Gaddang people

The Gaddang (an indigenous Filipino people) are a linguistically-

identified ethnic group resident for centuries in the watershed of
Gaddang
the Cagayan River in Northern Luzon, Philippines. Gaddang Total population
speakers were recently reported to number as many as 30,000.[2] 32,538[1] (2010)
This number may not include another 6,000 related Ga'dang
speakers and other isolated linguistic-groups whose vocabulary is Regions with significant
more than 75% identical.[3] populations
Philippines:
The members of several proximate groups speaking mutually- (Cagayan Valley, CAR)
intelligible dialects (a list which usually include Gaddangs,
Ga'dang, Baliwon, Cauayeno, Yogad, as well as now-lost Languages
historically-documented tongues such as that once spoken by the Gaddang, Ga'dang, Yogad,
Irray of Tuguegarao) today are depicted as a single people in Cauayeno, Arta, Ilocano, English,
history and cultural literature, and in government documents. Tagalog
Distinctions often are asserted between (a) the Christianized
Religion
"lowlanders" of Isabela and Nueva Vizcaya, and (b) the formerly
non-Christian residents in the nearby Cordillera mountains. Such Christianity (Predominantly Roman
differences may be exaggerated by some sources, and completely Catholic, with a minority of
ignored or glossed-over by others. The Gaddang have in the past Protestants)
also used a variety of social mechanisms to incorporate individuals
Related ethnic groups
born to linguistically-different peoples. The Gaddang identity is
their place and their language. Ibanag, Itawis, Ilokano, other
Filipino people
The Gaddang are historically-indigenous to a compact geographic
area smaller than a third of a million hectares (extreme distances: Bayombong to Ilagan=100 Km, Echague
to Natonin=50 Km). Collectively, they comprise less than one-twentieth of one percent (.0005) of the
Philippines' population.

Contents
Physical Geography
Linguistic Geography
Evolving the Idea of a People
Pre-history
History
Spanish arrival
Occupation by Spain and the Catholic Church
American occupation
Japanese occupation and WWII
Post-WWII
Indigenous rights period
Culture
 Language
Highlands culture
Class and economy
Status of women and minor children
Kinship
Funerary practices
Supernatural traditions
Other folk-art traditions
Indigenous mythology
Ethnography and linguistic research
References

Physical Geography
The Cagayan Valley (with the watersheds of its tributaries
{{{annotations}}} the Magat, Ilagan, the Mallig and Siffu Rivers of the
Mallig Plains, and the Chico which enters the Cagayan
just 30 miles from the sea) is cut-off from the rest of
Luzon by mile-high, heavily-forested mountain ranges
that join at Balete Pass near Baguio. If one travels south
from the mouth of the Cagayan River and then along its
largest tributary (the Magat[4]), the surrounding mountains
rise to a dominant, brooding presence. The terraced
Cordilleras close in from the west, then the darker reaches
of northern Sierra Madre arise in the east, meeting at the
river sources in the Caraballo Mountains.

Formerly shrouded in a continuous rainforest, the valley-

Topography of north & central Luzon shows the
Cagayan Valley surrounded by mountains.
floor today is a patchwork of intensive agriculture and
mid-size civic centers, surrounded by hamlets and small
villages.[5] Even remote portions of the surrounding
mountains now have permanent farm-establishments, all-
weather roads, cell-phone towers, mines, and regular
markets.[6] Much native forest-flora has vanished, and
any uncultivated areas sprout invasive cogon[7] or other
weeds.

The International Fund for Agricultural Development in

its 2012 study on Indigenous People's Issues in the Philippines identifies populations of Gaddang
(including Baliwon, Majukayong, and Yogad) in Isabela, Nueva Ecija, Nueva Vizcaya, Quirino, and
Mountain Provinces.[8]

Linguistic Geography
As the Cagayan Valley is divided from the rest of Luzon by physical barriers, the Cagayan Valley cultures
and languages are separated from other Luzon cultures and languages by social geography. The homelands
of the Pangasinan (1.8 million speakers) and Kapampangan (2.7 million) lie between the Cagayan and the
enormous Tagalog-speaking population of Central Luzon; they are themselves barred from the valley by
the diverse Igorot/Ilongot peoples of the Cordilleras and Caraballos.
East of the valley, the Kasiguranin and various Aeta (Negrito)
hunter-gatherers inhabit a few small communities in the Sierra and
along the eastern seashore. Among the 8 million Ilokano-speakers
today, the forefathers of many left their original homes on the
northwest coastal plains during the last two centuries to labor on
Cagayan Valley plantations; Ilokano-speakers today outnumber
several times the original peoples of the Cagayan.[9]

Evidence[10] is that Gaddang occupied this vast protected valley

jointly with culturally-similar Ibanag, Itawis, Isneg, and Malaueg
peoples for many hundred years;[11]. But even among this half-
million-plus, Gaddang peoples are fewer than ten percent.

The Gaddang identity has survived colonialism, suppression,

assimilation, and nationalism. Spanish religious tried to make
Ibanag the sole official medium for communication and education
throughout the area, expecting both preaching gospel and civil
administration would be easier and more effective. The Provincial The pink-shaded area has been
Chapter of the Dominicans (in charge of evangelizing the Cagayan occupied by Gaddang-speakers
Valley) decreed in 1607: "Praecipientes ut omni studio et diligentia throughout recorded history.
dent operam, ut linguam de Ibanag loquantur Yndi omnes, et in
illa dictis indis ministrare studeant."[12] Nevertheless, Gaddangic
languages (including Yogad and Cauayan) continued to remain vital, and distinct from Ibanag and
Isneg,.[13] This situation persists in linguistic catalogs just as it continued in the southern Cagayan and
Magat valleys and foothills of the Cordillera. Decades of vocabulary studies document significant identity
among them,[14] while similar studies reveal much less intelligibility with their Ibanag and Isneg
neigbhors.[15]

Evolving the Idea of a People

Early Spanish depictions of Philippines were written by conquerors to serve evangelical, military, or
administrative purposes.[16] The writers ignore scientific rules of evidence, and can be unreliable about
conditions.[17][18] There are no native reporters whose work survives. Consequently, demographic and
linguistic descriptions from this period are a cultural overlay imposed by foreign invaders on indigenous
population.[19] These are features introduced to promote the interests of Church, Crown, and the business
of the local governing apparatus,[20] and they entirely fail to reflect native concepts. In 1902, the US
Commissioner for Non-Christian Tribes wrote:

One impression that has gained a foothold in regard to tribes of the Philippines I believe to be
erroneous, and that is as to the number of distinct types or races and multiplicity of tribes.
Owing to the fact that nowhere in the Philippines do we encounter large political bodies or
units, we have a superlative number of designations for what are practically identical
people...For example, among the powerful and numerous Igorot of Northern Luzon, the sole
political body is in the independent community. Under normal conditions, the town across the
valley is an enemy and seeks the heads of its neighbors...Sometimes three or four different
terms have been applied by different towns to identical peoples.[21]
This means there was no "Gaddang people" prior to the Spanish incursion; merely inhabitants of
evanescent forest hamlets with tenuous relationships to inhabitants of other proto-villages. Languages and
customs might be shared with neighbors, or they might not. Only the arrival of Spanish military and the
church caused denomination of certain villages as combined people.[22]

At the end of the Spanish period, Fr. Julian Malumbres was writing
his Historia de Nueva-Vizcaya y Provincia Montanõsa[23]
(published after the American takeover), which carefully details the
doings of the individual priests, administrators, and military persons
throughout the several hundred years of the occupation. He is fairly
vague about actions and customs of the native population.

