The Celtic Ethnography of Posidonius J.J. Tierney

The Celtic Ethnography of Posidonius
Author(s): J. J. Tierney
Source: Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy. Section C: Archaeology, Celtic Studies,
History, Linguistics, Literature, Vol. 60 (1959/1960), pp. 189-275
Published by: Royal Irish Academy
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[ 189 ]
5
THE CELTIC ETHNOGRAPHY OF POSIDONIUS
By PROF. J. J. TIERNEY
[Read 26 January. Published March 25, 1960]
Introduction
It is the object of the present article to reconstruct, as exactly as is possible,

the Celtic ethnography of the Stoic philosopher and historian, Posidonius.
This can be done by studying the work of later writers, historians, geographers,
ethnographers, etc., who either quote directly from Posidonius or provide
material which can be shown to derive directly or indirectly from him. An
attempt can be made at assessing the possible bias of these writers in using their
original source and at determining their possible or probable omissions from and
additions to it. Each shade of bias which can be established or made to appear
can be proved to be omitted
probable in any of these writers, each element which
or added represents a step on the way to recovering the lost original. A necessary
preliminary to this study is, however, a consideration of the tradition of Greek
ethnography, at least in brief compass, in order to indicate the main points in
its development, the guiding lines which, when once established, continued,
consciously or unconsciously, to govern the productions of this genre down to
the time of its latest development. Important contributions to the history of this
tradition have been made, among others, by Karl Triidinger in his Basel thesis
of 1918, Studien zur Geschichte der griechisch-romischen Ethnographie, by Eduard
Norden in his book, Die Germanische Utgeschichte in Tacitus Germania (1920),
and by Felix Jacoby in his Die Fragmente der Griechischen Historiker.
The Formation of the Greek Ethnographical Tradition

The practical study of ethnography, geography and history by the Greeks is,
of course, at least as old as the date of their first arrival in the Aegsean area, early
in the second millennium B.C. Knowledge of the sea, of offshore waters, islands,
harbours and settlement sites; knowledge of the land, its crops and fertility, its
natural or artificial boundaries, its mountains, lakes and rivers; knowledge of
the inhabitants, their language, clothing, their physical and mental qualities,
their friendliness or unfriendliness to strangers, all this was vital and necessary
knowledge to the Greeks of the second and first millennia B.C. and must have
found plain and vivid expression in the contemporary vernacular. In extant
poetry the influence of this language is already found in Homer, while in prose
we have to come down as late as the sixth century B.C. to find fragments still
extant of the not very clearly distinguishable types of geographico-ethnographical
literature known as Periodos or Periegesis under the name of Hecataeus of Miletus.
It is in Herodotus, however, in the fifth century, that we can for the first time
study both the form and the content of ethnography and here ethnography has
already assumed the position which it continues to hold in later centuries, the
PROC. K.I.A., VOL. 60, SECT. C. X

igo Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy
position of handmaid to history, but often enough that of the more interesting
handmaid of a dull master.
Triidinger proposes the following as the ideal Herodotean ethnography:
I. The Country, including (1) Boundaries, Measurements, Shape, (2) Nature of
the Land, (3) Rivers, (4) Climate, (5) Animals; II. The People, including
(1) Population, (2)Antiquity and Ancient History, (3)Way of Life, (4) Customs;
III. The Wonders of the Country (Boiâaia). Among customs the clearest structure
is shown in the Scythian customs which have the series: Gods, Sacrifice, War,
Divination, Oaths, Burials, Foreign Customs, each introduced by its key-word.
But the great abundance of ethnographic sketches in Herodotus and their vast
differences in size and scope afford little basis for useful or convincing generaliza
tions. It is probable that a number of traditional schemes or ways of treatment,
derived from many earlier writers, are quite familiar to Herodotus and hover at
the back of his mind, but that he himself has outgrown them and feels in no way
hindered in treating them very freely for his own purposes. Triidinger points,
on the one hand, to his artless and rather mechanical practice of stringing a series
of customs one after the other, with their key-words, as being derived from
Ionian ethnography, while on the other he distinguishes a second type of appar
ently associative transition between consecutive customs (among the Persian
customs, 1133 ff.) and ascribes it to a deliberate desire for artistic variation on the
part of Herodotus.
In connection with the relationship between the two main elements of his
analysis, Country and People, Triidinger further discusses the second part of the
fifth-century Hippocratic work, On Airs, Waters, and Places, which expresses
certain points of view neglected by or unknown to Herodotus, but fundamentally
important for the later developments of ethnography. Here great emphasis is
laid on physical appearance (ethos, ^P^l) and on temperament or character
(f)Qo$), elements neglected by Herodotus. The main differences in these respects
between Asiatics and Europeans, and between the extremes of Scythia and
Egypt are traced to conditions of cold or heat, which are themselves due to the
or of the climate rwv This
temperateness intemperateness (Kprjais wpecov). work,
then, allows us to appreciate another facet of Ionian thought in the sphere of

natural philosophy, which was to become the common property of later ethno
graphers.
In the following century the Athenian philosophers and educated men
generally are immensely interested in both political theory and practice, and these
had, naturally, considerable influence on contemporary history
developments
and ethnography. We find here also a new interest in politics and in all the
forms of government administration. Thus the historian of Oxyrhynchus gives
us a short but vivid sketch of the Boeotian constitution while Dino and Hera
cleides give highly detailed accounts of the Persian court, of the classes of
administrative and other officials and of the life of the people.1 In the pessimistic
atmosphere so familiar to the fourth century, that feeling of having outlived a
greater age, it is not surprising that the theme of degeneration and decay, both in
F.H.G. II, p. 91-98: Triidinger, p. 45 ff.

Tierney?The Celtic Ethnography of Posidonius 191
the individual and in the state should become a subject of philosophical and
historical inquiry. Thus Plato studies the gradual corruption of state and indivi
dual in the eighth and ninth books of the Republic, while Xenophon reflects on
the decay of Persia and Sparta, respectively, at the end of his Cyropadia and
Constitution of Sparta. Thus the themes of political life and of political degenera
tion which had been absent in Herodotus and perhaps also in Ionian ethnography
become familiar elements from the fourth century onwards to both ethnographer
and historian.
In the great collection of treatises on the city-states of Greece and the
customs of barbarians made by the Peripatetic school we can see further develop
ments in the technique of describing the development and the individuality of
foreign peoples. The questions of origins, settlement, migration, and historical
relationship are now treated, the economic basis of life is explained and private
and public life described. Barbarian peoples had little or no recorded history,
but yet in accordance with the theories of the general cultural and economic
evolution of mankind which had been in the air since the age of the sophists at the
close of the fifth century and which lie behind all the political theorizing of the
fourth, we now find sketches of the development of the life of particular peoples
from primitive times. It is clear that Dicaearchus gave such a sketch in the
first book of his Life of Greece, while Hecataeus of Abdera did the same thing for
Egypt and Megasthenes for India.2 The Platonic analogy of state and individual
has now become a method of deepening the understanding of group psychology
and of tribal and national character. The greatly increased adequacy of this
approach, which on a more superficial plane, naturally, was typical of the oldest
Ionian ethnography, can be clearly seen in the group-characteristics of Heraclides
Ponticus in his third book on Music.3
The great conquests of Alexander and the opening up of the Near East now
provided an immense new impulse to the study of ethnography and natural

history. The historians of Alexander, Nearchus, Onesicritus, Cleitarchus,
Megasthenes, for the most part throw their abundant new material into the
traditional forms with greater or less pretensions to systematic treatment or
impressive and vivid artistic depiction.4 In the flood of novelties which entered
into the Greek horizon it is not surprising to find even more frequently used,
" " " "
such as new," strange," worthy of record," quite incredible."
phrases
In the ethnography of India, on which our material ismost abundant, we find that
the Ionian interest in physical appearance (dhos) continues, but there is no
direct evidence of the compressed group-characterizations which we find later in
Strabo's account of the Celts. Some of the accounts, however, do the way,
point
for example, the simplicity and lack of necessities of the Indians, their love of
ornament, and their high regard for truth and morality. Megasthenes and
Nearchus make a special point of Indian capacity for arts and crafts. This was
2F.H.G. II, p. 233 ff.: p. 388 ff.: p. 402 ff.: Jacoby, F. Gr. Hist. UIA, p. 30:
Triidinger, p. 50.
3Athen. 624 c.
XIV,
4
Jacoby II B, p. 677: p. 723: p. 741: F.H.G. II, p. 402: Triidinger, p. 64 ff.

192 Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy
already an important question for the Hippocratic author, but is foreign to

Herodotus.
The interest in and detailed observation of marriage customs continues the
Ionian tradition, and this is also true of the interest in natural sciences. The
deepening of interest in the dependence of man on nature continues and advances
the ideas of On Airs, Waters, and Places. Despite all these connecting links with
Ionian ethnography, however, it must be all the more emphasized that these
authors are independent, both in their use of its forms and in their selection of
topics for treatment. Very striking are their omissions if this is not merely due to
lacunae in our evidence. We have nothing on Indian religion or burial customs,
two of the most steadfast points of the old tradition, except a little in Megas
thenes. Neither have we anything on divination, oaths and pledges.5 There is
clearly complete freedom from any traditional schema, which is important for
the general history of our theme, as these authors must have framed a great deal
of the intellectual background for later Hellenistic ethnographers. The interest
of Megasthenes in social structure and the mechanisms of government and
administration is very significant in this respect. Of authors nearer in date to
Posidonius Triidinger analyses the ethnographic remains of Timaeus and
Agatharchides and shows that their methods are not unlike those of Posidonius,
and that, in fact, Posidonius was influenced by both.6
Another important element in the background of Hellenistic thought, one
particularly important in the work of historians and ethnographers remains to be
discussed. This may briefly be described as the influence exerted-on them by
contemporary philosophy and by general ideas in the sphere of religion, politics
and morals, including theories on the origins of the human race which had come
to be widely diffused since the time of Democritus. The many writers and
thinkers who originated or reflected these ideas have been well discussed
by
E. Rohde and by R. von Pohlmann. Triidinger examines their work as examples
of ethnographical idealizations.7
The public of Athens had already had the experience of the long list of
states to them on the in and
imaginary presented stage tragedy comedy, but it
is in the various ideal states of Plato that these Utopias first appeared in a more
permanent and easily usable form. Here the poetic genius of Plato is employed
in constructing states in which reason and virtue are really effective in moulding
the lives of at least the ruling class or in which, on the contrary, the evils of
greed and materialism appear in the harshest light. The common ideas of the age
can be seen in the frequent descriptions and condemnations of luxury m the
numerous digressions of the contemporary historians, Theopompus and Ephorus.8
Polemics against contemporary society and a vast amount of wishful thinking
variously inspired by political, religious or moral convictions can be freely
6
Trudmger, p 80.
6 F.H G 193: G G M
I, p I, p. III. Trudmger, p 108 ff
7 *
Rohde, Der Gnechische Roman, 3rd ed , p 210 ri Pohlmann, Geschichte der Sozialen
und des Soziahsmus in der antiken Welt, Vol 2 passim, cf A Gnlli, Rendiconti
Frage
Istituto Lombardo 86, 1953, pp 3-44: Trudmger, p 133 ff
8
Trudmger, p, 139 ff., 62 ff.

observed inmany writers of the late fourth and following centuries, among whom
the best-known names are those of Theopompus, Hecataeus of Abdera,
Euhemerus and Iambulus.9 The names of Amometus and Timocles are associated
with a more fabulous type of work, more nearly approaching the romance, and
therefore less liable to affect the ethnographer.10
Having thus briefly discussed (making considerable use of the penetrating
analyses of Triidinger) the formation of the tradition, going back for at least five
hundred years, which lay behind the studies of Posidonius in the ethnographic
field, and with which we must assume him to have been reasonably well
acquainted, we may now turn to a consideration of the fragmentary remains of
this tradition regarding the Celts before his time.
" "
The Successive Greek Celtica Down to the Time of Posidonius
Our earliest historical document for the Celts in western Europe is contained
by a curious chance in the very late Or aMaritima of Festus Rufus Avienus who
was proconsul of Africa in 366 A.D.11 The oldest part of the Greek original of
this work is clearly a detailed account of coastal sailing from Cadiz to Marseilles
(a periplus) written by or for a Massaliot merchant in the period of expansion of
the earliest Massaliot colonies in the early sixth century B.C. Since the account of
the harbours is very detailed, the non-mention of those of Emporion (Ampurias)
and Rhode shows that the date of the periplus is earlier than the foundation of
these colonies, and since the datable Greek pottery from Ampurias goes back to
the early sixth century our periplus must be earlier still. This original document
later suffered many changes inmany hands, and its subsequent history is still the
subject of much dispute. It is certain that some account of the Periplus of the
North Sea made and recounted by the Carthaginian admiral, Himilco, about
500 B.C. was added by some Greek who had available a Greek translation of
Himilco's account. There may have been a re-casting in the fourth century and
a translation into Latin in the first century B.C. before it came into the hands of
Avienus. It has been thought (improbably) that in the penultimate stage it
passed through the hands of the famed litterateur King Juba of Mauretania.12
This document, with its mainly practical sailing directions, is primarily
concerned with Spain and Southern France and contains only incidental informa
tion about the Celts. It does, however, seem to vouch for the presence of Celtic
tribes on the North Sea, in France and in S.W. Spain in the early sixth century
B.C. It further provides the names of a few Celtic tribes in Spain, together with
an incorrect popular etymology of the native name of Ireland. It is agreeable to
find that our earliest document thus confirms the findings of the archaeologists
and linguists who would put the arrival of Celts in central and south-western
9
Rohde, p. 2J 0 ff :Pohlmann, Vol 2, p. 283 ff
10
Rohde, p 233 ff.: cf. O Wemreich, Antiphanes und Munchhausen, Ak. Wiss. Wien
SB 220, 4 Abh 1942
11Avieni Or a Maritima, ed. A. 1922: cf D L P Histona de Espafia,
Schulten, Garcia,
1934, Tomo I, p. 254 ff.
12On these see Schulten's and notes: Garcia loc, cit.:
questions preface Kttstormann
Hermes 68, 1933, p. 472: Jacoby III, a, p. 324 f.

Spain as early as the seventh century B.C. and their existence on the Middle
Rhine and in north-eastern and central France several centuries earlier still.13
Our next fragmentary notice is m the geographical work of Hecataeus of
Miletus, dated about 500 B.C. He mentions Narbonne as a Celtic town and
of unknown situation, as a Celtic town, and Marseilles as a
market-place, Nyrax,
city m the area of the Ligunans near Celtic territory.14
Some fifty years later Herodotus, while professing much ignorance of the
West, does mention the Celts as living on the upper Danube, near the Pyrenees,
and in farther Spain.15
In the fourth century B.C. the darkness of the earlier centuries on the Celts
is lightened by the glimmerings of a dawn of history, surprisingly vague glimmer
ings, indeed, when we consider the important positions now held by Celtic tribes
on all the fringes of the Classical world. For instance, Xenophon tells us that the
tyrant Dionysms of Syracuse engaged Celts as mercenaries to assist his Spartan
allies against the Thebans.16 These Celts fought m the Peloponnese in the
years 369 and 368 B.C. Plato, writing about the middle of the century, includes
the Celts in a list of six barbarian warlike peoples, who are given to drunkenness,
as opposed to the Spartan restraint. It appears from the context that this may
be special pleading and it should not be exaggerated.17 Asclepiades of Tragilos
mentions, perhaps about this time, a Celtic king, Boreas, with a daughter,
Cyparissa.18 This is merely a typical Greek genealogy connecting the Celts with
the north. At this time also the geographer Pseudo-Scylax speaks of a Celtic
tribe living between the Etruscans and the Veneti at the head of the Adriatic.19
It is in Aristotle, writing perhaps about 330 B.C., that we meet with observa
tions of more real interest. He mentions that in warlike nations like Sparta,
where women are given licence, or still worse, control, is bound to be too
money
highly honoured, with the exception of the Celts and whatever other peoples
openly esteem homosexual relations.20 The Celts again with a view to health and
to fitting them for military service, clothe their young children very lightly.21
Aristotle also knows of the Celts capturing Rome22 and professes to know that
the ass cannot live as far north as Celtica or Scythia because of the cold.23 He is
"
perhaps most interesting on the reckless Celtic bravery in battle, We have no
word for the man who is excessively fearless; perhaps one may call such a man
mad or bereft of who fears neither nor waves, as
feeling, nothing, earthquakes
"24 "
they say of the Celts Again, It is not bravery to withstand fearful things
through ignorance, for example if through madness one were to withstand the
13 P
Bosch-Gunpera, Etudes Celtiques 5, 1950-1, p. 352 ff.: R Lantier, ibid ,p 161 ff.:
P Bosch-Gimpera, Et Celt 6, 1953-4, pp 71-126* pp 328-355: ibid. 7, 1955-6, pp. 147-177.
A Tovar, Estudws scbre las primitivas lenguas Hispanicas, Buenos Aires, 1949
14F H.G
I, p 2 Jacoby, I A p 17. Nenci, Hecataei Milesn Fragmenta, p. 45
15Hdt *6Hellemca 17Laws
2, 33: 3, 115: 4, 49 VII 1, 20 and 31. 1, 637
13 m Vergilu F Gr Hist
apud Probum Georg II, 84: Jacoby, I, p 172. Zwicker,
Fontes Histonae Rehgwms Celticae I, p. 1.
19G G M 20Arist Pol 21Anst.
I, p 25-26 II, 9, 7 Pol. IV, 17, 2
22Plut 4
Camillus XXII,
23Arist Meteor , 1, 13, 28" de Ammahbus VIII, 28, 9.
34Arist. Ethic. Nicomach
III, 7, 7.

onset of thunderbolts, and again even if one understands how great the danger is,
it is not bravery to withstand it through high-spiritedness, as when the Celts
take up arms to attack the waves, and in general, the courage of barbarians is
compounded of high-spiritedness.''25 An interesting passage from a commentator
"
on Aristotle speaks of the natural law or natural justice of which all men speak
or have an inkling, both Celts and Scythians. This is their natural opinion, even
if they have no interrelation."26 This passage clearly reflects the earlier idealiza
tion of peripheral peoples such as the Hyperboreans whose place is now taken by
Celts and Scythians.
We know that the historian Ephorus, writing also about this time, gives the
four peripheral nations of the inhabited earth as the Indians to the East,
Ethiopians to the south, Celts to the west and Scythians to the north.27 Accord
ing to Strabo he included most of Spain, as far as Cadiz, in the territory of the
Celts, said that they were philhellenes and gave much special information about
them which was untrue in Strabo's day. A special trait was that they tried to
avoid corpulency and that any young man whose waist grew too large was fined.28
Ephorus also said, obviously referring to the background of Aristotle's remarks,
more Celts are drowned than are slain in battle.29 These
already quoted, that
stories must be echoes of some contemporary disaster caused by the flooding of
the sea into the area occupied by the Celts in the low countries.
The historian Theopompus also mentioned the capture of Rome by the
Gauls,30 and the alliance, if it was such, with Dionysius.31 He further related a
rather unworthy stratagem by which the Celts conquered the Illyrians32 and
mentioned the great city of Drilonius at the border of the Celtic country. These
passages reflect the military advance of the Celts towards the Balkans at the
end of the fourth century B.C.
A passage in another anonymous geographer, Pseudo-Scymnus,33 reflects
the geographical views of Ephorus. It speaks of the tin, gold, and copper washed
down by the rivers from the Celtic country to Tartessus and mentions the Celts
(in Spain) as the greatest people in the west. These Celts, according to Pseudo
Scymnus, have adopted Greek habits and are friendly to Greece through the
practice of guest-friendship and even use music at their public assemblies for its
soothing (like the Greeks).
effects
Pytheas is, of course, much more a pure scientist in the fields of astronomy
and geography than an ethnographer. The fragments have been recently edited
with an excellent introduction by H. J. Mette (1952). His voyage of study and
investigation around the shores of Spain, Gaul, the Low Countries and Baltic,
his circumnavigation of Britain and investigation of islands in the neighbourhood
such as Ireland and the still-disputed Thule, took place perhaps about 325 B.C.
25Arist. Ethic. Eudem. Ill, 1, 25.

26 Commentaria in Aristotelem Graeca 23 Rabe ad Aristotelem,
XXI, 2, p. 74, sqq.
p. 1373b5: Zwicker I, p. 3.
27
Cosmas, Topogr. Christ., p, 148: F.H.G. I, pp. 243-244.
28 Strabo
IV, 4, 6: F.H.G. I, p. 245. "Strabo VII, 2: F.H.G. I, p. 245.
30 31
Pliny, N. H. Ill, 9. Justin, XX, 5: F.H.G. I, p. 303.
32Athen. 33G.G.M.
X, p. 443: F.H.G. I, p. 284. I, p. 200-202.

His book, On the Ocean, determined practically all geographical ideas regarding
the north-west of the known world for the next four hundred years, even the
ideas of men like Polybius and Strabo who were too ignorant to understand his
work and were prejudiced enough to attempt to reject it. His geographical work
on the North Sea and its islands was first accepted by Timaeus, while at the same
time Eratosthenes used his data on Thule and Western Spain to fix the limits of
latitude and longitude of the oekumene. In the following century his observations
of solar altitude were used by Hipparchus as the basis for the northern part of his
table of parallels of latitude.34
Posidonius again named his geographical work after that of Pytheas and
highly praised his excellence in mathematics and astronomy.
"
In particular he
accepted the statement of Pytheas that in the far north there is either a com
plete absence or a scarcity of cultivated plants and domesticated animals; the
on millet and uncultivated
people live vegetables, fruits, and roots; those who
have corn and honey make their drink as well (as food, that is) out of them; this
corn, since they have no clear sun, they thresh in large houses, having brought in
the corn-heads, for threshing-floors are useless to them because of lack of sun and
the rains."35
Ptolemy, son of Lagus, tells the story that the Celts living on the Adriatic
met Alexander the Great on the Danube, and being asked by him what they
feared most answered that it was lest the sky should fall on them.36 This story
a
falls into well-known category of Greek question and unexpected answer. We
may compare Croesus* questions to Pittacus and Solon.37 It has behind it,
however, the current belief in Celtic fearlessness.
The accounts of the invasion of Greece and the attack on Delphi by the
Gauls in Pausanias and Justin are thought to be derived, perhaps at second-hand,
from Hieronymus of Cardia who was writing in the period 270-260 B.C.38 Their
main interest is historical but a few passages are of ethnographical interest. He
describes the Celtic battle-custom called trimarcisia in which two servants of a
mounted cavalry-man provide him with remounts or take his place in battle.39
A passage on the battle at Thermopylae describes the Celts fighting in rage and
like wild beasts without reason, words which are recalled when we read
spirit
Posidonius.40 It seems probable that it was due to ignorance of Greek customs
that the Celts did not ask for a truce to bury their dead after the battle. Again
the blood-curdling account of the slaughter at Callium in Aetolia obviously con
tains a good deal of propaganda.41
The poet Sopater, writing about 270 B.C., speaks of the Galatians sacrificing
their prisoners to the gods by burning after a victory, a primitive practice which
we shall meet again.42 A poem m the Greek Anthology of about 200 B.C. speaks
34 Die des Eratosthenes, 147 ff, 364 ff
Hugo Berger, geographischen Fragmente p
Die Fragmente des Hipparch, p 57 ff Geschichte der wissenschafthchen
geographischen
Erdkunde der Griechen, p 404, p 475 ff , p 485 ff
35 Strabo
IV, 5, 5.
36 Strabo Anabasis 1, 4, 6-8: Jacoby II B, p. 754 and
VII, 3, 8. Arnan, commentary
^ Hdt
I, 27, 30
38 F Gr. Hist II B D, Commentary on 154, p 544-5.
Jacoby,
3* Paus. 40 41Paus 42Athen.
X, 19 Paus X, 21. X, 22. IV, 51, p 160 E

Tierney?-The Celtic Ethnography of Posidonius 197
of the Celts dipping new-born infants in the Rhine as a test of the chastity of the
mother.43
The historian Phylarchus describes the feasting of all the Galatians for a year
by their rich countryman, Ariamnes. Elsewhere he describes their use of bread
and boiled meat, and the king's privilege at banquets.44 Passages in Posidonius
are reminiscent of both these motifs. An anonymous writer of about 200 B.C.
quotes a pseudo-Aristotelian work as saying that philosophy began with the

barbarians and in a list of philosophers among barbarian peoples the Druids and
Semnotheoi are mentioned among the Celts and Galatians.45
Lastly we come to Polybius, the most voluminous author so far on the Celts.
The mass of his material, as is natural, concerns and but a few
history geography,
passages can be found of ethnographical interest. In a short passage on Celtic
living conditions in Cisalpine Gaul he mentions such points as their beds of straw,
their meat-eating, their pursuit of war and agriculture and simplicity of life and,
finally, their institution of clientship, all of which points we shall meet again.46
In connection with the battle of Telamon (225 B.C.) we hear of the Celtic breeches
and cloaks, their necklaces and bracelets, of their vanity and bravado m fighting
naked, their head-hunting,47 their use of trumpets, their reckless courage and
self-sacrifice in battle and their mass suicide on defeat.48 Later on we hear of the
standards of a Athena, a Celtic and of the
golden goddess, clearly war-goddess,
fact that the Gauls are most
fearful only in their first spirited attack.49 A most
interesting passage describes a series of duels instituted by Hannibal among
Celtic prisoners, on his arrival in Italy. The prize was a royal panoply, a horse
and cloak.50 His account of the universal desire to fight and the universal
congratulation of the vanquished dead no less than the victor throws a brilliant
light on Celtic psychology.51 The story of Chiomara illustrates Celtic female
chastity, while that of Ortiagon is recalled by many passages of Caesar's Gallic
War.
The Celts in Greek and Greco-Roman Art
One should not omit to mention here the existence of a large complementary
body of evidence of strictly contemporary date, in the sphere of Greek and
Greco-Roman art, representations of the Gaulish warriors as they struck the
imagination of contemporary artists. These representations range over the last
three centuries B.C. and even later, that is, they cover the entire period during
which both Greek and Romans were concerned with and feared the Gauls. The
great groups of royal bronze statues dedicated towards the end of the third
century B.C. by the Pergamene kings at Pergamon, Delos, and on the Athenian
Acropolis as a record of their victories over these terrifying barbarian invaders
43 Gr. 44 F Gr. Hist.

Anth IX, 125 81, F 2, 9. Comm. II c, p. 135.
45 46 Pol.
ap Diog L Vitae philosoph , proem I, p 1, 6 ff. II, 17.
47 cf. Pol
III, 67 on these points see fit Celt. II, p. 194: Rev. Celt , 47, p. 258.
48 Pol. 49Pol
II, 28-31 II, 32-33.
50 cf Germama horse and ox.
Tacitus, 18, panoply,
51Pol. 52Pol. 21.
Ill, 62. XXII,

are undoubtedly the most important artistic records of the Gauls. Many marble
copies of the original bronzes, done by Roman or Hellenistic sculptors with
greater or less fidelity to their models can be seen in Rome and Naples and many
other museums of western These museums also possess numbers of
Europe. large
bronzes and terracottas, ornamental or other, inspired more or less directly by the
major Pergamene art on the warrior-Gaul themes, which have been studied by
P. Bienkowski in Les Celtes dans les arts mineurs greco-romains (Cracow, 1928).
The better copies of the major Pergamene dedications, such as the Ludovisi
group in the Terme Museum or the wounded Gaul in the Capitoline are very
impressive pieces of work. They are a vivid record of the violence and passion of
the age, expressed with the perfect mastery of an art which has long been
perfected. Their interest from the point of view of Celtic ethnography is that
they confirm so precisely many of the major and minor points of the literary
record. On the factual plane we have the tall, strong, fleshy bodies, the unkempt
hair, the fierce eyes, the upper-class moustache, the torques, sagum, girdle,
bracelets, the heroic nudity in battle, the typical trumpet, sword and shield.
But it is on the higher level of tfQos, of national character, that these sculptures
show most clearly the Gauls as depicted in defeat by their enemies. We see
suicide, the slaying of wife and self to escape slavery by death, we see the grim
savagery of the stress of battle, and above all we see the barbarian 017x0V, the
heroic spirit which Homer gives his heroes, the unyielding resolve of the Ajax of
Sophocles.
The Ethnographical Problem in general, and the of the

Question
Germani and the Method of Posidonius in particular
Having thus
recalled in brief the main lines of development of Greek
ethnographical writing and having cast a rapid glance at the chief surviving
fragments of Celtic ethnography in writers previous to Posidonius, we may now
turn to attempt a reconstruction of the Celtic ethnography of Posidonius himself
who, it is thought, represents the highest level of achievement, not only m Celtic
ethnography but in Greek ethnography as a whole. The work of Posidonius
(135-51 B.C.) which was contained in Book 23 of his History, is not extant, but
his material on the Celts is reproduced in summary and with some changes and
additions in three later Greek authors, the historian Diodorus Siculus, the
geographer Strabo, and the writer of miscellanies, Athenaeus. The similar
material in Caesar's Gallic War is taken from Posidonius without acknowledge
ment and with significant and highly debatable omissions and additions. There
is very little ethnographic material m later writers on the Celts which does not
come from the four authors mentioned and ultimately from Posidonius.
Before we begin the analysis of the form and content of these four authors
it will be a very useful and even necessary preliminary to discuss the viewpoint
of Posidonius on Northern Europe as a whole in so far as our information allows.
In the discussions on the ethnography of Northern Europe which have gone on
for over a century the mam problem has been the emergence of the Germans in
the first century B.C. as a distinct ethnographic unit. But if we wish to envisage
this question clearly it is necessary to realize that the distinct ethnographic unit

is rather like the chameleon, that in fact, strictly speaking, such entities do not
exist. How many of the numerous natural and artificial elements in these units
are in any way lasting, apart from the physiological bases of the genes ? All
artefacts spread, as though by a law of nature, from the more to the less civilized
peoples. The same thing is true of forms and institutions, from architecture to
burial rites, from cookery to kingship, it is true of religions, and of all ideas,
which are at once the most material and the most immaterial of things. This
ever-moving interchange is a fundamental process of human history and civiliza
tion whose pace may be forced by war and conquest and the formation of larger
political units, but which can never be checked. Ethnographical units cannot be
determined by physical shape or colour, by language, burial rites, political or
religious forms any more than by dress or the shapes of sword or shield.
But, nevertheless, the ancients had to use names, group names, to denote
the various barbarian tribes surrounding the Mediterranean basin, and it was on
the basis of such group names, established on however slender foundations, that
Greek ethnographic writing grew and developed. We should then make a primary
distinction between the actual ethnographic situation on the one hand, which
may be described in the most general terms as a gradual shading off from civiliza
tion and culture to barbarism, and on the other the rather schematic representa
tion (or lack of representation) of these facts in the generalized statements and
more or less well-founded assertions of ethnographers. The north of Europe had
been occupied exclusively by Celts and Scythians since the fifth century B.C.,
according to the ethnographers, and their scheme is rudely burst apart in the first
century B.C. by the intruding Germans. But we must understand that the
Germans had been there all the time and that all that happened in the first
century B.C. was that the south of Europe became aware of their separate
identity.
The early Greek tradition regarding the north-west is a vague and semi
mythical one concerning the Hyperboreans and the Rhipaean mountains, men
tioned in poems ascribed to Homer and Hesiod.63 The tradition persisted down
to the fifth century as it is also found in iEschylus54 and Hellanicus,55 and even
as late as Apollonius Rhodius.66 We know that there were other early traditions
as in the line attributed to Hesiod by Eratosthenes and quoted by Strabo57
"
Ethiopians, Ligurians and mare-milking Scythians." The beginnings of
organized geographical knowledge are shown in the work of Hecataeus of Miletus,
who described the known world from Spain to India, and in north-west Europe
described in succession the Ligurian, Celtic, Scythian and Thracian peoples. As
one might expect, it was this view of the Celts and Scythians inhabiting north
western Europe which became the accepted belief. We find it in Ephorus,
Aristotle and Pytheas. In Pytheas the Scythians extend as far west as the Baltic
and the North-Sea -and4his*4s the universal view of later-writers, e.g., Timeeus,
Hecataeus of Abdera, Xenophon of Lampsacus.58 To Posidonius, when giving
^ Hdt. 54P Grace. Dmdorf, 115. " F.H.G.

