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Hans Kelsen - Sovereignty and International Law
Hans Kelsen - Sovereignty and International Law
Hans Kelsen - Sovereignty and International Law
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THE
GEORGETOWN LAW JOURNAL
VOLUME 48 Summer 1960 NUMBER 4
I
T-EoREs OF THE RELATION
In reference to this relation, two theories exist that are diametrically
opposed, one dualistic (or pluralistic if one considers the multitude of
the states or national legal orders), and the other monistic. According
to the first, international law and national law, i.e., the particular national
legal orders, are different systems of norms independent of each other
in their validity; but according to this theory they are simultaneously
valid, so that it would be possible to judge a certain human behavior
both from the point of view of international and national law and not
from the point of view of only the one or the other. The monistic theory
holds that international law and national law form a unity. This unity
may be achieved epistemologically in two ways: either international
law is conceived of as superior to national law, meaning that the
validity of the latter derives from the former; or, conversely, national
law is conceived of as superior to international law, whose validity is
based on national law. We speak in one case of the primacy of inter-
national law, in the other of the primacy of national law.
If we recognize that obligation and authorization of the state by
international law means that the international legal order delegates to
the national legal order the power to determine the individuals whose
behavior forms the content of the obligations and rights established by
international law, then the dualistic construction of the relation between
international and national law collapses. For reasons of the logic of
norms it is not possible to assume the simultaneous validity of two sys-
tems of norms regulating human behavior, if these systems are valid in-
dependently from each other and therefore may conflict with each other,
the one prescribing that a certain action ought to be performed and the
other that this action ought not to be performed. Two norms, one of
which prescribes that A ought to be, and the other that A ought not to be,
cannot be assumed as simultaneously valid, just as two judgments, the
one of which asserts that A is, whereas the other declares that A is not,
cannot be true together.
The logical principle of contradiction, it is true, does not, or at least
not directly, apply to norms, because norms are neither true nor false;
but it does apply to statements describing norms (which statements
necessarily are ought statements) in the same way as to is statements
describing facts. The possibility that there is a scientific description,
without contradictions, of the relation between international and national
law can be proved; and that means that there are no conflicts between
6 27
630 THE GEORGETOWN LAW JOURNAL [Vol. 48: p.
This view then leads to the false conclusion that the state is not neces-
sarily bound by the treaties it has concluded and that it is incompatible
with its nature as a sovereign power to subject itself to an international
tribunal with compulsory jurisdiction, or to be bound by a majority
decision of a collegiate organ, even if this tribunal or the collegiate organ
and its procedures are established by a treaty to which the state is a
party.
Equally decisive as the role that the primacy of international law
plays in the pacifistic ideology is the role that the primacy of national
law, the sovereignty of the state, plays in the ideology of imperialism.
In both cases the ambiguity of the concept of sovereignty is involved,
but if the state has recognized international law, which therefore is
valid for this state, then its international obligations and rights are
exactly the same as those established by an international law conceived
of as superior to national law, and the norm of international law accord-
ing to which states have to respect the treaties concluded by them,
whatever content the treaties may have, is valid. That it is valid within
the framework of a national legal order makes no difference. According
to international law, no content can be excluded from the norms estab-
lished by treaty by arguing that this content is incompatible with
the nature or with the sovereignty of the state which concludes the
treaty.
The idea that the sovereignty of the state, i.e., the state as a supreme
power, is not in conflict with international law because international law
is valid for the state only if recognized by this state, and hence is not
superior to the state, is quite compatible with the fact that a state, in
recognizing international law by virtue of its sovereignty, and thus
making it a part of its own law, restricts its sovereignty, that is to
say, restricts its freedom of action or competence by accepting the
obligations established by general international law and by the treaties
concluded by itself.
How far this sovereignty of the state can be restricted by international
law recognized by the state can be answered only by examining the
content of international law; the answer cannot be deduced from the
concept of sovereignty. Yet, the positive international law does not limit
the restriction of state sovereignty in its meaning of freedom of action
or competence. It is quite possible to establish, by a treaty under
international law, an international organization centralized to such a
degree that it assumes the character of a state, which implies that the
contracting states which become members of this organization lose their
own character as states. The question how far the government of a
638 THE GEORGETOWN LAW JouRNAL [Vol. 48: p. 627
state through treaties under international law shall or may restrict the
freedom of action of its state is a question of politics. The answer to
this question cannot be deduced either from the primacy of international
or from the primacy of national law.