Locations in Northern Luzon American businessman Frederic H. Sawyer lived in Central Luzon
mentioned in article Gaddang people beginning in 1886. He compiled The Inhabitants of the Philippines
from official, religious, and mercantile sources during the last years
of the Spanish administration. Published in 1900,[24] it was
intended to be a resource for incoming Americans. His descriptions are meager and at best secondhand. In
his section titled Gaddanes we recognize the pagan residents of the highlands. The residents of
Bayombong, Bambang, Dupax, and Aritao, however, are called Italones, while their like in Isabela are the
Irayas and the Catalanganes. These very terms are shown on military maps used by General Otis and his
staff during the Philippine–American War.

In 1917, respected University of the Philippines ethnologist/anthropologist H. Otley Beyer reported 21,240
Christian Gaddang ("civilized and enjoying complete self-government") and 12,480 Pagan Gaddang
("semi-sedentary agricultural groups enjoying partial self-government).[25] In this text, Beyer specifically
notes that the Gaddang language "is divided into many dialects", and also that all groups have a "marked
intonation while speaking". He broke the Christian group into 16,240 Gaddang-speakers and 5,000 Yogad-
speakers. Some Pagan Gaddang spoke Maddukayang/Majukayang (or Kalibungan) - a group totalling
8,480 souls. There were also 2,000 whose language was Katalangan [26] (an Austronesian and Aeta group
farming the foothills of the Sierra Madre in San Mariano, initially described in 1860 by naturalist Carl
Semper[27]), and another 2,000 speaking "Iraya" (not to be confused with the language of the Mangyans of
Mindoro, but probably intended to refer to the Cordilleran Irray.[28]).

A 1959 article by Fr. Godfrey Lambrecht, CICM is prefaced:

(The Gaddang) are the naturales of the towns of Bayombong, Solano, and Bagabag, towns
built near the western bank of the Magat river (a tributary of...the Cagayan River) and of the
towns of Santiago (Carig), Angadanan, Cauayan, and Reyna Mercedes... According to the
census of 1939, the pagan Gadang numbered approximately 2,000, of whom some 1,400 lived
in the outskirts of Kalinga and Bontok subprovinces... and some 600 were residing in the
municipal districts of Antatet, Dalig , and the barrios of Gamu and Tumauini. Dalig is
ordinarily said to be the place of origin of the Christianized Gadang. The same census records
14,964 Christians who spoke the Gadang language. Of these 6,790 were in Nueva Vizcaya,
and 8,174 in Isabela. Among these, there were certainly some 3,000 to 4,000 who were not
naturales but Ilocano, Ibanag, or Yogad who, because of infiltration, intermarriage, and daily
contact with the Gadang, learned the language of the aborigines.[29]

The 1960 Philippine Census reported 6,086 Gaddang in the province of Isabela, 1,907 in what was then
Mountain Province, and 5,299 in Nueva Vizcaya.[30] Using this data, Mary Christine Abriza wrote:
 The Gaddang are found in northern Nueva Vizcaya, especially Bayombong, Solano, and
Bagabag on the western bank of the Magat River, and Santiago, Angadanan, Cauayan, and
Reina Mercedes on the Cagayan River for Christianed groups; and western Isabela, along the
edges of Kalinga and Bontoc, in the towns of Antatet, Dalig, and the barrios of Gamu and
Tumauini for the non-Christian communities. The 1960 census reports that there were 25,000
Gaddang and that 10% or about 2,500 of these were non-Christian.[31]

Pre-history
Archeologists working in Penablanca established the presence of humans in riparian North Luzon as early
as the Pleistocene era (extreme projections possibly one-half million years ago).[32] As early as 2000 B.C.,
Taiwanese nephrite (jade) was worked in the Batanes and along the coast of Luzon,[33] particularly at the
Nagsabaran site in Claveria,[34] but most of this international industry had moved to Palawan by 500 CE.

The subsequent human prehistory of Luzon is subject to significant

disagreements on origins and timing, and on-going genetic studies
have yet to be conclusive. Generally agreeed, however, is that a
series of colonizing parties of Austronesian peoples arrived from
200 B.C. to 300 A.D. along the northern coasts of Luzon,[35][11]
where the valleys of the Cagayan and its tributaries were covered
with dense old-growth rain-forest with an extraordinarily diverse
flora and fauna.[36] They found the Cagayan River watershed
sparsely occupied by long-established Negrito Aeta/Arta peoples,
while the hills had become home to more-recently arrived
Cordilleran people (thought to originate directly from Taiwan as
late as 500 B.C.[37]) and possibly the fierce, mysterious Ilongot in
the Caraballos.

Unlike either the Aeta hunter-gatherer or Cordilleran terrace-

farmers, the Indo-Malay colonists of this period practiced swidden The Cagayan River and its tributaries
on Luzon, Philippines. Prehistoric
farming, and were also involved in primitive littoral and riparian
peoples spread along the rivers from
economies, societies which favor low population density and
the mouth in the north
frequent relocations.[38] Social structure accompanying these
practices is rarely developed beyond the extended family group
(according to Turner[39]), and is often non-existent beyond the limits of a single settlement. Such societies
frequently feature suspicion of (and may even demand hostility towards) outsiders, making members
relocate in the face of population pressure.[40]

The Indo-Malay arrived in separate small groups during this half-millennium,[35] undoubtedly speaking
varying dialects; time and separation have indubitably promoted further linguistic fragmentation and
realignment. Over generations they moved inland into valleys along the Cagayan River and its tributaries,
pushing up into the foothills. The Gaddang occupy lands remote from the mouth of the river, so they are
likely to have been among the earliest to arrive. All descendent-members of this 500-year-long migration,
however, share elements of language, genetics, practices, and beliefs.[41] Ethnologists have recorded
versions of a shared "epic" depicting describing the arrival of the heroes Biwag and Malana[42] (in some
versions from Sumatra), their adventures with magic bukarot, and depictions of riverside life, among the
Cagayan Valley populations including the Gaddang. Other cultural similarities include familial
collectivism,[43][44] the dearth of endogamous practices,[45] and a marked indifference to, or failure to
understand intergenerational conservation of assets.[46] These socially-flexible behaviors tend to foster a
high individual survival rate, but do relatively little to establish and maintain a strongly-differentiated
continuity for each small group.

It is understood that the low level of social organization in Cagayan Luzon was why the seafaring trade
networks of Srivijaya and Majapahit established no lasting stations,[47] nor were the merchants of Tang and
Song China attracted by the undeveloped markets and lack of industry in the area.[48] In the 14th century,
when the short-lived and ineffective Mongol Yuan dynasty collapsed in a series of plagues, famines, and
other disasters;[49] it led to the Ming policy of Haijin ("isolation"), and a substantial increase in Wokou
piracy in the Luzon Straits. Unsettled conditions continued for several hundred years, putting a halt to any
nascent international trade and immigration in the Cagayan watershed, and sequestering the inhabitants
until the arrival of Spanish adventurers in the late 1500s.[50]

History
Material specifically relevant to the Gaddang as a whole (especially if semi-distinct groups like Cauayeno
and Yogad are included) over the past four centuries is meagre. Important parts of the Gaddang story is lost
today due to the ravages of armed conflict, careless or disinterested record-keeping and maintenance during
inconstant administration, and lack of documentary interest and ability in the collective population. Extant
historical data are largely concerned with specific places and events (property-records, parish vital statistics,
&c.), or describe critical developments that affected large areas and populations. Such records provide
context and continuity, however, to understanding the background for the sporadic appearances of the
Gaddang in the records.