IV, 32 Seen p I, p. 58.
56 67
IV, 284-7. VII, 3, 7.
58H. von Massaha F 6a 3, F II b.
J. Mette, Pytheas

an ethnographical sketch of Northern Europe therefore, the only question which

would occur in regard to such tribes as the Cimbri and Teutones or the Germani
would be whether their affiliations were rather Celtic than Scythian. The
detailed researches of Miillenhoff and Norden, among others, have shown that
Posidonius certainly regarded them as Celtic, although modern scholars would
regard the Cimbri at least as German. The nomad tradition of the Scythians,
as opposed to the settled agriculture of the Celts should, on general grounds, have
made Posidonius associate the Germanic tribes rather with the west, and we know
in fact, that he did this in particular for the tribe of the Germani.59
Norden has given the best account of how the name Germani, originally
a few strongly celticized cis-Rhenane
applied to tribes, spread through the usage
of their Celtic neighbours as a designation for the neighbouring trans-Rhenane
tribes into final acceptance as a group-name by the Germans themselves.60 In
the Cimbri Posidonius believed he had found again, with a slight change of name,
the Homeric Cimmerii. They were still a fierce nomadic people, while the
Germani on the Rhine had become assimilated to the civilization of the Celts.
It was of these, the localized cis-Rhenane Germani, that Posidonius gave an
ethnographical sketch in the thirtieth book of his History. Miillenhoff has shown
how the wider use of the name German became naturalized in Rome during the
slave-war 73-71 B.C., bringing with it also the realization that the famed Cimbri
and Teutones had been German and not Gallic tribes.61 It is this fairly recent
distinction that Caesar is rather inclined to emphasize in his Gallic War at the
expense of the older view of his authority, Posidonius. The older terminology
persisted, however, in the Greek writers for quite a long period, for instance we
find that Diodorus Siculus makes Scythia quite definitely the eastern border of
the Celtic or Galatian area.62
We should keep well in mind, therefore, the fact that Posidonius, when
speaking of the inhabitants of Northern Europe, stood in a tradition which
referred to them variously as Hyperboreans, Scythians, and Celts, together with
whatever particular tribal names had become known such as the Cimbri and
Teutones. The occasion of his Celtic ethnography was as an introduction to the
first transalpine war against the Celts (125-121 B.C.) and stood in Book 23 of
the History. His ethnographic sketch of the Germani, in the restricted sense just
described, stood in Book 30, perhaps in connection with the raids of the Cimbri
into Gaul.63 His account of the Cimbri stood in this or one of the following books.
He spoke of their origins and migration, described the land and people and
narrated their clashes with other peoples down to their destruction by the
Romans.64 Here also probably stood the account of tribes nearer to the Black
Sea, the Getae and Mysians, quoted by Strabo in the following chapter, which is
an excellent example of the method testified also for Posidonius by Strabo in
? Strabo 196.
IV,
60
Norden, ibid., p. 379 ff: Acceptance, that is, in the usage of Celt and Roman.
61Deutsche Altertumskunde II, 153-162.
62
Diod. V 23, 32: Norden, ibid., p. 101 f.
83Athen. IV 39, p. 153 E: Jacoby, 22.
F,
64 Strabo VII
2, 1-3: Jacoby F 31. Commentary, p. 179.

"
regard to peoples of the Near East.85 Posidonius' method is to search for the
true origins by studying the common qualities and "
family likenesses of nations
ano rwv iOv&v Kal
(tcavTavQa rrjs ovyyeveias koivotyjtos irvixoXoywv) this criterion
being further defined as language, way of life, bodily characters, geographical

collocation, common names, all considered under the influences of
transforming
climate and of lapse of time acting either towards assimilation or towards
dissimilation.66
It is clear, then, that Posidonius had no pan-Germanic but
ethnography
rather a discussion of particular European tribes. Jacoby points out that neither
has Diodorus Siculus a Germanic ethnography67 which suggests the same con
elusion. When Julius Caesar, therefore, attempts to give a Germanic
ethnography
in his Gallic War he has, apart from his own observations, to use materials which
were provided by the Greek tradition whether asserted about Hyperboreans,
Celts or Scythians, and the great probability is, that for this, as for the Gallic
ethnography, he used Posidonius. Norden devotes a few pages of his book to the
"
distortions of truth caused by ethnographische Wandermotive," statements
made about one people which are later, whether truly or untruly, made about
another. A study of ancient ethnography shows the extreme frequency of such
borrowings which leaves us with grave doubts of their historical
accuracy.
Norden hints at deformation of the truth through continuous transference and
stylization, and while fully admitting the correctness of this contention, we
may
go still further and widen it into the statement that the routine ethnographical
schemata seem to have acted like blinkers on the less able ethnographers, and by
them with a set of stock questions to have inhibited their
presenting ability to
ask any others or to see their subject clearly. Posidonius, of course, does not
belong to this category, but Julius Caesar just as definitely does. Caesar has, of
course, the saving excuse that he could (and obviously did) reason that ethno
graphic descriptions given by Posidonius or the authorities quoted by Posidonius
of the various peoples in the area which Caesar now called
Germany (e.g., the
Cimbri, etc., the Hercynian forest) did actually refer to the Germans.
Analysis of the Relevant Passages of the Four Authors who draw upon
Posidonius
Athenûs
Turning to now
the analysis of our four authors, we may begin with the
latest in date, Athenaeus, both because his four passages being verbatim or
nearly
so, give us a good idea of Posidonius' style and method of treatment in detail,
while his actual extent provides a clue to the extent of the as a
ethnography
whole. The longest passage,68 on Celtic food and drink, is the most instructive.
It is not quite verbatim as an extra detail is supplied by Diodorus.69 We cannot
es StraboVII 3, 1-3: Jacoby, F, 104. Strabo I 2, 34:

Jacoby, F, 105.
67Diod. V 24 ff.: on F, 22, p. 169.
Jacoby
68Athen.
IV, 36, p. 151 E-152 D: Jacoby, F, 15.
Diod. V, 28, 4.

but admire this clear and vivid loose-limbed style so perfectly adequate to the
subject. The even flow of the paratactic cola, all long sentences beginning with
a long or short word followed by oV, are very reminiscent of the ethnographical
sections of Herodotus. This passage, like so many others, proves that Posidonius
was a fine natural stylist. But examination in detail shows that he was a great
scientist and ethnographer as well. There is not one superfluous word in these
thirty-five lines and each word and sentence scientifically builds up our know
ledge of the ostensible and real subject, Celtic food and drink, but it is Celtic food
and drink as seen by a superb social ethnologist, first in its physical background,
then as an expression of a military hierarchy, and lastly in its social and economic
framework. It is clear that there is no summarizing this compressed scientific
style of Posidonius other than by omitting everything of value, that is, both the
style and the science. And yet practically all our knowledge of his Celtic ethno
graphy is derived from unintelligent summaries.
A clue to the extent of the ethnography is the fact that thirty-five of
Jacoby's lines correspond to four in the Teubner Diodorus, Jacoby's lines being
half as long again as those in Teubner. This gives a relation of one to thirteen for
this passage in Diodorus, and we shall probably not go far wrong in reckoning his
abbreviation generally as something approaching one in ten, which, considering
the number of items testified in all four sources combined, would go to show that
the original was of the order of 100 Teubner pages for the Gallic geography plus
ethnography.
The second fragment of Athenaeus70 contains three separate points, the first
of which must have come shortly after the first long fragment as it describes the
" "
occasional Celtic practice of single combat at meals." They engage in a mock
battle-drill and thrust-and-parry in arms, but sometimes wounds are inflicted and
the hot blood caused by this may lead even to the slaying of the opponent unless
the bystanders hold them back." This custom is given a different motivation
by Diodorus and related at a later point in the narrative.71 Posidonius related the
practice as an item of interest in itself and, further, as an illustration of barbarian
high spirit. The second point, on the hero's portion, and on the combat unto
death which followed when it was disputed, must have followed closely on the
first. It is completed in Diodorus by the parallel of the hero's piece of Ajax in
the Iliad.72 Posidonius must either have himself learned of this obsolete practice
or found it in an earlier writer (Phylarchus or Artemidorus ?), but he himself
will have given the Homeric parallel as an illustration of the identity of Homeric
and barbaric custom. In this connection he will certainly have pointed out the
small, but all the more significant parallel of the small Celtic dagger-sheath
attached to the great sword-sheath73 with the identical sword and dagger equip
ment of Ajax.74 The third and strangest item in this fragment, the custom of
suicide (although at another's hand), on receipt of payment or gifts, seems to
come from a quite different context and will be discussed later in connection with
a passage of Caesar.
70Athen. IV 40, p. 154 A-C: 71Diod.

Jacoby, F, 16. V, 28, 5.
72 Iliad 321. 73 74 Iliad
VI, Jacoby, F, 15. III, 271-2.

The third, rather short fragment75 seems to have been part of a description
of Celtic warlike customs, or if not this, then a description of client ship, or one
of the educated classes. In either of the first two cases it would have been a
partial anticipation of the description of the educated classes which probably
"
came later. In this description of Celtic companions, called parasites," the last
word was evidently not so used by the Celts. Probably Posidonius quoted the
" " " "
Celtic word for this class and the words parasite and companion are parts
of his gloss on it. It is important to realize that this apparent duplication of the
Bards is only The distinctions are clear and, accurate.
apparent. presumably,
"
Thecompanions (of the chieftains, as we may add) accompany them in war as
well as in peace. They pronounce their praises before the whole assembly and
before each of the chieftains in turn as they listen. Their entertainments are
called Bards. These are poets who deliver eulogies in song." The former class
may have been a kind of honorary herald (like the Homeric heralds) who opened
the proceedings at the council (Caesar's senatus) and called on each chieftain by
his honorific genealogy. The passage quoted as a parallel by Jacoby from
Appian76 clearly refers to a bard.
Our last fragment is given by Athenaeus in indirect speech and relates an
actual piece of ancient Celtic history, in this being at least a partial analogy to
the account of the hero's piece. Athenaeus quotes it in a context of banquets,
as we can easily understand from its content, but in Posidonius it described the
wealth of Louernios as it was used to win the favour of the people, and this is
quite different from the moral condemnation of wealth and luxury which the very
abbreviated version in Strabo77 would suggest. The context in Posidonius, as
Athenaeus still lets us divine, must have been part of an analysis of the Celtic
socio-political scene, the relationship of wealth to political influence, a very
obvious relationship, of course, whether in Rome or elsewhere, but particularly
fundamental to the Celtic system of clientship. The widespread use which Caesar
makes of this motif in the Gallic War shows that it was, perhaps, the part of
Posidonius' account which most impressed him.78 I have already referred to the
description of the public feasting of the Galatians by Ariamnes in the historian
Phylarchus, so Posidonius is not quite original in its use.79 The passage itself is
again a magnificent piece of characterization. The servility and florid effusion of
the bard and the lordly and theatrical generosity of the king are touches of a
master's hand.
Diodorus Siculus
The
eight chapters of our next authority, Diodorus Siculus (V 25-32) have
long ago been shown to belong to Posidonius, together with the corresponding
passages in Strabo.80 Of these chapters the first three are on the physical and
economic geography of Gaul, the next four on the ethnography proper, while the
75 ' 77 Strabo IV 2, 3.
Athen. VI 49, p. 246 CD: Jacoby, F, 17. Appian Celt., 12.
78 B.G. I 5: 2: 3: 1: 3-7: 2-4: 2.
e.g. 3, 4, 9, 17, 18, 20, VI, 15,
79 It is instructive to compare D. P. Costello on the theme of public in ancient
feasting
Russian life and literature in The Russian Folk Epic, Manchester Memoirs, 1957-8, p. 100.
80
Miillenhoff, Deutsche Altertumskunde II, 303 ff.

last is a mixed bag. This arrangement of material, as mentioned earlier,

chapter
is found in Herodotus, and is common in Hellenistic ethnography. It may well
represent the disposition of the original. Jacoby considers that what we have m
Diodorus is a very summary excerpt, particularly at the beginning in the descrip
tion of the country and at the end, in the description of the far North.81 Posidon
ius began then (according to Jacoby, with whom I fully agree) with a description
of Narbonensis and proceeded northwards from there to the unknown parts of
the country on which only a limited amount of information was available m
Marseilles. Any difficulties of interpretation are due, not to the additions of
Diodorus, which are quite unimportant and easy to detect, but on the one hand
to his ruthless abbreviation of the original, and on the other to the fact that his
attempt to summarize led him, stupidly but logically, to make a description of
Gaul as such out of what had been in Posidonius a depiction of Narbonensis and
of the rest of the country to the North. His description of the people is, by
comparison, intact and can be supplemented from the direct and indirect frag
ments. Diodorus himself makes a few additions in the wrong place. We get
much more from the parallel passages in Strabo (II5,28; IV1,1-4,5). So far, one
can follow Jacoby but his subsequent remarks on the dependence of Strabo on
Timagenes are subject to caution. We should remember, moreover, that it is in
" "
the ethnography which he calls by comparison intact that we have already
found the relationship of one to thirteen with respect to Posidonius.
The first paragraph, concerning population, is obviously taken from a larger
context in Posidonius, giving in detail the figures for the tribes known to him. It
was also part of a historical context as we see from the corresponding fragment in
Strabo on the Arverni (Strabo IV 2, 3).82 We find a great deal of Posidonius'
introduction in Strabo (IV 1, 1). After the historical introduction came the
geographico-ethnographical excursus, followed by the recital of the war itself.
In the second paragraph on the cold and frozen rivers of Gaul the careful
distinctions of Posidonius are obliterated and what he said about the North,
including Germany (probably following Pytheas), is here baldly stated of Gaul as
a whole. The account of great armies crossing the ice-bound rivers will also have
been a historical reference in Posidonius. The river-system of paragraphs three
and four is only a remnant of Posidonius' discussion broken by a pedestrian
remark of Diodorus concerning Julius Caesar. Diodorus admits his abbreviation
here. We shall find, in treating of Strabo, that the number of mouths of the
Rhone had long been a disputed point.
In the first paragraph of chapter 26 the Mistral which is described in Strabo
(IV, 1, 7) as blowing in the plain of La Crau west of Marseilles is again generalized
so as to blow over most of France. The rest of this chapter summarizes
Posidonius' development of the old Hippocratic writer's views concerning the
of man on Nature, particularly as advanced by Pytheas in his
dependence
observations on the limits within which certain crops grow in North-western
Europe. Posidonius (Strabo IV 1, 2) had spoken in precise detail of the limits of
81 on F
Jacoby, Commentary 116, p 212
82 cf. Griechisches Lesebuch 144.
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, II, p.

cultivation within the Narbonese province of the olive, vine, fig, corn, etc.
This becomes in Diodorus a misleading negation for all Gaul. The lack of wine
due to the cold causes both the manufacture of barley-beer (wheaten beer in
Athenaeus) and the import of wine from Italy. To this is added a second account
of the navigable rivers by which the wine is imported, the transference to wagons
over the plains and the barter, on very uneconomic terms, of one wine-jar for one
young slave. All this is put against a background of Gallic drunkenness and
simple-minded ignorance of economics. If we may trust Diodorus to have
preserved here the train of thought of Posidonius, then these last points are an
anticipation of the ethnographic sketch yet to come, which occurred naturally
in an account of Gallic economic life, this account itself being a development of
the above-mentioned Hippocratic ideas.
Chapter 27 continues the description of the economic wealth of Gaul with
an account of the gold-dust brought down by the rivers, its recovery and smelting.
This leads on naturally to a description of the gold ornaments worn by men and
women, and of the gold treasures openly exposed in sanctuaries among the
" "
northern Celts which their superstition, nevertheless, prevents the lucre
loving Gauls from touching. These again seem to be natural anticipations of two
themes of the later ethnography, to wit Gallic vanity and superstition, introduced
here by the common element, gold. We know from Athenaeus83 that Posidonius
spoke of the gold of Gaul in connection with that of the Helvetii and in a general
discussion of gold and gold-mining among the classical and barbarian nations,
considering the banning of gold by barbarian nations (e.g., the Gallic Scordistae)
with the eye of the philosophic observer for the basic moral reality (kclItoi ye
?VX1 T? yev?S T?v dAAa rrjv UpoavXtfoacrav The
ixpfjv crvXrjQevTos, acrejSeiav eôplcrai).
subject of mining an old one, treated of by Xenophon

was and Demetrius of
Phaleron. Later we have the terrible description of the Egyptian gold mines by
Agatharchides84 which was imitated by Posidonius in his description of the
Iberian mines.85 The account of the dedications of gold in the temples must
belong to the same theme as that which Caesar gives in more detail (B.G. VI 17,
3-5). His restriction of this to war-booty is probably incorrect. The summary of
Diodorus is again achieved by vagueness and want of any precision.
In chapter 28 we begin the ethnography proper and immediately feel that we
have reached Posidonius again despite the great compression of the account to
which I have already referred. The physical description of the men was probably
followed by that of the women and children, of which latter, chapter 32, 2 and 7
are probably remnants added as an after-thought by Diodorus. The moustaches
of the upper-class are well illustrated, on an artistic scale, in the Pergamon
sculptures. The age of the boys serving at table corresponds with the custom
mentioned by Caesar (B.G. VI18, 3). The customs of Celtic guest-friendship were
same way as the hero's
probably again illustrated by Homeric parallels in the
piece. If the theme of contempt of death with its Pythagorean causation is in
its correct original location at the end of this chapter, then we can also place here,
88Athen. VI 23-25, p. 233D-234C: Jacoby, F, 48.

84 " Diod.
Agatharchides cap. 24, G.G.M. I, p. 124 ff. V, 35-38.
TJ

206Proceedings of the Royal Irish Academy
as illustrations of the theme, both the single combats just mentioned and, further,
the extremely peculiar custom of suicide for pay which we have already met in
Athenaeus. The final point in these alleged Pythagorean beliefs, that letters are
thrown on the funeral pyre in the belief that the dead can read them, I find quite
incredible. It seems rather to be the product of a wonder-making fantasy which
has progressed a step further by the time of Pomponius Mela and turned these
letters into cheques on the bank of Pluto (Mela III 2* ohm negotwrum ratio etiam
et exactio crediti deferebatur ad inferos) It is possible that the statement comes
from a of a Gallic funeral-rite an observer.
misinterpretation by ignorant
" "
Diodorus says it happens only at some funeral-pyres. We know of the Gallic
custom of burning grave-goods with the dead (CaesarB.G. VI19, 4-5; Mela ibid.).
In the case of a bard it would be natural that some of his cherished manuscripts
would share his pyre and this may have caused the misinterpretation. The
reference to the Pythagorean belief would be another example of anticipation of
what was later stated of the Druids.
Chapters 29 and 30 form a unit dealing" with chariots, battle-customs,
clothing and armour with the key-word terrifying" (KaTaTrXrjKTucov) as
Jacoby says. We have already met the idea and the word in Polybms (II 28-29).
Many, if not all, of the objects and customs mentioned can be illustrated by art
and archaeology or by Greek or Irish epic poetry This is true of the heroic
nudity,86 the battle-challenges, the boasting and insults of the warriors. The
head-hunting is illustrated by the triumphal arch at Orange and even more by
the recent French excavations in the lower Rhone valley where many sculptured
heads have been found and even actual skulls pierced by long iron nails, including
a woman's skull.87 These are of Posidonian date. The
approximately chapter
ends with one of the frequent Posidonian sententiae. Chapter 30 can similarly be
illustrated from the monuments. It is a model of compression and of technical
accuracy. Jacoby points out that Posidonius would have gone into more detail
" "
m the of the depa-novres. The companions whom we have met in
description
Athenaeus are, one of the many omissions made here Diodorus.
presumably, by
Again, where Caesar mentions the plebs (B.G. VI 13, 1-2) one feels that he also is
over a gap.
glossing great
Chapter 31 is the most interesting m content of what Diodorus has to offer.

The physical impression made by the Celts is compressed into a striking series of
compound adjectives and verbal phrases, then the description moves to the
mental plane with similar striking phrases for Celtic speech and thought, and
climaxes in the theatrical bombast of the Celtic character, with a final quiet close
on their quickness of intellect and flair for education which leads on naturally
to an account of the three educated classes of Bard, Druid and Seer. All this is
given in a dithyrambic succession of tricola and dicola. We meet here the three
classes of Bard, Druid and Seer and it is particularly unfortunate that Diodorus
has abbreviated so ruthlessly. He has only space to mention the custom of
8*On its see lit. Celt.

religious significance II, p. 194.
87 near Aix-en-Provence See Gallia XII,
e.g, at Entremont 1954, fasc 2, p 285 ff :
cf A Grenier, Les Gaulois, p 203 Revue des fit. Anc ,LVIII, 1956, p 271 For ethnological
to the Celtic head-hunting m the ancient world see fit Celt II, p. 197
parallels

divination by human sacrifice by the Seers and the halting

"
of battle-charges by
the Bards, and to quote the final point of Posidonius, Thus even among the
most savage barbarians Spirit yields to Wisdom and Ares pays homage to the
Muse."
In the final chapter 32 Jacoby and Triidinger regard section 6, concerning
human sacrifice, as going together with the practice of divination by human
sacrifice already mentioned. The rest of this chapter (apart from 2, 6, 7 already
dealt with) Jacoby would assign, and rightly so, to the introduction to the Gallic
ethnography in which the northern position of the land was described, together
with a discussion of the partly-known or unknown peoples of the area. From this
quarter came the succession of predatory incursions, from the Cimmerii to the
Cimbri, which shook the Greco-Roman world. Posidonius identifies the Cimbri
with the Cimmerii, regarding the latter word as having become slightly changed
in the course of centuries.
Strabo
When turn to our third authority,

we Strabo, we find that scholars are
generally agreed that he used Posidonius very extensively for his geography and
ethnography of Gaul in the first four chapters of his fourth book. But opinions
differ as to whether his use was direct or indirect. Klotz, in his Caesarstudien,
attempted to prove that Strabo mainly used the intervening source, Timagenes,
the Alexandrian historian, who would have brought up to date the political and
historical references of Posidonius, thus providing a more up-to-date authority
ready to hand for Strabo. Jacoby accepts Klotz's view in his commentary, but
this view has more recently been controverted and it seems to me with consider
able success points out that the post-Posidonian informa
by Laqueur.88 Laqueur
tion in Strabo refers mostly to the campaigns of Caesar and the new political
of The sections to the age seem,
arrangements Augustus. relating Augustan
stylistically, to be additions of Strabo. A decision on this point, however, does

not affect in principle the view of Klotz, it may even help it since it is impossible
to push the date of Timagenes down too far into the Augustan period. But even
a modernization of Posidonius down to the time of Caesar by Timagenes is more
than doubtful. He is mentioned only once in Book IV, and then for a trifling
historical detail, and this is probably a reminiscence from the history of
which we know was in fact used by Strabo in his history. Another
Timagenes,
a likely use of Timagenes by Strabo in regard to the educated
point, regarding
classes among the Celts, will be discussed later. There should be added to the
arguments of Laqueur the obvious fact that references to Caesar and Augustus
in Strabo are couched in a language of friendship and admiration for Rome and
its great men which is typical of Strabo, and the exact opposite of what the scanty
tradition tells us of Timagenes. We know, then, that Strabo used Posidonius who
had already used the geographical work of Artemidorus on the same area. We
cannot have any certainty about what other writers Strabo used in addition, as
it is normally only on points of (usually) petty geographical polemics that the
88RE VI A s.v. Timagenes, 1063-1071.

different views of various writers are a certain vagueness in the

given. Leaving
air on this point we may turn to discuss what in these chapters of Strabo may
be referred with probability to Posidonius.
The section II 5, 28 clearly belongs to the geographical introduction to Gaul

and is referred back to at IV I, 1. The description of the Ligurians at the end,
" "
belonging to a different stock, but with the same way of life is typical of
Posidonius. The bounding of Celtic territory by the Rhine is part of Strabo's
general disposition of his material. It was common knowledge in Rome since
the publication of Caesar's Commentaries and there is no need to conjure up a
shadowy figure to inform Strabo of the fact. We may note that the Rhine and
Pyrenees run parallel, south to north. Elsewhere he tells us that they converge
slightly towards the north.
Chapter 1,1 of Book IV continues the general sketch of Gaul after Posidonius.
The triple division of the population, which is that of Caesar (B.G. I, 1), is shown
to be Posidonian by the typical distinctions of language, physical characteristics,
types of government and ways of life. It is clear that Posidonius discussed the
differences in type of government and way of life as between Gauls and Belgae, and
this fact alone should be sufficient to apprise us of some of the large lacunae which
exist in our fragmentary tradition. The subject of the verbs in the past tense is
Posidonius and Artemidorus, and exclusively Posidonius for the points mentioned
in the last sentence. Strabo then quotes Julius Caesar for the same triple division
and then mentions the new quadripartite administration of Augustus. The last
"
sentence is important as it gives Strabo's method. He intends to give the
geography and the notable ethnographical points, with side-glances at the
political situation." It is clear that the rather ruthless cutting admitted here has
been practised infinitely more at the expense of the ethnography than the
geography. Section 2 describes the hydrographic system, with special reference
to commercial exchanges and goes on to discuss the fertility and population of
Narbonensis. The discrepancy between his information, which largely concerns
"
the south and his statement that this generally refers to all outer Celtica,"
shows very well his tendency to generalize the statements of Posidonius which
were most exact for the south.
The following section 3 gives the boundaries of Narbonensis and then Strabo
introduces figures from the Roman itineraries on the roads from Spain to Italy
through Provence, one running from the Spanish frontier through Nimes,
Beaucaire, Tarascon, Aix and Antibes, the other running farther north after
Tarascon to cross the Durance at Cavaillon and continue into Italy by an Alpine
pass. Sections 4 and 5 are a digression on Marseilles, the first giving the
foundation-story of the temple of Artemis, complete with relics. The second,
after praising the flourishing aristocratic government of the city (thus
reflecting
exactly the political views of Posidonius), gives a digest of its constitution,
economics colonies and recent history, which last is then brought up to date by
Strabo, who adds some admiring remarks of his own. The note on Massaliot
dowries is probably an additional quotation from Posidonius whose account was
not quite so schematic.

In sections 6 to 9 we have remains of a detailed description of Narbonensis.

We have here the context of the scrap misquoted in Diodorus (V 26, 1). It is
obvious that in these sections, as also in sections 10-14 following, we have more
geographical detail than there can have been in the geographical section of
Posidonius. But any argument which is available against the history of Posidonius
here is equally available against the history of Timagenes. There would be more
reason to think of the use by Strabo of Timagenes' five-volume periplus.89
After the paradoxon of the subterranean fish comes that of the Mistral in the
plain of La Crau. Here we find Posidonius the physicist, the literary man and
the philosopher, all in one. He quotes Aristotle on earthquakes and Êschylus
on the magical Ligurian plain and then asks why did not Zeus himself overwhelm
the Ligurians rather than place Heracles in need of so many stones. All this
moves Strabo to one of his passionate and superficial polemics. Yes, he says,
Heracles had to have so many stones, against so many Ligurians, so Êschylus
is more convincing than Posidonius. Moreover, by using the word destiny
iEschylus forestalls any captious criticism. In the Stoic volumes on providence
and there are of human and natural events where one
destiny many
examples
" "
says far better
this than that for example, that Egypt should have rain and
that Ethiopia should not irrigate the land, or that Paris should have drowned on
his voyage to Sparta. Strabo ends his homily with a quotation from Euripides,
in emulation of his source.
The mention of Posidonius in sections 13 and 14 proves that he treated of

the Gallic tribes in the area, and there is every reason to think that the account
of the providential arrangement of land, sea and rivers in Gaul also comes from
him. The same remark may be made about the geographical detail in chapters 2
and 3 as were made about the latter part of chapter 1. Points which certainly,
or probably, belong to Posidonius are the remarks about the Aquitani repeated
from chapter 1, those about the gold and silver mines, and on the Arverni, and
in chapter 3 those on the Sequani,90 on the Rhine and the Cimbri.
When we turn to Strabo's few short pages on the ethnography (Strabo IV 4,
2-5), we find that the order is quite different from that in Diodorus, in fact there is
very little order of any kind. The first part of 2 on the warlike, spirited, but
simple nature of the Celts reads like a prosaic version of the beginning of V 31 in
Diodorus with the addition of the idea of simplicity which is omitted in Diodorus.
This psychological triad is then developed and leads up to the Celtic aptitude
for education as in the passage of Diodorus mentioned. We may, therefore,
assign it with some confidence to the section preceding the mention of Bards
and Druids. Strabo brings the description up to date, saying that war has now
become obsolete and the Gauls are living in peace. The following remarks on
their likeness to the Germans come from Posidonius who, of course, spoke of the
Galatians to the north and east across the Rhine. Strabo substitutes the new
terminology. Again at the end Strabo develops a remark of Posidonius, compar
ing the strategy of Gaul and Iberian.
89 Hermes
Laqueur op. cit. col. 1069: cf. Mommsen XVI, 1881, 620.
?
Norden, p. 232 ff.

Section 3 opens with notes on two topics, military valour and size of popula
tion. The remarks on the Belgae come originally from Posidonius as we see from
the parallel m Caesar (B.G. I 1, 3), but the development on the fifteen tribes, the
Bellovaci, etc., was probably taken by Strabo from Caesar (B.G. II 4, 5-10) since
we cannot trust Posidonius to have had so much detail. Strabo, incidentally,
mistranslates Caesar's phrase about the Suessiones. The population again
figures
come from Caesar, but we can see from IV 2, 3 that they are developed from the
earlier army totals of Posidonius. The rest of the section returns to ethnography
with a succession of themes, dress, arms, food, houses,
proper government.
Now in Diodorus also we have the sequence dress, arms (V 30) a very old seq
uence, but food came earlier (V 28), and houses and government do not appear
at all. We can make several deductions from these facts. Since the order and
connections of V 28-30 are excellent m Diodorus and most probably give us the
order in Posidonius, we can see firstly that Strabo disregards this order, putting
an earlier element later. We can see further that Diodorus, quite apart from his
ruthless can omit whole sections, for those on houses and
summarizing, example,
government. The various small discrepancies are easily explained by the fact
that both of our sources are summarizing their original.
Section 4, on the honoured and learned classes, has parallels in all our other
authorities. On the question whether there were two or three classes the specific
number given by Strabo should be decisive. Diodorus also gives three classes
and the special pleading which tries to make him give only two fails to convince.91
We know, moreover, that for Posidonius the class of seers was very important
and this puts the matter beyond doubt. The passage of Ammianus Marcellinus,92
perhaps quoted from Timagenes, is interesting in that it gives the context of the
introduction of the learned classes in Posidonius: per haec loca hominibus paulatim
excultis viguere studia laudabilium doctrinarum, mchoata per bardos et euhagis et
dryidas. Bickel explains very plausibly the corrupt phrase scrutantes serviani in
the next line as having been originally: scrutantes sacruficandi,93 this being a
translation of Strabo's Upoiroiol just as the phrase subhmia naturae pandere
translates <j>vaio\6yoi. The science of nature meant for Posidonius the science of
the universe, in particular of the relations between God and man which were
expressed and confirmed by divination.
Bickel's other argument, however, which rejects the explanation of Zeuss94
that euhagis in Ammianus is a palaeographical corruption of ovdreis m Strabo,
and argues that evayeis was the original word in Posidonius, cannot be accepted.
Klotz actually argued95 that ovarec? in Strabo is itself a corruption of the
supposed evayets in Posidonius, but Bickel is unwilling to follow him so far.
It seems obvious that Posidonius here followed his regular practice in the Celtic
ethnography and gave the native word ovdreis, together with one or more
glosses as he did in the case of the Bards and Druids, of the Celtic drink and of
items of their military equipment. Thus he glossed ovdrets with fidvreis
91 120: Trudmger, Rhemisches Museum
Klotz, Caesarstudien, p p. 94: Bickel, 77, 1938,
p. 201 ff.
92Amm 93Bickel
Marc XV 9, 8: Jacoby, F, 2. ibid.
?4 Gram. Celt , 2nd ed., 1868, p 46. ?
Zeuss, Klotz, ibid., p 127.

(Diodorus), with Upoiroiol Kal <f>v?io\6yoi (Strabo) and perhaps even with evayels
although this last is considerab.y less probable than the
(Timagenes-Ammianus)
corruption assumed by Zeuss. It is to be noted that the position of the Druids
is considerably more modest in Strabo and Diodorus, our Greek sources, than in
Caesar. We shall consider which view best represents Posidonius in our last
" "
section. The others mentioned in regard to the belief in immortality is a
" "
for the Pythagoras of Diodorus (V 2S, 6).
periphrase
The first sentence in 5 is like that in 2 already mentioned, an assemblage of
sounding again like a prosaic version of the finer phrases of
group-qualities,
Diodorus but here in malam partem, an impression strengthened by the
(V 31,1),
which follow a few lines later. To the simplicity and spiritedness of the
phrases
Celts is opposed their witless boasting and love of ornament which is then
elaborated in a description of dress and ornament, a topic which occurred in
connection with Celtic gold-mining in Diodorus (V 27, 3). The gold-embroidered
garments worn by persons of the higher classes illustrate one of the accurate
distinctions of Posidonius, like the moustaches of the well-born in Diodorus
(V 28, 3).
The whole of this chapter is an attack on the Celts. Their vanity and
unbearable boastfulness are first illustrated, and then their barbarous inhumanity
(belonging to the northern peoples) is exemplified by their head-hunting, human

sacrifice in divination and human sacrifice in general. If the order here is correct,
and it certainly seems to be of one piece, we must bring it together with Caesar
as an attack on Celtic superstitions
(B.G. VI 16) and regard it by Posidonius.
We know that he did this elsewhere as in the excursus on Moses.96 Jacoby and
Trudinger also bring the after-thought of Diodorus on human sacrifice (V 32, 6)
back to its original position at V 31, 3.
The question of the group-descriptions of mainly mental but also physical
qualities by a series of compound adjectives is interesting. We seem to have in
Strabo (IV 4, 2 and 5) a watered-down version of Diodorus (V 31, 1) who is
nearer to Posidonius. There are many examples of this style in the third-century
geographer, Heraclides Creticus97 in descriptions of the group-character of
Athenians, Tanagraeans, Thebans, Chalcidians, etc. The popularity of the theme
is shown by the Boeotian habit of assigning to each particular vice or misfortune a
dwelling-place in a particular city of their country.
Julius Cesar
Lastly, we must consider the well-known Gallo-German ethnography in

Caesar (B.G. VI 11-28). The once widely-held view that the ethnographic and
are later interpolations has now been
geographic sections in the Bellum Gallicum
of scholars on the passage has been that
generally abandoned.98 The usual view
96 Strabo XVI 2, 37: Jacoby, F, 70.