V
LImITATIONS OF THE SCIENCE OF LAW
The antagonism between the two monistic constructions of the relation
between international and national law, i.e., the two ways of establishing
epistemologically the unity of all valid law, shows a striking parallel
to the antagonism between a subjectivistic and an objectivistic world
view. The subjectivistic view starts from one's own sovereign ego in
order to comprehend the external world. Therefore, it cannot conceive it
as an external world; it must conceive it as an internal world, as idea and
will of the ego. Likewise the construction known as primacy of national
law starts from one's own sovereign state in order to comprehend the ex-
ternal world of law, i.e., the international legal order and the other na-
tional legal orders. Therefore, it can conceive them only as internal law,
as part of the legal order which is the starting point of this view. The
subjectivistic egocentric interpretation of the world leads to solipsism,
the opinion that only the ego exists as a sovereign being and that every-
thing else exists only in and through the ego, so that the claim of others
to be sovereign egos cannot be honored. Likewise, the assumption of the
primacy of national law leads to the idea that only this national law, i.e.,
the state which is the starting point of this view, one's own state, can be
sovereign because this sovereignty excludes the sovereignty of all other
states. In this sense the primacy of national law may be characterized
as state subjectivism, even as state solipsism.
On the other hand, the objectivistic world view starts from the
real external world in order to comprehend the ego, not only the ego
of the one who entertains this view, but everyone's ego, with the inten-
tion to conceive this ego not as a sovereign being, not as the center of
the world, but only as an integral part of the world. In analogy to this
view, the primacy of international law starts from the external world of
law, from international law as a valid legal order, in order to comprehend
the legal existence of the individual states. In doing so it cannot consider
them as sovereign authorities, but only as partial legal orders within
the framework of a total, the international legal order.
The antagonism of the two world views in no way affects the scientific
cognition of the world. The world as the object of this cognition remains
1960] SOVEREIGNTY AND INTERNATIONAL LAW
the same and the natural laws that describe the world remain unchanged
regardless of whether this world is conceived of as the internal world
of the ego or the ego as being within the world. In the same way the
antagonism of the two legal constructions remains without any influence
upon the contents of the law, be it the international or the national law.
Their norms remain unchanged whether international law is considered
to be valid within national law, or national law to be valid within inter-
national law.
The antagonism between the two legal constructions may be compared
also with the contrast between the geocentric cosmic system of Ptolemy
and the heliocentric cosmic system of Copernicus. Just as in one of the
two legal constructions it is one's own state that is the center of the legal
world, thus in the cosmic system of Ptolemy it is our earth that stays in
the center around which the sun turns. And just as in the other con-
struction the international law forms the center of the legal world, so in
the cosmic system of Copernicus the sun is the center around which the
earth turns. Yet this contrast of the two cosmic systems is only a con-
trast of two different systems of reference. The famous physicist Max
Planck interprets this contrast as follows: "If we accept for instance a
system of reference [Bezugssystem] firmly connected with our earth,
we must say that the sun moves in the sky; but if we transfer the system
of reference to a fixed star, the sun rests immovably. In the antagonism
of these two formulations there is neither contradiction nor obscurity;
there are only two different ways of viewing the object. According to the
theory of relativity, that at present may be regarded as an established
part of the science of physics, both systems of reference and both ways
of viewing the object that corresponds to them are equally correct and
legitimate; it is on principle impossible to decide between them through
measurement or calculation without arbitrariness."' The same applies to
the constructions of the relation between international and national law.
Their difference is based upon the difference of two systems of reference.
One of them is firmly connected with the legal order of one's own state or
national legal order; the other is firmly connected with the international
legal order. Both systems are equally correct and equally legitimate. To
decide between them on the basis and with the specific means of the
science of law is impossible.
The science of law can only describe both systems and ascertain that
one of the two systems of reference has to be accepted in order to deter-
mine the relation between international and national law. The decision
1 Max Planck, VortrWge und Erinnerungen 311 (1949).
640 TIE GEORGETOWN LAW JOURNAL
for one or the other of the systems is outside the science of law. This
decision may be determined by political considerations rather than
scientific. One who appreciates the idea of the sovereignty of his own
state, because he identifies himself with his state in his enhanced self-
consciousness, will prefer the primacy of national law to the primacy of
international law. On the other hand, one who cherishes the idea of a
legal world organization will prefer the primacy of international law.
This does not mean, as mentioned before, that the hypothesis of the pri-
macy of national law is less favorable to the ideal of a world organiza-
tion than the primacy of international law. Yet, it seems to justify a
policy of declining any essential restriction of the freedom of action of
the state. Such a justification is based on a fallacy for which the am-
bignity of the concept of sovereignty is responsible. Yet, this fallacy is
an iron part of the political ideology of imperialism that operates with
the dogma of the sovereignty of the state. This applies, mutatis mu-
tandis, to the preference of the primacy of international law. This con-
struction is not less favorable to the political ideal of state sovereignty,
in the sense of freedom of action of the state, than the construction of
the primacy of national law. But it seems that the primacy of interna-
tional law justifies more effectively an essential restriction of the freedom
of action of the state than the primacy of national law. This too is a
fallacy, but, as a matter of fact, this fallacy plays a decisive part in the
political ideology of pacifism.
A true science of law exhibits these fallacies; it deprives them of the
semblance of logical proofs, which as such could not be refuted; it re-
duces them to the role of political arguments to which counter-arguments
of the same kind may be opposed. In doing so it frees the way to
political development of either without postulating or justifying the one
or the other. As a science it remains totally indifferent towards both.