Spanish arrival

The initial recorded census of Filipinos was conducted by the Spanish, based on tribute collection from
Luzon to Mindanao in 1591 (26 years after Legazpi established the Spanish colonial administration); it
found nearly 630,000 native individuals.[51][52][53][54] Prior to Legazpi, the islands had been visited by
Magellan's 1521 expedition and the 1543 expedition of Villalobos. Using the reports of these expeditions,
augmented by archeological data, scientific estimates of the Philippines population at the time of Legazpi's
arrival run from slightly more than one million[55] to nearly 1.7 million.[56]

Even if we allow for inefficiencies in the early Spanish census methodology, data support a claim that -
over a mere quarter-century - military action and disease caused a major population decline (perhaps 40%
or more) among the native population . It is obvious the arrival of the Spanish (with their arms and diseases)
was a cataclysmic event throughout all the islands. (To comprehend such dislocation, you may read of the
effects - on a much smaller arena - brought by modern roads and agricultural technology during the late
20th century on tiny highlands Gaddang communities.[57])

There is no doubt the Spanish occupation imposed a entirely different and incomprehensible social and
economic order from that which had previously existed in the Cagayan valley. Missions and encomienda-
ranching introduced concepts of land tenure sophisticated beyond the native's usufruct system of barely
organized barangay communities farming temporary patches in the forest.[58] The Church and Crown
demanded regular tributes of goods and services without any recompense apparent to the indigenes; the
invaders viewed elusive natives as property and a resource to be exploited. Evanescent woodland hamlets
and tiny, exclusive societies stood in the way of Spanish plans for economic exploitation of their new
acquisition - they impeded commercial agriculture in particular.[59] Trails through the forest became roads,
towns, and churches came into existence, new skills and social distinctions sprang into being, while old
manners and folkways were forced into disuse within a single generation.
 Occupation by Spain and the Catholic Church

In the Cagayan and nearby areas most immediately affecting the

Gaddang, early expeditions led by Juan de Salcedo in 1572,[60]
and Juan Pablo de Carrión (who drove-away Japanese pirates
infesting the Cagayan coast[61]) initiated Spanish interest in the
valley. Carrión established the alcalderia of Nueva Segovia in
1585. The natives immediately commenced what the Spanish
considered anti-government revolts which flared up from the 1580s
through the 1640s.[62] At least a dozen "rebellions" were
documented in Northern and Central Luzon from the 1600s
through the 1800s,[63][64][65] actions that indicate continuing
antipathy between the occupiers and native populations.

Resistance notwithstanding, Spanish religious/military force

Mapa del itinerario de la expedición
de Miguel López de Legazpi en la
Islas Filipinas (1560s)
established encomienda grants as far south as Tubigarao by 1591;
in the same year Luis Pérez Dasmariñas (son of the governor
Gómez Pérez Dasmariñas) led an expedition north over the
Caraballo mountains into present-day Nueva Vizcaya and
Isabela.[66] In 1595-6 the Diocese of Nueva Segovia was decreed,
and Dominican missionaries arrived.[67] The Catholic Church
forcefully proselytized the Cagayan Valley from two directions,
with Dominican missionaries continuing to open new missions
southward in the name of Nueva Segovia (notably assisted by
troops under the command of Capitan Fernando
[68]
Berramontano ), while Augustinian friars pushing north from
Pangasinan following the trail of the Dasmarinas expedition
founded a mission near Ituy by 1609.[69] The Seventeenth century
began with the Gaddang in the sights of the Spanish advance for
land and mineral wealth.[70]

The Gaddang entered written history in 1598 after the Dominican order founded the mission of San Pablo
Apostol in Pilitan (now a barangay of Tumauini),[71], then the mission of St. Ferdinand in the Gaddang
community of Abuatan, Bolo (now the rural barangay of Bangag, Ilagan City), in 1608 - thirty years (and
thirty leagues) from the first Spanish settlements in the Cagayan region.[72] Missions sent south from Nueva
Segovia continued to prosper and expand southward, eventually reaching the Diffun area (southern Isabela
and Quirino) by 1702. Letters from the Dominican Provincial Jose Herrera to Ferdinand VI explicitly
inform us that military activity was financed by (and considered an integral part of) the missions.[73]

Forced introduction of new crops and farming practices surely alienated the indigenes, as well as collection
of tithes, shares, and tribute. 1608 saw the assassination of Pilitan encomediero Luis Enriquez for his severe
treatment of the Gaddang. In 1621, Felipe Catabay and Gabriel Dayag led a Gaddang (or Irraya) Revolt[74]
against severe Church requisitions of labor and supplies, as Magalat had rebelled against Crown tribute at
Tuguegarao a generation earlier.[75] Spanish religious and military records tell us that residents burned their
villages and the church, then removed to the foothills west of the Mallig River (several days' journey). A
generation later, Gaddang returnees — at the invitation of Fray Pedro De Santo Tomas — reestablished
communities at Bolo and Maquila, though the location was changed to the opposite side of the Cagayan
from the original village. Authorities claimed the Gaddang Revolt effectively over with the first mass held
by the Augustinians on 12 April 1639 in Bayombong, Nueva Vizcaya, the so-called "final-stronghold" of
the Gaddangs.
This protest/revolt created a distinction between the "Christianized" and "non-Christian" Gaddang.[76]
Bolo-area Gaddang sought refuge with mountain tribes who had consistently refused to abandon traditional
beliefs and practices for Catholicism. The Igorots of the Cordilleras killed Father Esteban Marin in 1601;
subsequently, they waged a guerrilla resistance[77] after Captain Mateo de Aranada burned their villages.
The mountaineers accepted the fleeing Gaddang as allies against the Spanish. Although the Gaddang
refused to grow rice in terraces (preferring to continue their swidden economy), they learned to build tree-
homes and hunt in the local style. Many Gaddang eventually returned to the valley, however, accepting
Spain and the Church to follow the developing lowlands-farming lifestyle, taking advantage of material
benefits not available to residents of the hills.

Heading north over the mountains, the Ituy mission initially baptized Isinay and Ilongot; thirty years later
services were also being held for Gaddang in Bayombong. By the 1640s, though, that mission was defunct
- the Magat valley was not operated with the comprehensive encomienda organization (and the military
force that accompanied it) seen in the Nueva Segovia missions. The 1747 census, however, enumerates 470
native residents (meaning adult male Christians) in Bayombong and 213 from Bagabag, all said to be
Gaddang or Yogad, in a reestablished mission (now called Paniqui).[78] With more than 680 households
(3,000–4,500 people), the substantial size of these two Magat Valley Gaddang towns (100 kilometers from
present-day Ilagan City) is an argument for more than a century's existence of a major native population in
the area. By 1789, the Dominican Fr. Francisco Antolin made estimates of the Cordilleran population; his
numbers of Gaddang in Paniqui are ten thousand, with another four thousand in the Cauayan region[79]

The Gaddang are mentioned in Spanish records again in connection with the late-1700s rebellion of Dabo
against the royal tobacco monopoly; it was suppressed in 1785 by forces dispatched from Ilagan by
Governor Basco, equipped with firearms.[80] Ilagan City was by then the tobacco industry's financing and
warehousing center for the Valley.[81] Tobacco requires intense cultivation, and Cagayan natives were
considered too few and too primitive to provide the needed labor. Workers from the western coastal
provinces of Ilocos and Pangasinan were imported for the work. Today, descendants of those 18th and
19th-century immigrants (notably the Ilokano) outnumber by 7:1 descendants of the aboriginal Gaddang,
Ibanag, and other Cagayan valley peoples.[82]

In the final century of Spain's rule of the islands saw the administration of the Philippines separated from
that of Spain's American possessions, opening Manila to international trade, and the 1814 resumption of
royal supremacy in government. Royal reform and re-organization of the Cagayan government and
economy began with the creation of Nueva Vizcaya province in 1839. In 1865, Isabela province was
created from parts of Cagayan and Nueva Vizcaya. The new administrations further opened Cagayan
Valley lands to large-scale agricultural concerns funded by Spanish, Chinese, and wealthy Central Luzon
investors, attracting more workers from all over Luzon.