97G.G.M. with Introd. Transl.
I, p. 97 ff.: Edited and Comm. by Fr. Pfister, Die
Reisebilder des Heracleides S B Osterr. Ak. der Wiss. Band 227 Abh. 2, 1952.
98 See H. Fuchs Gnomon
8, 1932, p. 241 ff. Such passages are; I, 48, 5-7: 50, 4-5: 51 3
53, 7: 11,6,2-3: 13, 3: 15,4: III, 19,6:22: IV, 1-3: 5: 10: 24, 1: 33: V, 12-14: 21, 3: 56 2
VI, 11-28: VII, 2, 2: 3, 2: 21, 1: 22, 1: 23: 42, 2: 47, 5: 66, 7: VIII, 25, 2.

the German section of this ethnography (B.G. VI 21-28) is largely, if not entirely,
the original work of Caesar and that the same is largely true of the Gallic section,
true, that is, of chapters 11, 12 and most of 13, and again of 17-20 inclusive.
This view would leave merely chapters 14-16 and a few points in 13, 17 and
elsewhere as derived from previous ethnographical literature or more specifically
from Posidonius. It is possible, however, to establish with certainty or with great
probability that the opposite is the case, and that the bulk of Caesar's information
comes from earlier sources, of course, his own experience in Gaul will
although,
have provided some confirmatory evidence.
It is useful to bear some general factors inmind. Caesar's political situation,
the composition of the commentaries in 52-51 B.C.,99 the necessity of making
useful political propaganda in Rome by their publication, the imprudence of
diverging too far from his earlier annual reports to the Senate, the speed of
composition, although hindered by considerations of style (B.G. VIII, 1, 6).
Furthermore, Caesar was dependent, in regard to ethnography, on the work of
Posidonius, a philosophical scientist and historian possessed of a highly system
atic and penetratingly original mind. Many scholars, Reinhardt above all, have
shown his originality and penetration in the fields of natural science, theology,
philosophy, and history, including his theories of cultural and religious origins.
His ethnographical studies were introduced at various points in his history, and
while bearing wonderful testimony to the exactness and wholeness of his observa
tion, are yet set in the framework of his general theory of human origins,100
beginning with the golden age when men came fresh from the hands of God,
a dis recentes,101 and worshipped in spirit and truth, before private property
brought in vice and superstition and tyrannical oppression, cum in medio iacerent
naturae promiscue utenda, antequam avaritia atque luxuria dissociavere
beneficia
mortales et ad rapmam ex consortio discurrere. In the golden age the philosophers
ruled and maintained justice, and even after degeneration set in it was they who
passed laws in order to direct mankind: Illo ergo saeculo quod aureum perhibent
penes sapientes fuisse regnum Posidonius ludicat Hi continebant manus et
a validioribus . . . sed in
infirmiorem tuebantur, postquam surrepenhbus vitiis
tyrannidem regna conversa sunt, opus esse legibus coepit. Quas et ipsas inter initia
tulere sapientes. Legislators such as Zaleucus and Charondas, who made con
stitutions for the towns of Sicily and Southern Italy, were instructed in law in the
hushed and hallowed retreat of Pythagoras.
The barbarian nations who, in their customs and civilization, represent a
stage left far behind by the culturally advanced peoples, often in their simplicity
and virtue recall the psychology of the Homeric or even the Golden Age: nemo
adversus eos quos nee erat
quantum posset experiebatur per coeperat posse, cuiquam
aut animus in iniuriam aut causa, cum bene imperanti bene pareretur. Even the
99 cf. P -M Duval m Journal des Savants, 71 ff.

1954, p 19ff:p
100An excellent to Posidonius
study of Greek theories of human origins from Democntus
is to be found m A Grilh, La Posizione d%Anstotele, Epicuro e Posidonio nei confronh della
stona della civiltd, Rendiconti Istituto Lombardo, 86, 1953, pp 3-44.
101 Seneca 90.
Ep

barbarians, however, have degenerated and we can see among them both super
stition and tyranny.
It is most improbable that Caesar had any clear conception of the ideas of
Posidonius, but he was impressed by his work, and we find ideas derived from it
but removed from their articulated context here and there in Caesar's account of
Gaul and German. This actual distinction, as we have pointed out, did not
exist for Posidonius. He distinguished Gallic tribes farther to the north by their
greater degree of primitive savagery, and he had discussed the tribes of the
Hercynian forest and of the Danube. Caesar, following the new knowledge of the
last generation, distinguishes sharply German from Gaul and seems to try to use
whatever information he could find in Posidonius as a support for this view.
The meagreness of the result is probably an index of the paucity of this informa
tion, while its incoherence shows that he cannot be drawing on any coherent
account of Germans as such.
In the Gallic ethnography, moreover, where he had a fully articulated whole

from which to borrow, he has succeeded in making the result look nearly equally
incoherent. The geography as such is simply omitted, except for his introductory
chapter (I, 1) and for the numerous small points appearing at suitable places
throughout his history. Nearly all the ethnography is similarly omitted. We
have nothing about the people as such, about physique, food, battle-habits,
dress, arms, houses, He considers of mention those
government. only worthy
qui aliquo sunt numero atque honore. Even these are arbitrarily reduced to two
classes, Druids and Nobles, and for both of these classes he ismainly concerned
to emphasize their power and influence over the people. The same arbitrary
treatment, in fact, appears all through Caesar's account. After a phrase in
reliquis vitae institutis (18, 3), which should signify the end of his account, he has
an after-thought and writes two more incoherent chapters, one on dowries,
marriage and funeral practices, and the other on a political practice of the
better-ruled tribes. It is quite clear, in fact, that Caesar has no interest in Gallic
ethnography as such. He knows, however, that these sketches are regarded as an
accepted part of historiography and jots down a number of sketchy and incoher
ent notes which scarcely attempt to fulfil his promise: II, 1, de Galliae
Germaniaeque moribus et quo differant hae nationes proponere. Even then he seems
to be governed by an unstated policy in stressing the power of nobles and Druids.
This might be much clearer to us if we had read Caesar's earlier reports to the
Senate, as his prospective audience had.
Turning now to consider these chapters in detail, we find that chapter 12 is
an historical expansion by Caesar of the primitive institution mentioned in II, 4:
itaque eius rei causa, antiquitus institutum videtur, ne quis explebe contra potentiot'em
auxili egeret, which we may compare with Posidonius quoted by Seneca102 as
mentioned above: (sapientes) infirmiorem a validioribus tuebantur, and with the
actual words of Posidonius in Book XI quoted by Athenaeus103: nvas
7roAAoi;V
iavTcov ov 81a to Stavolas aadeves iirihovvai iavrovs
Svvafievovs trpoiuraadai tt)s
102 Seneca ibid.

103Athen. VI 84, p. 263 C D: Jacoby, F, 8.
ua

ei$ ttjv twv avvercorepcov virripeo-iav, ontos eKeivojv els rd

Trap* TtyxdvovTes rfjs
dvayKata imfMeXelas avrol irdXtv a7To$iBio<Jiv eKeivoig cV avrojv djrep dv wcjiv U7rn/) T tv
hwaroi. What we have here, therefore, is Posidonius's theory of the primitive

amity of the Golden Age applied to the elucidation of the Gallic clientela. It is
clear that the theory has here done violence to the facts, however morally inspir
ing the alleged effects may be. The struggle for leadership and influence in single
tribes and villages of Gaul (II, 2) cannot be confused with the struggle for the
titular headship of Gaul among the major tribal agglomerations (12). Here, as
elsewhere, the philosophical theory of Posidonius and the political pragmatism of
Caesar are closely allied, and in this case it is difficult to decide to whose prejudice
distortion is due.
In chapter 13 the word plebes denotes a lacuna with respect to the original.
The next sentence re-echoes the phrases of Posidonius just quoted. In this
description of the power and influence of the Druids, which includes the next
chapter, we have to try to decide whether the position here assigned them or the
more modest but still important one given them by Diodorus and Strabo is the
more correct. If their position is inflated in importance is this due, as before, to
the philosophical theory of Posidonius or, rather, to the political policy of
Caesar ?104We can prove that the account in 14 contains exaggeration of their
religio-philosophic importance by Posidonius. Is he also responsible for a religio
in 13 ? In the Golden Age the rule of
political exaggeration knowledge was
exercised over both the religious and political fields: omnmo apud veteres, qui
rerum ndem tenebant. Ut enim sic dwinare
potiebantur, auguria sapere regale
Stct tovto koX ol p,dvT t$ ware /ecu
ducebant10^; iTipccovTO, fiacriXzias dîovadai.1^
One feels therefore that, in principle, the exaggeration, if such it be, is due to
Posidonius and that it merely happens to suit Caesar's policy to stress thus the
consolidation of power in the hands of the Gallic autocrats. But is this religio
? It is an to assign to the
political power really exaggerated already exaggeration
Druids alone the powers elsewhere divided among three classes, but we must
admit that Posidonius's view of the leading class endowed with intellect as being
really one would offer him sufficient excuse for doing this.107 That the influence
of the Druids is exaggerated in this passage ismade probable by the fact that we
hear so little of them, either before or after this period, and also by the fact that
who in this section such an of their
Caesar, gives astounding catalogue powers,
never devotes another single word to them in his Gallic War m any of these
capacities.
But how did this congeries of Druidic powers and faculties grow up in the
mind of Posidonius ? A clue is given m Strabo (IV 4, 4): St/ccuoVaTot he.
koX hid tovto mcrTevovTai rots' t IhiwTiKas /cat tgW Koivds.
voublôvrai Kplcrets
Justice is the most typical assertion in Randvolkeridealisierung as also in the
104On tendentiousness m Caesar see the interesting discussion of F. Hampl Gnomon 29,
1957, p. 278 ff
105 Cic de Dw 106
I 40, 89 Strabo XVI 2, 39.
107 cf Inst or 110, 9-10, nam quis ignorat musicen?tantum iam ilhs antiquis
Qumtihan,
non studn modo, verum etiam venerationis habuisse, ut idem musici et votes et
temporibus
sapientes ludicarentur.

accounts of the Golden Age ever since the ''blameless Ethiopians" of Homer,108
and the Abioi hiKaiorarojv dvOpwTrwv.109Posidonius himself spoke of the piety of
the Mysians in his ethnography of the northern nations,110 and enlarged on the
fine of the Getae111: to S' iv tw edvei roxnw to
religious qualities lax^tv rfv irepl
Selov K re <Lv etne JToaeihwvios ovk Kal
<T7rov$r)v dmaTfyriov, ipupvîov diriâBai
hi tvorefietav, Kal eVcttjs dXArjs Icrroplas. He undoubtedly did the same thing in
the case of the Druids, but here it was a question of personal investigation in the
south of France (laropLa) as it hardly was in the case of the Getae. But again it
was not a case of personal vision as with the Celtic banquets and their physique,
dress and arms, but rather of an account got from an informant, and there are two
passages in our authorities which may throw light on the quality of the
information: Diodorus (V 31, 1): 7roAAa8e Xiyovres iv virepfioXals in avgrjaei jj,ev
iavrwv, and Caesar (B.G. IV 5, 3): et plerique ad voluntatem eorum ficta respon
deat. The will of the informer seems here to have corresponded with the will of
the listener and produced an exaggerated result. There can be little doubt that
the medico-magical side of the Druids so prominent in Pliny's Natural History
is the real historical basis of their power and influence, and that the rest is a mere
ideological superstructure.
As regards chapter 14 in particular Pasquali has shown that 3-4, with its
reminiscences of the Phaedrus (p. 274 d) comes from Posidonius,112 and he and his
student, M. Truscelli,113 after Reinhardt, have shown the Pythagorean and Stoic
quality of the beliefs ascribed to the Druids.
In 15 the nobles are treated with a brevity which may be excused by the fact
that their brave history is the main theme of the Bellum Gallicum. The theme of
government, of which we have a remnant in Strabo (IV 3) would have been
treated of in connection with this class, who would have had their place together
with the Druids, Bards and Seers.
Chapter 16 on Gallic superstition and barbarous practices falls in fine with
Strabo (IV 5) and Diodorus (V 31, 3 and 32, 6) as already mentioned. It is an
illustration of Posidonius's theory of religious and political degeneration.114 It
seems possible to connect Caesar's account of the vows made, in illness or danger,
to sacrifice a human being, based on the theory of vicarious substitution of one
life for another (pro vita hominis nisi hominis vita reddatur), with the peculiar
in Athenaeus115: aAAoi o' iv dedrpw Xafiovres 77 xpvoloV) ol 8e
passage dpyvpiov
otvov Tiva Kal 7ucrTa>cra/xevoi rrjv Soaiv Kal rots
Kepayiiojv dpiOfiov dvayKaiois <f>iXois
vnrioi iKTadivres iirl Kzlvrai, Kal tis i tov
SutSwprjadfjLevoL OvpeQv napaards ?uf>
be a or who
XatfMov dnoKOTTTei. The person vowed may slave client is given his
fife-price guaranteed publicly by the Druid to go to his kin, before he meets his
death.
The following sacrifice is quite different. It is, perhaps, a thanksgiving
sacrifice (gratiora). Either criminals or innocent men are burned alive in enor
108 Iliad "* Iliad 6. 110 Strabo VII
I, 423. XIII, 3, 3.
111 Strabo m Stud. It. di Fil. Classica ff.
VII 3, 4. Pasquali, VIII, 1931, p. 297
113 Rendiconti R. Accad. dei Lincei, Sc. Moral. Ser. 6, II, 1935, p. 677 ff.
Truscelli,
114Strabo XVI Poseidonios uber Ut'sprung und Entartung.
2, 35-39: Reinhardt,
115Athen. IV 40, p. 154 A-C: Jacoby, F, 16 end.

mous wicker-work frames which have certain or human

shapes (animal ?).
Strabo adds wild and domestic animals to the men burned in the frame of which
" "
he uses the word colossus signifying rather a statue of more than life size,
He also adds shooting with arrows and impalement m sacred places as further
types of human sacrifice. Diodorus mentions the animals also and adds that
criminals are kept until the fifth year, in a sort of Gallic lustrum. He connects,
"
moreover, the with the cremation, and identifies Caesar's inno
impalement
"
cents as prisoners of war, whose sacrifice by burning was mentioned as early as
the third century B.C. by Sopater. Caesar omits the third element of Gallic super
stition, that is, divination by human sacrifice.
Chapters 17 and 18 need little comment. The human and animal sacrifice
to Mars (17, 3) corresponds to what Posidonius says elsewhere of the Lusitani116:
tco dvovoi /ecu tovs /cat lttttovs. The last two
"Apei Tpdyov alximXojTovs chapters
(19-20) have often been regarded as additions of Caesar from his own knowledge
of Gaul. This seems extremely unlikely. The themes of dowry and marriage
are stock ones in Greek ethnography.117 The same, of course, is true of funeral
rites, and the phrase paulo supra hanc memoriam may be used either by Caesar
with reference to Posidonius, or by Posidonius with reference to a still earlier age.
Chapter 20, which comes so oddly after 19, as indeed 19 does after what precedes,
is an after-thought and belongs to the section on the nobles and the government.
There is a strong parallel with Strabo (IV 4, 2) who speaks of the simplicity and
credulity of the Gauls, and of how easily they can be misled. Moreover, the
7rapaTT io-devTzs Se evpuapw ivStBoaac to xpvaLflov the sense of
phrase irpds gives
Caesar's phrase on the magistrates: Magistratus quae visa sunt occultant, quaeque
esse ex usu ludicaverunt multitudini produnt. The last sentence: De re publica nisi
per concilium loqui non conceditur, is connected with Strabo (IV 4, 3 end), who
mentions the rather original penalty for heckling in the Gallic assembly, and has
Homeric parallels which were probably developed by Posidonius: Iliad IX 33:
'Arpei&q, vol irpcoTa ftaxtfcrofACu d<\>pah?ovTiy
f) difus icFTtv,ava?, dyopfj.

The Germanic ethnography may be dealt with more briefly as it is largely
outside the present subject. We meet here Caesar's only attempt at an original
and independent viewpoint. It is based fundamentally on the recent knowledge
of the different ethnic individuality of German and Gaul, which was unknown to
Posidonius, a point on which, therefore, he feels himself superior. It is very
doubtful, however, whether Caesar could distinguish between a Germanic priest
and a Gallic Druid, and one suspects that his statements about the German priests
and gods are just as inaccurate as that about their lack of settled agriculture.
There is still many a glint of the Golden Age hovering over this picture of the
Germans who, in Posidonius, were merely the most savage and farthest removed
of the Celts, farthest removed from the civilization and corruption of the civilized
south. We may compare his idealized pictures of the early Romans and early
Hebrews, s 8'âav /cat TrdvTa apiaroi ol
?co<l>pov dpxatoi *Pa>/>tatot says Athenaeus,
quoting Posidonius,118 and continues with a long description of Roman virtue:

116 Strabo III 117 s v. Ehe
3, 7. Trudmger, Index
"8 Athen.
VI, 105-109, p. 273A-275B; Jacoby, F, 59.

1 ierney?The Celtic Ethnography of Posidonius 217
*E<j>vXaoaov tov? TTOTpiovs voyiovs Kal KeKoXaauevws e?wv TqpovvTes rd ttJ$ itoAit??w
avv Ttov yap iaTiv tol$ TraXaioZs fyXtouaotv, 8t' <hv
edyj, dvSpcov ifjLfjbivew crrparevdfiMVOt
KaT tovs .... a>?
arpi(f>ovTo dXXovs rraTpios p,iv yap i)v ovtois, <f>r)ai IJo<j iB(x>vios?
KapTepta Kal Air^ BlaiTa Kal tcov dXXcov tcov 7rpos tt)v KTrjatv dcfyeXrjs Kal dnepUpyos
Xpyvis. All this suits Caesar's Germans just as well as the ancient Romans.
The Hebrews again are htKacoTrpayovvTe?Kal BeoaefieZs d>$ dXrjBco?.119The Mysians
piously abstain from flesh meat and live at peace on honey, milk, and cheese and,
therefore, are called 0eoaefieZsy while the Thracians who live unmarried, are
consecrated in honour and live in freedom from fear.120 There are many incidental
phrases again in Posidonius's account of the slave-war in Sicily121 which help us
to understand the religious and moral attitude which lies behind chapters 21-23.
Many of these ideas were, of course, commonplaces for a long time before the age
of Posidonius. Triidinger122 shows how many of them grew through the influence
of Plato and the Cynic philosophers and became canonized in the accounts of
ideal states; e.g., in the veneration for the novos and Xltotyj^ of the Spartans and
Cretans.
Turning to some matters of detail, Caesar's phrase neque sacrificiis student is

sufficient to show his complete ignorance of ethnography. Posidonius had, in
fact, related in precise and horrible detail123 a type of human sacrifice among the
Cimbri, a scene akin to which may be seen on the famous Gundestrup cauldron.124
Caesar betrays woefully his own ignorance when he tries to introduce artificial
distinctions none existed in his original. The praise of toil and hard work
where
(21, 3-4) corresponds to the praises of Crete in Ephorus.125 Of the points which
follow we have just met the praise of asceticism and simplicity of life in Posidonius.
This was Epicurean as well as Stoic and derived from the philosophic thought of
the fourth century.126 In the whole of this ethnography we may also note the
close relationship with Tacitus in the Germania, who is drawing on the same
sources.
Two points come up in chapter 22, simple living and lack of private property,
both of which are Posidonian, as we see from Seneca.127 We hear of the annual
redistribution of land again among the Vaccaei.128 The chapter illustrates very
well the ttoXv ah-ioXoyiKov of Posidonius.129 For the grouping of the ideas we
may compare the glorification of the Cretan constitution in Ephorus, which is
nearly a complete parallel130:
Se 7ToXLT ias, KvpccoTaTa ra aTroxpojVTcos
Trjs rjs "E</>opo$ dviypatfse, imSpafxeiv
l 8e, 7r6X o~iv dyaOov,
<f>7)o~lv, 6
dv ôk fieyiaTOV VTroBiaBai raZs tt\v
^Xot" vofAodeTrjs
{jlovtjv yap TavTrjv tSta iroieZv Ttov KTTjcra/JLevcov r dyadd' t<x S' iv SovAeta
iXevdeplav
Ttov
dpypvTtov, aAA' ovx} ra>v dpxpfxivwv etvat' rots' 8' côfcrt ravTrjv <f>vXaKi]s Bglv*
119 Strabo la0 Strabo VII

XVI 2, 37 3, 3: Jacoby, F, 104.
121 122 139 123 Strabo VII
Jacoby, F, 108 Trudmger, p 2, 3: Jacoby, F, 31.
124On this see m Latomus 376 ff :Rev
J Gricourt XIII, 1954, p des ?t. Anciennes
LVII, 1955, p 324
125 Strabo X
4, 16
126Anst Pol VII 1335a 24* cf Lucr V 1017 et Venus imminuit viris.
127 Seneca 128Diod V 34, 3 12t>
Ep 90. Strabo II 3, 8.
130 Strabo X 4, 16

tt)V pL v o3v opuovotav Stôo-Taoxas" alpop,?viq$ diravTav, rj ytveTat Std TrXeove^Lav /cat
/cat AtTcos ?a>atv wnauw, ovt ov0* ovt pucros

Tpv<f>r}v oaxfrpovais yap (f>06vov, vfipw,
irpos tovs Siorrep tovs puev iralhas et? Tas 6vop,a?opL vas
diravTqv opiolovs' 'AyiXas
/ceAeucrat tovs Se reAetofs* eV rots' ovogctIols, a kolXovo-lv 07tojs twv
<f>oiTav} 'AvSpela,
loojv
jLterdcrYotev rot? eimopoLs ol
7rev4oTepoi, hiqpboaia Tpe(f>6pLevoc irpos Se to purj
BetXlav, dAA* /cparet^ e/c iralhojv ottXois /cat ttovois iv tbaTe.
dvSpeiav ovvTp?<f>
KavjAoros, /cat /cat TpaYetas dSoi> /cat dvdvTovs, /cat twv
Karaxfrpovew ijsvxovs, irXrjyajv
eV yvfivaotois /cat /xaâts" rats /caTci ovvTaypua.
In chapter 23 the phrases maxima laus and proprium virtutis show that we
are still in the domain of the idealist. On the praise of piracy we may compare
Thucydides,131 and also Herodotus on the Thracians132: dpyov etvat koXXlotov,
/cat
yijs Se ipydmqv dTt^xdrarov. rd t,r\v and iroXepbov Xtjiotvos xdXAicrTov. The council
practices are quite Homeric and the rites of hospitality are part of the old stock
of ethnography. In chapter 24 the quidam Graeci is Posidonius quoting Eratos
" "
thenes on the Orcynian forest. The just and warlike Volcae correspond in
virtue and valour to the early Romans in Posidonius or the Cretans in Ephorus.
Chapters 26 to 28 are probably not from Posidonius as it is not easy to see why
they should have been introduced here, unless the phrase 28, 3 shows that they
came in a description of hunting as a method of training and hardening the
young men. The source is Greek in any case as we can see from the typical
descriptions of unknown animals by comparison with familiar ones.
Conclusions Regarding the Dependence of these Authors on Posidonius
On the basis of the foregoing discussion it is the final task of this article to
determine with as great accuracy as possible what passages of the authors
mentioned may be rightly regarded as derived from Posidonius. It will, however,
first be necessary to determine the importance to this question of the authors
Artemidorus of Ephesus and Timagenes of Alexandria. Our mam knowledge of
Artemidorus comes from the preface written by Marcianus of Heraclea to his
Epitome of the Periplus of Menippus of Pergamum.133 After castigating the
errors of previous geographers Marcianus says of Artemidorus: Mpre/LttSojpos' Se
d *E(f>?oios y 0)ypd(f)og /card ttjv iKarooT^v eâKoorrjv ivvaTrjv 'OXvpL-mdSa yeyovws,
to Se 7rAetoTov ivTos /cat kolB* 77/xas* Tvyxavovcrqs
puipos ttjs daXaTTrjs cKTrepnrXevoas,
0 aad/x vo5 Se /cat ttjv Ta /cat /xepn rtvd kto$
vrjaov PdSetpa ttjs 6aXdTT7}$, rp>
d)K avov KaXovoty ttjs AetVerat, tov Se ivTos
pikv aKpifiovs yeojypa(f>las irepiTrXovv ttjs
/cat ttjv Tpr)cnv TavTYjs pb Ta
'iJpa/cAetou iTopBpbov OaXdocrrjs dvap, ttjs TTpocrr}Kovcrr]s
eV IVSe/ca /cat
eVt/xeAetW die^rjXSe jStjSAtotS", d)S cracf>4oTaTOv d/cptjSeo-rarov TrepiirXovv
ttjs Kad' rjfJL&s dvaypdifjai QaXaTT-qs. The fulness, and of
clarity accuracy
Artemidorus made him a classic in the sphere of Mediterranean geography for
later antiquity. He had treated of the interior as well as of the coasts,134 and his
coastal measurements were as most accurate. He was the most
regarded up-to
date authority on Gaul at the time when Posidonius was writing his history and
151Thuc. 132Hdt 133G 134

I, 5. V, 6. G.M. I, p. 566. Strabo IV, 1, 11.

was used as such by him. It would seem, therefore, in principle likely that there
should be difficulty in distinguishing elements due to Posidonius or, alternatively,
to Artemidorus, in later authors such as Strabo who use one or both without
any identification of the source. But this is scarcely the case. In fact the views
of Posidonius, not only on ethnography, but also on physical geography, were
so very much his own that they stand out clearly against those of the normal
pedestrian periplus of Artemidorus. It is easy to grant assent to the careful
analysis of Klotz135 in his distinction of these two sources in the first four chap
ters of the fourth book of Strabo.
In Timagenes of Alexandria, on the other hand, Klotz seems to have intro
duced an unnecessary complication into the problem of Strabo's sources.
Laqueur's criticism of this introduction of Timagenes has been referred to above.
Timagenes came to Rome from Alexandria in 55 B.C. and made a name for him
self as much by his acid tongue as by his histories. After winning the favour of
Augustus, he lost it by his sarcastic jokes about the emperor's family, but retained
the friendship of Pollio towards the end of his life. The few surviving fragments
of his work seem to belong to a general history which possibly also contained the
sketch of Gallic origins and ethnography quoted from Timagenes by Ammianus
Marcellinus.136 This sketch, or at least the passage concerning the learned classes
of the Gauls,137 was obviously taken by Timagenes from Posidonius, and this,
combined with his story of the Delphic treasures of Toulouse and the daughters
of Caepio, is the basis which Klotz used to make him the intermediary between
Posidonius, Artemidorus and Caesar on the one hand, and Strabo on the other,
since (in Klotz's view) he brought the account of Posidonius up to date by adding
historical information derived from the campaigns of Julius Caesar, and from the
administrative changes of Augustus in Gaul. Klotz's conclusion runs as follows:
"
Aber dass nicht Posidonios der Vermittler Artemidorischen Gutes bei Strabo
ist lehrt folgende Tatsache: im Grundstock der Darstellung Galliens ist Casar
reichlich ausgebeutet, nicht nur in gelegentlichen Zutaten, sondern durch
gehends, soweit das Material sich aus ihm entnehmen liess. Auch ist auf
die Verhaltnisse aus casarischer and augusteischer Zeit oft Riicksicht genommen.
Man hat in den Angaben aus casarischer und augusteischer Zeit eigene Zusatze
Strabos erkennen wollen. Aber sie sind mit dem Ganzen fest verbunden so dass
sie nirgends ausgelost werden konnen. Folglich ist es unmoglich, dass der Kern
der Beschreibung Strabos direkt auf Posidonios zuriickgeht "138. The inter
mediary whom Strabo used is, therefore, Timagenes.
It is fairly obvious that the reasoning of Klotz is in this instance faulty. He
allows Timagenes a way of writing Greek which he does not allow to Strabo,
i.e., the principle is established that only authors who are not extant are allowed
to be original, or even capable of composing coherent sentences. Laqueur has
already emphasized the chronological difficulty of supposing Timagenes to be
Strabo's source for information of Augustan date and we may say that there is
no difficulty in attributing to Strabo a direct use of Posidonius, Artemidorus and
135Klotz ?
ibid., p. Ill ff. Amm. Marc. XV, 9, 2-8.
137 Amm. Marc. XV 9, 8. 138
Klotz ibid., p. 63.

