of certainty
and existence was echoed in a study of pain by the medical anthropologist Arthur Kleinman (1988), who asserted
that pain can transform one’s personality and make people feel so vulnerable that it “leads to withdrawal, to
isolation” (p. 64), yet that to confront pain “is a struggle to be independent, tough, in charge of one’s own life” (p.
91). The pain that is involved in the rite of tattooing makes the act more meaningful (Sullivan, 2001), and is
regarded as a challenge. In conquering this pain, a person may achieve the flow experience described by
Csikszentmihalyi (1990), which is an autotelic experience that makes life more “rich, intense, meaningful” (p. 70).
The hegemony of the culture of consumption is often compared to the power of the church in the past (Aldridge,
2003; Bocock, 1993), but the parallel can be further extended if we remember that suffering has always been the
business of religion. Pine and Gilmore (1999) even go so far as to argue that we should appreciate the possibilities of
pain as a profit center in the market. If marketing today is about the symbolic consumption of meaning (Brown,
1993; Elliott, 1999), then by extension pain, discomfort, or even unhappiness may also be commodified, either as
signified or signifier (Baudrillard, 1981).

Conclusion

In 2004, informed by Faith Popcorn, an expert of future trends, Macneil’s Tylenol brand formed pain partner
relationships by funding subcultural events such as skateboarding and break dancing to attract the 18-34 year old
market. The company launched the Ouch! cultural relevance campaign, in which enduring pain was presented as
being “cool” (Grapentine, 2004). The Ouch! project manager at Tylenol stated that “For this new generation pain is
a badge. Pain is a rite of passage; it means you are living life to the fullest” (Mehr, 2005). Although seemingly
peculiar, it actually echoes the growing market opportunities that are springing up around unconventional
subcultures in society (Goulding et al., 2002). In a discussion of how countercultures become consumer cultures,
Heath and Potter (2005) concluded that “our society is one that favors lifestyle experimentation. Individuals are
encouraged to find their own way to discover their own sources of fulfillment, but this has some important
consequences. When it comes to answering the big “meaning of life”-type questions, this system of individual
liberty generates more, not less, disagreement” (p. 331). This is because “subcultural spaces are becoming sites of
creativity and self expression for both male and female participants from all social backgrounds” (Elliott and Davies,
2005). Conventional dark-side variables in consumer research (Mick, 1996) have now become desirable in the
market place, and the new paradigm in the market has become a cliché when “the world is in a rush.”(Giddens,
2002, p. 1).

In this study, the body as a project to literally and symbolically construct a new self was examined. The process of
tattooing was found to fill the existential vacuum with different meanings and emotions. It was found, according to
the ideas of logotherapy, that the tattoo was consumed not to gain pleasure. Rather, pain was deliberately sought,
and the informants transcended the suffering that arose both from pain and from social taboos to gain a new meaning
in life, and cement their new existence. The (fragile) identity of the butch lesbians was strengthened and
rediscovered through tattooing, although in a state of hyperrealism. The emotion-laden experiences of this small
group of butch lesbians enabled them to obtain some freedom through the existential consumption of tattoos and
through symbolic creativity. In logotherapy, the transcendental self is analogous with the idea of reflective
individualism as posited by Csikzentmihalyi (1990), and is a state of happiness that not many people are able to
achieve. It is a sense of “real” happiness in hyperrealism. Ouch…

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