But the initial business of these new provincial governments was dealing with head-hunting incursions that
started in the early 1830s and continued into the early years of American rule. Tribesmen from Mayoyao,
Silipan, and Kiangan ambushed travellers and even attacked towns from Ilagan to Bayombong, taking
nearly 300 lives. More than 100 of the victims were Gaddang residents of Bagabag, Lumabang, and
Bayombong. After Dominican Fr. Juan Rubio was decapitated on his way to Camarag, Governor Oscariz
of Nueva Vizcaya led a force of more than 340 soldiers and armed civilians against the Mayoyao, burning
crops and three of their villages. The Mayoyao sued for peace, and afterward, Oscariz led his troops
through the hills as far as Angadanan.[66] By 1868, however, the governors of Lepanto, Bontoc, and
Isabela provinces repeated the expedition through the Cordilleran highlands to suppress a new wave of
headhunting.

During the Spanish period, education was entirely a function of the Church, intended to convert indigenes
to Catholicism. Although the throne decreed instruction was to be in Spanish, most friars found it easier to
work in local tongues. This practice had the dual effect of maintaining local dialects/languages while
suppressing Spanish literacy (minimizing the acquisition of individual social and political power, and
suppressing national identity) among rural natives. The Education Decree of 1863 changed this, requiring
primary education (and establishment of schools in each municipality) while requiring the use of Spanish
language for instruction.[83] Implementation in remote areas of Northern Luzon, however, had not
materially begun by the revolution of 1898.

Early in the Aguinaldo revolution, the main actions of the insurgents in the Cagayan Valley area were
incursions by irregular Tagalog forces led by Major (later Colonel) Simeon Villa (Aguinaldo's personal
physician, appointed the military commander of Katipunan troops in Isabela), Major Delfin, Colonel
Leyba, and members of the family of Gov. Dismas Guzman[84] who were accused of robbery, torture, and
killing of Spanish government functionaries, Catholic priests and their adherents,[85] for which banditry
several officers were later tried and convicted.[86] This characterization has been disputed by the American
Justice James Henderson Blount, who served as U.S. District Judge in the Cagayan region 1901-1905.[87]
Regardless of the truth of the accusations and counter-accusations we may be certain that - in the area from
Ilagan to Bayombong inhabited by Gaddang people - violence by outsiders and local-officials for and
against Spanish-government adherents inevitably affected the daily lives of those living in the area.

American occupation

The Philippines became a United States possession with the Treaty

of Paris which ended the Spanish–American War in 1898.

The First Philippine Republic (primarily Manila-based illustrados

and the principales who supported them) objected to the American
claim to dispose of Philippine land-holdings throughout the islands,
which voided grants made to Spain and the church by indigenes,
but also eliminated communal ancestral holdings. What Filipino
nationalists regarded as continuing their struggle for independence, Gaddang and Ilokano Teachers in
the U.S. government considered as insurrection.[88] Aguinaldo's best native dress circa 1902
forces were driven out of Manila in February 1899 and retreated
through Nueva Ecija, Tarlac, and eventually (in October) to
Bayombong. After a month, though, Republic headquarters left Nueva Vizcaya on its final journey which
would end in Palanan, Isabela, (captured by Philippine Scouts recruited from Pampanga) in March 1901.
Gaddangs made few or none of the principales and none of the Manila oligarchy, but the action in Nueva
Vizcaya and Isabela made them proximate to the agonies of the rebellion.

Perhaps the earliest official reference to the Gaddang during the American Occupation directs the reader to
"Igorot".[89] The writers said of the "non-Christian" mountain tribes:

Under the Igorot, we may recognize various subgroup designations, such as Gaddang,
Dadayag, or Mayoyao. These groups are not separated by tribal organization... since tribal
organization does not exist among these people. but they are divided solely by slight
differences of dialect.[90]

Among the practices of these Igorot peoples was headhunting. The Census also catalogues populations of
the Cagayan lowlands, with theories about the origins of the inhabitants, saying:
 Ilokano have also migrated still further south into the secluded valley of the upper Magat,
which constitutes the beautiful but isolated province of Nueva Vizcaya. The bulk of the
population here, however, differs very decidedly from nearly all of the Christian population of
the rest of the Archipelago. It is made up of converts from two of the mountain Igorot tribes,
who still have numerous pagan representative in this province and Isabela. These are the Isnay
and Gaddang. In 1632 the Spaniard] established a mission in this valley, named Ituy and led to
the establishment of Aritao, Dupax, and Bambang, inhabited by the Christianized Isnay, and of
Bayombong, Bagabag, and Ibung, inhabited by the Christianized Gaddang. The population,
however, has not greatly multiplied, the remainder of the Christianized population being made
up of Ilocano immigrants.[91]

The problematic but influential D. C. Worcester arrived in the Philippines as a zoology student in 1887, he
was subsequently the only member of both the Schurman Commission and the Taft Commission. He
travelled extensively in Benguet, Bontoc, Isabela, and Nueva Vizcaya, codified and reviewed early
attempts to catalogue the indigenous peoples in The Non-Christian Tribes of Northern Luzon;[92] he
collects "Calauas, Catanganes, Dadayags, Iraya, Kalibugan, Nabayuganes, and Yogades" into a single
group of non-Christian "Kalingas" (an Ibanag term for 'wild men' - not the present ethnic group) with
whom the lowland ("Christian") Gaddang are also identified.

"Members of the first governing commission were instructed “In all the forms of
government and administrative provisions which they are authorized to prescribe, the
commission should bear in mind that the government which they are establishing is
designed not for our satisfaction, or for the expression of our theoretical views, but for the
happiness, peace and prosperity of the people of the Philippine Islands, and the measures
adopted should be made to conform to their customs, their habits, and even their
prejudices, to the fullest extent consistent with the accomplishment of the indispensable
requisites of just and effective government.[93]

When the U.S. took the Philippines from the Spanish in 1899, they instituted what President McKinley
promised would be a "benign assimilation".[94] Governance by the U.S. military energetically promoted
physical improvements, many of which remain relevant today. The Army built roads, bridges, hospitals,
and public buildings, improved irrigation and farm production, constructed and staffed schools on the U.S.
model, and invited missionary organizations to establish colleges.[95] Most importantly, these improvements
affected the entire country, not just primarily the environs of the capital. The infrastructure improvements
made great changes in the lives of the "Christianized" Gaddang in Nueva Vizcaya and Isabela (although
they assuredly had a much smaller effect on the Gaddang in the mountains). The 1902 Land Act and the
government purchase of 166,000 hectares of Catholic church holdings also affected the Cagayan Valley
peoples.