Caesar. The occasional remarks which bring matters up to date are his own,
mostly rather pedestrian, additions to these sources.
We can undoubtedly assume that Posidonius in his Celtic ethnography did
not depart from the tradition, fixed since the fifth century B.C., of treating of the
land before the people; in fact one of the most interesting points in the treatment
of Posidonius is how he makes the latter closely dependent on the former. We
can assume, therefore, that the order still preserved in Strabo and Diodorus
represents the original. It seems very probable, however, that these sections
were preceded by another which treated of Celtic origins. But of this scarcely
anything is certainly preserved. The stock treatment of the origins of a barbarian
nation in a Greek ethnographer included such traditional items as the tribal name,
the question of autochthony or immigration, connections with divine ancestors,
such as Dionysus or Heracles, or with Greek or Troj an heroes. All this was simply
an mterpretatio Graeca of the countries concerned, a way of thought going back to
the origins of Greek ethnography, and one which, sad to say, persisted to its very
end. It was Posidonius who developed further the old Hippocratic theme of the
dependence of human mental and physical development on man's physical
environment. As already mentioned, his criteria for a common origin were
language, way of life, bodily characters, geographical collocation, common names,
all considered under the transforming influences of climate and of lapse of time.
We know that his discussion of the Celts stood in Book 23 of his History, that of
" "
the Germani m Book 30, and that of the Cimbri perhaps there or somewhat
later. The extant fragments are only scattered remnants of what must have been
a most valuable discussion, and we can only guess very badly at the thoughts of
so original a mmd as that of Posidonius.
We cannot believe that he gave any undue importance to the traditional
genealogies which went back to the fourth century B.C.139, or to the question of
Homeric connections, and therefore passages such as Ammian. Marc. XV 9. 3, 5
or Diod. V 24 are not Posidonian. The account of origins which ismost probably
his is that given as Druidic doctrine by Ammianus,140 where we are told that part
of the Celts are indigenous while others have come from the islands or from across
the Rhine, driven out by war or by the flooding of the sea. This last was
Posidonius's reason for the origin of the movements of the Cimbri. Posidonius,
however, went into much greater detail on the signs of unity and common tribal
the Gauls, as we can still see from the schematic statements
origins among
remaining in Caesar and Strabo.141
The second important section in Posidonius was the geography of Celtica and
for our knowledge of it we must mainly rely on the first four chapters of the
fourth book of Strabo (including the anticipation at II 5, 28), with occasional
glances at Diodorus's (V 25-27) greatly abbreviated version. The geographer
Strabo naturally preserves most fully the geographical material of Posidonius,
and he describes his method clearly enough (IV 1, 1): Sera p,kv ovv <f>v<jiK&$
tov Kal oaa otov oaa 8'
BicopiGTai oeZ Xiyeiv yewypd<f)ov, iBviKtbs fj Kal fJ,vrjp,rjs d?ia,
139 of Tragilus and Timaeus loc. 1 and 5,

Asclepiades Zwicker, cit., p. p.
140Amm Marc. XVI 9, 4.
141 II 5, 28 and IV
Ccesar, B.G. I 1, 2: Strabo 1, 1

Ot TOVS KaipOVS 7ToXtT VOfl VOl StaTClTTOUCJt TTOIKlXwS, KOLV V

r)y pLOV S TTpOS CLpKtZ
K e rot? 8 means
<f>aXala) tis 17777, aKptfiovs dAAot? 7rapaxo)prjTdov. This that he will
give a full geographical account, the most important points of the ethnography,
and merely mention political matters in passing. It is a perfectly adequate
description of the chapters of Book IV which concern us. The passing references
to politics are Strabo's own addition, the ethnography represents an even more
radical abbreviation than that of Diodorus, without attempting to preserve the
original order (IV 4, 2-5), while in the geographical account, which is by far the
largest section, including the whole of the first three chapters, we have Posidonius
together with many additions of detail made by Strabo from Artemidorus or
elsewhere. In view of Strabo's dislike for the scientific element in Posidonius and
others it is also possible that more pedestrian geographical views have at times
displaced his more original conceptions.
The first section of chapter one contains the views of Posidonius super
imposed on the original Gallic boundaries of Artemidorus, while Strabo adds the
Augustan boundaries at the end. In the following sections down to the end of
chapter one the distinction between Posidonius and Artemidorus may not be
ascertainable in detail but Posidonius takes at least the leading part in the mind
of Strabo, as is shown by the inclusion of historical events and the importance
assigned to the hydrographic system. In chapter two, on Aquitania, we can
easily distinguish Strabo's addition on the Augustan enlargement of the province.
Klotz has further made a plausible case for distinguishing a periegesis from the
mouth of the Garonne to the mouth of the Loire, derived from Artemidorus, and
a section on ethnography and mining derived from Posidonius.142 That the
historical notice on the Arverni at the end derives from Posidonius is shown by
Diodorus143 and Athenaeus.144 It has been brought up to date by Strabo either
from Caesar or from his general information. It is noteworthy how Strabo handles
the fine account of Louernius given by Posidonius. Apart from the abbreviation,
the motive of the story in Posidonius, which was the power of wealth in Gallic
has become watered down into being a display for his friends in Strabo.
politics,
On the following section Lugdunensis-Belgica Klotz argues cogently that
Strabo's /cotvoTepov (IV 3, 1) shows that they were treated together in his source,
and since in the enlarged Aquitania Artemidorus was used only for the coastal
strip Garonne-Loire, we should not expect to find him used farther north.145
And, in fact, since farther on a special importance is given to the rivers we see that
we are again following Posidonius. A later source such as Asinius Pollio, who is
used and quoted in the description of the Rhine, is here excluded because of the
error in making the Seine rise in the Alps (IV 3, 2), an error which can scarcely
be assigned to a Roman of the Augustan period. The passage on the Aedui
(IV 3, 2) contains important historical information and its coincidence with
Diodorus (V 25, 1) shows that it comes from Posidonius.
There remains the description of the course of the Rhine and of the tribes
between Loire and Rhine which are all counted as Belgae. Asinius Pollio is clearly
142Klotz 116. l43Diod. V 1. 144Athen.

ibid., p. 25, 152 D.
145Klotz 117 f.
ibid., p.

an important source for the Rhine, but the accentuation of the economic import
ance of the rivers of Gaul points rather to Posidonius. The erroneous placing of
the Mediomatnci on the Rhine (IV 3, 4) cannot be due to Pollio. It is rather due
to Posidonius and in his time the statement may have been correct. The final
sentence of this section (IV 4, 1) where Strabo rejects the great westward exten
sion of the peninsula of Brittany by Pytheas clearly refers to Posidonius (ol
7TiaT VaaVT S K
lVOj),
When we compare the three short chapters of Diodorus (V 25-27) with the
treatment of Strabo, we recognize at once how small the interest of the historian
was in this section, compared with that of the geographer. In the first two
chapters we have merely a brief reference to population, climate, the rivers, the
Mistral, and the Gallic love of wine. His notable curtailment is admitted
7roAAot 8e Kal d'AAoi ttXwtoI KaTa Sv
(V 25, 5): Trorafiol tt)v KeXriKf^v elai, irepl
uaKpdv dv etrj ypd(f> Lv. The third chapter, as we have observed already, spoke of
the gold of Gaul in connection with that of the Helvetii and went on to describe
the Gallic love of gold ornament and their temple dedications by way of anticipa
tion of the later ethnography.
The last and most interesting section of Posidonius's Celtic ethnography was
his full description of the Celts. The various elements of this have been fully dis
cussed in the earlier of Athenaeus, Diodorus, Strabo and Caesar, and we
analyses
have seen that Athenaeus gives us a few points of Posidonius nearly verbatim,
Diodorus abbreviates ruthlessly and omits important sections, but brings us
nearest to the succession of themes in Posidonius, and Caesar finally omits every
thing which does not fall under the heading of political interest. One point of
great interest in this section demands further discussion, the problem of the
learned classes among the Celts, of the Bards, Druids and Seers.
Our earlier discussion of Caesar's Celtic ethnography has introduced us to the
views of Posidonius on the history of religion, civilization and culture 146 His
views on origins and degeneration in these spheres are particularly illustrated in
his history of Moses.147 In his theories regarding the power and influence of
philosophers and lawgivers in early and in barbarian civilizations it is clear that

the Stoic philosopher overcame the objective historian. Reinhardt has pointed
out that Posidonius stylized the Druids as a representation of the higher powers
of the soul, of the Logos which rules the passions.148
The reasoning runs as follows. For Posidonius the universe is a pantheistic
whose leading principle is the Logos, the reason which also inhabits the mind
god
of man. The great men of the past who have led humanity towards civilization
were the kings and philosophers who were peculiarly endowed with reason and
who, fresh from their divine origin, were able to understand the divinity and
his wishes to their people. Such a man was Moses, who taught the Jews
proclaim
that there was only one God, variously called Heaven, the Universe or Nature;
this god bestowed his gifts on the virtuous and gave good counsel to those who
146
Remhardt, Poseidonios, p 392 ff : cf p 28 ff
147 Strabo XVI 35-40' cf Remhardt, Poseidonios uber
2, Ursprung und Entartung
148 cf Pasquah,
Remhardt, Poseidonios, p 28-9. Studi Itahani di Filol. Classica, 1931:
M Truscelli, Rendiconti Accademia dei Lmcei, 1935.

practised divination. Such also were Minos of Crete, Lycurgus of Sparta, the
Pythagorean Zalmoxis of Thrace and a long list of others. Such also were the
Druids of Gaul who are philosophers and theologians, who possess the highest
political authority, and are in charge of divination and sacrifice. They study
theology, ethics, and natural science, including the physics of the earth and stars,
and are the teachers of the upper-class Gauls. Among their main tenets they hold
that the soul of man is immortal, and that the universe is indestructible, although
from time to time it will be temporarily destroyed by the action of fire or water.
When one examines soberly this account of the Druids it becomes impossible
to believe that it is historical. We know that the Celts at this period, say 80 B.C.,
were still practising divination by human sacrifice and preserving the skulls of
slain enemies by nailing them as trophies to the porches of their houses. Is it
possible that they were at the same time living on the rarefied levels of Greek
philosophy ? The question ismerely a rhetorical one. The alleged studies of the
Druids are simply a programme of Stoic philosophy including some of their
specific doctrines such as that of the periodic destruction of the universe by fire
or water. The general position of the Druids again with their political and
religious authority and their control of divination confirms Posidonius's theory
of cultural development with its strong Stoic traits. The picture of the Druids
then is not historical any more than that of the god of Moses previously referred to.
It is not, however, as a consequence necessary to maintain that the Druids
were not to some extent both political and religious leaders in Gaul. Posidonius
was, after all, one of the most acute observers of antiquity. Whatever knowledge
he had obtained about the Druids was rather the fact which prompted him to an
embroidery thereof with Stoic fiction for the reasons given above. It is probable
that their influence has been exaggerated by Posidonius for his philosophical
reasons, and by Julius Caesar for his own different, political reasons. It is difficult
to believe that the Druids possessed any body of coherent religious doctrine much
less the philosophy so liberally bestowed upon them by Posidonius. Our present
knowledge of Gallic religion as detailed recently by Vendryes is rather one of
multiplicity and diversity than of anything remotely resembling a system.149
In particular the Pythagorean belief in the immortality of the soul with its peculiar
utilitarian motivation of valour in battle may be suspected of being an aetiology
on the one fact known about the Celts from the
superimposed by Posidonius great
time of Aristotle that is, their quite reckless valour in battle.
onward,
What may reasonably be accepted of the tradition about the Druids is
and depends primarily on our view of the tendentiousness of
problematical
Posidonius and secondarily on our view of the relationship of the four secondary
sources to him, particularly that of Julius Caesar.
I have argued above that the position of the Druids has been unduly
magnified, and that the exaggeration is due to Posidonius and that it merely
happened to suit Caesar's policy to stress the consolidation of power in the hands
of the Gallic autocrats. It is possible that the statement that the Druids spend
149 "
J. Vendryes, La Religion des Celtes in Mana," 2, 111: cf. J. Pokorny inWissenschaft
liche Forschungsberichte, Vol. 2, p. 181 ff.

twenty years learning a large number of verses is a transference to them of what

was rather true of the Bards. Perhaps Caesar changed what had been stated with
qualification by Posidonius merely of a tribe or tribes in the south into the idea of
Druidism regarded as a national system throughout the whole of Gaul. This
would parallel the unwarranted generalizations in Diodorus.
The tradition has further examples of transference from one class to another,
whether intentional or accidental. Thus the power of reconciling armies drawn
up and ready for battle is assigned by Strabo to the Druids, and by Diodorus to
the Bards. Again the influence over all the people given to the Druids by Caesar
is given to the Seers by Diodorus. The old problem of whether Posidonius had
described two or three educated classes among the Celts, that is, whether the Seers
should be included as a separate class, should be decided in favour of three classes
in view of the importance which divination possessed in Posidonius's view of the
early history of mankind.
It seems that a critical examination of the tradition regarding the Druids
must lead us to the conclusion that this priesthood was not in any way a dis
tinguished exception among the priesthoods of the contemporary barbarian
nations, but that the Celts were, in this respect, very like to the Germans.
Posidonius says160 that the habits and way of life of both peoples are practically
the same, but the Germans are somewhat less civilized. Caesar's distinction,
therefore, in regard to their priesthoods (B.G. VI 21) cannot for this and for more
general reasons be regarded as historically correct.
Neither can one accept the view quoted by Caesar, presumably after
Posidonius, that the origins of the priesthood lay in Britain. If an origin is to be
sought, archaeology shows that it should rather be sought on the Middle Rhine
or in Bohemia. It should not be forgotten that the only Druid of whom we know
anything in detail, Diviciacus, the friend of Caesar and Cicero, could not speak
Latin (B.G. I, 19; 47). The apparent knowledge possessed by Cicero151 of his
views is, as Klotz pointed out,152 quite illusory, since Diviciacus is named here
merely for literary reasons and the supposed knowledge of Druidic theory is taken
by Cicero from Posidonius.
? Strabo VII 1, 2.
161 Cic. De Div. I 41, 90.
1H Klotz 121.
ibid., p.

TEXTS
ATHENÛS
Text after Meineke and Jacoby
(1) Athenaeus IV 36, p. 151 E- 152D.

IIoo~ ihojvios Se, d a7rdcfto&s, iv tolZs loToptais, ats avvedrjKev ovk
ttjs dXXoTpicos
t)$ TTpoTjprjTo <f>iXoGo<f>Las, 7ToXXd 7T(tpd ttoXAoZs WipbOi KoX vopbipua dvaypdcfrtov, ,, jFCeArot
/cat im
(<f>T)ol) Tas Tpocf>ds TTpoTidevTat, x?Prov viroâXXovTes, Tparre^cov ?vXlvtov,
piiKpov and ttjs yfjs iirrippiivLov. *H Tpo<j>T) S' ecm^ dpTot puev oXiyoi, /cpea Se 7roAAd iv
vSart, /cat dnTa hr9
dvOpatctov, t) ofieXiGKtov. (152) HpOG(f>ipovTat Se tolvtcl KaOapelcos
pu v, XzovtcoScos Se, rat? xePat/V dpi<f>OT pais atpovTes 6'Aa pîXrj, /cat dTroSd/cvovTes" idv
Se Tt Sucra7rda7raCTTov, o toZs koXcols iv tSta
fj jita%aiptaj /xtKpcp TrapaTipuvovTes, Qr\KT)
Se /cat ot re tovs iroTapbovs oIkovvt s /cat
7rapd/cetrat. IIpootftipovTai IxOvs 7rapd irapd
co BdXaooav, /cat tovtovs /cat o?ou? Kat
tt)v ivTos /cat ttjv ef Se otttovs fterd dAdiv Kvpilvov.
Tovto Se /cat et? rd ttotov 'EXalto S' ov xP&vrai Std oTrdviv, /cat Std rd
ipL^dXXovtnv.
avToZs Ta,L. "Oto\v Se irXeioves Gwoenrvcooiy iv
dovvTjOes drjSis <f>aiv KdBfjVTai piiv
kvkXco, pLeoos S* d KpaTitTTOS, cbs dv Kopv<f>aZos x?P?v> tcov dXXcov tj /card
oiatfiipcov tt)v
7roXepbiKT)v edxepetav, tj /card to yivos, t) /card 7tAo{;tov. *0 S' U7roSe^dju-eôs> 7rap' avTov,
S' KaT* d?tav t57r Kat ot /xev tovs
icfyetjfjs iKOLTeptoOe ^s e'xovcrtv pox^9. Bvpeovs
e/c tco^ ottlgco ol Se Bopvcf>6pot
OTrXo(j>opovvT S TrapeoTaow, /card r^v dvTitcpv KaB'qpbevot
kvkXco, KaQdirep ol Sea77drat, ovv vcoxovvTat. To Se 7TOtov ot Sta/coôwTe? eV
dyyetots"
7T /cat
.picj>ipovoiv eot/cdcrt /xev d/xjSt/cotS' 7} /cepafteots 7) dpyvpoZs' ydp tous irlvaKas, e^'
dii> Tag" Tpotpds toiovtovs exovocv ol Se x^Xkovs, ol Se /cdvea ?uAtva /cat
TTpoTidzvTai,
7rAe/CTa. To Se mvopievov eort fiev tols ttXovtovoiv olvos, ef *IraMas /cat tt?s*
irapd
vos 9 aKpovros S* ouVos" eVtWe Se /cat
Mao-aaAtTjTaiv X^P^ irapaKOfti?6fjL dAtyoy uScop
TrapapLtyvvrac rrapd Se rot? i/TroSeeorepots ?v0os irvptvov fi Ta pLeXtTos itTKevatrpiivov
irapd Se rot? TroAAots* /ca0' avrd' /caAetrat Se Koppia. Se e/c roO aurou
'A7Toppo</>ovcri
7TOTTjpiov /card pUKpov, ov rrXeZov KvdBov* TrvKvoTepov Se tovto ttoiovoi,
ITepitftipei Se
d âts e7Tt rd Se^td /cat rd Aatd. Ovtcos Sta/covouvrar Kat tovs tfeous1 irpooKwovcfiv,
em rd Seftd crTpe<^d/xevot.Cf
(2) Athenaeus IV 40 p. 154A -C.

noC7 tBc6vtOS S* ei' TptTTj KQLL TCOV ICTTOpitOV ? KcXtOI VlOT
cIkOCTTYJ (<f>TJGCv)
to Set7Tvov p,ovop,axovtnv. 'Ev ydp toZs ottXois o7cta/xavovcri
irapd dyepdivTes
Kat 7rore Se Kat ical k
Trpd? dAAÂou? aKpoêtptôvrat, /xe'xpt TpavpLCvros TTpotaaty
tovtov idv p,T) inriox&aw ?^ TrapovT^Sy /cat ecus'
ipeOiodivTes, dvaipioecos epxovTCLi."
oti to et
To Se 7raAatdv tfyqoiv, TrapaTeOevTCov kcoXtJvcov pLTjplov 6 KpaTioTos iXdpiftavev
Se' tis eTepos avTiTToirjo-aiTo, orvvLOTavTO QavaTov. MAAot S' iv
pLovopLaxfoovTes fiixPL
s ol Se otVou Kepaju-tcov Ttva, Kat
deaTpco, XapovT dpyvptov t) xPV(Jtov} dpiBpiov
TTjV SoGIV, Kat TOtS* V7TTIOI iKTaBeVT S
ITlGTLOodpLZVOl dvayKatOlS t) <f>tXoLS dtaSoOpTjodpLZVOl,
em Kat -napaoTas tis tov
dvpecbv KetVTat, ^têt Xaipidv drroKOTtTti.
(3) Athenaeus VI 4g, p. 246CD.

HooeiScovios S* d 'Arrapuevs iv ttj cIkoottj Kat TpiTT} tcov ttKeXTol
loTopitvv, (<j>iqGl)
avTtov Kat ovs kglXovgc 0$toi
TrepidyovTCU /xe^' TroXepuovvTes ovpttfittoTds, 7rapaaiTOVs.
Se iyKtbpua clvtlov Kat irpos ovveGTcoTas, Kat
dOpoovs Xiyovoiv dvOpcoirovs Typos*
eKCLOTOv tcov /card puepos iKelvcov Td Se aKOVoyxara avTcov elatv ol
aKpocopbivcov.
KaXovp,evoi Bdphoi' 7toit]toX
Se o^Tot Tvyxdvovai pi T tbBfjs iiraivovs XiyovTts**
(4) Athenaeus IV 37 p. 152D-F.

"Eti Se d
JTooeiScbvios /cat tov tov Bitvltos
8iT)yovp,evos Aovepvtov, rrarpds,
ttXovtov, V7to
tov ovtov tovs iv
'PcopLCLitov KadaipzOevTos-y <f>T)oi oTjpLaycoyovvTa oÂouj
Std twv Kat
appLOLTi tf>ip oQtu neSltov, GTrelpetv xpwov kqX dpyvpov rat? d,KoXov0ovtrat>s

Ttov KeXrcov Te rroieZv Sa>SeKaoTdSiov} iv to 7rXr]povv aev

pLVpidmy <f>pdyfx,a TeTpdywvov,
TroXvTeXovs T toctovto COOTC
Xtjvovs irofxaToSy TtapavKevdtfiiv fipojp^dTwv ttXtjSos, 4<f>
TtXelovas tois tow
i)p,epas eêZvai fiovXopivots elacpxop>4vois TrapauKevaadevTtov
dSiaXeiTTTws SiaKovovu4vovs . 8' avTov nori ttjs
aTToXaveiVy 'A<j>oplaavTos 7Tpo0eap,Lav
Boivtjs, d<\>voT pi\aavTd
nva twv
fiapfidpojv ttoitjttjv d<j>iKea0ai3 Kal ovvavTTjaavTa p, Ta
vuvetv avTov 8' aTroBprjveZv oti tov Si T
wStjs ttjv VTrepoxTjv, iavTov vaTepTjKe, p<f>04vTa
BvXaKiov Kal auTtp 8' iKeivov irdXiv
alrijaai xpvalov, pixjsai TraparpixovTi, dveXojxevov
vaveZv, 8ioti tol âi evepyeaias
XiyovTa, ixvyl rr)5 yys* ^r** ^ dp/xctTÂaTec, ^puow
L.t< Tavra fiev ofiv iv txj rpiTj) koI eiKOGTfj laToprjoev.
dvdptvTTois <f>ip
DIODORUS SICULUS V 125-32

Text after Vogel
25 'ElTel 8e 7T TTJS TWV PoXaTWV 8 IT)X0OjA V, KoX 77 pi, TTJS ^COpCCS
pl TTpOG7)yopla$
avTtov v-rrd ttoXXwv 40vwv
S4ov iarlv elireZv, t) toIvvv PaXaTia KaToiKeZrai piev
tois t<x i&Ta yap avTtov axôov eiKoai dvSpwv e^ i,
Statf>6pwv p,eyidear p,4y pivpidSas
Ta 8' tt4vt Sv ev ian exov o-vyy4veiav iraXaidv
iXdxtara pivpidSas, irpbs ^Pojfialovs
2 Kal (j>tXl>av ttjv pbixp1 T&v K0L^ VP?? XP?VOiV oia\k4vovaav. Si KaTa to TrXeZoTov
Kei^vq
V7ro Tas ioTi Kal xfjvxpd SiatftepovTws. KaTa yap ttjv x^p^p^v wpav
dpKTOvs êiê/Hd?
KaTa Se Tas
iv reus1 avvv
tf)4aiv Tjaepais
avrl fiev Ttov oufipwv xlovl TroXXfj vi<f>eTai,
Kal 7rayois câiatoi? ol* &v ol 7roTap,ol TTTjyvvaevoi Sid ttjs
alBplas KpvaToiXXa) ir\rfiei9
IStas ov puovov yap ol s 08tTat kclt KaTa tov
<j>vaews ye<f>vpovvrai' tvxovt oXtyovs
voi aXXd Kal U Ta
KpvGTaXXov 7Top v6fJi diafialvovcriv, oTpaTOTreoojv fjtvpiaSes
GK rroXXcbv Se Kal pieydXwv
3 vo<f>6pa>v Kal dpia?wv yejiovatbv do<f>aXtbs rrepaiovvTai.
TroTatiwv peovrwv Sea PaAaTias1 Kal toZs 7tolkLXojs ttjv 7reSi,dSa
ttjs peldpocs
T ol puev iK Xiuvtov ol 8* 4k Ttov opa>v ôuat Tas
yr\v \lv6vtosv, dfivoaojv piovaiv> Trrjyds
Kal Tas incppolas' ttjv 8' iKôXrjv ol fikv els tov wKeavov iroiovvTai) ol 8' is rrjv Ka8*
4 rjfjids QdXaTTav. aiyiaTos

8* iarl Ttov els to Ka0y Tjfj.as
niXayos p ovToJv 6 'PoSavos,
Tas ^ v >4xa)V ^v T?te 'AX-vetois opeoi, tt4vt oe aTofiaaiv
iêpevyopbevos els ttjv
Trrjyds
OdXaTTav. Ttov 8' els tov d>K avov peovTtov SoKovatv o Te
(leyiaToi V7rdpx^lv Aavovfiios
Kal 6 *Pi]vos, ov iv to is Ka8* rjuas 6 KXrjOels 0e6s eêvtje irapaSoâjs>
xP?*vols Kaiaap
Kal Trepaicoaas tovs KaToiKovvTas avTov FaXaTas*
Tretfi tt)v hvvafiw exeiptoaaTO 7r4pav
7roAAoi Se Kal dXXoi TrXoiTol TTOTajxol Kara elari, Trepl tbv fiaKpov av
5 ttjv KeXTiKrjv eiirj
iv. TrdvTes Se vtto tov Ta Kai tov
ypdtj) oxeSdv rrdyov 7rrjyvv(ievot yecfyvpovai peZ0pay
Sid tt)v ttoiovvtos tovs SiafiaivovTas 6Xicr8dv Lvs dyvptov
KpvaTaXXov tj>vaiKr)v XeioT7]Ta
iir* avTovs exovaiv.
imfiaXAouivcov dacj)aXrj tt)v Sidfiaoiv
26 "Riov Se tc Kal KaTa ov

irapaSoôv avpfiaivei ttjv 7rXeio-T7)v ttjs TaXaTlas, 7repl
ovk d?iov dno yap Svaeojs Kal dpKTov irveZv etoj0aatv
TrapaXnreZv r}yovjjt,e0a. 8epivrjs
Kal Swa/xiv, o>ot dirb ttjs yrjs
dvejxoi TqXiKavT7]v exovres a<f>oSpoT7]Ta dvapTrdêiv
i<a86Xov
XlOovs x LP?7T^7]^La^0V? r?t$ pi ye0 Gi Kal Ttov ifj7j(f>iSa>v dSpoueprj KoviopTov
Se.
KaTaiyi%ovT
S Xdfipais
dpTrdôvaiv aird p,kv t Sv dvSpd>v tol oVAa Kal Tas ia0TJTas,
2 diro Se Ttov iiTTToyv tous dvajSaTas". 8id Se ttjv v7T pj3oXrjv tov ipvxovs Sia<f>deipojjiivT}s ttjs
KaTa tov ovr olvov ovr eXaiov Ttov TaXaTcov ol tovtojv
depot Kpdaeojs <f>4pei% SioTrep
twv 4k rrjs KpiOfjs to 7rpoo-ayopevop,evov
KapTTtbv o-TepiaKopievoi irdpua KaTaoKevdôvaiv
3 ?,v6oSi koX Ta KTjpla irXvvovTes rw tovtojv KaToivoi 8 ovreg
aTroirXvpuaTi xP^)VTa1,
Ka8* V7TepôXr)v tov vtto Ttov
ijxuopwv
oivov d/cpaTOV e/x<?opouVrca, Kal Sid
elaayopbevov
ttjv XPÎ1^01
ttotco Kal [X 0va04vTes els vttvov t) pLaviojBeis
i7n8vfilav Xdfipw T4>
Sta84o'eis Tp4novTac Sto koI ttoXXoI Ttov 'ItoXikojv epbTropojv Sid ttjv gvvt\Bt\ cfitXapyvpiav
eppbaiov rjyovvTai ttjv twv PaXaTcov odTot yap Sid jxev t&v ttXojtwv 7TOTafitov
<f>iXotviav.
nXoloiSy Sid Se ttjs rreSidSos tov otvovy dvTiXaafidvovai
X^Pa^ dudfjais Koybit.ovTes
TijiTjs ttXt)0os dinaTov* SiSovTes yap oivov Kepdfxiov dvTiXaafidvovui 77at8a, tou TrdâTos*
27 SiaKOVov Kara PaXaTiav ov to ovvoXov,
djieifiojievoi. yovv ttjv dpyvpos p>ev ylveTat
Se iroXvSf ov toZs w dvev Kal KaKQTrq\0elas
ftpvaos iy^wplois <f>vais fieT^XXeias V7rovpyeZr

tcov noTapbcov tovs tcov

t) yap pVGis gkoXiovs dyKcovas fyovoa, [Kat] rots napaKttp^vwv
opcov dxBots TTpooapdrTOVGa koX pt,eydXovs' dnoppTiyvvGa koXcovovs, nXTjpot xpvooO
2 tovto oy ol
ifsTjypLCLTO$. Trepl Tas ipyaoias doxoXovptZvot, ovvdyovTes dXrjBovtnv [rj
Tas ivovoas to Std Se tcov vBaTcov ttjs to
GvyKOTTTovGt] ifiTjypLa ficbXovs, <J>vogcos yttohes
3 7rXvvavT s TTapaotooaGiv iv rats* Kapbtvocs els tt)v xojveiav. tovtco Se tco Tpoircp ocopevovrts
XPvgov ttXtjBos KaTaxpcbvrat 7rpos Koopcov ov puovov at
yvvaZfceSy dXXd Kat ot dvSpes.
tous tovs Kat
7rept juiev yap Kap7rous j8pa%tovas t/feAta <f>opovGi, 7rept Se tovs au^cVas
4 KpiKovs BaKTvXlovs Kat ert Se totov
rrax^Zs oXoxpvgovs d?ioX6yovs> xpvcrotJs BcopaKas*
Se ti teal 7rapdBo?ov tovs d'vco KcXtoZs iari Trept Ta Tept,ivq tcov Becov ywopcevov
irapd
iv yap toZs lepoZs Kal TepueveGiv im eppnrrai ttoXvs
ttjs x<^>Pa^ dveipbivois XPva^S
toZs BeoZs, Kat tcov ouSets drrTGTat tovtov Std
dvoLTeBeipiivos iyxojplcov tt)v
ovtcov tcov KcXtcov
SeLGtSmpLOVtav, KatVep <f>iXapyvpcov Ka<9' vntpfioXrjV.
28 01 Be FaAdrat rots puev GcbpLCLGLvetcrtv eu/z7?Kets> Tats* Se oaptjl KaBvypoi koX Xevtcol,
rats Se Kopuais ov puovov eVc tfivoecos ?avBoly dXXd Kat Std ttJs KaTaaKewJs imTTjBevovoiv
2 ttjv TiTavov opbcoVTts Tas Tptâs
av?ew <$>vgikt\v ttjs XP?as loiOTTjTa. yap diroirXvpLaTi
Gvvexcos a7rd tcov plctcottcov im tt)v Kopvtf>T)v Kal tovs Tevovras dvaGTrcoGiv, cogt
[Kat]
avTcov koX Uaoiv
tt)v TrpoGoiffiv <f>atv oBai Sarvpois iotKvZav Tia^dvovTat yap al rptês
3 aTrd ttjs Karepyacrtas, coots tcov Xttttcov âtTns to Se yeveta Ttves
pLTjBev ttjs Sta</>epetv.
pbkv gvpcdvTat, Tivis Se pueTptcos vnoTpichovoLV ol S* euyeêts Tas ftev Trapetds
dTToAetatvoucrt^ Tas S* vrrqvas
dveipvevas icooiVy cogtc Ta oTopuaTa avrcov imKaXvTTTeaBai.
eafltdvTtov jutev auTcov Tats ttivovtcov Se KaBairepel Std
StOTrep ipurXeKovTai Tpo<j>aZs,
4 Ttjôs Tai to troaa. oeiTrvovGL Se vol Trdvres ovk im dXX
TjBpiov cf>ip koBt)il Opovcov,
im TTJS yTJS, V7TOOTpc6pC,aGCXP&P'ZVOl XvKCOV TJ KVVCOV
BippuaGl. SiaKOVOVVTai S' V7TO TCOV
vecoTaTcov iralocov re Kal S' ovtcov
ixovTcov TjXiKiav, appivcov BiqXei<x)v. ttXt\gLov ecr^dpat
Ketvrat Trvpos Kal Ae'jS^Tas KaL
yipbovoai Xovcral oêXovs TrXtfpeis Kpecov oXopuepcov.
tovs S' dya*9ods rats KaAAtWats tcov Kpecov /xotpats yepatpouat, Kal 6
dvSpas KaBdnep
nocrjTTjs tov Al'avTa vov vtto tcov ot 7rpos
Trapetodyet Tipt,c6pL dpcoTecov, "Ewopa
puovopiaxTjoas vIkt}G ,
vcotoigiv S' AtavTa ggi
oit]v<zk yipacpe.
5 KaXovoi Se Kat tovs tjevovs im Tas euco^tas, pL Ta to hetrrvov
Kat 7T pcOTCocrit TiV S
etat Kat tlvcov elcoBaoi Se Kat to ocittvov eK tcov tvxovtcov
xpÎojv eôfatv. Trapd npds
ttjv Std tcov Xoycov apuiXXav KaTaoTaVTes, ck
TrpoKXT)oecos pLOvopbax^Zv irpos dAAÂous,
6 ttjv tov fitov 0
77ap* ovhev TiBipuevoi TeX vrqv* evtcr^det yap Trap* avTois HvBayopov
oTt Tas tcov etvat
Adyos, $vxds dvBpcoTTcov dBavdrovs GvpLpepTjKe Kal St* iTcov cbptapbivcov
TrdXiv jStow, ets erepov orodaa Ti]s St6 Kat Kara rds Tacj)ds tcov
*jfvxfjs etoSvojExevns.
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rfj HvpTjvTj Kal Bvo ttoiovgi rrapaXXrjXoypapipia rrpos avrrjv ^copta, dptfd/xeva Kttrd
rds dAAas rrXevpds tco re coKeavco Kat Tots Kepipievois Spear StcrÂtcov S' opiov oraBlcov
6 rrXovs iKarepcov tcov
ioriv rrorapLcov. eKjSdAAet B* 6 piev Tapovvas Tpial rrorapioZs
avtjrjBels els to pieratjv BirovpLycov
re tcov Oigkcov
irriKaXovpievcov
Kat Eavrovcov,
jTaAaTtKcov iBvcov* piovov ydp to tcov tovtcov eBvos iv to is
dpicborepcov Br) BiTovpiycov
MKovtTavots Kat ov ovvreXeZ avroZs, eêt Se ipirropiov BovpBlyaXa
dAAd^vAov IBpvrai,
rroiovoiv
imKeipievov XipivoBaXaTrrj tivL, rjv al eKjSoAat rod rrorapiov. 6 Be
Aelyrjp
TIiktovcov re Kal rrporepov Be KopfiiXchv
piera?v Napivircov eKjSdAAet. VTrrjpx^v ipirropiov
irrl Tdvrco tco rrorapicp, eiprjKe tcov vrro UvBeov
rrepl tfs IloXvfiios, pivrjoBels
oti MaooaXicorcov piev tcov ovpipatjavrcov Ekitticovi odSets
pivBoXoyrjBevTCov, etê Xeyeiv
ovBev puvrjp/rjs d?iov, vrro tov EkittLcovos ovBe tcov ck
ipcorrjBels rrepl ttjs BperraviKTJs,
Ndpficovos ovBe tcov eK
KopfiiXcovos, atrrep rjoav dpiorai rroXeis tcov tovttj. TIvBeas
B* iBdpprjoe rooavra tcov Be Eavrovcov rroXis iorl MeBioXdviov. eon B* r)
ifsevaaaBai.
tcov
piev rrapcoKeavZns *AKoviravcov dpipicoBrjs r) rrXeiOTrj koI Xerrrrj, Keyxpco rpecbovoa,
toZs Be dAAots KaprroZs ivravBa B* iorl Kal 6 koXttos 0 rroicov tov
d<j>opcoTepa. loBpiov
rrpos rov iv rfj NapficovlnBi rrapaXia TaXariKOv koXttov, d/xaW/xos
eKetvco Kat auTos.
Be TdpfieXXoi tov koXttov,
exovoi Trap* ols ion rd XPvueâ o-rrovBaiorara rrdvrcov iv
irrl puKpov evploKovrai Kal x LP07T^r}^ ^s XPVGlov rrXaKes,
ydp fioBpois dpvxBeZoiv
eoB* ore piiKpds to Be Xoirrov
drroKaBdpoecos Sed/xevat. iftrjypid ion Kal ficoXoi, Kal
avrai ov tj Be pieooyeios Kal opeivr) fleXrico
Karepyaolav rroXXrjv exovoai. yrjv eêt,
rrpos piev ttj Tlvprjvrj ttjv tcov Kcovovevcov, [o]
eort
ovyKAdScov,
ev
fj rroXis ^lodySovvov
Kat rd tcov tcov AvgkLcov.
*Ovrjoicov Bepjxd KaXXiora rrorip^cordTov vBaros% koXtj Be Kal r)
2 Td Be piera?v tov
Tapovva Kal tov Aelyrjpos eBvrj rd rrpooKelpieva toZs*AKOviravoZs
ioriv *EXovol piev drro tov 'PoBavovttjv dpxrjv exovres, OveXXdioi Be pierd tovtovs,
ot rrpOGCoplôvTO rrore vvv Be rdrTovrai KaB* eavrovs' eira
*Apovepvois, *Apovepvoi
Kal AepioovlKes Kal IlerpoKopior rrpos Be tovtois Kal KaBovpKoi koI
Ninofipiyes
ol Kov/3oi rrpos Be tco coKeavco Edvrovol Te Kal IIiKToves,
Birovpiyes KaXovpievoi'
ol piev tco rrapoiKOVvres> cos ol Be tco
Tapovva eirropiev, Aelyrjpi. *PovttjvoI
Be Kat piev odv rots
JajSaAets rfj NapficovlnBi rrXrjGidôvGi. rrapd IleTpoKopLois
ioriv doreZa Kal toZs Kovfiois Birovpigi, rrapd Be toZs
GiBrjpovpyeZd KaBovpKois
Kat ot
Xivovpylai, rrapd Be toZs tPovrTjvoZs dpyvpeZa* exovoi B*
dpyvpeZa .Taj&xAets.
SeScoKaat Se Adnov Kat tcov '^KoutTavcov Ttat, Avgkiois Kat
'Pcojtxatot KaBdrrep
Kcovovevats.
3 Be tBpvvrai piev irrl tco B* avrcov ioTi
*Apovepvoi Aelyrjpi* pirjTporroXis Nepicoooos
tco rrorapicp - S to tcov
irrl Keipievrj. puets odros rrapd Krjvafiov, Kapvovrcov ipirropiov
Kara rrov tov rrXovv ovvoiKovpievov, rrpos tov coKeavov.
pieoov iKJSdXXei ttjs
Be ttjs rrporepov pieya TeKpjrjpiov rrapexovrai to rroXXaKis
Bvvdpiecos *Apovepvoi
Tore piev eiKooi, Be BirrXaolais*
rrdXiv rooavrais
rroXepirjoai rrpos 'Pcopiaiovs pivpidoiv
rrpos Kaloapa tov Sedv BirjycoviGavTo rrpoTepov Be Kat
ydp pierd
OvepKiyyeroptyos,
etKocrt tov koI
rrpos AopirjTiov B* cboavrcos
7Tpds Md?ipiov AlpiiXiavov, *Arjvofiapfiov.
rrpos p,ev odv Kaloapa
Te
Tepyooviav rrdXiv tcov Apovepvcov, i<j>* vi/jtjXov opovs
rrepl
Keipievrjv ovveorrjoav ol
dycoves, ii rjs rjv 6 OvepKiyyeropitj' Kal *d* 7rept 'ÂTycrtav
TToAtv MavBovfitcov, eBvovs opiopov toZs Kat Tavrrjv
*Apovepvois, i<f>* viprjXov X6<f>ov
B* Kal iv
Keipievrjv, rrepiexopievrjv opeoi rrorapioZs Bvolv, fj Kal edXco 6 rjyepicov, Kal 6
rrpos Be Md?i/xov KaTa ttjv rod t*
rroXepios reXos eox^' ^4t/xtAtavdv ovpifioXrjv "Jaapos
Kat to{? 'PoSavov, Ka^' t^v Kat to Kep,pievov opos rrXrjGidt,^
tco 'PoSavdr ?rpds Se
Karcorepco en KaTa ttjv tov re Kat toi> 'PoSavoO. Biereivav
AopLTjriov ovpifioXrjv EovXya
Be ttjv dpxrjv ol *Apovepvoi Kal /xe^pt Ndpficovos Kal tcov opcov ttjs MaoaaXiconBos,
Be Kat tcov jcxc^pt Ilvprjvrjs eBvcov Kat /xe^pt coKeavov Kal <Prjvov. Birvtrov
iKpdrovv
Be, tov rrpos tov Md?ipiov Kal tov AopirjTiov rroXep/rjoavTos, 6 Trarrjp togovtov
Aovepios
Kat coaTe rroTe irrLBeiîv toZs
rrXovTcp Aeyerat Tpvcf>fj BieveyKeZv, rroiovpievos f^tAots
ttjs irr* arrrjvrjs Bid rreBLov, xpV(T?v Kal
evrroplas <f>epeoBai vdpiiopia dpydpov Bevpo
KaKeZoe wore iKelvovs aKoXovBovvras,
Biaorrelpcov, ovXXeyeiv