In addition, the passage in 1916 of the Jones Act redirected almost all U.S. efforts in the Philippines,
making them focus on a near-term when Filipinos would be in charge of their own destinies. This initiated
promotion of social reforms from the Spanish traditions. Food safety regulations and inspection, programs
to eradicate malaria and hookworm, and expanded public education were particular American projects that
affected provincial Northern Luzon.[96] A practical decision was made to immediately conduct education in
English, a practice finally discontinued only twenty-five years after independence.

During the first years of the 20th century, American administrators documented several cases throughout
the islands of Filipino individuals being involved in the sale or purchase of Ifugao or Igorot women and
girls to be domestic servants.[97]
 In 1903 the Senior Inspector of Constabulary for Isabela wrote to his superiors in Manila:
"In this province a common practice to own slaves... Young boys and girls are bought at
around 100 pesos, men (over) 30 years and old women cheaper. When bought (they) are
generally christened and put to work on a ranch or in the house... Governor has bought
three. Shall I investigate further?"[98]

The regular sale of "non-Christian" Cordilleran and Negrito tribesfolk to work as farm labor in Isabela and
Nueva Vizcaya was documented (a practice noted even during the Spanish administration[99]), and several
Gaddang were listed as purchasers.[100][101] While household slaves often were treated as lesser members
of Filipino families, problems was exacerbated by sale of slaves to Chinese residents doing business in the
Philippines. When Governor George Curry arrived in Isabela in 1904, he endeavored to enforce the
Congressional Act prohibiting slavery in the Philippines but complained the Commission provided no
penalties. The practice — considered to be of centuries-long standing — was effectively discouraged de
jure by 1920.

In 1908, the Mountain Province administrative district was formed, incorporating the municipality of
Natonin, and its barangay (now the municipality) of Paracelis on the upper reaches of the Mallig River, as
well the Ifugao municipality of Alfonso Lista uphill from San Mateo, Isabela. These areas were the home
of the Ga'dang-speaking Irray and Baliwon peoples, mentioned in the early Census as "non-Christian"
Gaddang. A particular charge of the new province's administration was the suppression of head-
hunting.[95]

In 1901, the U. S. Army began to recruit counter-insurgency troops in the Philippines. Many Gaddang took
advantage of this opportunity, and joined the Philippine Scouts as early as 1901 (more than 30 Gaddang
joined the original force of 5,000 Scouts), and continued to do so through the late 1930s. The Scouts were
deployed at the Battle of Bataan,[102] most were not in their homelands during the Japanese Occupation.
One Gaddang 26th Cavalry private, Jose P. Tugab, claimed he fought in Bataan, escaped to China on a
Japanese ship, was with Chiang Kai-shek at Chunking and US/Anzac forces in New Guinea, then returned
to help free his own Philippine home.[103]

Japanese occupation and WWII

The Japanese began implementing a policy of economic penetration of the Philippines immediately after the
American occupation began, concentrating particularly on acquiring land in agriculturally under-developed
areas in Mindanao,[104] and providing labor for construction in the mountains of northern Luzon as
well.[105] The construction of Baguio, beginning in 1904, attracted more than 1,000 Japanese nationals
who eventually owned farms, retail businesses, and transport.[106] Land ownership under the Public Land
act of 1903 (P.L. 926) by Japanese nationals in the Philippines exploded to more than 200,000 hectares; by
1919 the Commonwealth government was concerned enough about Japanese corporate land-ownership to
initiate the Land-Act of 1919 (P.L. 2874) which restricted land ownership to situations where 61% of
ownership was Philippine or United States citizen.[107] By the late 1930s there were more than 350
Japanese-owned businesses in the Philippines - 80% had ten or fewer employees. About 19,000 Japanese
nationals lived and worked in the Philippines before December 1941; most municipalities in northern
Luzon housed at least one Japanese-owned business, whose proprietor's primary loyalty was to his
homeland. Very few of them were spies, but they provided a continuous stream of vital political, economic,
and logistical information to those who were.[108]

On December 10, 1941, elements of the Japanese 14th Army landed at Aparri, Cagayan and marched
inland to take Tuguegarao by the 12th. Hapless regular Philippine Army (PA) units of the 11th Division
surrendered or fled. While Gen.Homma's main force proceeded to Ilocos Norte along the coast, troops
were also deployed to administer the agriculturally rich Cagayan Valley and facilitate Japanese
expropriation of both food supplies (which included butchering of more
than half of farmers' carabao for meat to feed their army[109]) and the
equipment to produce them. In addition, the US military had destroyed
communications infrastructure to prevent use by the Japanese invaders.[110]
By late 1942 food and other commodities for native residents of the
Cagayan Valley region had become very scarce.[111] Meanwhile, the
Manila-based Second Philippine Republic of President Laurel encouraged
collaboration with the Japanese. In these hard times for North Luzon, many
individual Japanese soldiers established relationships with Filipino
residents, married local women, and fathered children - demonstrating their
expectation of becoming permanent (if superior) residents.

The U.S. armed forces Philippine and U.S. Army escapees hid in the
mountains or valley villages; some engaged in small-scale guerrilla actions
against the Japanese. In October 1942, Americans Lt. Col. Martin Moses, & Lt. Col. Arthur Noble
attempted to organize a coordinated Northern Luzon guerrilla action; communications failed, however, and
the attacks were unsuccessful.[112] Nonetheless, the Japanese occupying the Cagayan Valley perceived a
serious threat - they brought thousands of troops from the capture of Manila and Bataan to discourage any
resistance in a fierce and indiscriminate manner. "(Local) leaders were killed or captured, civilians were
robbed, tortured, and massacred, their towns and barrios were destroyed."[112]

Surviving American Capt. Volckmann re-organized Moses and Noble's guerilla operation into the United
States Army Forces in the Philippines – Northern Luzon (USAFIP-NL) in 1943 with a new focus on
gathering intelligence. Based in the Cordilleras, his native forces (including a number of Gaddang) were
effective, even though they ran great risks,[113] and provided General MacArthur with important
information about Japanese troop dispositions. Capt. Ralph Praeger operated semi-independently in the
Cagayan Valley, supported by Cagayan Governor Marcelo Adduru,[114] even successfully attacking
Japanese installations at Tuguegarao before his "Cagayan-Apayo Force" (Troop C, 26th Cavalry) was
destroyed in 1943.

In 1945, resistance forces also coordinated activity with the American invasion. Gaddang homelands
actions in which local guerillas had a recognized impact include the flank actions at Balete Pass (now
Dalton Pass) to open the Magat valley, destroying bridges on the Bagabag-Bontoc Road to cut off supplies
for General Yamashita's 14th Army forces in the mountains and the drive from Cervantes to Mankayan that
reduced the final Japanese stronghold at Kiangan.[115]

Post-WWII

On July 4, 1946,the Treaty of Manila established the Commonwealth of the Philippines as an independent
nation.[116] Quickly ratified by the U.S. Senate and signed by President Harry Truman; it went into full
force when approved by the newly-created government of the Commonwealth. But that new government
faced enormous challenges. "The close of the war found the Philippines with most of its physical capital
demolished or impaired. Transportation and communication facilities were severely damaged, and
agricultural production seriously depleted".[117]

National political and economic developments immediately affected the Cagayan/Magat area (the Gaddang
"homelands"). Access to northern Luzon was compromised by Hukbalahap activity in Bulacan and Nueva
Ejica from 1946-1955, causing delays to infrastructure development. While the national economy made
gains under President Quirino, much of it was due to reconstruction grants from the U.S.,[118][119] the
benefits of which were diminished outside metro Manila.[120] The situation was exacerbated when
President Garcia's 1958 National Economic Council Resolution No. 202 created major disincentives to
foreign investment.[121] A global recession and commodity price inflation followed the end of the Vietnam
war. The 20-year dictatorship of Marcos saw corruption and looting on an unprecedented scale.[122] By the
1986 election, the nation was in a debt-crisis with a very high incidence of severe poverty.[123] In the thirty
years from 1986-2016, the country has had a revolution, a new Constitution, five presidential
administrations (none of which represented an electoral majority), and a successful presidential
impeachment.

The population of the Philippines at independence was less than 17

Population census of
million.[124][125] By 2020, the Philippine Census passed 109 million
Gaddang "Homelands"
and is forecast to grow to 200 million in the next forty years,[126]
even after losing large numbers of Filipino permanent emigrants to Year Pop. ±% p.a.
other countries.[127] In the Gaddang "homelands" (Isabela, Nueva 1948 402,000 —
Vizcaya, and Quirino, plus adjoining municipalities in Cagayan and 1970 961,000 +4.04%
Mountain provinces) the rate of increase has surpassed the national 1995 1,821,000 +2.56%
level. This growth had major effects on Gaddang communities: (a) 2020 2,702,000 +1.59%
enormous numbers of people relocated to the previously-uncrowded Source: Philippine Statistics Authority
Magat/Cagayan valleys from other parts of the country,[128]
overwhelming original populations and regionally available resources to accommodate and integrate them;
while (b) improved school facilities and resources have enabled educated Gaddang to emigrate.[129] Over
fifty years, this population-shift swamped the indigenous Cagayan cultures.

Population growth in Northern Luzon was facilitated by infrastructure development. In 1965, President
Macapagal proposed a Pan-Philippine highway;[130] the idea was adopted by his successor Marcos as part
of his ambitious (and self-serving) program of public works.[131] The "Maharlika Highway," was
implemented by making improvements to and connections between existing roads previously administered
by Department of Public Works, Transportation and Communications.[132] Funding came from the World
Bank, the Asian Highway project of the United Nations and a loan of more than US$30 million from Japan
(segments were re-named the Philippine-Japanese Friendship Highway).[133] In Northern Luzon an
important component was National Route 5 from Plaridel to Aparri,[134] built before WW2 by the US.
Improvements to pavment, roadbeds, and bridges were completed by the mid-1970s and modestly
maintained for several decades. In 1994, the Japanese provided another round of funding for improvements
to accommodate significantly increased traffic in Luzon.[135] In 2004, the Philippines ratified the
Intergovernmental Agreement on the Asian Highway Network, and the entire 3,500 km highway became
AH26.[136]

Other major infrastructure projects in Northern Luzon in this period include the Magat Dam power,
irrigation, and flood-control project undertaken during the Marcos administration and financed by loans
from the World Bank.[137] The national telecommunications network originally built by American firm
GTE[110] (though largely destroyed by US forces during WW2) was restored to pre-war levels by the
1950s. Japanese Overseas Economic Cooperation Fund loans were used in the 1980s for the Northern
Luzon Communication Network Development Plan, providing telecommunications equipment to provide
trunk cabling, microwave transmission equipment and major maintenance for extant infrastructure between
1983-1992.[138]

During the American occupation, education in the Gaddang homelands was generally available for
elementary grades 1-6. By the 1930s provincial rural high-schools were established providing education in
forestry and market-agriculture,[139][140] to introduce new crops and technologies. Catholic missionary
high-schools were founded in several larger municipalities, and a private high-school was established in
Santiago City a few months prior to the Japanese invasion of 1941.[141] After the war, some of these
schools were encouraged to add "college-departments", providing teacher, commerce, engineering, and
nursing training and degrees. Early establishments included Ateneo de Tuguegarao (1947), St. Mary's
College in Bayombong (1947), Santiago City's Northeastern College (1948), and Saint Ferdinand College
in Ilagan City (1950). Additional resources were devoted to some rural schools, enabling them to provide
college-level instruction in mechanics and agriculture.[142] By the 1990's, a four-year high school education
was available to every child in Isabela and Nueva Vizcaya; vocational education was being organized
under the Technical Education And Skills Development Authority (TESDA);[143] and more than forty
private and public colleges and universities offered education through post-graduate levels.[144]

Indigenous rights period

US occupation of the Philippines engendered massive re-evaluation of land-tenure based on grants to the
Crown of Spain and the Church during the Spanish period; this introduced early concepts of collective
indigene rights. By 1919, P.L. 2874 incorporated recognition of advantages indigenous people accrued
over Japanese, Chinese, and (non-US) foreign nationals.[145] The World Council of Churches began in
1948, introducing a world-wide focus on the situation of threatened indigenous cultures; The World
Council of Indigenous Peoples was founded in 1975. By the 1980s, a concern for activity addressing the
rights of indigenous peoples around the world was being built into organizational missions of the United
Nations, the World Bank, and the International Labor Organization.[146] The 1987 Constitution provides
"an unprecedented recognition of indigenous rights to their ancestral domain" (Art.II,sec.22; Art XII,sec.5;
Art.XIV,sec.17).[147]

In October 1997, the national legislature passed the Indigenous Peoples' Rights Act; the National
Commission on Indigenous Peoples (NCIP) recognizes the Gaddang as one of the protected groups.[148]
Initially, there was uncertainty about which peoples were to be recognized; the 2000 Census identified 85
groups[149] among which the Gaddang were included. Developments of political and administrative nature
took several decades[150] and in May 2014 the Gaddang were recognized as "an indigenous people with
political structure" with a certification of "Ancestral Domain Title" presented by NCIP commissioner
Leonor Quintayo.[151] Starting in 2014 the process of 'delineation and titling the ancestral domains" was
begun; the claims are expected to "cover parts of the municipalities of Bambang, Bayombong, Bagabag,
Solano, Diadi, Quezon and Villaverde".[152] In addition, under the Indigenous Peoples Rights Act,
certified indigenous peoples have a right to education in their mother-tongue; this education is as yet
unimplemented by any organization with significant funding.

At present, a Nueva Vizcaya Gaddang Indigenous People's Organization has been formed, and by 2019
this group has been involved with coming to an agreement with agencies developing irrigation projects in
Bayombong and Solano.[153] The organization is also actively pursuing cultural expositions.[154] There
will inevitably be conflicts between the assertion of Gaddang rights and growth-driven development;[155]
in Nueva Vizcaya the attempts of OceanaGold to continue mining despite the expiration of their permit and
active legal opposition directly affects the Gaddang homelands.[156] With a population today not
significantly larger than estimated by Fr. Antolin in the 1780s, the future of the Gaddang people remains in
question.