III
1 Merd Se tov
ttjv 'AKoviravrjv ueplSa Kal rrjv NapfiwvZriv r) 4<f>e^rjs 4ari uexpi>
rravrbsarrb rov rrorauov Kal tov 'PoSavov, KaB o avvaTrrei
Prjvov Aelyrjpos rrpbs
rb AovySovvov drrb rrjs Trrjyrjs KarevexBels b 'PoSavds*. ravTrjs Se rrjs X^Pas> T(* P^v
dvw ueprj rd rrpbs rats* rrrjyaZs twv rrorauwVy rov re
*Prjvov Kal
rov fPo8avov, pe'^pt
ueawv ri rwv rreSiwv vrrb rw reraKraiy ra Se Xoirrd Kal
ax^Sov AovySovvw
vrr* reraKrai
rrapwKeaviriKa aXXr] ueplSi, rjv ISlws BeXyais rrpoavepLovaiV' rjueZs Se
Koivbrepov rd KaB' e/caara SrjXwaouev.
2 ^4vto uev rov re
Sr) rb AovySovvov, 4KTiapievov vrrb Xb<f>w /card rrjv avufioXrjv
tov rroTauov Kal tov fPo8avov, 'PwuaZoi. Se udXiara
"Apapos Karexovai evavSpeZ
rwv dXXwv Kal ydp /cat rb vouioua
ttXtjv Ndpfiwvos* 4urroplw ^pdWat, x&pdrrovGiv
4vravBa rb re dpyvpovv /cat rb xpvo~ovv ol rwv 'Pwualwv Tjyeuoves.
to re
lepbv rb
vrrb rrdvrwv rwv PaXarwv rw
dvaSeixBev Koivfj Kalaapi Eeftaarw rrpb ravrrjs iSpvrai
rrjs rrbXews 4rrl rfj avufioXfj twv rrorapiwv eari Se fiwubs dgibXoyos 4rriypa</>r)veâ?v
rwv 40vwv rbv Kal et/cdves*tovtwv eKaarov uia koX fdAAos* peyas*.
e^rjKOvra dpi0pibv
Se rod eBvovs rov Keiuevov rov
rrpoKd0rjrai Eeyoaiavwv r) rroXis avrrj, uera^v
*PoSavov Kal rov "fAovfiios'
Ta 8' rd avvrelvovra rrpbs
tov rd uev
e?r)s eBvrj 'Prjvov,
vrrb rod Aovfiios Ta 8' vVd rod ovVot piev ovv, tos eiprjrai
dpt?erat, "Apapos- rrpoTepov,
drrb rwv "AXrrewv /cat auTot
Karevex04vres,
erreir els ev peZBpov GVurreaovres els tov
'PoSavbv dXXos 8' 4arlv, buoiws 4v raZs "AXrreai rds rrrjyds exwv,
Karatfrepovrar
ErjKodvas bvoua *pea>v*. pet 8' ets* tov WKeavov, rrapdXXrjXos
tw
'Prjvw, Sid eBvovs
GwdrrTovros tw rd rrpbs ew, rd 8' ets* TavavTta tw bBev al
bpiwvvuov, 'Ptjvw "Apapi,
KaXXiarai raptêtat rwv velwv Kpewv els ttjv KaraKoulCovrai. uev
'Pwutjv pera^v
ovv rov Kal rov ot/cet rb rwv AlSovwv eBvos, rroXiv
"\Aovfiios "Apapos eôv
KafivXAZvov 4rrl rw Kal BifipaKra. ol Se AlSovoi Kal avyyeveZs
"Apapi <j>povpiov
'Pwualwv Kal rwv
wvoudtpvro rrpwroi ravrrj rrpoarjXBov rrpbs ttjv <j)iXlav Kal
rrepav Se tov oikovgiv ol Kal toZs
avupiaxlav. "Apapos ErjKoavol, Sid<f>opoi
<Pwualois 4k rroXXov yeyovbres Kal roZs AlSovoiS' on
rrpbs Pepuavovs rrpoaexwpovv
rroXXaKis Kara rds* 4<f>6Sovs avrwv rds* 4rrl rrjv 'IraAtav, Kal 4rreSeiKvvvrb ye ov rrjv
rvxovaav aAAa /cat Koivwvovvres avroZs 4rrolovv Kal a<j>iarduevoi
8vvaptv, ueydXovs,
Kal Sid ravra rov
uiKpovs' rrpbs Se rovs AlSovovs uev, dAA' eVeretve T17V exBpav r)
rrorapiov epis tov Sielpyovros avrovs, eKarepov rod eBvovs ISiov dtjiovvros etvat rbv
Kal eavrw rrpoGrjKeiv rd SiaywyiKa reXrj'
-vvvt 8' V7rd rots* 'Pwualois arravr
"Apapa
4arL
3 Ttjv 8' eVt rw 'Prjvw rrpwroi rwv drrdvrwv oIkovgiv *EXovtjttioi, Trap* ots elaiv
al rov rrorauov ev tw 'ASovXa rovro 8' eart uepos twv "AXrrewvy oBev Kal
rrrjyal bpei.
b 'ASovas els rdvavrla ueprj pet rd rrpbs rrjv 4vrbs KcXtiktjv Kal rrXrjpoZ ttjv Adpiov
e/CTtarat to Kwuov, etr* 4v0evSe els rbv IldSov wv
XiuvrjVy rrpbs fj avufidXXei, rrepl
varepov /cat d Se eis eXrj ueydXa Kal Xluvqv
4povuev. 'Pfjvos dvaêtTat ueydXrjVj rjs
Kal 'Pairol /cat OvtvSoAt/cot tcvv 'ÂTrtcov Ttves* /cat rwv
4<f>drrrovTai vrrepaXrriwv.
avrov ovk eari Se' dAA' eV ev0elas
<f>Tjal Se rb utjkos araSlwv efa/ctcr^tAta>v *Aaivios,
uev rov tjuigovs dv roZs Se GKoXiwuaai Kal ^tAtot
bXlyov vrrepfiaXXoi, TrpoGTe04vres
Ikovws dv exoiev* Kal yap b^vs eart, 8td tovto Se Kal Svaye<f>vpwros Kal Sid rreSiwv
Kara rwv rrws odv otbv re uevew /cat
vrrrtos tf>eperai rb Aoittov, fids drrb bpwv d^vv
el rw vrmaapiw rrpoGSoirjuev Kal GKoXibrrjras rroXXds Kal uaKpds; <f>rjal Se
piaiovy
Kal Sigtouov elvai, tovs rrXelw uev Ttva
pieuipdpievos Xeyovras' ey/cv/cAovvTat 8tJ
raZs Kal odros Kal b ErjKodvas, ov roaavrrjv Se
Xwpav GKoXibrrjai [SeJ. du<j>brepoi
peovaiv 4rrl rds dpKrovs drrb twv votiwv
ueptbv rrpoKeirai 8' auTcDv rj
* BperraviKrj,
rov uev ware to Kdvnov, ro ewov
Prjvov Kal 4yyv0evt Ka0opaa0ai brrep 4arl d/cpov rrjs
vrjGOv, rov Se uiKpov 4vrav0a Se Kal rb vavrrrjyiov
ErjKodva drrwrepw* avvearrjaaro
b 0ebs, rrXewv els ttjv BperraviKrjv. rov Se rb rrXebuevov vrrb rwv 4k
KaZaap ErjKodva
rov rd rrXeov 4arlv rb rod /cat rb tov
"Apapos Sexouevwv tf>oprla piiKpw rj Aelyrjpos
to Se drrb AovySovvov tov araSlwv 4anv, eXarrov
Papovva' uexpi ErjKodva *r}* ^tAta>v
tovtov \to] drrb twv
[8'] rj SirrXdaiov elafioXwv tov 'PoSavov uexpi AovySovvov,

cbaol Se Kat rfoXvxpvaovs tovs irrl XrjoTelav

*EXovtjttLovs pirjBev pievroi fjrrov rparrioBai,
Tas tcov evrropias IBovras' B* avrcov rd Sdo tf>vXa, rpicov 6vnovt
Klpifipcov dtf>avioBfjvai
Kara eK tcov Aoittcov to tcov
arparelas. dpicos B* *t6ttcov* imyovcov rrXrjBos iBrjXcoatv
6 rrpos tov Seov iv a>
Kaloapa rroXepios, rrepl rerrapaKovra pivpidBes Gcopidrcov
Bie</>Bdprjoav, tovs Be Xoirrovs ocoêoBat pieBrjKev els oKraKiox^XLovs, orrcos pir) toZs
JTep/xavots, opiopois odoiv, eprjpiov ttjv ^copav dcf>fj.

*
4 MeTa Se Tods Kal KaroiKovoi tov
EXovtjttLovs ErjKoavol MeBiopiarpiKol 'Prjvov,
iv ots eBvos ck otKetas, iv Be toZs
IBpvrai TepjtxavtKov rrepaicoBev ttjs* TptjoWôt.
ion to opos d B* EXovtjttLovs Kat
ErjKoavoZs *Iovpdoios, Stopt?et ErjKoavovs. vrrep
odv tcov koI tcov ErjKoavcov AlBovoi Kal Alyyoves oIkovgi rrpos Bvoiv,
*EXovtjttLcov
vrrep Be rcov MeBiopiarpiKcov AevKoi Kal tcov Aiyyovcov Tt piepos. rd Be pieratjv eBvrj
tov re Kal rov ErjKodva Ta rrepav tov 'PoBavov re Kal rov
Aelyrjpos rrorapiov
rrapaKeirai rrpos dpKrov toZs re Kal toZs to
"Apapos *AXX6fipi(;i rrepl AovyBovvov
tovtcov B* imtfraveoTarov ioTi to tcov koX to tcov Kapvovrcov, St' cSv
*Apovepvcov
6 Aeiyrjp els tov coKeavdv e?eioi. S' eartv ets ttjv
dpicboZv ivexBels Stap/xa Bper
raviKTjv drro rcov rrorapicov rrjs KeXriKrjs eiKooi Kal rpiaKooioi ordBior vrro
ydp ttjv
dpirrcoriv d<f>* eorrepas dvaxBevres ttj varepaia rrepl oyBorjv copav Karalpovoiv els ttjv
Be rods MeBiopiarpiKovs Kal TpifioKxovs rrapoiKovoi tov
vtjgov. pierd 'Prjvov
Tprjovipoi, KaB* ovs rrerroLTjTai to êvypia vrro tcov
'Pcopialcov wvl tcov
GTparTjyovvrcov
tov
PeppiaviKov rroXepiov. rrepav Be cokovv Ovfiioi Kara rovrov rov rdrrov, ovs pierrjyayev
eKovras els ttjv ivros tov Be ovvexeZs Kal
*AypLrrrras 'Prjvov. Tprjovlpois Nepovioi,
tovto eBvos' reXevraZoi Be Mevdmoi tcov
jTep/xavtKov rrXrjolov eKjSoAcov i<f>* eKarepa
tov KaroiKOVvres
rrorapiov eXrj Kal Bpvpiovs ovx viJjtjXtjs, dAAd ttvkvtjs vXtjs Kal
aKavBcoBovs. Kara tovtovs B* IBpvvrai Eovyapifipoi B* vrrepKeivrai
Tep/xavot. rrdorjs
rroTapiias ravrrjs ol Eorjfioi rrpooayopevopievoi Kat koi
rrjs Teppiavol Bvvdpiei
tcov dXXcov, cov ol els ttjv ivros rov
rrXrjBei Biatf>epovres v<f>* i?eXavvopievoi Karecf) vyov
Kal dXXoi Be Kar* dXXovs tottovs koi Ta
'Prjvov wvl' Bvvaarevovai StaSeôvrat t,corrvpa
tov tcov rrpcorcov del
rroXepiov, KaraXvopievcov.
5 Tcov Se Tprjovlpcov Kal NepovLcov Eevoves Kal rrpos eorrepav oIkovgiv, in

'Prjpioi
B* Kal *Efiovpcoves' toZs Mevarrlois B* elol ovvex^Zs im rfj BaXdrrrj
*Arpefidnoi
koi BeXXoaKOi Kal *Apifiiavol koi Eoveoolcoves Kal KdXeroi (Aexpi> rrjs iKôXrjs
Mopivol
tov rcov Mevarrlcov
ErjKoava rrorapiov. ipL<f>epr)s B* iorl rfj rj re tcov Mopivcov Kal rj tcov
koI ioriv ovx ov
*Arpefiaricov *Efiovpcovcov vXrj ydp di/jrjXcov BevBpcov rroXXrj piev,
Tooavrrj Be, ogtjv ol ovyypa<f>eZs elprjKaoi, rerpaKiox^XLcov oraBLcov, koXovgi B* avrrjv
Kara Be rds icf>6Bovs ovpnrXeKovres rds rcov Bdpivcov Xvyovs,
*ApBovevvav rroXepaKas
odoas, Tas eort S* orrov Kat gkoXorras
fiarcbBeis drrechparTov TrapdSous. KaTerrrjTTov,
avrol Be KareBvvov els rd fldBrj rravolKioi, vrjolBia exovres iv toZs eXeoi' iv piev odv
Tats docf>aXeZs rds Karacjyvyds ev Be toZs
irropifiplais etôv, avxpioZs tjXLgkovto paBLcos*
wvi B drravres ot ivros KaB9 rjovxlav ovtcs vrraKovovoi rov
Prjvov 'Pcopiaicov. rrepl Be
rrorapiov etcrt Kat ot iv tco Kal rroXiv
ErjKodvav Ilaploioi, vrjoov exovres rrorapicp
AovKoroKlav, Kal MeXBoi Kat odroi. B*
Arjgoovioi, rrapcoKeavZrai dîoXoycorarov
ioriv eBvos rcov ravrrj koi tj pirjrporroXis avrcov
'Pfjpioi, AovpiKopropa pidXiora
ovvoiKeZrai Kat Tods tcov rjyepiovas*
Seêrat 'Pcopialcov
IV
1 MeTa Be rd ioriv rcov

XexBevra eBvrj rd Xoirrd fieXycov eBvrj rrapcoKeavircov, cZv
Oveveroi piev eloiv ol vavpiaxrjoavres rrpos Kaloapa* erot/xot yap fjoav KCoXvetv t6v
els ttjv rrXovv, ^pco/xevot rco Be paBLcos, ovk
BperraviKTjv ipiTroplcp. Karevavpudxrjoe
ipifioXois xP^t1^0* (vv y&P ataxia rd ^vXa), dXX dvepico <f>epopievcovin adr6v,
Kareorrcov ol rd lorLa GKvriva Bid ttjv rcov
'PcopiaZoi BopvBperrdvois' rjv ydp /$Lav
dvepicov dXvoeis B* ereivov dvrl
koXcov. rrXarvrrvya Be rroiovoi Kal vt/jiTrpvpiva Kal
Bid Tas dpirrcoreis, ov awayoval
vijjorrpcopa Bpvtvrjs vXrjs, r)s ioriv evrropLa* Biorrep rds
rcov oavlBcov, dXX* KaTaXelrrovoy ravra Be Biavdrrovot
dpfiovias dpaicojjiara fipvots

rov Kara rds vecoA/ctas* rod uev

ur) KarrvpovaBai tt)v vXr\v ur) vonôuevrjv, fipvov
vonwrepov bvros tjj Se
<f>vaei, rrjs Kal dXirrovs. rovrovs otuai rovs
Spvds* ?rjpas
Oveverovs olKiards elvai rwv Kararbv 'ASplav /cat ol dXXoi rrdvres n ol 4v
ydp axôbv
4k ttjs vrrep rwv Kal ol Bbiot
rfj 'IraXla KcXtoI ueravearrjaav "AXrrewv yrjs, Ka0drrep
Kal Eevoves* Sid Se ttjv buwvvulav avrovs- 8' ovk
IIatf)Xaybvas cf>aalv Xeyw ta^vpt
roiovrwv
t,6uevos* dp/cet ydp rrepl rwv rb et/cds*. 'Oatap-tot 8' etatv, ovs
['iô-]rtp,tovs*
dvop.d?et JTvBeas, 4rrl rivos rrporrerrTWKvias Ikovws aKpas els tov WKeavov oIkovvtcs,
ovk 4rrl togovtov Se, 4tf>9 oaov e/cetvds* <j>rjai Kal ol marevaavTes e/cetvcp. rwv Se uera^v
40vtov rov re ErjKodva Kal rov Aelyrjpos ol jxev tois EtjkoovoZs, ol Se roZs 'Apovepvois
dpopovat.
2 To Se avjxrrav o vvv PaAAt/cdv re Kal PaXariKov /caAovatv, 4an

tjyvXov, dpeiudvibv
Kal re Kal Ta^v dXXws Se drrXovv Kal ov KaKorj0es. Sid Se rovro
0V}xik6v rrpbs jxdyrjv,
uev avvlaai tovs Kal koi ov uerd
4pe0ia0evres d0pooi rrpbs dywvas tf>avepws
ware Kal roZs 404Xovai* Kal
rrepiGKeifjews, evperaêtptaTOt ylvovrai KaraGTparrjyeZv
ore Kal brrov Kal d<?' r)s eVvê rrpotpdaews tis avrovs eroluovs
ydp fiovXerai rrapo^vvas
ecrê 7Tpds* tov kIvSwov, rrXrjv jStas*
/cat
roXurjs ovSev exovras to
auvaya>vt?dpevov.
Se evuapws 4vSiS6aai to ware Kal rraiSelas drrT G0ai
rraparreia0evTes rrpbs ^prjatp^v,
Kal Xbywv. rrjs Se ftlas
to piev 4k rd)v 4arl ueydXwv bvrwv, rb 8' e/c rov
awpidrwv
rrXrj0ovs' avvlaai Se Kara 8td rb drrXovv Kal avBeKaarov, avvayava/c
rrXrj0os paSlws
rovvrwv tois dSiKeZaBai Sokovgiv del twv rrXrjalov. vvvl piev ovv 4v elprjvrj rrdvres
elal SeSovXwuevoi Kal t>wvr s KaTa rd rrpoardyuara rwv eXbvrwv avrovs *Pwualwv,
dAA' 4k twv rraXaiwv xpbvwv
tovto
Xaufidvouev rrepl avrwv,
e/c twv
/xe'^pt
vvv
[Ve]
Gvpiuevbvrwv Trapd roZs PeppavoZs vouluwv. Kal yap rfj tf>vaei Kal roZs rroXirevuaGiv
re oIkovgi
4u<f>epeZs elai Kal avyyeveZs dAAryAots* ovVot, bpiopbv ^dipav Siopiôuevrjv
rw rrorauw, Kal rraparrXrjGia eôvaav Ta 77"AetoTa. apKTiKwrepa 8 eoTtv
Prjvw rj
rwv re Ta vbria Kal twv
Pepuavla, Kpivopievwv vorlwv uepwv rrpbs dpKTiKtov rrpbs rd
dp/CTt/cd. Std rovro Se /cat Tas* ueravaardaeis avrwv
paSlws vrrdpx^v avufialvei,
Kal rravarparia, Se Kal rravoiKiwv brav vrr*
tjyepouevwv dyeXrjSbv pidXXov 4?aipbvrwv,
dAAcov ot re *Pwuaioi rroXv paov rovrovs
Kj3dAAa>vrat Kpeirrbvwv. eêtpaVavTo r]
rovs Kal ydp rjpâvro rrporepov /cat 4rravaavro varepov e/cetvots* rroXepiovvres,
"Ifirjpas*
rovrovs 8' ev tw XPOV(P rrdvras KareXvaov, rovs dvd jxeaov /cat tcDv
piera^v 'Prjvov
avurravras. yap Kal KaTa 4urrlrrrovT s
Uvprjvalwv bpwv d0pboi rrXrjBos dBpboi
KareXvovro, ot 8* 4raulevov /cat rovs dAAoTe dAAot /cat kot9
KareKepudriôv dywvas,
dXXa ueprj XrjarpiKtos rroXeuovvres. etat uev ovv pa^Tat 7rdvTes* Tfj tf>vaei, Kpelrrovs
8' t7rTrdrat rj rret,ol, Kal eari *Pwuaiois ttjs Irrrreias tovtwv. del Se ol
dpiarrj Trapd
/cat uax^wTepoi.
rrpoafioppbrepoi rrapwKeavZrai
3 Tovtwv Se rovs BeXyas Ta

dplarovs <f>aalv, els rrevre/catSe/ca eBvrj Sirjprjpevovs,
rod /cat tov rrapoiKovvra rbv wKeavov, waTe ubvovs
p,erafv 'Prjvov Aelyrjpos dvTeêtv
77pds* ttjv twv Peppxxvwv e<f>oSov, Klufipwv koI TevTovwv. avrwv Se rwv BeXywv
Se rovrovs Se
BeXXoaKOVs dplarovs tfxxal, uerd Eoveaaiwvas* ttjs rroXvavBpwrrias
els yap 4êrdêGBal rwv rwv
arjueZov rptd/covTa uvpidSas <f>aai BeXywv rrporepov
Se koX to twv rwv
Svvauevwv <f>epeiv brrXa. etpryrai 'EXovtjttIwv rrXrjBos Kal rb
Kal to rwv 4? Sv Kal, elrrov, rj
'Apovepvwv avuudxwv, r) TroXvavBpwrrla tf>alverai brrep
rwv yvvaiKtov to Tt/cretv /cat rovs rraiSas* Se /cat
dperr) rrpbs e/crpeêtv aayrj<j>opovGi
Kal xpdWat rrepirerapievais, dvrl Se xLr<^v<x}V axârovs
Kouorpocf)OVGi dva^vplai
koi
XîpiSwrovs <f>epovai uexpts alSolwv yXovrwv. r) 8' epea rpax^Za uev, uaKpbuaXXos
Se, dtf? fjs tovs SaaeZs adyovs ovs Xalvas koXovgiv *ot uevroi
4?vtf>alvovaiv, *PwjxaZoi*
/cat ev rots* rroluvas Ikovws darelas epea?.
rrpoafioppordrois vrroSicf>0epas rpet/>ovai
d7rAtap,ds Se avuuerpos toZs twv aa>p,aTa>v ueye0eai, ud\aipa pa/cpd, rraprjprrjuevrj
/cat 0vpebs Kara
Trapd rb Seîbv rrXevpov, uaKpbs Kal Xoyxai Xbyov Kal udSapis, rrdXrov
n etSos*. ^ Kai Tî?1^ y4vtoi Kal eari Se n Kal 4oikos
XP&)Vrai a<f>evS6vais' ypoa<f>w
4k xetpds* ovk ef dyKvXrjs Kal f$4Xovs, co udXiara /cat
?vXov, d(f>ieuevov, rrjXefioXwTepov
Tas twv Se Kal uexpi vvv ol rroXXol, Kal
rrpbs bpvewv xP&VTai 0rjpas* xapevvovat
8et7rvovortv iv Se Kal Kpewv rravrolwv,
Ka0e?dp,evot aTtjSdcxt. rpotf>r) rrXelarrj uerdydXaKTOs

Be tcov velcov Kal vecov Kal dXiorcov. al B* des Kat dypavXovoiv, re Kal
/xdAtora viftei dXKjj
Kal rdxî kLvBvvos eort tco cboavrcos Kal Xvkco. tovs
Bia<j>epovaai' yovv drjBei rrpooiovTi,
eK oavlBcov
B* olkovs Kal yeppcov exovoi pieydXovs BoXoeiBeZs, dpo<j>ov noXvv imfidXXovres\
ovtcos B* iorl Kat Ta coore rcov Kal rrjs raptêtas
BaifiiXrj Kal rd rrolpivia vo<f>6pf$ia, adycov
kcu rots rrXelorois
d(f)BovLav pir) rfj 'Pcopirj xoprjyeZoBai pAvov, dAAd piepeoi rrjs IraXias.
B* r)oav al rrXelovs rcov rroXireicov eva B* rjyepiova rjpovvro Kar' evtaurdv
dpioroKpariKal
to rraXaiov, cos S' aureus ets ets vrro tov drreBelKwro wvl
rroXepiov rrXrjBovs aTpanqyos'
Be rrpooexovoi toZs rcov 'Pcopialcov to rrXeov. iBiov Be to iv toZs avveBplois
rrpoordypiaoi
idv ydp ns rov Kal vrroKpovorj, rrpooicov 6 VTrrjpeTTjs,
ovpifiaZvov Bopvfifj Xeyovra
to KeXevei Be, Kal Bevrepov Kal
iorraopievos ?lcj)Os, oiydv pier* drreiXrjs' pir) rravopievov
rroieZ to avro, TeXevraZov Be d<f>aipeZ rov odyov togovtov, ogov
dxprjorov
rplrov
ro Xoirrov. to Be rrepl tovs Kat Tas yvvaiKas, to rd epya
rroirjaai dvSpas BirjXXdxBai
VTrevavrlcos toZs koivov koi rrpos dXXovs avxôvs tcov iorl.
rrap* rjpXv, jSapjSdpcov
rrdoi B* cos irrlrrav rcov re
4 Tlapd rpla </>Xa
Tt/xco/xevcov Biacf>epovrcos iorl, BdpBoi
Kal Ovdreis Kal ApvLBai' BdpBoi piev vpivrjral Kal rroirjTaL, Ovdreis Be Kal
leporroiol
Be rrpos rfj Kal
(f>VGioX6yoi, ApvLBai cf>voioXoyla ttjv tjBiktjv (j>iXooocf>Lav doKovoi'
BiKaioraroi Be vo/xt?ovrat Kat Std tovto morevovrai rds re tStcortKas Kploeis
Kat rds
Koivds, coore Kat rrporepov Kat erravov,

rroXepiovs Birjrcov rrapardrTeoBai piiXXovras
rds Be <f>oviKas StKas tovtois BikoCîv. orav re tovtcov
/xdAtora irrererparrTo <f>opa
Be Xeyovai
fjt <f>opdv Kal ttjs xcdpas vopiLt,ovoiv vrrdpxeiv. d<f>Bdprovs Kal odroi Kal
dXXoi Tas Kat rov Koopiov, Be wore Kal rrvp koi
tftvxds irriKparrjoeiv vBcop.
Tco B* rroXv to dvorjrov Kal dAafovtKov Kal to cf>iXoKoopiov'
5 drrXcp Kal BvpiiKcp rrpooeori
re piev toZs Be toZs
Xpvoo<f>opovol ydp, rrepl rpaxrjXois orperrTd exovres, rrepl jSpa^toat
Kat Tots KaprroZs
ifteXia, Kal rds ioBrjras pairrds <f>opovoi Kal xPV(T?7T^(rrov^ ?^ *v
utto TotauTTTS Be piev viKcdvres, B*
dftco/xaTt. tt}s kov<J>6ttjtos dtf>6prjToi iKrrXayeis
Be rfj dvola Kat to Kat to
rjTTTjBevres opcovrai. rrpooeori jSdpjSapov K<j>vXov, 6 toZs
eBveoi rrXeZorov, to drro d7Ttdvras Tas KetpaXds
rrpoofiopois rrapaKoXovBeZ rrjs p-d^s
rcov i^drrreiv ck tcov tcov trrrrcov, Kopiloavras Be rrpoGrrarraXeveiv
TToAe/xtcov adê'vcov
avros IBeZv Tavrrjv
"frrjv Beav toZs rrporrvXaiois'.
<^T7crtyovv IIooeiBcovios rroXXaxov Kal
to piev rrpcorov pierd Be ravra rds Be rcov
drjBLêoBai, cf>epeiv rrpdcos Bid ttjv ovvrjBeiav.
K
eVSdf cov <f>aXds KeBpovvres irreBelKVvov toZs fe'vots, Kat odSe
7rpds laoardaiov xpvoov
Kat tovtcov S* erravoav avrovs Kal rcov Kara rds Bvolas
drroXvrpovv rj^Lovv. 'PcopiaZoi,
Kal piavrelas vrrevavrlcov toZs rrap* rjpiZv vo/xtttots. dvBpcorrov Be KareorreiGpievov
rraloavres ets vcorov uaxcupa. ipiavrevovro eV tov ocf>aBaopiov. eBvov Be ovk dvev
Kat dAAa Be dvBpcorroBvoicov Kal ydp Kareroêvov rtvas Kat
ApviBcov. eiBrj Xeyerai'
ivrots tepots Kat KaraoKevdoavres koXoggov k<xl ?vXcov,
dvearadpouv x?Ptov
ipifiaXovres els rovrov fioaKrjpiaTa
koi
Brjpla rravroZa Kal dvBpcorrovs cbXoKavrovv.
*Ev Be tco coKeavco ov rrdvv
6 <f>rjoiv etvat vrjoov piiKpdv rreXaylav, rrpoKeipAvrjv rrjs
rov rrorapiov' otKetv Se Tavrrjv rds tcov
iKpoXrjs Aelyrjpos Eapivircov yvvaZKas,
Karexopievas Kal rov Beov rovrov reXeraZs re Kal dXXais
Aiovvocp iXaoKopievas
ovk Be rds Be yvvaZKas
leporrouais *i?iXeovpievas*' eVt/Satvetv dvBpa rrjs vrjoov,
avrds rrXeovoas KoivcoveZv toZs dvBpdoi Kal rrdXiv irravievai. eBos B* etvat KaT'
evtaurdv to Kal rrdXiv avBrjpiepov
drra? lepov drTOOTeydêoBai oreydêoBai irpd
av to
Bvoecos, eKdoTrjs cf}oprLov im<f> povorjs' tJs S* iKTreorj <f>oprlov, BiaorrdoBai Tavrrjv
vrro tcov dXXcov ro
<f>epovoas Be rd pieprj rrepl lepov pier* evaopiov pir) iraveoBai rrporepov,
coore
rrplv rravocovrai rrjs Xvtttjs' del Be ovp,f$alveiv, rivd ttjv tovto
ipmlrrTeiv
tovto B* ert pivBcoBearepov to
rreioopievrjv. etprjKev *AprepiLBcopos rrepl tovs KOpaKas
rtva loropei
KopaKwv Avo
GVpt,/3aivov. Xipieva ydp rrjs rrapcoKeavLriBos irrovopia^dpievov,
(f>alveoBai B* iv rovrco Bvo KopaKas rrjv Se?tdv rrTepvya eôvras* tovs
rrapdXevKov
ovv rivcov rorrov oavlBa Bevras
rrepl dpi<l>iof}r}TovvTas, d<f>iKopievovs Bevpo i<f?* vt/trjXov
eVtjSdAAetv tpaiord, eKarepov xwP^' tovs B* opveis imTrrdvTas rd piev io&leiv, rd Be
GKoprrLt.eiv* od B av rd iftatora, eKetvov vtKav. Tavra ftev odv pivBcoBeorepa
oKopmoBfj
oti
Xeyei, rrepl Be rrjs Arjpirjrpos Kal Kdprjs mardrepa, <f>rjolv etvat vtjgov rrpos Trj
KaB* rjv d/xota rots iv Kat ttjv
BperraviKfj, EapioBpaKirj rrepl ttjv Ar]parjrpav Koprjv