Culture

Language

The Philippines National Commission for Culture and the Arts speaks of "five recognized dialects of
Gaddang (Gaddang proper, Yogad, Maddukayang, Katalangan, and Iraya)",[157] related to Ibanag, Itawis,
Malaueg, and others.[158] Gaddang is distinct because it features phonemes (the "F", "V", "Z", and "J"
sounds) not often present in many neighboring Philippine languages.[159] There are also notable differences
from other languages in the distinction between "R" and "L", and the "F"
sound is a voiceless bilabial fricative, and not the fortified "P" sound
common in many Philippine languages (but not much closer to the English
voiceless labiodental fricative, either). The Spanish-derived "J" sound (not
the "j") has become a plosive. Gaddang is noteworthy for the common use
of doubled consonants (e.g.: pronounced Gad-dang instead of Ga-dang).

Gaddang is declensionally, conjugationally, and morphologically

agglutinative, and is characterized by a dearth of positional/directional
adpositional adjunct words. Temporal references are usually accomplished
using context surrounding these agglutinated nouns or verbs.[160]

The Gaddang language is identified in Ethnologue,[2] Glottolog,[161] and is

incorporated into the Cagayan language group in the system of linguistic
ethnologist Lawrence Reid.[162] The Dominican fathers assigned to Nueva
Viscaya parishes produced a vocabulary in 1850 (transcribed by Pedro
Sierra) and copied in 1919 for the library of the University of Santo Tomas
by H. Otley Beyer.[163] In 1965 Estrella de Lara Calimag produced a A hat from the Gaddang
word-list of more than 3,200 Gaddang words included in her dissertation at people, on display at the
Honolulu Museum of Art
Columbia.[164] The Austronesian Basic Vocabulary Database lists
translations of more than two hundred English terms on its Gaddang
page.[165]

Daily use of Gaddang as a primary language has been declining during the last seventy years.[166] During
the first years of the American occupation, residents of Nueva Vizcaya towns used to schedule community
events (eg: plays or meetings) to be held in Gaddang and the next day in Ilokano, in order to ensure
everyone could participate and enjoy them.[167] Teachers in the new American schools had to develop a
curriculum for pupils who spoke entirely different languages:

Ilocanos, Gaddanesaa (sic), and Isanays; the latter coming from the Dupax section. There
was no one language that all could understand. A few spoke, read, and wrote Spanish
fluently...to the others Spanish was as strange a tongue as English.[168]

The use of English in the schools of Isabela and Nueva Vizcaya, as well as in community functions, was
only discouraged with the adoption of the 1973 Constitution and its 1976 amendments.[169][170] A more
urgent push to nationalize language was made in the 1987 Constitution, which had the unanticipated effect
of marginalizing local languages even further. Television and official communications have almost entirely
used the national Filipino language for nearly a generation.

Highlands culture

Many writers on tourism and cultural artifacts appear enamoured of the more-exotic cultural appurtenances
of the highlands Gaddang (Ga'dang), and pay little attention to the more-numerous "assimilated"
Christianized families.[171] Their narrative follows from the initial American assumption that lowland
Gaddang originated with the highlands groups who subsequently became Christianized, then settled in
established valley communities, acquiring the culture and customs of the Spanish, Chinese, and the other
lowlands peoples. Many of them also distinguish the Gaddang residents of Ifugao and Apayo from other
mountain tribes primarily by dress customs without considering linguistic or economic issues.[172] It is
undeniable, however, that the "transactional" daily life of ordinary highlands Gaddang is enough different
from that of their lowlands relations to identify them as culturally-distinct.[173]

Dedman College (Southern Methodist University) Professor of Anthropology Ben J. Wallace has lived
among and written extensively about highland Gaddang since the 1960s.[174][175] His recent book (Weeds,
Roads, and God, 2013) explores the transition these traditional peoples are making into the modern rural
Philippines, taking on more customs and habits of the lowlands Gaddang, and discarding some colorful
former behaviors.

Through the end of the 20th century, some traditional highlands Gaddang practiced kannyaw - a ritual
including feasting, gift-giving, music/dance, ancestral recollections and stories - similar to potlatch - which
was intended to bring prestige to their family.[176]

The tradition of taking heads for status and/or redressing a wrong appears to have ended after WWII, when
taking heads from the Japanese seems to have been less satisfactory than from a personal enemy. Both men
and women lead and participate in religious and social rituals.[177]

Class and economy

Interviews in the mid-20th century identified a pair of Gaddang hereditary social classes: kammeranan and
aripan.[164] These terms have long fallen into disuse, but comparing old parish records with landholdings
in desirable locations in Bagabag, Bayombobg, and Solano indicates that some real effects of class
distinctions remain active. The writer's Gaddang correspondents inform him that aripan is similar in
meaning to the Tagalog word alipin ("slave" or "serf"); Edilberto K. Tiempo addressed issues surrounding
the aripan heritage in his 1962 short story To Be Free.[178]

During the first decades of the American occupation, a major effort to eradicate slavery terminated the
widespread practice of purchasing Igorot and other uplands children and youths for household and farm
labor. Many of the individuals so acquired were accepted as members of the owner-families (although often
with lesser status) among all the Cagayan Valley peoples. Present-day Gaddang do not continue to
regularly import highland people as a dependent-class as they did until a generation ago. There still remains
the strong tradition of bringing any unfortunate relatives into a household, which frequently includes a
reciprocal geas on beneficiaries to "earn their keep".

There does not seem to have been a Cagayan Valley analogue of the wealthy Central Luzon landowner
class until the agricultural expansion of the very late nineteenth century; most of those wealthy Filipinos
were of Ilokano or Chinese ancestry.

Records over the last two centuries do show many Gaddang names as land and business owners, as well as
in positions of civic leadership.[179] The Catholic church also offered career opportunities. Gaddang
residents of Bayombong, Siudad ng Santiago, and Bagabag enthusiastically availed themselves of the
expanded education opportunities available since the early 20th century (initially in Manila, but more
recently in Northern Luzon), producing a number of doctors, lawyers, teachers, engineers, and other
professionals by the mid-1930s. A number also enlisted in the U.S. military service as a career (the U.S.
Army Philippine Scouts being considered far superior to the Philippine Army).

Status of women and minor children

Lowlands Gaddang women regularly own and inherit property, they run businesses, pursue educational
attainment, and often serve in public elected leadership roles. Well-known and celebrated[180] writer Edith
Lopez Tiempo was born in Bayombong of Gaddang descent.

As mentioned above, there appear to be no prevailing rules of exogamy or endogamy which affect
women's status or treatment. Both men and women acquire status by marriage, but there are acceptable
pathways to prestige for single women in the Church, government, and business.[181]

Kinship

The Gaddang as a people have lacked a defined and organized political apparatus; in consequence, their
shared-kinship is the means of ordering their world.[182] During their pre-Conquest days, their swidden
economy forced a small population to be dispersed in a fairly large area. In a period where hostilities were a
recurring phenomenon, expressed in head-taking and revenge, kinship obligations were the linkage
between settlements; such kin-links include several (like solyad - or temporary marriage) which have no
counterparts in modern law.[183]

As has been documented with other Indo-Malay peoples,[184] Gaddang kin relationships are highly
ramified and recognize a variety of prestige markers based on both personal accomplishment and obligation
(frequently transcending generations).[185] While linguistically there appear to be no distinctions beyond
the second degree of consanguinity, tracing common lineal descent is important, and the ability to do so is
traditionally admired and encouraged.[76] Relationships are traced through both patrilineal and matrilineal
descent,[186] but may also include compadre/co-madre links (often repeated across several
generations),[187][188] and even mentorship relationships.

It is unknown to what degree kinship-systems include mailan and other remnants of the slavery-system.

Funerary practices

Modern Christian Gaddang funerals are most commonly entombed in a public or private cemetery,
following a Mass celebration and a procession (with a band if possible). A wake is held for several days
before the services, allowing family members and friends travel-time to view the deceased in the coffin.
Mummification is not usually practiced, but cremation - followed by entombment of the ashes - has been
observed.

Supernatural traditions

Stories of ghosts, witchcraft, and supernatural monsters (eg: the Giant Snake of Bayombong[189]) are a
popular pastime, with the tellers most often relating them as if these were events in which they (or close
friends/family) had participated. Various "superstitions" have been catalogued.[190]

While assertively Christian, lowland Gaddangs retain strong traditions of impairment and illness with a
supernatural cause; some families continue to practice healing traditions which were documented by Father
Godfrey Lambrecht, CICM, in Santiago during the 1950s.[191] These include the shamanistic practices of
the mailan, both mahimunu (who function as augurs and intermediaries), and the maingal ("sacrificers" or
community leaders–whom Lambrecht identifies with ancestral head-hunters).[192] The spirits that cause
such diseases are karangat (cognates of which term are found in Yogad, Ibanag, and Ifugao): each is
associated with a physical locality; they are not revenants; they are believed to cause fevers, but not
abdominal distress. It is believed as well that Caralua na pinatay (ghosts) may cause illness to punish
Gaddang who diverge from custom or can visit those facing their impending demise.

The upland "Pagan" Gaddang share these traditions, and in their animistic view, both the physical and the
spiritual world are uncertain and likely hostile.[193] Any hurts which cannot be immediately attributed to a
physical cause (eg: insect/animal bites, broken limbs, falls, and other accidents) are thought to be the work
of karangat in many forms not shared with the lowlanders. They may include the deadly (but never-seen)
agakokang which makes the sound of a yapping dog; aled who disguise themselves a pigs, birds, or even
humans, infecting those they touch with a fatal illness; the vaporous aran which enters a person's brain and
causes rapidly-progressing idiocy and death; or the shining-eyed bingil ghouls.[194] To assist their journey
through such a dangerous world, the Gaddang rely on mediums they term mabayan (male mediums) or
makamong (female), who can perform curative ceremonies.

Other folk-art traditions

Three hundred years of Spanish/Catholic cultural dominion -

followed by a nearly effective revolution - have almost completely
diluted or even eradicated any useful pre-colonial literary, artistic or
musical heritage of the lowland Cagayan peoples, including the
Gaddang.[189] Although the less-affected arts of the Cordillerans
and some of the islanders south of Luzon are well-researched, even
sixty years of strong national and academic interest has failed to
uncover much tangible knowledge about pre-Spanish Cagayan
Main street of Solano, NV - circa valley traditions in music, plastic, or performing arts.[195] A review
1904 of Maria Lumicao-Lorca's 1984 book Gaddang Literature states
that "documentation and research on minority languages and
literature of the Philippines are meager"[196] That understood,
however, there does exist a considerable record of Gaddang interest and participation in Luzon-wide
colonial traditions, examples being Pandanggo sa ilaw, cumparsasa, and Pasyon;[177] while the rise of
interest in a cultural patrimony has manifested in an annual Nueva Vizcaya Ammungan (Gaddang for
'gather') festival adopted in 2014 to replace the Ilokano-derived Panagyaman rice-festival.[197] The festival
has included an Indigenous Peoples Summer Workshop, which has provincial recognition and status.[198]

Some early 20th-century travelers report the use of gangsa[199] in Isabela as well as among Paracelis
Gaddang. This instrument was likely adopted from Cordilleran peoples, but provenance has not been
established. The highlands Gaddang are also associated with the Turayen dance which is typically
accompanied by gangsa.[200]

Most Gaddang seem fond of riddles, proverbs, and puns (refer to Lumicao-Lorca); they also keep their
tongue alive with traditional songs (including many harana composed in the early parts of the 20th
century). A well-known Gaddang language harana, revived in the 1970s and still popular today:[201]

Ope manke wayi Where are you my brother?

Yo netambam siin sicuac What about your promises?
Innac la inanawan You left me to die of misery.
Matayac si raddam You found someone better.
Gumafu se nacaita can wayi si mas Because I am poor,
mappia you had to leave me
 On se tata ak lamang a madiat
Innac la inanawan This keeps on hurting.
Breath leaves my chest,
Araon-araon lamang aching since my heart was cast
Yo angngiyeyut nu to taggang aside.
Malaw inque nad I try to think of it no more,
Yo futuc a mebattang yet my tears keep falling.
Se ammec ingke caffuadan So I die of sorrow because of
Yo annuruturut na luac to taggang you...
Se antuengque ipatec
Yo raddam cu gumafu sicuam[202]

Indigenous mythology

The Gaddang mythology includes a variety of deities:

Nanolay - Is both creator of all things and a cultural hero. In the latter role, he is a beneficent
deity. Nanolay is described in myth as a fully benevolent deity, never inflicting pain or
punishment on the people. He is responsible for the origin and development of the world.
Ofag - Nanolay's cousin.
Dasal - To whom the epic warriors Biwag and Malana prayed for strength and courage
before going off to their final battle.
Bunag - The god of the earth.
Limat - The god of the sea.[191]

Ethnography and linguistic research

While consistently identifying the Gaddang as a distinct group, historic sources have done a poor job of
recording specific cultural practices, and material available on the language has been difficult to access.

Early Spanish records made little mention of customs of the Ibanagic and Igaddangic peoples, being almost
entirely concerned by economic events, and Government/Church efforts at replacing the chthonic cultures
with a colonial model.[203] The 1901 Philippine Commission Report states: "From Nueva Vizcaya, the
towns make the common statement that there are no papers preserved which relate to the period of the
Spanish government, as they were all destroyed by the revolutionary government."[204] American
occupation records, while often more descriptive and more readily available, perform only cursory
discovery of existing behaviors and historic customs, since most correspondents were pursuing an agenda
for change.

Records maintained by churches and towns have been lost; in Bagabag they were lost during the 1945
defense of the area by the Japanese 105th division under Gen. Konuma;[205] a similar claim has been made
for losses during Japanese occupation of Santiago beginning in 1942, and the USA-FIP liberation efforts of
1945.[206] In Bayombong, St. Dominic's Catholic church (built in 1780) - a traditional repository for vital
records - was destroyed by fire in 1892, and again in 1987.[207]

In 1917 the Methodist Publishing House published Himno onnu canciones a naespirituan si sapit na
"Gaddang (a set of hymns translated into Gaddang). In 1919, H. Otley Beyer had the Dominican
Gaddang-Spanish vocabulary[208] copied for the library at University of Santo Tomas; the offices at St.
Dominic's, Bayombong are presently unable to locate the original document. In 1959, Madeline Troyer
published an 8-page article on Gaddang Phonology,[209] documenting work she had done with Wycliffe
Bible Translators.

Father Godfrey Lambrecht, the rector of St. Mary's High School & College 1934-56, documented a
number of linguistic and cultural behaviors in published articles.[210][211][212] Several Gaddang have been
pursuing family and Gaddang genealogy, including Harold Liban, Virgilio Lumicao, and Craig Balunsat.

During the late 1990s, a UST student attempted an "ethnobotanical" study, interviewing Isabela-area
Gaddang about economically useful flora;[213] this included notes on etymologic history and folk-beliefs.

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