Kal rovro Se rwv marevouevwv 4gtiv, on 4v

leporroieZrai. rfj KeXriKfj <j>verai SevSpov
buoiov gvktj, 8' e/c<êpet
Kaprrbv rraparrXrjGiov KiOKpdvw KopivBiovpyeZ* imrurjBels
tcvv Kal rovro Se rwv
8' ofiros, dtjylrjGiv brrbv Bavdaipov rrpbs Tas eVt^ptcrets* fieXwv.
4gtiv, on rrdvres KeXrol re elai, Kal ov voulêrai
BpvXovuevwv <j>iXbveiKoi Trap*
avroZs rb ttjs aKjxrjs d<f>eiSeiv tovs veovs. Se vrreppdXXovodv re rw
alaxpbv "Etpopos
ueyeBei Xeyei rrjv KeXriKTjv, ware rjarrep vvv 'Ifirjplas /caAovpev e/cetvot? Ta TrAetaTa
rrpoaveueiv Te tovs /cat TroAAd

uexpi PaSetpwv, tf>iXeXXrjvds drrotf>aivei dvBpwrrovs,
tStcDS* Aeyet Trept avTcov ovk eot/coTa rots* vvv. tStov Se /cat rovro' da/cetv yap avrovs
etvat tov 8' rwv vewv rb
ur) rrax^Zs jxrjSe rrpoydaropas, vrrepfiaXXbuevov rrjs ^wvrjs
pierpov ravra pev Trept rrjs vrrep rwv "AXrrewv KeXriKrjs.
tprjuiovaBai.
CAESAR, DE BELLO GALLICO VI, 11-28

(Text after Du Pontet)
11 non ahenum esse videtur de Galliae
Quoniam ad hunc locum perventum est,
2 Germaniaeque monbus et, quo differant hae nationes inter sese, proponere. In
Gallia non solum in omnibus civitatibus atque m omnibus pagis partibusque, sed
3 paene etiam in singulis domibus factiones sunt, earumque factionum principes
sunt, summam auctontatem eorum iudicio habere existimantur, quorum ad
qui
4 arbitrium iudiciumque summa omnium rerum consiliorumque redeat. Itaque
eius rei causa mstitutum videtur, ne ex contra
antiquitus quis plebe potentiorem
auxilii suos enim et circumvemri non neque,
egeret: quisque opprimi patitur,
5 ahter si faciat, ullam inter suos habet auctoritatem. Haec eadem ratio est in
summa totius Galliae, namque omnes civitates m partes divisae sunt duas.
12 Cum Caesar in Galliam venit, alterius factionis principes erant Aedui,

2 alterius Hi cum per se minus valerent, summa auctontas
Sequani. quod
erat in Aeduis eorum erant chentelae, Germanos
antiquitus magnaeque atque
Ariovistum sibi adiunxerant eosque ad se magnis iactuns pollicitatiombusque
3 Proelns vero factis secundis omni nobihtate
perduxerant. compluribus atque
4 Aeduorum mterfecta tantum antecesserant, ut magnam
potentia partem
clientium ab Aeduis ad se traducerent obsidesque ab iis principum fihos acciperent
et pubhce iurare cogerent, nihil se contra Sequanos consilii inituros, et partem
finitimi agri per vim occupatam possiderent Galliaeque totius principatum
5 obtmerent. Qua necessitate adductus Diviciacus auxilii petendi causa Romam
6 ad senatum profectus imperfecta re redierat. Adventu Caesaris facta com
mutatione rerum, obsidibus Aeduis redditis, veteribus clientelis restitutis, novis
per Caesarem ei, qui se ad eorum amicitiam
comparatis, quod aggregaverant,
meliore condicione aequiore se uti videbant, reliquis rebus eorum
atque imperio
7 gratia dignitateque amphficata, Sequani principatum dimiserant. In eorum
locum Remi successerant; quos quod adaequare apud Caesarem gratia intellege

batur, ei, qui propter veteres inimicitias nullo modo cum Aeduis coniungi
8 poterant, se Remis in clientelam dicabant. Hos illi diligenter tuebantur: ita et
9 novam et collectam auctoritatem tenebant. Eo turn statu res erat, ut
repente
longe principes haberentur secundum

locum dignitatis Remi obtinerent.
Aedui,
13 In omni Gallia eorum hominum, qui aliquo sunt numero atque honore,
genera sunt duo. Nam plebes paene servorum habetur loco, quae nihil audet per
2 se, nullo adhibetur consilio. cum aut aere alieno aut
Plerique, magnitudine
tributorum aut
iniuria potentiorum premuntur, sese in servitutem dicant
3 nobilibus, quibus in hos eadem omnia sunt iura, quae dominis in servos. Sed de
4 his duobus generibus alterum est druidum, alterum equitum. Illi rebus divinis
intersunt, sacrificia ac procurant, ad
publica privata religiones interpretantur:
hos magnus adulescentium numerus causa concurrit, hi
disciplinae magnoque
5 sunt apud eos honore. Nam fere de omnibus controversiis publicis privatisque
constituunt, et si quod est admissum facinus, si caedes facta, si de hereditate, si
de finibus controversia est, idem decernunt, praemia poenasque constituunt;
6 si qui aut privatus aut populus eorum decreto non stetit, sacrificiis interdicunt.
7 Haec poena apud eos est gravissima. Quibus ita est interdictum, hi numero
ac sceleratorum habentur, his omnes decedunt, aditum sermonemque
impiorum
defugiunt, ne quid ex contagione incommodi accipiant, neque his petentibus ius
8 redditur neque honos ullus communicatur. His autem omnibus druidibus
9 unus, summam inter eos habet auctoritatem. Hoc mortuo aut, si qui
praeest qui
ex excellit succedit, aut, si sunt pares, druidum,
reliquis dignitate, plures sufrragio
10 non numquam etiam armis de principatu contendunt. Hi certo anni tempore
in finibus Carnutum, quae regio totius Galliae media habetur, considunt in loco
omnes eorum -
consecrato. Hue undique, qui controversias habent, conveniunt
11 que decretis iudiciisque parent. Disciplina in Britannia reperta atque inde in
Galliam translata esse existimatur, et nunc, earn rem cognoscere
qui diligentius
volunt,
plerumque illo discendi causa proficiscuntur.
14 a bello abesse consuerunt neque tributa una cum reliquis pendunt,
Druides
2 militiae vacationem omniumque rerum habent immunitatem. Tantis excitati
praemiis et sua sponte multi in disciplinam conveniunt et a parentibus propin
3 quisque mittuntur. Magnum ibi numerum versuum ediscere dicuntur. Itaque
annos non nulli vicenos in fas esse existimant ea
disciplina permanent. Neque
litteris mandare, cum in reliquis fere rebus, publicis privatisque rationibus,
4 Graecis litteris utantur. Id mihi duabus de causis instituisse videntur, quod
neque in vulgum disciplinam efferri velint neque eos, qui discunt, litteris confisos
minus memoriae studere; quod fere plerisque accidit, ut praesidio litterarum
5 diligentiam in perdiscendo ac memoriam remittant. In primis hoc volunt persua
dere, non interire animas, sed ab aliis post mortem transire ad alios, atque hoc
6 maxime ad virtutem excitari putant, metu mortis neglecto. Multa praeterea de
sideribus eorum motu, de mundi ac terrarum de rerum
atque magnitudine,
natura, de deorum vi ac potestate disputant et iuventuti tradunt.
immortalium
15 Alterum genus est equitum. Hi, cum est usus atque aliquod bellum incidit
(quod fere ante Caesaris adventum quotannis accidere solebat, uti aut ipsi iniurias
2 inferrent aut illatas propulsarent); omnes in bello versantur, atque eorum ut

est genere ita circum se ambactos

quisque copiisque amplissimus, plurimos
clientesque habet. Hanc unam gratiam potentiamque noverunt.
16 Natio est omnis Gallorum admodum dedita religionibus, atque ob earn
2 causam, qui sunt affecti gravioribus morbis quique in proeliis periculisque
versantur, aut victimis homines immolant aut se immolaturos vovent
pro
3 admimstrisque ad ea sacnficia druidibus utuntur, quod, pro vita hominis
nisi hominis vita reddatur, non posse deorum immortalium numen placari
4 arbitrantur, publiceque eiusdem generis habent instituta sacrificia. Alii immani
magnitudine simulacra habent, quorum contexta vimmibus membra vivis
hominibus complent; quibus succensis circumventi flamma exanimantur homines.
5 Supplicia eorum, qui in furto aut in latrocinio aut aliqua noxia smt comprehensi,
gratiora dis immortalibus esse arbitrantur; sed cum eius generis copia deficit,
etiam ad innocentium supplicia descendunt.
17 Deum maxime Mercurium colunt; huius sunt plunma simulacra, hunc
omnium inventorem artium ferunt, hunc viarum atque itinerum ducem, hunc ad
2 quaestus pecuniae mercaturasque habere vim maximam arbitrantur; post hunc
Apollinem et Martem et Iovem et Minervam. De his eandem fere, quam rehquae
gentes, habent opinionem: Apollinem morbos depellere, Minervam operum atque
artificiorum initia tradere, Iovem imperium caelestium tenere, Martem bella
3 regere. Huic, cum dimicare constituerunt, ea, quae bello
proeho ceperint,
plerumque devovent; quae superaverint, animalia capta immolant reliquasque

4 res in unum locum conferunt. Multis in civitatibus harum rerum extructos
5 tumulos locis consecratis conspicari licet; neque saepe accidit, ut neglecta
quispiam religione aut capta apud se occultare aut posita tollere auderet,
ei rei cum cruciatu constitutum est.
gravissimumque supplicium
18 Galli se omnes
ab Dite patre prognatos praedicant idque ab druidibus
2 proditum dicunt. Ob earn causam spatia omnis temporis non numero dierum,
sed noctium finiunt, dies natales et mensium et annorum mitia sic observant, ut
3 noctem dies subsequatur. In reliquis vitae institutis hoc fere ab reliquis differunt,
suos liberos, nisi cum adoleverunt, ut munus militiae sustinere
quod possint,
palam ad se adire non patiuntur filiumque puerili aetate in publico in conspectu

patris assistere turpe ducunt.
19 Viri, ab uxonbus dotis nomine tantas ex suis
quantas pecunias acceperunt,
2 bonis aestimatione facta cum dotibus communicant. Huius omnis pecuniae
coniunctim ratio habetur servantur; uter eorum vita ad eum
fructusque superarit,
3 pars utriusque cum
fructibus superiorum temporum pervenit. Viri in uxores,
sicuti in liberos, vitae necisque habent potestatem; et cum pater familiae
illustriore loco natus decessit, eius propinqui conveniunt et, de morte si res in
suspicionem venit, de uxoribus in servilem modum quaestionem habent et, si
4 compertum est, igni atque omnibus tormentis excruciatas interficiunt. Funera
sunt pro cultu Gallorum magnifica et sumptuosa; omniaque, quae vivis cordi
5 fuisse arbitrantur, in ignem inferunt, etiam animalia, ac paulo supra hanc
memoriam servi et clientes, quos ab iis dilectos esse constabat, mstis funeribus
confectis una cremabantur.

20 Quae civitates commodius suam rem publicam administrare existimantur,
habent legibus sanctum si quis quid de re publica a finitimis rumore aut fama

2 acceperit, uti ad magistratum deferat neve cum quo alio communicet, quod
saepe homines temerarios atque imperitos falsis rumoribus terreri et ad facinus
3 impelli et de summis rebus consilium capere cognitum est. Magistratus, quae
visa sunt, occultant, quaeque esse ex usu iudicaverunt, multitudini produnt.
De re publica nisi per concilium loqui non conceditur.
21 Germani multum ab hac consuetudine differunt. Nam neque druides habent,
2 qui rebus divinis praesint, neque sacrifices student. Deorum numero eos solos
ducunt, quos cernunt et quorum aperte opibus iuvantur, Solem et Vulcanum et
3 Lunam, reliquos ne fama quidem acceperunt. Vita omnis in venationibus atque
4 in studiis rei militaris consistit; ab parvulis labori ac duritiae student. Qui
diutissime impuberes permanserunt, maximam inter suos ferunt laudem: hoc alii
staturam, alii vires nervosque confirmari Intra annum vero vicesimum
putant.
5 feminae notitiam
habuisse in turpissimis habent rebus; cuius rei nulla est
occultatio, quod et promiscue in fluminibis perluuntur et pellibus aut par vis
renonum tegimentis utuntur magna corporis parte nuda.
22 non student, pars eorum victus in lacte, caseo, carne
Agriculturae maiorque
2 consistit.Neque quisquam agri modum certum aut fines habet proprios, sed
magistratus ac principes in annos singulos gentibus cognationibusque hominum,
qui cum una coierunt, quantum et quo loco visum est agri, attribuunt atque
3 anno post alio transire cogunt. Eius rei multas afferunt causas: ne assidua
consuetudine capti studium belli gerendi agricultura commutent; ne latos fines
parare studeant potentioresque humiliores possessionibus expellant; ne accuratius
ad frigora atque aestus vitandos aedificent; ne qua oriatur pecuniae cupiditas,
4 qua ex re factiones dissensionesque nascuntur; ut animi aequitate plebem
contineant, cum suas quisque opes cum potentissimis aequari videat.
23 Civitatibus maxima laus est quam latissime circum se vastatis finibus
2 solitudines habere. Hoc proprium virtutis existimant, expulsos agris finitimos
3 cedere neque quemquam prope audere consistere: simul hoc se fore tutiores
4 arbitrantur, repent inae incursionis timore sublato. Cum bellum ci vitas aut
illatum defendit aut infert, magistratus, qui ei bello praesint, ut vitae necisque
5 habeant potestatem, deliguntur. In pace nullus est communis magistratus, sed
principes regionum atque pagorum inter suos ius dieunt controversiasque
6 minuunt. Latrocinia nullam habent infamiam, quae extra fines cuiusque
civitatis fiunt, atque ea iuventutis exercendae ac desidiae minuendae causa fieri
7 praedicant. Atque ubi quis ex principibus in concilio dixit, se ducem fore, qui
sequi velint, profiteantur, consurgunt ei, qui et causam et hominem probant,
8 suumque auxilium pollicentur atque ab multitudine collaudantur; qui ex his
secuti non sunt, in desertorum acproditorum numero ducuntur, omniumque his
9 rerum postea fides" derogatur. Hospitem vrolare fas non putant; qui quacuhique
de causa ad eos venerunt, ab iniuria prohibent, sanctos habent, hisque omnium
domus patent victusque communicatur.
24 Ac tempus, cum Germanos Galli virtute superarent, ultro bella
fuit antea
inferrent, propter hominum multitudinem agrique inopiam trans Rhenum colonias
2 mitterent. Itaque ea, quae fertilissima Germaniae sunt, loca circum Hercyniam
silvam, quam Eratostheni et quibusdam Graecis fama no tarn esse video, quam

illi Orcymam appellant, Volcae Tectosages occupaverunt atque ibi consederunt;

3 quae gens ad hoc tempus his sedibus sese continet summamque habet iustitiae
4 et bellicae laudis opimonem. Nunc quod m eadem inopia, egestate, patientia qua
5 Germani permanent, eodem victu et cultu corporis utuntur, Gallis autem
provinciarum propinquitas et transmarinarum rerum notitia multa ad copiam
6 atque usus largitur, paulatim assuefacti superari multisque victi proeliis, ne se
quidem ipsi cum illis virtute comparant,
25 Huius Hercyniae silvae, quae supra demonstrata est, latitudo novem dierum
iter expedito patet; non enim aliter finiri potest, neque mensuras itmerum
2 noverunt. Oritur ab Helvetiorum et Nemetum et Rauricorum finibus rectaque
3 fluminis Danuvii regione pertinet ad fines Dacorum et Anartium; hinc se flectit
sinistrorsus diversis ab flumine regionibus multarumque gentium fines propter
4 magnitudinem attingit; neque quisquam est huius Germaniae, qui se aut adisse
ad initium eius silvae dicat, cum dierum iter lx processent, aut, quo ex loco
5 oriatur, acceperit; multaque in ea genera ferarum nasci constat, quae reliquis in
locis visa non sint: ex quibus quae maxime diflerant ab ceteris et memoriae
prodenda videantur, haec sunt.
26 Est bos cervi figura, cuius a media fronte inter aures unum cornu exsistit
excelsius magisque directum eis, quae nobis nota sunt, cornibus; ab eius summo
2 sicut palmae ramique late diffunduntur. Eadem est feminae marisque natura,
eadem forma magnitudoque cornuum.
27 Sunt item, quae appellantur alces. Harum est consimilis capris figura et
varietas pellium, sed magnitudine paulo antecedunt mutilaeque sunt cornibus et
2 crura sine nodis articulisque habent, neque quietis causa procumbunt neque* si
3 quo afflictae casu conciderunt, erigere sese aut sublevare possunt. His sunt
arbores pro cubilibus. ad eas se applicant atque ita paulum modo reclinatae
4 quiet em capiunt. Quarum ex vestigiis cum est animadversum a venatoribus, quo
se recipere consuerint, omnes eo loco aut ab radicibus subruunt aut accidunt
5 arbores, tantum ut summa species earum stantium relinquatur. Hue cum se
consuetudine reclinaverunt, infirmas arbores pondere affligunt atque una ipsae
cbncidunt.
28 Tertium est genus eorum, qui uri appellantur. Hi sunt magnitudine paulo
2 infra elephantos, specie et colore et figura tauri. Magna vis eorum est et magna
3 velocitas, neque homini neque ferae, quam conspexerunt, parcunt. Hos studiose
foveis captos interficiunt; hoc se labore durant adulescentes atque hoc genere
venationis exercent, et qui plurimos ex his interfecerunt, relatis in publicum
4 cornibus, quae sint testimonio, magnam ferunt laudem. Sed assuescere ad
5 homines et mansuefien ne parvuli quidem excepti possunt. Amplitudo cornuum
6 et figura et species multum a nostrorum bourn cornibus differt. Haec studiose
conquisita ab labris argento circumcludunt atque in amplissimis epulis pro
poculis utuntur.

Tierney? The Celtic Ethnography of Posidonius 247
TRANSLATION OF THE TEXTS

ATHENAEUS
(1) Athenceus IV 36, p. 151 E~ 152D. The Stoic philosopher Posidonius,

describing many customs and usages of many peoples in his Histories, which work
"
he composed in accordance with his philosophical convictions, says: The Celts
sit on dried grass and have their meals served up on wooden tables raised slightly
above the earth. Their food consists of a small number of loaves of bread
together with a large amount of meat, either boiled or roasted on charcoal or on
spits. They partake of this in a cleanly but leonine fashion, raising up whole
limbs in both hands and biting off the meat, while any part which is hard to tear
off they cut through with a small dagger which hangs attached to their sword
sheath in its own scabbard. Those who live beside the rivers or near the Mediter
ranean or Atlantic eat fish in addition, baked fish, that is, with the addition of
salt, vinegar and cummin. They also use cummin in their drinks. They do not
use olive oil because of its scarcity, and because of its unfamiliarity it appears
unpleasant to them. When a large number dine together they sit around in a
circle with the most influential man in the centre, like the leader of the chorus,
whether he surpass the others in warlike skill, or nobility of family, or wealth.
Beside him sits the host and next on either side the others in order of distinction.
Their shieldsmen stand behind them while their spearsmen are seated in a circle
on the opposite side and feast in common like their lords. The servers bear around
the drink in terracotta or silver jars like spouted cups. The trenchers on which
they serve the food are also of these materials, while with others they are made
of bronze, or are woven or wooden baskets. The drink of the wealthy classes is
wine imported from Italy or from the territory of Marseilles. This is unadulter
ated, but sometimes a little water is added. The lower classes drink wheaten beer
prepared with honey, but most people drink it plain. It is called corma. They
use a common cup, drinking a little at a time, not more than a mouthful, but they
do it rather frequently. The slave serves the cup towards the right, (not) towards
the left. That is the method of service. In the same way they do reverence to the
gods, turning towards the right."
(2) Athenceus IV" 40 p. 154A -C. Posidonius, in the twenty-third book of
his Histories, says: The Celts sometimes engage in single combat at dinner.
Assembling in arms they engage in a mock battle-drill, and mutual thrust-and
parry, but sometimes wounds are inflicted, and the irritation caused by this may
lead even to the slaying of the opponent unless the bystanders hold them back."
" "
And in former times," he says, when the hindquarters were served up the
bravest hero took the thigh piece, and if another man claimed it they stood up
and fought in single combat to the death. Others in the presence of the assembly
received silver or gold or a certain number of jars of wine, and having taken
pledges of the gift and distributed it among their friends and kin, lay stretched
out face upwards on their shields, and another standing by cut their throat with
his sword."

(3) AthencBus VI 4g, p. "246CD. Posidonius of Apameia, in the twenty-third

book of his Histories, says: The Celts have in their company even in war (aswell
as m peace) companions whom they call parasites. These men pronounce their
praises before the whole assembly and before each of the chieftains in turn as they
listen. Their entertainments are called Bards. These are who deliver
poets
eulogies in song."
(4) AthencBus IV 37 p. 152D-F. Posidonius, again, when telling of the

wealth of Louernius, father of Bituis who was dethroned by the Romans, says
that in an attempt to win popular favour he rode m a chariot over the plains
distributing gold and silver to the tens of thousands of Celts who followed him;
moreover, he made a enclosure one and a half miles each within which
square way,
he filled vats with expensive liquor and prepared so great a quantity of food that
for many days all who wished could enter and enjoy the feast prepared, being
served without a break by the attendants. And when at length he fixed a day for
the ending of the feast, a Celtic poet who arrived too late met Louernius and
composed a song magnifying his greatness and lamenting his own late arrival.
Louernius was very pleased and asked for a bag of gold and threw it to the poet
who ran beside his chariot. The poet picked it up and sang another song saying
that the very tracks made by his chariot on the earth gave gold and largesse to
mankind.
DIODORUS SICULUS V 25-32
Having discussed the name of the Gauls I must now also speak of their
25.
country. Gaul is inhabited by many tribes of dirferent size; the largest of them
numbering nearly two hundred thousand men, and the smallest fifty thousand.
One of these possesses with Rome a kinship of ancient date and a friendship which
2 has lasted down to our own times. Since most of the country lies under the Bears
it has a wintry and particularly cold climate. For in the winter they have on
cloudy days deep snow instead of rain, while in clear periods they have an
extraordinary amount of ice and frost. This causes the rivers to freeze and form
natural bridges. For not only can chance wayfarers make the passage in small
numbers over the ice, but even armies consisting of tens of thousands of men,
together with
their baggage-animals and laden wagons, make the crossing in
3 safety. Many large rivers flow through Gaul, whose streams run intricately over
the plains, some flowing from lakes of unknown depth and others having their
springs and tributaries in the mountains. Of these some pour their waters into
4 the outer ocean, others into the Mediterranean. The Rhone is the largest of the
rivers flowing into our sea. It rises in the Alps and empties its waters into the sea
by five mouths. Of those flowing into the ocean the largest are thought to be the
Danube and the Rhine, which latter the deified Caesar bridged in our days in

Tierhey?The Celtic Ethnography of Posidonius 249
spectacular fashion and transferring his forces on foot conquered the Gauls living
5 on the other side. There are many other navigable rivers in the Celtic territory
which it would take a long time to describe. Nearly all of them become ice-bound
and bridge their waters, and since those who cross over slip because of the natural
smoothness of the ice they throw chaff upon it and this makes the crossing safe.
26. There is an especially peculiar phenomenon which occurs over most of
Gaul, and I think that I should not omit reference to it. From the summer
setting of the sun, and from the north, winds are wont to blow with such violence
and strength that they snatch up from the ground stones as large as the hand
can hold and a coarse dust of pebbles; and in general they swoop down with such
violence as to tear weapons out of the hand, or clothing from its wearers or even
2 riders from their horses. And since the qualities of the climate are spoiled by the
excess of cold, the land bears neither wine nor oil, and therefore the Gauls, being
deprived of these fruits, concoct a drink out of barley called zythos (beer), and they
3 wash honeycombs and use the washings as a drink. They are exceedingly fond of
wine and sate themselves with the unmixed wine imported by merchants; their
desire makes them drink it greedily and when they become drunk they fall into a
stupor or into a maniacal disposition. And therefore many Italian merchants
with their usual love of lucre look on the Gallic love of wine as their treasure trove.
They transport the wine by boat on the navigable rivers and by wagon through
the plains and receive in return for it an incredibly large price;for one jar of wine
receive in return a slave, a servant in exchange for the drink.
they
27. On the whole silver is not found throughout Gaul, but there is a great
deal of gold which Nature yields to the inhabitants without the difficulties of
mining. For the rivers as they course through their winding bends and dash
against the banks of the mountains which lie alongside, break off large masses
2 from them and become filled with gold-dust. Those who are engaged in the
business gather this together and grind or pound the lumps which hold the dust
and by repeated washings they rid it of the earthy element and hand it over to
3 the furnaces for smelting. In this way they accumulate large quantities of gold
and make use of it for personal adornment, not only the women but also the men.
For they wear bracelets on wrists and arms, and round their necks thick rings of
4 solid gold, and they wear also fine finger-rings and even golden tunics. The Celts
of the hinterland have a strange and peculiar custom in connection with the
sanctuaries of the gods; for in the temples and sanctuaries which are dedicated
throughout the country a large amount of gold is openly placed as a dedication
to the gods, and of the native inhabitants none touch it because of religious
veneration, although the Celts are unusually fond of money.
28. The Gauls are tall in stature and their flesh is very moist and white,
while their hair is not only naturally blond, but they also use artificial means to
2 increase this natural quality of colour. For they continually wash their hair with
lime-wash and draw it back from the forehead to the crown and to the nape of the
neck, with the result that their appearance resembles that of Satyrs or of Pans,
for the hair is so thickened by this treatment that it differs in no way from a
3 horse's mane. Some shave off the beard, while others cultivate a short beard;
the nobles shave the cheeks but let the moustache grow freely so that it covers

the mouth. And so when they are eating the moustache becomes entangled in
the food, and when they are drinking the drink passes, as it were, through a sort
4 of strainer. When dining they all sit not on chairs, but on the earth, strewing
beneath them the skins of wolves or dogs. At their meals they are served by their
youngest grown-up children, both boys and girls. Beside them are hearths
blazing with fire, with cauldrons and spits containing large pieces of meat.
Brave warriors they honour with the finest portions of the meat, ]ust as Homer
introduces Ajax, honoured by the chieftains, when he conquered Hector in single
"
combat: He honoured Ajax with the full-length chine."
5 They also invite strangers to their banquets, and only after the meal do they
ask who they are and of what they stand in need. At dinner they are wont to be
moved by chance remarks to wordy disputes, and, after a challenge, to fight in
6 single combat, regarding their lives as naught; for the belief of Pythagoras is
strong among them, that the souls of men are immortal, and that after a definite
number of years they live a second life when the soul passes into another body.
This is the reason given why some people at the burial of the dead cast upon the
pyre letters written to their dead relatives, thinking that the dead will be able to
read them.
29. For their journeys and in battle they use two-horse chariots, the
chariot carrying both charioteer and chieftain. When they meet with cavalry
in the battle they cast their javelins at the enemy and then descending from the
2 chariot join battle with their swords. Some of them so far despise death that they
descend to do battle, unclothed except for a girdle. They bring into battle as their
attendants freemen chosen from among the poorer classes, whom use as
they
charioteers andshield-bearers in battle. When the armies are drawn up in
battle-array they are wont to advance before the battle-line and to challenge
the bravest of their opponents to single combat, at the same time brandishing
3 before them their arms so as to terrify their foe. And when some one accepts their
challenge to battle, they loudly recite the deeds of valour of their ancestors and
proclaim their own valorous quality, at the same time abusing and making little
of their opponent and generally attempting to rob him beforehand of his fighting
4 spirit. They cut off the heads of enemies slain in battle and attach them to the
necks of their horses. The blood-stained spoils they hand over to their attendants
and carry off as booty, while striking up a paean and singing a song of victory, and
they nail up these first fruits upon their houses just as do those who lay low wild
5 animals in certain kinds of hunting. They embalm in cedar-oil the heads of the
most distinguished enemies and preserve them carefully in a chest, and display
them with pride to strangers, saying that for this head, one of their ancestors, or
his father, or the man himself, refused the offer of a large sum of money. They
say that some of them boast that they refused the weight of the head in gold;
thus displaying what is only a barbarous kind of magnanimity; for it is not a sign
of nobility to refrain from selling the proofs of one's valour, it is rather true that
it is bestial to continue one's hostility against a slain fellow-mari.
30. They wear a striking kind of clothing?tunics dyed and stained in
various colours, and trousers, which they call by the name of bracae ; and they
wear striped cloaks, fastened with buckles, thick in winter and light in summer,

Tierney?77^ Celtic Ethnography of Posidonius 251
2 picked out with a variegated small check pattern. Their armour includes man
sized shields, decorated in individual fashion. Some of these have projecting
bronze animals of fine workmanship which serve for defence as well as decoration.
On their heads they wear bronze helmets which possess large projecting figures
lending the appearance of enormous stature to the wearer; in some cases horns
form one piece with the helmet, while in other cases it is relief figures of the fore
3 parts of birds or quadrupeds. Their trumpets again are of a peculiar barbaric
kind; they blow into them and produce a harsh sound which suits the tumult of
war. Some have iron breast-plates of chain-mail while others fight naked, and
for them the breast-plate given by Nature suffices. Instead of the short sword
they carry long swords held by iron or bronze chains and hanging along their right
4 flank. Some wear gold-plated or silver-plated belts around their tunics. The
spears which they brandish in battle and which they call lanciae, have iron heads
a cubit or more in length and a little less than two palms in breadth; for their
swords are as long as the javelins of other peoples, and their javelins have points
longer than swords. Some of their javelins are forged with a straight head, while
some are spiral with breaks throughout their entire length so that the blow not
only cuts but also tears the flesh, and the recovery of the spear tears open the
wound.
31.
Physically the Gauls are terrifying in appearance, with deep-sounding
and very harsh voices. In conversation they use few words and speak in riddles,
for the most part hinting at things and leaving a great deal to be understood.
They frequently exaggerate with the aim of extolling themselves and diminishing
the status of others. They are boasters and threateners and given to bombastic
self-dramatization, and yet they are quick of mind and with good natural ability
2 for learning. They have also lyric poets whom they call Bards. They sing to the
accompaniment of instruments resembling lyres, sometimes a eulogy and some
times a satire. They have also certain philosophers and theologians who are
3 treated with special honour, whom they call Druids. They further make use of
seers, thinking them worthy of high praise. These latter by their augural observ
ances and by the sacrifice of sacrificial animals can foretell the future and they
hold all the people subject to them. In particular when enquiring into matters
of great import they have a strange and incredible custom; they devote to death
a human being and stab him with a dagger in the region above the diaphragm, and
when he has fallen they foretell the future from his fall and from the convulsions
of his limbs and, moreover, from the spurting of the blood, placing their trust in
4 some ancient and long-continued observation of these practices. Their custom is
that no one should offer sacrifice without a philosopher; for they say that thanks
should be offered to the gods by those skilled in the divine nature, as though they
were people who can speak their language, and through them also they hold that
5 benefits should be asked. And it is not only in the needs of peace but in war also
that they carefully obey these men and their song-loving poets, and this is true
not only of their friends but also of their enemies. For oftentimes as armies
approach each other in fine of battle with their swords drawn and their spears
raised for the charge these men come forth between them and stop the conflict,
as though they had spell-bound some kind of wild animals. Thus even among the

most savage barbarians anger yields to wisdom and Ares does homage to the
Muses.
32.It will be useful now to make a distinction which is unknown to most

people. Those who live in the interior above Marseilles, and those along the Alps,
and those on this side of the Pyrenees are called Celts, whereas those who are
settled above Celtica in the area stretching towards the north both in the region
of the ocean and in that of the Hercynian mountain, and all the people beyond
them as far as Scythia, are called Galatae; the Romans, however, include all these
tribes together under one name and call them all Gauls.
2 The Gallic women are not only equal to their husbands in stature, but they
rival with them in strength as well. Their children are born, for the most part,
with grey hair, but as they advance in age they are assimilated to the hair-colour
3 of their parents. Their most savage tribes are those to the north and those which
border on Scythia, and people say that some of them are cannibals, just as are the
4 Britons who dwell on the island called Iris. But the warlike valour and savagery
of these tribes has become notorious, and so some people assert that it was they
who in ancient times overran the whole of Asia, under the name of Cimmerians,
since lapse of time has slightly deformed the name into that of the people called
Cimbri. For it has been their aim since ancient times to practise piracy in foreign
5 lands and to hold all mankind in contempt. It was they who captured Rome and
plundered the temple of Delphi, who levied tribute on much of Europe and no
small part of Asia and who occupied the lands of the peoples whom they had
defeated, and were called Gallo-graeci because of their connection with the Greeks,
6 and who, last of all, destroyed many great Roman armies. It is in consonance
with their savagery that they practise a unique impiety in their sacrifices; they
keep evildoers in custody for five years and then impale them in honour of their
gods. They construct enormous pyres and then devote them together with
many other first-fruits. They also use prisoners of war as sacrificial victims in
paying honour to their gods. And some of them also slay even the animals
captured in war as well as the human beings, or burn them in a pyre, or destroy
them by some other torture.
7 Although their wives are beautiful, they pay very little attention to them,
but rather have a strange passion for the embraces of males. Their custom is to
sleep on the ground upon the skins of wild animals and to wallow among bed
fellows on each side. The strangest thing of all is that without a thought of keep
ing up proper appearances they carelessly yield their virginity to others, and this
someone
they regard not as a disgrace, but rather think themselves slighted when
refuses to accept their freely offered favours.

STRABO II, 5, 28, AND IV, CAPS. I-IV
Strabo II, 5, 28. Next to Iberia, Celtica lies to the east, extending as far
as the river Rhine. Its northern side is washed by the whole length of the British
Channel, for the whole length of the island of Britain is parallel to and lies over
against the whole of Celtica, extending in length for five thousand stadia. Its
eastern side is bounded by the river Rhine whose stream runs parallel to the
Pyrenees. On the south side it is bounded in part by the Alps, that is, the part
beginning at the Rhine, and in part by the Mediterranean, that is, where the
so-called Galatic Gulf opens out, in which area are the notable cities of Marseilles
and Narbonne. Opposite to this gulf, but facing the opposite way, lies another
gulf, called Galatic, by the same name as the former, and facing towards Britain
and the north. It is here that Celtica has the narrowest north-south dimension;
for it narrows into an isthmus of between two and three thousand stadia.
Between these gulfs there is a mountain ridge called the Cevennes which runs at
right angles to the Pyrenees and tapers off at the centre of the plains of Celtica.
The Alps are extremely high mountains which form a curve whose convex side
faces the Cevennes and the Celtic plains which I have mentioned, while the
concave side is turned towards Liguria and Italy. Many tribes occupy the Alps
and all are Celtic except the Ligurians; they belong to a different race, but their
way of life is similar to that of the Celts.
Strabo IV, 1, 1. Next in order is the Celtic country beyond the Alps. Its
shape and size have been previously described but now we must describe
general
it in detail. Some authorities have divided the country into three parts, calling
their inhabitants Aquitani, Belgae and Celtae, respectively. Of these they describe
the Aquitani as completely different from the others, not alone in language but
also in physical characteristics, being closer to the Iberians than to the Gauls.
The rest of the population is Gaulish in physical appearance, but they do not all
share the same language since some are slightly different in language, and further
more, there exist slight differences in their respective ways of life and methods of
" " " "
By Aquitani and Celtae they mean the two peoples dwelling
government.
beside the Pyrenees, but separated from each other by the Cevennes. I have
already stated that this Celtic country is bounded on the west by the Pyrenees
mountains, which reach as far as the sea on either side, that is, to the Mediter
ranean and the Atlantic. On the east it is bounded by the Rhine, which flows
to the Pyrenees. The north side is bounded by the ocean which runs from
parallel
the north end of the Pyrenees to the mouth of the Rhine, while the opposite
side is contained by the sea off Marseilles and Narbonne, and then by
(southern)
the Alps running from Liguria to the sources of the Rhine. The Cevennes run
through the middle of the plains at right angles to the Pyrenees, extending in
length for about two thousand stadia, and end near Lyon (Lugdunum), at about
the middle of the plains. Our authorities then spoke of the Aquitani as those who
inhabit the northern parts of the Pyrenees, and the area from the Cevennes to the
ocean on that side of the Garonne; and again of the Celts as those who inhabit
the southern parts of the Pyrenees, down to the sea off Marseilles and Narbonne,

but also extending as far as some of the Alps; and thirdly of the Belgae as the rest
of the population who dwell along the ocean as far as the mouths of the Rhine,
and also some of those who dwell along the course of the Rhine and the Alps.
The deified Caesar also gives a similar account in his Commentaries. But Augustus
Caesar divided the country into four parts and assigned the Celtae to the province
of Narbonensis, the Aquitani he left as Caesar had done, but with the addition
of fourteen tribes dwelling between the Garonne and the Loire. The rest of the
country he divided into two parts of which he assigned one, extending as far as
the upper reaches of the Rhine, to Lugdunum, and the other to the Belgae. Now
the geographer should describe the physical features of a country and its notable
ethnographical facts, but the various temporary arrangements of the political
administration it is sufficient to state m brief and an exact treatment can be left
to others.
2.The whole of this country is well watered by rivers, some of which flow
from the Alps, the others from the Cevennes and Pyrenees. Of these some flow
into the ocean, the others into the Mediterranean. For the most part they flow
through plains or hilly country with navigable rivers. The courses of the rivers
are so excellently disposed in relation to one another that goods can be conveyed
through from either sea to the other; for the cargoes must be conveyed over the
plains for only a short distance and that without difficulty, while for most of the
one case going up into the interior, in
journey they travel by the rivers, in the
the other going down to the sea. The Rhone is provided with special advantages
in this regard; for it has tributaries joining it from many directions, as I have said,
and it flows into the Mediterranean which ismore advantageous than the Atlantic,
and passes through the most fertile land in this part of the world. For the whole
of Narbonensis is capable of producing the same fruits as does Italy. As you
proceed to the Cevennes and the north the land ceases to produce the olive and
the fig, while other fruits still grow. The vine also, as you advance to the north,
does not easily produce mature grapes. All the rest of the country produces much
corn, millet and nuts and every kind of live stock. No part of the country is
unworked except those parts occupied by swamps and thickets. Yet even these
areas also are inhabited, but more because of the size of the population than
through careful husbandry. For the women are fruitful and good at rearing
children, and the men are soldiers rather than farmers. But now they have laid
aside their arms and are compelled to devote themselves to farming. So far I have
given a common account of all outer Celtica, but now let me give a separate
account, in general terms, of each one of the four parts, beginning with
Narbonensis.
3. Its shape is nearly that of a parallelogram, bounded on the west by the

Pyrenees, and on the north by the Cevennes; of the other sides, the sea between
the Pyrenees and Marseilles forms the south, while the east is formed partly by
the Alps and partly by the intervening distance, continuing the line of the Alps,
between them and the foothills of the Cevennes which come down to the Rhone
and form a right angle with the said continuance of the line of the Alps. On the
south side, to the figure mentioned must be added the adjacent coast inhabited
by the Massaliots and Sallyes, as far as the Ligurians, in the direction of Italy

and the river Var. As I stated previously, this river forms the boundary between
the province of Narbonensis and Italy. In summer it is only a small river, but in
winter it can broaden out to as much as seven stadia. From this point the coast
stretches west, as far as the temple of the Pyrenaean Aphrodite. This temple is
the boundary between this province and that of Iberia; whereas others give the
position of the Trophies of Pompey as the boundary between Iberia and Celtica.
From here to Narbonne the distance is sixty-three miles, and from there to Nimes
eighty-eight, from Nimes via Beaucaire and Tarascon to the thermal springs
" "
called Sextian (Aix-en-Provence) which are near Marseilles is fifty-three, and
from there to Antibes and the river Var seventy-three, so that the whole distance
is two hundred and seventy-seven miles. Some authorities, however, give the
distance from the temple of Aphrodite to the river Var as two thousand six
hundred stadia, while others add two hundred to this sum; for there is disagree
ment about the distances. But by the other road which runs through the land of
the Vocontii and of Cottius; it is the same road as the other from Nimes to Beau
caire and Tarascon; from there it runs sixty-three miles across the Durance, by
way of Cavaillon, to the border of the Vocontii and the beginning of the ascent
of the Alps; from there again to the village of Ebrodunum towards the farther
borders of the Vocontii and the land of Cottius, ninety-nine miles; then the same
distance again through the village of Brigantium and Scingomagus and the
Alpine crossing towards Ocelum which is the end of the land of Cottius. From
Scingomagus onward the country is called Italy, and from here to Ocelum is
twenty-eight miles.
4. Marseilles is a foundation of the Phocaeans and is situated in a rocky area.
Its harbour lies at the foot of a semi-circular rock which looks towards the south.
This rock is itself well-fortified, and the whole city as well, which is of considerable
size. It is on the promontory, however, that the Ephesium is situated, and also
the temple of Apollo Delphinius. The latter temple is shared by all Ionians while
the Ephesium is purely a temple of Artemis of Ephesus. For when the Phocaeans
were setting out from their native land they say an oracle was given them that
they should take as leader for their voyage a guide given by Artemis of Ephesus;
they, therefore, put in to Ephesus and inquired in what way they might obtain
from the goddess what had been enjoined. The goddess is said to have appeared
in a dream to Aristarcha, one of the most noble women of Ephesus, and bidden
her share in the voyage of the Phocaeans, taking with her a copy of one of the
sacred images; when this was done and the colony had been settled, they built the
temple and particularly honoured Aristarcha by appointing her priestess, and in
the cities colonized from Marseilles they everywhere give the first honours to this
goddess, and retain the same disposition of the archaic cult-statue and the other
customs which are followed in the mother-city.
5. The Massaliotes are ruled by an aristocracy, with the best possible
administration, since they have established a College of six hundred men who hold
this honour for life and are called Senators. Fifteen men are pre-eminent in the
College and these administer current affairs. Again the three men with the
greatest power take precedence over the fifteen (and over them one man). A man
cannot become a Senator (Timouchos) unless he has a family and is descended

from three generations of citizens. Their laws are Ionic and are set forth in public.
Their land is planted with olive-trees and vines but is too poor for corn on account
of its roughness, so that their confidence lay m the sea rather than in the land,
and they chose in preference their natural ability in seafaring. In later times,
however, through their military prowess they succeeded in winning some -of the
surrounding plains, with the same strength with which they founded their cities,
or rather defensive fortifications, those in Iberia as a defence against the Iberians,
to whom they also handed down the ancestral rites of Artemis of Ephesus, so that
they offer sacrifice m the Greek fashion; Rhoe Agathe again, against the bar
barians who dwell about the river Rhone, and Tauroentium, Olbia, Antibes and
Nice against the tribe of the Sallyes and the Ligurians living in the Alps. They
have also dry-docks and an armoury. In former times they had also large num
bers of ships, arms and machines used both for sea-voyages and for of cities,
sieges
by the aid of which they both withstood the barbarians and won the friendship
of the Romans, having themselves assisted the Romans on many occasions and
having been aided by them in their advancement. For example, Sextius, who
defeated the Sallyes, founded not far from Marseilles a city bearing both his own
name and that of the hot springs (of which they say that some have changed to
cold) and settled there a Roman garrison, and drove back the barbarians from the
coastal strip leading from Marseilles to Italy, the Massaliotes themselves being
unable to hold them back entirely. Nor was Sextius himself able to effect more
than this?at those points where there were good harbours the barbarians
retreated to a distance of one and a half miles from the sea, and in the rocky
tracts for a distance of one mile. The land thus vacated he handed over to the
Massaliotes. In their citadel are dedicated large quantities of the spoils of victory
which they won in sea-battles against those who, from time to time, unjustly
disputed their command of the sea. In these earlier times, indeed, they were
especially favoured with prosperity, both in other matters and in their friendship
with Rome, of which one may see many signs; indeed the Romans dedicated the
cult-statue of Artemis on the Aventine in the same form as that of the temple at
Marseilles. But in the civil war of Pompey against Caesar they supported the
losing side and lost most of their prosperity, but there are yet remaining traces
among the people of their ancient expertise particularly in regard to the con
struction of instruments and the equipment of ships. But since through Roman
rule the barbarians who live beyond Marseilles became gradually more civilized,
turning themselves to civil life and agriculture instead of warfare, it may also be
true that the Massaliotes themselves no longer possess so much zeal for the
aforesaid pursuits. The present position of affairs there illustrates this; for all
the upper classes are turning their attention to rhetoric and philosophy; so that
the city which only a short time ago was a place of education for the barbarians
and disposing the Gauls to be so philhellene as even to draw up their contracts in
Greek, at the present day has persuaded even the most eminent of the Romans
to come to Marseilles in their search of knowledge instead of going abroad to
Athens. The Gauls who see these men, and are at the same time living at peace,
are glad to use their leisure time towards a similar way of life, not only as
individuals but also as communities. They receive teachers into their houses,

some being paid by private individuals while others are paid out of public funds
by the cities, like the doctors. The following is no small proof of the simplicity
of the way of fife, and of the modesty of the Massaliotes: the maximum dowry
there is one hundred gold pieces, together with five for dress, and five for gold
ornaments; but more is not permitted. Both Caesar and the commanders after
him were moderate in regard to the offences committed during the war, keeping in
mind their former friendship, and preserved the autonomy which the city had
possessed from the beginning; so that neither the city nor its subjects are under
the control of the commanders sent into the province. So much for Marseilles.
6. While the uplands of the Sallyes curve more and more towards the north
from the west and gradually become more distant from the sea, meantime the
coast-line curves around towards the west; but having come forward a short
distance from Marseilles, about one hundred stadia, to a large promontory near
some stone-quarries, from there it begins to form a bay, that is, the Galatic Gulf
which extends around to the sanctuary of Aphrodite on the promontory of the
Pyrenees. It is also called the Massaliotic Gulf and is actually a double bay, for
within its circumference Mount Setium projects and with the addition of the
adjacent Isle of Blascon cuts it off into two gulfs. Of these gulfs the larger is
again particularly called the Galatic Gulf, that into which the Rhone discharges
its waters; while the smaller is that opposite Narbonne and extending as far as the
Pyrenees. Narbonne lies above the mouths of the Atax, and Lake Narbonitis,
and is the largest trading centre in this region, though there is a city near the
Rhone which is a considerable trading centre, that is, Aries. There is about the
same distance between these towns as there is between them and the capes
mentioned, that is to Narbonne from the sanctuary of Aphrodite, and to Aries
from Marseilles. There are other rivers on both sides of Narbonne, some flowing
from the Cevennes and others from the Pyrenees, with cities up to which short
journeys are made in small boats. The Ruscino and Illibirris flow from the
Pyrenees, each having a city of the same name. The Ruscino has a lake near it,
and, near the sea, an area of subterranean waters, full of salt-springs and
"
containing the dug mullets/' For if one digs down two or three feet and
thrusts a fishing spear into the muddy water it is possible to catch the fish, which
is of considerable size; it feeds on the mud as do the eels. These rivers then flow
down from the Pyrenees between Narbonne and the sanctuary of Aphrodite. On
the opposite side of Narbonne the Orbis and Arauris flow into the sea from the
Cevennes, from which the Atax also flows. On the former of these rivers is
Baetera, a strong city near Narbonne, and on the latter Agathe, a Massaliot
foundation.
7. Now the coast-line in question has not one wonder only, that of the
"
dug mullets," but also another which is nearly greater still, which I shall now
relate. Between Marseilles and the mouths of the Rhone there is a plain of
circular shape, about a hundred stadia distant from the sea, and about that
extent also in diameter. It is called the Stony Plain from the circumstance that
it is full of stones as large as can be held in the hand, while beneath there is a wild
grass which provides abundant feeding for cattle. In the middle of the plain
there is water and salt-springs and lumps of salt. Now the whole of the country,

even that which lies beyond this, is buffeted by the winds, but on this plain a
violent and frightening wind called the Black North Wind sweeps down with
extraordinary force; they say, at least, that some of the stones are swept up and
rolled along, and by the gusts men are knocked down from their carriages and
Stripped of both arms and clothing. Aristotle says that these stones were thrown
up to the surface by that form of earthquake called Brastes, and that they rolled
together into the hollows in the area. But Posidonius says that what was
originally a lake became solidified in a series of surging waves, and for this reason
split up into numerous stones, as happened with the river-gravels and with the
pebbles on the beach, which have the same properties of smoothness and equal
size. Both these authorities have attempted to explain the phenomenon, and the
account given by both is plausible, for certainly stones arrayed in this mass
formation cannot of themselves have changed from liquid to solid form, or been
split off from large rocks which had received a series of fractures. Aeschylus,
however, who either observed the difficulty of the question, or learned of it from
another source, has removed it to the realm of myth. For Prometheus m his
play, when describing to Heracles the roads leading from Caucasus to the
"
Hesperides, says: And you will come to the unflinching array of the Ligunans,
where, well I know, you will not complain of battle, fierce warrior though you be;
for there it is fated that you shall fall short of darts, and you shall be unable to
pick up a stone from the ground since all the earth is soft. And Zeus, seeing you
thus distressed, will pity you, and making to fall from a cloud a shower of rounded
stones will place the earth under their shadow; and these you will throw and easily
push through the Ligurian host." As though it were not better, says Posidonius,
for Zeus to cast the stones at the Ligurians themselves and bury them all beneath
them rather than to place Heracles in need of so many stones. Now so great a
number was since it was a case of so a so in this
necessary great throng, respect
at least the writer of the myth carries more conviction than his critic. Moreover,
in saying that these events were fated the poet has forestalled any censorious
criticism of the rest of the passage. Indeed in our treatises on Providence and
Destiny one may find many like examples, even in the sphere of humanity and in
that of Nature, where one says that it were much better for this to happen than
that; for example, that Egypt should have plenty of rain and that Ethiopia
should not water their country; and that Paris should have suffered shipwreck
on his voyage to Sparta, and not have abducted Helen and later paid the penalty
to those whom he had wronged, after having wrought such destruction on both
Greek and barbarian?a destruction which Euripides laid at the door of Zeus:
"
Father Zeus planned it in his desire to inflict evil on the Trojans and suffering
on the Greeks."
8. On the question of the number of mouths of the Rhone, Polybius censures
Timaeus, saying that there are not five mouths but only two; Artemidorus says
there are three; but Marius in later times, seeing that the river was becoming
choked by silt, and was difficult to sail into, cut a new channel, and, causing the
main volume of the river to run through it, gave it to the Massaliots as a reward
for their valour in the war against the Ambrones and Toygeni; and from it they
derived much wealth by exacting dues on those who sailed upon it, whether up

river or down river. And yet it remains a difficult river to sail into because of the
violent current and the silt and the lowness of the land, which, in bad weather,
cannot be sighted even when close at hand. This was the reason why the
Massaliots set up towers as markers, as they tried in every way to make the land
their own. Here also they built a temple to Artemis of Ephesus, setting aside an
area which the mouths of the river had made into an island. Beyond the Rhone
mouths lies a salt-water lake; it is called Stomalimne and contains large quantities
of shell-fish, and is rich in other fish as well. This lake has been included by some
among the mouths of the Rhone, especially by those who have maintained that
the mouths are seven in number, although neither the latter nor the former
statement is correct; for there is a mountain in between which separates the lake
from the river. This, then, roughly describes the nature and extent of the coast
line from the Pyrenees to Marseilles.
9. But the coast-line which runs as far as the river Var and the Ligurians
dwelling in that area, has along it the Massaliot foundations of Tauroentium,
Olbia, Antibes and Nice, and also the naval station of Julius Caesar called Frejus.
This is situated between Olbia and Antibes and is distant about six hundred
stadia from Marseilles. The river Var is between Antibes and Nice, at a distance
of about twenty stadia from the latter and sixty from the former, so that Nice
falls in Italian territory according to the accepted boundary, although it belongs
to Marseilles. For the Massaliots fortified these foundations as a defence against
the barbarians on the heights above, intending, at least, to keep the sea free,
since the barbarians held the land. For the land is mountainous and easy to
defend; it leaves a fair width of plain near Marseilles, but as you advance towards
the east it narrows this strip very much towards the sea and hardly permits of a
passable road. The first part of the coast is held by the Sallyes, and the last part
by the Ligurians who join on to Italy, about whom I shall speak later. At the
moment I shall only add this point, that whereas Antibes is situated in the area
of Narbonensis, and Nice in that of Italy, yet Nice remains subject to Marseilles
and is part of the province, while Antibes is counted as an Italiote city, having
had a legal contention with Marseilles, and having been freed from their sover
eignty,
10. The Stcechades islands lie off these narrow coasts (beginning at Mar
seilles) ; three of them being fairly large and two small. The Massaliots till them.
In ancient times, since they had good harbours, they had a garrison stationed
there to meet the attacks of pirates. After the Stcechades come Planasia and
Lero, which have settlements. In Lero there is a shrine to the hero Leron. The
island itself lies off Antibes. There are other small islands not worthy of record,
some off Marseilles itself and others off the rest of the coast mentioned. Among
the harbours that of the naval station is of some size, and also that at Marseilles,
but the others are of smaller importance; among them is the harbour called
Oxybius, named after the Ligurian Oxybii. This, then, concludes my account of
the coast-line.
11. The chief geographical features of the country inland from the coast
are the surrounding mountains and the rivers, in particular the Rhone which is
the largest of them and navigable for the farthest distance, being made up of

many tributaries. These areas must now be discussed in order. If we begin

then at Marseilles and travel into the country between the Alps and the Rhone,
the Sallyes inhabit the country for a distance of five hundred stadia as far as the
river Durance; and when you cross the river by ferry to the city of Cavaillon all
the following country belongs to the Cavari as far as the junction of the Isere with
the Rhone; at this point the Cevennes also come near the Rhone; the distance
to this point from the Durance is seven hundred stadia. In their own country the
Sallyes occupy both the plains and the mountains above them, whereas the high
lands above the Cavari are occupied by the Vocontii, Tricorii, Iconii and Medulli.
Between the Durance and the Isere are other rivers which flow from the Alps to
the Rhone, two of which encircle a city of the Cavari Vari, and then join their
waters to flow into the Rhone; a third, the Sulgas, joins the Rhone beside the
city of Undalum, where Gnaaus Ahenobarbus routed in a great battle many tens
of thousands of Celts. And in this intervening
" space are situated the cities of
Avignon, Orange, and Aeria, literally aerial," says Artemidorus, because it is
situated on a great height. All the rest of the country is level, with good pasture
land, but the country from Aeria to Durio has mountain passes which are narrow
and wooded. At the point where the Isere and Rhone and the Cevennes moun
tains meet, Quintus Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, with less than thirty thousand
men, cut to pieces two hundred thousand Celts and erected there a trophy of white
marble, and two temples, one to Ares and one to Heracles. From the Isere to
Vienne, the metropolis of the Allobroges, which is situated on the Rhone, is a
distance of three hundred and twenty stadia. Not far north of Vienne is Lyon
where the Saone and the Rhone meet. The distance to it, going on foot through
the land of the Allobroges, is about two hundred stadia, and a little more if one
sails up the river. The Allobroges used formerly go out on military expeditions
with tens of thousands of men, but now they are engaged in tilling the plains and
the Alpine valleys. The rest of the tribe live in villages, but the most notable of
them who live at Vienne, which was previously a village, although it was called
the metropolis of the tribe, have made of it a city. It is situated on the Rhone.
The Rhone is a large and violent river which flows down from the Alps; indeed
where it flows through the lake of Geneva its stream can be seen plainly for many
stadia. And when it has come down into the plains of the country of the Allo
broges and Segusiavi, it joins the Saone at Lyon, a city of the Segusiavi. The
Saone also flows from the Alps, skirting the lands of the Sequani, Aedui, and
Lingones. Then it takes as tributary the Doubs, a navigable river flowing from
the same mountains. Here its name prevails, and having become a combined
Saone it flows into the Rhone. Here the name Rhone prevails, and it flows on to
Vienne. So it is that at the beginning you have three rivers flowing towards the
north, and later west, and as soon as they have collected into one channel, the
stream takes another turn and runs south to its mouth, receiving on its way the
other rivers and from there it runs the remainder of its course to the sea. This is
a sketch of the nature of the country between the Alps and the Rhone.
12. Most of the country on the other side of the river is inhabited by the
Volcae called Arecomisci. Narbonne is regarded as their naval station, although
it would be more correct to regard it as belonging to the rest of Celtica as well, so

great is the preponderance of those who use it as their trading centre. The Volcae
border on the Rhone with the Sallyes and the Cavari stretching along opposite
them on the other side. But the name Cavari prevails, and people already call all
the barbarians in the region by this name; indeed they are barbarians no longer
but have mostly changed over to Roman ways in language and way of life, and
some even in their civic life as well. Bordering on the Arecomisci, and extending
as far as the Pyrenees are other small and undistinguished tribes. Nimes is the
chief city of the Arecomisci which ismuch inferior to Narbonne in its numbers of
foreigners and merchants, but superior in the numbers of its citizen population.
For it holds authority over twenty-four villages of the same tribal origin, all
outstanding in their fine stock of citizens, which are counted as part of it. It also
"
possesses what is called the Latin right," so that those who have held the offices
of aedile or quaestor at Nimes become Roman citizens. For this reason also the
tribe is not under the orders of the praetors who come from Rome. The city is
situated on the road from Iberia into Italy, which is easy to travel on in the
summer but ismuddy and washed over by the river in winter and spring. Some
of the streams are crossed by ferries, others by bridges; some built of wood and
others of stone. It is the torrents which cause the difficulties connected with the
flood-waters; these rush down from the Alps after the melting of the snows,
sometimes until as late as the summer. On the road which I mentioned, one
branch, as I said, leads directly to the Alps; it is the short route through the land
of the Vocontii; the other passing along the coast-line of Marseilles and Liguria
is longer, but has an easier crossing into Italy since the mountains at that point
have become lower. The distance from Nimes to the Rhone is about one hundred
stadia, reckoning to the point on the bank opposite the town of Tarascon; and
from Narbonne it is seven hundred and twenty. The land adjacent to the
Cevennes and also the southern flank of this mountain up to its summits is
inhabited by the Volcae called Tectosages and some other tribes. Of these latter
I shall speak later.
13. The tribe called Tectosages lives near the Pyrenees, but also extends
over a small part of the northern flank of the Cevennes, and their land is rich in
gold. It appears that they once held a dominating position and were so strong
in man-power that when civic conflict arose they banished a large part of their
number from their native land, who were joined by other men from other tribes;
belonging to this stock are the people who settled in the part of Phrygia that
borders on Cappadocia and Paphlagonia. We have as proof of this the people
still called Tectosages, for there are three tribes and the one which dwells about
the city of Ankara is called Tectosages, the remaining two being the Trocmi and
the Tolistobogii. In the case of these latter peoples their origin in Celtica is shown
by their bond of kinship with the Tectosages, but I cannot say from what areas
they emigrated; for I have not learned of any tribe of Trocmi or Tolistobogii
dwelling at present, either beyond the Alps or in the Alps, or south of them.
Probably no trace is left of them by reason of their mass migrations, as happens
with numerous other peoples. For example, the second Brennus, the man who
led the attack on Delphi, is said by some to have been a Prausan, but neither
am I able to state in regard to the Prausans where on earth they lived formerly.

The statement is also made that the Tectosages took part in the campaign against
Delphi, and that the treasures which the Roman general, Caepio, found among
them in the city of Toulouse were part of the Delphic plunder, the tribe adding
to them from their own possessions by way of dedications in winning the favour
of their god; the laying of hands on these treasures by Caepio was what caused
him to end his days in misfortune, exiled by his native land as a temple-robber,
and leaving daughters to succeed him who came to a bad end, becoming prosti
tutes, as Timagenes says. The account given by Posidonius ismore credible: he
says that the treasure found at Toulouse amounted to about fifteen thousand
talents, part of it being laid up in the temple-enclosures and part in the sacred
lakes, not worked into shape but simply gold and silver bullion; the temple at
Delphi, however, was already at that time empty of such riches, since it had been
robbed by the Phocians at the time of the sacred war; and even if anything was
left it was divided among many; nor was there any probability that they got home
safe to their native land, since they met with severe reverses after their retreat
from Delphi and because of mutual conflict scattered off in various directions.
But rather, as Posidonius and many others have said, the country being rich in
gold, with inhabitants both god-fearing and of frugal life, possessed treasures in
many parts of Celtica; and the lakes in particular provided inviolability for their
treasures, into which they let down heavy masses of silver and gold. The Romans
indeed, when they conquered the area, sold the lakes by public auction, and many
of the purchasers found there hammered mill-stones of silver. In Toulouse,
moreover, the temple was a revered one, greatly esteemed by the local inhabitants
and for this reason the treasure there was unusually large since many made
dedications and none would dare to profane them.
14. Toulouse is situated on the narrowest part of the isthmus which
separates the ocean from the sea off Narbonne, an isthmus which Posidonius says
is less than three thousand stadia in width. But above all it is worth while
remarking again what I previously said, that is, the convenience of the country
with regard to the rivers, and to the sea, both the inner and the outer sea; for one
will find on reflection that this is not the least part of the virtues of this land, to
wit the easy mutual interchange of the necessities of life by all and with all, and
the common benefits thus arising, particularly now when, enjoying a respite
from arms, they farm their land with care and are establishing a civic mode of
life. In such a case one may think that the workings of Providence are con
firmed, the land being arranged in no random fashion, but as though in consonance
with a reasoned plan. The Rhone, for instance, is navigable to a great extent
even for large cargoes, and over wide areas of the country, because its tributaries
are also navigable and can carry in their turn most of the freight. After the
Rhone comes the Saone and then the Doubs which flows into the Saone; then the
cargoes go by land as far as the Seine; and from that point the merchandise moves
,down to the ocean and to the Lexobii and Caleti; and from these to Britain is
less than a day's sailing. But the Rhone, being swift and hard to sail up, part of
the goods from here rather go by land on waggons, the deliveries, that is, for the
Arverni and the river Loire, although in one part the Rhone flows near these
peoples. But the road being level and not long, about eight hundred stadia,

induces people not to use the river because the journey by land is easier; from this
point the journey continues naturally by the Loire which flows from the Cevennes
to the ocean. One can also sail from Narbonne for a short distance up the Atax
and then continue by land for a greater distance to the Garonne, this latter
distance being about eight hundred or seven hundred stadia. The Garonne also
flows into the ocean. I here conclude my account of the inhabitants of the
"
province of Narbonensis, whom people of earlier times called Celtae "; and I
"
think that it was from these that all the Galatae were called Celti" by the
Greeks, whether because of their fame, or whether the Massaliots, being their
neighbours, contributed to this result as well as the other Greeks.
IV, II, 1. Next in turn I must speak of the Aquitani and of the fourteen
Galatian tribes which have been assigned in addition to that province, the tribes,
that is, dwelling between the Garonne and the Loire, of which some extend into
the river-basin of the Rhone and into the Narbonese plains. The Aquitani differ
in a general way from the Galatian race, both in their physical type and in their
language, and rather resemble the Iberians. Their territory is bounded by the
Garonne, and they live between it and the Pyrenees. The Aquitanian tribes are
over twenty in nunber, but they are small and undistinguished; most of them
live along the coast, while the others stretch up into the hinterland and to the
heights of the Cevennes bordering on the Tectosages. But since this was only a
small division of land they (the Romans) added to it the area between the
Garonne and the Loire. These rivers are more or less parallel to the Pyrenees
and form in relation to it two parallelograms, being bounded on their other sides
by the ocean and the Cevennes. The navigable part of both rivers extends for
nearly two thousand stadia. The Garonne is fed by three tributaries and flows
into the sea between the Bituriges, called Vivisci, and the Santoni, both being
Galatic tribes; for this tribe of the Bituriges is the only one of foreign race
situated among the Aquitani but it is not reckoned as part of them. It has a
trading-centre, Bordeaux, situated in a sort of marsh made by the outflow of the
river. The Loire flows into the sea between the Pictones and the Namnitae. In
former times there was a trading-centre on this river called Corbilo, which was
mentioned as follows by Polybius when he discussed the incredible tales of
"
Pytheas: Although none of the Massaliotes who met Scipio could give any
information of any importance when questioned by Scipio about Britain, and
neither could those from Narbonne nor those from Corbilo, which were the
greatest cities in the area, yet Pytheas was bold enough to tell all these lies."
The city of the Santoni is Mediolanium. Most of the sea-coast of the Aquitani is
sandy and light-soiled, supporting the inhabitants on millet, but not very well
able to grow other crops. Here also is the gulf, which, taken in conjunction with
the other Galatic gulf of the same name on the Narbonese coast, makes the
isthmus. The Tarbellii hold the gulf and in their land lie the finest gold mines in
the world; in quite superficially-dug trenches they find plaques of gold as large
as can be held in the hand, which sometimes need little cleansing; the rest is gold
dust and nuggets, the latter also needing very little treatment. The hinterland
and the highlands have better soil; next to the Pyrenees is the land of the
" " "
Convenae (which means rabble "), in which is the city of Lugdunum

(St. Bertrand de Comminges) and the hot springs of the Onesii, most beautiful
springs of very drinkable water. The land of the Auscii is also good.
2. The tribes between the Garonne and Loire which are included with the
Aquitani are as follows: the Elui, beginning at the Rhone; after them the
Vellavii, who were once included with the Arverni, but are now independent;
then the Arverni, Lemovices and Petrocorii; and after these the Nitiobnges, the
"
Cadurei and the Bituriges, called Cubi "; and beside the ocean the Santoni and
Pictones, the former living along the Garonne, as I said, and the latter on the
Loire; the Ruteni and Gabales are on the border of Narbonensis. There are
excellent iron-works among the Petrocorii, and among the Bituriges Cubi; linen
works among the Cadurei; and silver mines among the Ruteni. The Gabales also
" "
have silver mines. The Romans have granted the Latin right to some of the
tribes of Aquitani as they have done to the Auscii and the Convenae.
3. The Arverni are situated on the Loire; their chief town is Nemossus, on
the river. The river flows past Cenabum, a populous trading-centre of the
Carnutes, at about the middle of the voyage, and then continues its course to the
sea. The Arverni advance as a great proof of their former power the fact of their
having often warred against Rome, sometimes with two hundred thousand men,
sometimes with twice that number. It was with the latter number that, under
Vercingetorix, they fought in the final struggle against the deified Caesar; and
before that with two hundred thousand against Maximus Aemilianus, and with
the same number against Domitius Ahenobarbus. Now the struggles against
Caesar took place near Gergovia, a city of the Arverni, situated on a high moun
tain, where Vercingetorix was born, and also near Alesia, a city of the Mandubii,
a tribe bordering on the Arverni. This city is also situated on a high hill, sur
rounded by mountains and by two rivers. In it the general was captured and the
war came to an end. Against Maximus Aemilianus the battle was fought at the
junction of the Isere and Rhone where the Cevennes approach the Rhone; and
against Domitius still lower down at the junction of the Sulgas and Rhone.
But the Arverni had extended their rule as far as Narbonne and the boundaries
of the territory of Marseilles, and ruled over the tribes as far as the Pyrenees and
to the ocean and the Rhine. Luerius, the father of Bituitus, who fought the war
against Maximus and Domitius, is said to have been so rich and given to luxury
that once in making a display of his wealth to his friends he rode on a carriage
over the plain scattering gold and silver coins hither and thither which those who
followed him gathered up.
IV, III, 1. After the provinces of Aquitania and Narbonensis the next in
turn is that which extends as far as the whole length of the Rhine, from the Loire
and the Rhone at the point where it joins Lyon on its way down from its source.
Of this area the higher parts towards the springs of the rivers Rhine and Rhone,
down to about the centre of the plains are included under Lugdunum, whereas
the remaining areas together with those bordering on the ocean have been
included in another division which they specially assign to the Belgae. I shall,
however, give the details dealing with both sections together.
2. Lugdunum (Lyon) itself is situated beneath a hill at the meeting-place of
the Saone and the Rhone, and is occupied by the Romans. It is the most

populous of all the cities of Gaul with the exception of Narbonne, for people use
it as a trading-centre, and the Roman governors mint both their silver and gold
money there. The temple dedicated to Caesar Augustus by all the Gauls in
common stands in front of this city at the point where the rivers meet. There is
there also a fine altar with an inscription containing the names of the tribes,
sixty in number, and there are images of the tribes, one of each, and another
large (altar). This city is the head of the tribe of the Segusiavi, who dwell between
the Rhone and Doubs. The tribes which come next in order and stretch on
towards the Rhine are bounded in part by the Doubs and in part by the Saone.
Now these rivers also, as I have mentioned above, run down from the Alps, and
joining their streams together, flow into the Rhone; and there is another river
called the Seine which also has its sources in the Alps. It flows into the ocean,
parallel to the Rhine, through the tribe of the same name, whose territory touches
the Rhine to the east, and the Saone to the west. It is from there that the best
salt pork is exported to Rome. Between the Doubs and the Saone lives the tribe
of the Aedui, with their city of Cabyllinum on the Saone and their garrison at
Mont Beuvray (Bibracte). The Aedui were called the kinsmen of the Romans
and were the first people in these parts to enter into their friendship and alliance.
Across the Saone dwell the Sequani who for a long time were hostile to the
Romans and to the Aedui. The reason was that they often joined the Germans
in their attacks on Italy, and their considerable strength is shown by the fact
that their alliance made the Germans strong while their defection made them
weak. Their quarrel with the Aedui was for the same reasons, but it was em
bittered by dissension about the intervening river, since each tribe regarded the
Saone as its own and claimed that the tolls for passage belonged to itself. But
now everything is subject to the Romans.
3. The first of all the Rhineland tribes are the Helvetii, in whose territory
are the sources of the river, on Mt. Adula. This mountain is part of the Alps and
from it the river Addua also flows in the opposite direction, towards Cisalpine
Gaul, and it fills lake Larius near which stands the city of Como, and then flows
into the Po. These matters I shall discuss later. The Rhine also flows into large
marshes and a large lake which borders on the Rhaeti and Vindelici who belong
to the tribes living in the Alps and beyond them. Asinius says that its length is
six thousand stadia, but this is not so. In a straight line it might slightly exceed
half of this distance, and if one adds one thousand for its twistings it would be
enough. For it is a swift river, and therefore is hard to bridge, and when it comes
down from the mountains it runs the rest of its course sloping evenly through the
plains. How then could it remain swift and violent if to its evenly sloping course
we add many long windings ? He also says that it has two mouths and criticizes
those who say it has more. This river and the Seine do enclose some territory in
their windings, but not so very much. Both of them flow from the south to the
north; and in front of them lies Britain, so near to the Rhine that Kent, the
eastern promontory of the island, can be seen from there, but a little farther away
from the Seine. It was here that the deified Caesar set up his shipyard when he
sailed to Britain. The part of the Seine which is traversed by the cargoes coming
from the Saone is slightly longer than the navigable parts of the Loire and
xa

Garonne; and the distance from Lyon to the Seine is one thousand stadia, while
the distance from the mouth of the Rhone to Lyon is less than twice this. It is
said that the Helvetii, although rich in gold, nevertheless turned to brigandage
when they saw the wealth of the Cimbri; but two out of their three tribes were
wiped out in their campaigns. And yet their war against the deified Caesar
showed the great number of descendants of those who survived, a war in which
about four hundred thousand were slain, while Caesar spared the rest numbering
about eight thousand, so that he might not leave their country bared of inhabi
tants to the Germans who border on it.
4. After the Helvetii, the Sequani and Mediomatnci dwell along the Rhine,
and in their territory the Tribocchi are situated, a German tribe which has
crossed the river from its native land. Mt. Jura is in the land of the Sequani; it
divides off the Helvetii from the Sequani. Beyond the Helvetii and Sequani the
Aedui and Lingones live to the west, while beyond the Mediomatnci are the
Leuci and part of the Lingones. Now the tribes between the Loire and Seine, and
beyond the Rhone and Saone, lie, to the north, close beside the Allobroges and
the tribes around Lyon; and of these tribes the most notable are the Arverni and
Carnutes, through both of whose territories the Loire runs on its way to the ocean.
The distance across to Britain from the rivers of Celtica is three hundred and
twenty stadia; for sailing in the evening with the ebb-tide you land on the island
the next day about the eighth hour. After the Mediomatrici and Tribocchi the
Treviri dwell along the Rhine, in whose lands the bridge was built by the Romans
now in charge of the war in Germany. It was here on the opposite side that the
Ubii lived, whom Agrippa transferred with their consent to this side of the Rhine.
Next to the Treviri are the Nervii who are also a Germanic tribe. Last are the
Menapii who dwell on both sides of the river-mouth m swamps and woods, not
composed of lofty trees, but rather thick and thorny. It is opposite them that the
Germanic Sugambri are situated. But beyond all this river area dwell the
Germans called Suevi who surpass the others in strength and numbers, the
refugees from whom have recently been fleeing to our side of the Rhine. Thus
different peoples, in different places, come to power, and in their turn stir up the
sparks of war, while their predecessors are always reduced to naught.
5. To the west of the Treviri and Nervii dwell the Senones and Remi, and
also the Atrebatii and the Eburones; and next to the Menapii, on the sea, are
the Morini and Bellovaci, the Ambiani, the Suessiones and the Caleti, as far as
the mouth of the Seine. The land of the Morini, and Atrebatii and Eburones is
like that of the Menapii; it is a forest of small trees, extensive indeed, but not so
large as historians have said, to wit, four thousand stadia; they call it the
Ardennes. In enemy attacks they used to intertwine the branches of brushwood
which were prickly, and thus block their passage; and in some places they fixed
stakes in the ground, while they themselves penetrated into the depths of the
forest with all their households, for they had small islands in the marshes. Their
was safe in the rainy seasons, but in time of drought were taken.
refuge they easily
But now all the tribes on this side of the Rhine are at peace and submit to the
Romans. About the river Seine are the Parish who have an island in the river
and a city called Lucotocia; so also are the Meldi and Lexovii, these latter being

beside the ocean. But the most notable tribe in this area is the Remi, and their
chief town, Duricortora, has the largest population, and receives the Roman
governors.
IV, IV, 1. After the tribes already described, the rest belong to the Belgae
who live along the ocean. Among these are the Veneti who fought the naval
battle against Caesar. For they used the trading-station there and were ready to
hinder his voyage to Britain. He defeated them easily by sea, not using rams,
for the timber of their boats was thick, but when they bore down upon him with
the wind the Romans tore down their sails with long-handled hooks; for their
sails were made of leather, owing to the force of the winds, and chains pulled
them up instead of ropes. They make their boats with broad bottoms, and high
sterns and prows, on account of the ebb-tides; the material is oak, of which they
have a large supply, and therefore they do not joint their planks closely, but
leave openings which they stop with seaweed so that when the boats are in dock
the wood may not dry up for lack of moisture, the seaweed being naturally rather
moist, while the oak is dry and without fat. It was these Veneti, I believe, who
colonized the area on the Adriatic; and indeed nearly all the other Celts in Italy
came to there from the country across the Alps, as did the Boii and Senones.
But some, on account of the likeness of name, call them Paphlagonians. I do
not, however, insist that my view is correct; in such matters probability is
sufficient. There are also the Osismii whom Pytheas calls the Ostimii, living on
a sort of cape projecting to a considerable extent into the ocean, although not so
far as Pytheas stated and those also who credit his statement. Of the tribes
between the Seine and the Loire some have a common frontier with the Sequani,
and others with the Arverni.
2. The whole race, which is now called Gallic or Galatic, is madly fond of
war, high-spirited and quick to battle, but otherwise straightforward and not of
evil character. And so when they are stirred up they assemble in their bands for
battle, quite openly and without forethought, so that they are easily handled by
those who desire to outwit them; for at any time or place and on whatever pre
text you stir them up, you will have them ready to face danger, even if they have
own strength and courage. On the other hand
nothing on their side but their
if won over by gentle persuasion they willingly devote their energies to useful
pursuits and even take to a literary education. Their strength depends both on
their mighty bodies, and on their numbers. And because of this frank and
straightforward element in their character they assemble in large numbers on
being ever ready to sympathize with the anger of a neighbour
slight provocation,
who thinks he has been wronged. Now, indeed, they are all at peace, being
enslaved and living according to the commands of the Romans who defeated
them, but this view of them I take from former times and from the customs which
still remain to the present day among the Germans. For these peoples are similar
and akin to one another both in their nature and in their citizen life, and they
dwell in a land which shares a common boundary, being divided between them
a land, moreover, which is fundamentally
by the river Rhine; homogeneous
has the more northerly situation), if you compare the south
(although Germany
with the south and the north with the north. For this reason also they are

wont to change their abode on slight provocation, migrating in bands with all
their battle-array, or rather setting out with all their households when
displaced
a enemy. Moreover, the Romans reduced these much more
by stronger people
easily than they did the Iberians; for they began waning against the Iberians
earlier and stopped later, while in the meantime they had conquered all these
peoples, all who dwell between the Rhine and the Pyrenees. For the latter
attacked the Romans en masse and so were en masse ; but
peoples conquered
the former used to conserve carefully their forces, risking them only in minute
skirmishes, and always varying time, place and men in their brigand-like warfare.
Although they are all (i.e., Gauls and Germans) naturally fine fighting-men, yet
they are better as cavalry than as infantry, and the best of the Roman cavalry
is recruited from among them. It is always those who live towards the north
and towards the ocean who make the best fighting-men.
3. Among them they say that the Belgae are the bravest; they are divided
into fifteen tribes, and live along the ocean between the Rhine and the Loire;
and so they alone are said to have resisted the attack of the German tribes, the
Cimbri and Teutones. Of the Belgae themselves they say the Bellovaci are the
bravest, and after them the Suessiones. Of the size of the population the follow
ing is a proof: they say that in previous times it was shown that there were three
hundred thousand Belgae capable of bearing arms. I have already described the
numbers of the Helvetii and of the Arverni and their allies, and all this shows
the great size of the population, and moreover, a point which I have
already
mentioned, the excellence of their women in bearing and rearing children. They
wear the sagus, let their hair grow long and wear baggy trousers; instead of the
ordinary tunics they wear divided tunics with sleeves, reaching down as far as
the private parts and the buttocks. Their wool is rough and thin at the ends, and
from it they weave the thick sagi which they call laenae ; but the Romans have
succeeded even in the more northerly parts in raising flocks of sheep (clothing
them in sheepskin) with a fairly fine wool. Their arms correspond in size with
their physique; a long sword fastened on the right side, and a long shield, and
spears of like dimension, and the madaris, which is a kind of javelin. Some also
"
use bows and slings./ There is also a wooden weapon resembling the grosphus,"
which is thrown by hand and not by means of a strap, with a range greater than
that of an arrow and which they use mostly for bird-hunting as well as in battle.
Even to the present day most people sleep on the ground and dine seated on a
litter of straw. They have large quantities of food together with milk and all
kinds of meat, especially fresh and salt pork. Their pigs are allowed to run wild
and are noted for their height, and pugnacity and swiftness. It is dangerous
for a stranger to approach them, and also for a wolf. Their houses are large and
circular, built of planks and wickerwork, the roof being a dome of heavy thatch.
They have such enormous flocks of sheep and herds of swine that they afford a
plenteous supply of sagi and of salt meat,not only to Rome, but to most parts of
Italy. Most of their governments used to be aristocratic, and in ancient times
they used to elect one leader annually, and in the same way one man was declared
the people to lead in war. But now, for the most part, they are subject
general by
to the commands of Rome. They have a particular practice at their public

assemblies: if someone
disturbs the speaker and contradicts him, an attendant
approaches withdrawn sword, and threatens him and bids him be silent; but if
he does not stop he does the same thing a second, and a third time, and finally
he cuts off so much of his sagus as to make the rest useless. Their practice in
regard to men and women, of distributing their tasks in a way opposite to our
custom, is one which is common to many other barbarian peoples.
4. Among all the tribes, generally speaking, there are three classes of men
held in special honour: the Bards, the Vates, and the Druids. The Bards are
singers and poets; the Vates interpreters of sacrifice and natural philosophers;
while the Druids, in addition to the science of nature, study also moral philosophy.
They are believed to be the most just of men, and are therefore entrusted with the
decision of cases affecting either individuals or the public; indeed in former times
they arbitrated in war and brought to a standstill the opponents when about to
draw up in line of battle; and murder cases have been mostly entrusted to their
decision. When there are many such cases they believe that there will be a
fruitful yield from their fields. These men, as well as other authorities, have
pronounced that men's souls and the universe are indestructible, although at
times fire or water may (temporarily) prevail.
5. To the frankness and high-spiritedness of their temperament must be
added the traits of childish boastfulness and love of decoration. They wear
ornaments of gold, torques on their necks, and bracelets on their arms and
wrists, while people of high rank wear dyed garments besprinkled with gold.
It is this vanity which makes them unbearable in victory and so completely
downcast in defeat. In addition to their witlessness they possess a trait of barbar
ous savagery which is especially peculiar to the northern peoples, for when they
are leaving the battle-field they fasten to the necks of their horses the heads of
their enemies, and on arriving home they nail up this spectacle at the entrances
to their houses. Posidonius says that he saw this sight in many places, and was
at first disgusted by it, but afterwards, becoming used to it, could bear it with
equanimity. But they embalmed the heads of distinguished enemies with
cedar-oil, and used to make a display of them to strangers, and were unwilling to
let them be redeemed even for their weight in gold. The Romans have put an
end to these customs and also to their sacrificial and divinatory practices opposed
to our customs. They used to stab a human being whom they had devoted to
death, in the back with a dagger, and foretell the future from his convulsions.
a Druid. There are also other accounts
They offered their sacrifices not without
of their human sacrifices; for they used shoot men down with arrows, and impale
them in the temples, or making a large statue of straw and wood, throw into it
cattle and all sorts of wild animals and human beings, and thus make a burnt
offering.
6. He also says that there is a small island in the ocean, not far from the
land, lying off the mouth of the Loire; and the women of the Samnitae inhabit it;
they are possessed by Dionysus and propitiate the god with initiations and other
sacred rites; and no man may land on the island, but the women themselves sail
out from it and have intercourse with men and then return. It is their custom
once a year to remove the roof from their temple and to roof it again the same

day before sunset, each woman careying part of the burden; but the woman
whose load falls from her is torn to pieces by the others, and they carry the pieces
"
around the temple crying out euoi," and do not cease until their madness passes
away; and it always happens that someone pushes against the woman who is
destined to suffer this fate. But the following story which Artemidorus told about
the crows is still more fabulous. He says there is a harbour on the ocean-coast
"
called Two Crows," and that in it may be seen two crows with their right wings
partly white; people who have disputes over certain matters come there and put
a plank up on a high place and place barley-cakes upon it, each man separately;
the birds fly up and eat some and scatter the others; and the man whose barley
cakes are scattered wins the case. That is a rather fabulous story but his story of
Demeter and Core ismore credible. He says there is an island beside Britain in
which sacrifices are performed like to those performed in Samothrace in honour of
Demeter and Core. And this is also commonly believed that in Celtica there
grows a tree resembling a fig-tree, which produces fruit like the capital of a
Corinthian column, and if a cut is made in it it exudes a deadly sap, used in
smearing arrows. And another thing commonly asserted is that all the Celts are
fond of quarrelling and do not regard it as disgraceful for their young men to be
lavish of their charms. Ephorus describes Celtica as of excessive size, so that most
of what we now call Iberia he assigns to it, as far as Gades. He says that they are
philhellenes, and makes many particular statements about them which contradict
the existing facts. The following is a further peculiar trait: they try not to
become stout and fat-bellied, and any young man who exceeds the standard
length of the girdle is fined. This concludes my account of Transalpine Celtica.
Gesar, VI, 11-28
11. Having arrived at this point, it seems convenient to discuss the

2 customs of Gaul and Germany and the differences between these peoples. In
Gaul there are factions not only in every state and village and party, but practic
3 ally even in individual households. The faction leaders are men who are believed
to wield the greatest influence in the opinion of those men on whose free judgment
4 depend all final decisions concerning both counsel and action. Indeed, it appears
to have been for this reason that the institution was established of old, that no
common man should lack aid against one more powerful. The leaders do not
suffer their clients to be oppressed or defrauded; otherwise they lose their
influence with their clients. The same system is in use throughout the whole of
5 Gaul, each state being divided into two parts.
12. When Caesar came to Gaul the Aedui led one faction, the Sequani the
2 other. The latter, being in themselves less powerful, since the Aedui had had the
greatest influence of old, and large numbers of clients, entered into an alliance
with Ariovistus and his Germans, winning them over by many costly promises.

3 After winning a number of battles and slaughtering all the nobles of the Aedui,
4 the Sequani reached such a pinnacle of strength that they won over to themselves
a large part of the clients of the Aedui, taking the sons of their chieftains as host
ages and compelling the Aedui as a community to take an oath that they would
plan no hostile act against the Sequani. They further occupied part of the
neighbouring state's territory which they had seized by force, and held the
5 leadership of all Gaul. This is why Diviciacus was sent to beg aid from the
6 Roman senate, returning without achieving his aim. The situation changed on
Caesar's arrival; the hostages were given back to the Aedui, their former clients
were restored, and new clients were won through the influence of Caesar, because
those who flocked to enjoy their friendship saw that they had better terms and
fairer rule. In other ways also their influence and authority were increased, and
7 the Sequani relinquished their claim to leadership, the Remi taking their place.
Since the Remi were thought to be equally high in Caesar's favour, those tribes
who, because of old hatreds, could not consider an alliance with the Aedui
8 became clients of the Remi. The Remi looked after their interests with all care
9 and enjoyed an influence which was new and suddenly gained. At this time
matters were such that the Aedui held by far the chief position, the second place
in honour being held by the Remi.
13. Throughout Gaul there are two classes of men of some dignity and
The common are as slaves; possess no
importance. people nearly regarded they
2 initiative, and their views are never invited on any question. Most of them, being
or by heavy taxes, or by the injustice of the more powerful,
weighed down by debt
hand themselves over into slavery to the upper classes, who have all the same
3 legal rights against these men that a master has towards his slave. One of the two
4 classes is that of the Druids, the other that of the knights. The Druids are con
cerned with the worship of the gods, look after public and private sacrifice, and
expound religious matters. A large number of young men flock to them for
5 training and hold them in high honour. For they have the right to decide nearly
all public and private disputes and they also pass judgment and decide rewards
and penalties in criminal and murder cases and in disputes concerning legacies
6 and boundaries. When a private person or a tribe disobeys their ruling they ban
7 them from attending at sacrifices. This is their harshest penalty. Men placed
under this ban are treated as impious wretches; all avoid them, fleeing their com
pany and conversation, lest their contact bring misfortune upon them; they are
8 denied legal rights and can hold no official dignity. The Druids have one at their
9 head who holds the chief authority among them. When he dies, either the
highest in honour among the others succeeds, or if some are on an equal footing
they contend for leadership by a vote of the Druids, but sometimes even in arms.
10 At a fixed time of the year they meet in assembly in a holy place in the lands of
the Carnutes, which is regarded as the centre of the whole of Gaul. All who have
disputes come here from all sides and accept their decisions and judgments.
11 It is thought that this system of training was invented in Britain and taken over
from there to Gaul, and at the present time diligent students of the matter mostly
travel there to study it.

14. The Druids are wont to be absent from war, nor do they pay taxes like
the others; they are dispensed from military service and free of all other obliga
2 tions. Attracted by these prizes many join the order of their own accord or are
3 sent by parents or relatives. It is said that they commit to memory immense
amounts of poetry. And so some of them continue their studies for twenty years.
They consider it improper to entrust their studies to writing, although they use
the Greek alphabet in nearly everything else, in their public and private accounts.
4 I think they established this practice for two reasons, because they were unwilling,
first, that their system of training should be bruited abroad among the common
people, and second, that the student should rely on the written word and neglect
the exercise of his memory. It is normal experience that the help of the written
5 word causes a loss of diligence inmemorizing by heart. They are chiefly anxious
to have men believe the following: that souls do not suffer death, but after death
pass from one body to another; and they regard this as the strongest incentive to
6 valour, since the fear of death is disregarded. They have also much knowledge
of the stars and their motion, of the size of the world and of the earth, of natural
philosophy, and of the powers and spheres of action of the immortal gods, which
they discuss and hand down to their young students.
15. The second class is that of the knights. They all take part in war
whenever there is need and war is declared. Before the arrival of Caesar it used
2 happen nearly every year that they either attacked another tribe or warded off
the attacks of another tribe. The greater their rank and resources the more
dependants and clients do they possess. This is their only source of influence
and power.
16. The whole Gallic people is exceedingly given to religious superstition.
2 Therefore those who are suffering from serious illness or are in the midst of the
dangers of battle, either put to death human beings as sacrificial victims or take
3 a vow to do so, and the Druids take part in these sacrifices; for they believe that
unless one human life is given in exchange for another human life the power of
the almighty gods cannot be appeased. Sacrifices of this kind are also tradition
4 ally offered for the needs of the state. Some tribes build enormous images with
limbs of interwoven branches which they then fill with live men; the images are
5 set alight and the men die in a sea of flame. They believe that the immortal gods
delight more in the slaughter of those taken in theft or brigandage or some crime,
but when the supply of that kind runs short they descend even to the sacrifice of
the innocent.
17. Of the gods they most of all worship Mercury. He has the largest
number of images, and they regard him as the inventor of all the arts, as their
guide on the roads and in travel, and as chiefly influential inmaking money and
2 in trade. Next to him they worship Apollo, Mars, Iupiter and Minerva. About
these gods they hold nearly the same views as other people do: that Apollo
drives away disease, that Minerva first instituted the arts and crafts, that
3 Iupiter rules the heavens and Mars the issue of war. After deciding on battle
they frequently vow to Mars whatever they may take in the war; whatever
captured animals remain over they sacrifice, and everything else they bring
4 together into one place. In many states one may see in sacred places lofty

5 mounds of these objects and it rarely occurs that a man is so careless of religious
scruple as to conceal what he has captured, or steal from the pile, and capital
punishment with torture is the penalty for this crime.
18. The Gauls all assert their descent from Dis pater and say that it is the
2 Druidic belief. For this reason they count periods of time not by the number of
days but by the number of nights; and in reckoning birthdays and the new moon
3 and new year their unit of reckoning is the night followed by the day. In the rest
of their way of life, nearly their sole difference from other peoples is that they
do not allow their sons to approach them in public unless they have grown up to
the age of military service, and they think it a disgrace for a boy under this age to
sit in public within sight of his father.
19. Husbands add to the money received by way of dowry from their wives
2 an equal amount taken from their own property after valuation. A joint account
of all this money is kept, and its increase is preserved. Whichever survives the
3 other inherits the other partner's share with the profits accruing. Husbands
hold the power of life and death over their wives, as they do over their children,
and when a person of distinction dies, his relations come together, and if there is
any suspicion concerning the death they examine the wives under torture as they
would slaves, and if found guilty they put them to death by burning after every
4 extreme of torture. Funerals are on a large and expensive scale, considering the
Gallic way of life; everything which they believe the dead man loved in life is
5 given to the flames, even the animals; and it is only a short time since the slaves
and clients who were known to have been loved by the dead man were cremated
along with him when the funeral was properly carried out.
20. Those tribes which are regarded as enjoying good government have a
solemn ordinance that any rumour or news of state interest which comes from a
neighbouring tribe, must be brought to a magistrate and shared with no one else;
2 because it is a matter of experience that men who are rash and inexperienced are
frightened by false rumours and driven to criminal deeds and to plots against the
3 state. The magistrates conceal their decisions, but tell the people what they
believe to be requisite. It is forbidden to discuss politics except at the public
assembly.
21.
The Germans differ much from this way of life. For they have no
Druids in charge of religious matters, nor do they devote attention to sacrifices.
2 They regard as gods only those whom they can see and by whose aid they are
clearly helped, that is, the Sun, and Fire and the Moon. Of the others they have
3 not even heard a rumour. All their life is spent in hunting and in the practice of
4 the art of war; from childhood their aim is toil and hardship. Those who come to
maturity latest are most praised by their fellows. Some hold that this increases
5 the height, others the strength and sinew. They regard it as very disgraceful to
have knowledge of women before reaching the age of twenty; and in this matter
there is no concealment since both sexes bathe together in the rivers, and they
wear only pelts or small reindeer skins, leaving most of the body naked.
22. They do not pay attention to agriculture and the greater part of their
2 food consists of milk, cheese and meat. Nor has anybody a definite area of land
or private property; each year the chief magistrates assign to the tribes and

kinship units the amount of land decided, in the area decided, and the following
3 year they compel them to shift to another area. Many reasons are assigned for
this practice; lest constant usage move them to abandon their warlike ardour in
favour of agriculture; lest they attempt to increase their private property, and
the stronger expel the weaker from his holding; lest they indulge in luxurious
housing, to avoid the extremes of cold and heat; lest greed for money arise, the
4 cause of civic strife and dissension; to keep the common people under control by
a feeling of fair play, when each man sees that his possessions are equal to those
of the greatest in the state.
23. What these states most greatly admire is that the lands surrounding
2 them should be devastated and laid solitary to the farthest extent. This, in their
eyes, is the true proof of valour, that their neighbours should be expelled and
driven to flee from their fields, and that none should dare to take up his stand
3 near them. They think that this also provides security, there being no fear of a
4 sudden attack. When a state wages a defensive or offensive war magistrates are
5 elected as commanders-in-chief, with powers of fife and death. In peace time
they have no public magistrate, but the regional and village chieftains give legal
6 judgments to their people and seek solutions to their disputes. Brigandage out
side the state territory brings no disgrace and they assert that it is pursued in
7 order to exercise their young men and save them from idleness. When a chieftain
in council says that he will lead a foray and asks for followers, those who approve
of the man and his project rise to support him and promise their help, and ar*.
8 applauded by the assembly. Those who fail to keep their promise are looked on
9 as deserters and traitors and they are henceforth trusted in nothing. Violation
of guest-friendship they regard as impious; strangers who have visited them for
whatever reason they protect from injury and hold sacred, and every man's house
lies open and his food is shared with them.
24. There was a time in the past when the Gauls surpassed the Germans
in valour and waged war on them of their own accord and sent colonies across the
2 Rhine, because of their swelling population and lack of territory. It was in this
way that the VolcaeTectosages occupied the most fertile areas of Germany about
the Hercynian forest, of which, as I see, Eratosthenes and certain Greeks had
3 news by some report, calling it the Orcynian forest. They settled there and have
remained to the present day in their settlements, maintaining a great reputation
4 for their justice and their warlike valour. But now because they live in the same
need and poverty and hard conditions as the Germans, they make use of the
5 same food and practise the same physical hardness. But the nearness of the
Roman province and the knowledge of things imported from overseas contributes
6 much to the Gauls as regards luxury and daily use; and becoming gradually
accustomed to defeat, after being conquered in many battles they no longer
regard themselves as equal in valour to the Germans.
25. The width of the Hercynian forest, mentioned above, is a journey of
nine days for a man travelling lightly; there is no other way of defining its
2 boundaries, and the people have no acquaintance with road-measurements. It
begins in the territories of the Helvetii, Nemetes, and Raurici, and stretching
along the straight line of the Danube extends to the borders of the Daci and

3 Anartes. Then it turns left through areas distant from the river, and by reason
4 of its great size it reaches to the territories of many nations. There is no man in
our part of Germany who asserts that he has travelled to the (far) edge of this
5 forest, even after travelling for sixty days, or has heard where it begins. It is
known that many kinds of wild beasts which are not seen elsewhere, are born
there, of which those which differ most from the others and seem worthy of
record are the following.
26. There is an ox, in shape like a stag, from the middle of whose forehead
a single horn projects between the ears. This horn is taller and straighter than
those known to us, with branches spreading widely from its end, as from the palm
2 of the hand. The same general description holds for female and male, and their
horns have the same size and shape.
27. There are also animals called elks. Their shape and variety of skin
colour likens them to goats, but they are somewhat larger and hornless. They
2 have legs without knots or joints, and they do not lie down when going to sleep,
nor, if they are knocked against and fall by some chance, can they lift or raise
3 themselves up. They use trees as their beds; they lean against them, and after
4 leaning only a little they fall asleep. When hunters have noticed from their tracks
the place to which they usually go, they either dig beneath the roots of all the
trees in the area, or cut them through, leaving only the merest appearance of
5 standing trees. When the elks have leaned against them as usual they knock
down the weakened trees by their weight, and fall themselves at the same time.
28. A third species is that called the aurochs. These are in size a little
smaller than elephants, and have the appearance and colour and shape of bulls.
2 They possess great strength and speed, and they spare neither man nor beast
3 whom they catch sight of. The Germans are very keen on killing them, capturing
them in pits. The young men harden themselves by this toil and exercise them
selves in this kind of hunting, and those who kill most of them bring the horns
4 into a public place as evidence, and win great praises. These animals, even if
caught very young, cannot become tame and accustomed to human beings.
5 Their horns are very superior to those of our oxen in size, shape and beauty.
6 The Germans collect them eagerly and enclose the rim in a silver casing and use
them as drinking-horns at their most splendid banquets.

CONTENTS
PAGE
Raftery (J.):?
1. A travelling-man's gear of Christian .
times 1.
De Valera (B.):?
2. The court cairns of Ireland ..... 9
Johnson (J. H.):?

3. Population movements in County Derry during a pre
Famine ...... 141
year
Lamont (W. D.):?

4. The charter of 1408 . . . . .163
Islay
Tierney (J. J.):?

5. The Celtic ethnography of Posidonius . . . 189
CORRIGENDA
. . .with
Page 167, note 3, lines 11 and 12. Delete the sentence 'But John
his brother Alexander/
Page 168, line 9. For 1651 read 1561.
Page 189. Paper read 26 January, 1959.


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