MODERN ART
编者序言 《在希望的田野上》是一首大部分中国人一听到名字
脑海中就能响起雀跃歌声的主旋律歌曲。这首歌创作
回到土地
于 1981 年。改革开放的序幕在安徽凤阳小岗村揭开
之后，歌曲的词作者陈晓光深入改革前沿地区的农村
进行田野调研，看到昔日贫苦落后的农村炊烟袅袅、
日新月异的面貌，有感道 ：
“田野上的希望激发着我
们和许许多多文艺工作者按捺不住的创作欲望。”如
歌词所唱，这片田野既是我们的家乡，理想，也是未来。
田野对于文艺工作者的感召力在四十年后依然有
效，尽管我们今天脚下的田野比歌中畅想的未来愿景
复杂了许多（当然，能被唱出来的愿景常常具有欺骗
性）。如果说四十年前处于转型期的中国社会开启了
我们的未来
一个向外看的时代，当下的世界则又走到了另一个转
折点，那辆全球化快车好像调了一个头，曾经争先恐
后向外看的人们把目光转向了内部——这也是本期
LEAP 把视线投向“地方”的背景。
在希望的田野上 作为一本扎根于中国面向世界的双语艺术刊物，
LEAP 从创刊起便承担着中西文化转译的角色。在这
样的转译过程中，艺术曾是一种通用语（尤其是被资
本加持的全球当代艺术）。在筹备这本着力探讨中国
和周边地区当代艺术和文化中的地方性的刊物时，我
们发现，当当代艺术所仰赖的某种都市资本主义不再
人们在明媚的
可见，这一话语的普世性或者世界性便失效了——无
论怎么用“国际艺术英语”的语汇填充都无济于事，
根植于地方水土的种种文化因子在转译的过程中既不
5 持一份敏感与同理心。
阳光下生活
可通约也无法被另一语言体系的人快速认知。而对于
某种中国普世主义——即中国与世界相互内嵌——的
学术坚持，也会在当下世界的意识形态棱镜下折射出
不一样的颜色。在今天，我们在敏感于外部视角的同
时怎么论述内部视角？怎么探讨本土？是否有一种实
践和言说的方式，将自身与所在的土地相连接，却又
能够避开任何民族主义倾向的叙事框架？费孝通早在
生活在人们的 上世纪四十年代出版的《乡土中国》中就曾指出，中
劳动中变样
国人与脚下的土地密不可分——从土里来，到土里
去。当逆全球化已经成为无法回避的现实语境，本期
LEAP“在希望的田野上”是一种“到土里去”找路
的尝试。
田野自然是充满异质性的，LEAP 将目光转向地
方水土显然不是迎合某种（网红视频博主）李子柒式
的田园幻想——尽管这相当诱人。尤其在疫情期间，
从李子柒在 YouTube 上粉丝破千万到虚拟体验游
戏《动物之森》现象级的流行，都印证了某种田园主
义情绪在当下的复炽。对于无数处于隔离状态的都市
人来说，自给自足的乡村生活，无论是镜头下的还是
虚拟的，都提供了一种反叛现代生活的逃避通道和怀
旧主义的精神按摩（尽管很多人从未亲身经历过他们
所怀念的“过去”）。但需要警惕的是，田野的风景，
或是对于向往的生活的想象，对不同处境和经验，以
及生长于不同环境和时代的人有着截然不同的意味。
在这期杂志中，我们也看到艺术家劳丽丽和同伴在新
界的菜园村务农的风景，与北方人记忆中贫瘠的土地
上沉重的农业劳动景象格格不入——说到底，城市中
的我们还是在现代主义的思维惯式下，想象着作为城
市对立面的乡村。如果过去几个月在全球爆发的疫情
能教会我们什么，那就是对未知抱有敬畏，并对不同
地区、不同健康、居住和收入状况的人的经验差异保
我们究竟想要生活在怎样的一个世界里？当下这
一时刻，全球资本主义的时钟停摆，思考这个问题比
以往任何时候都更具有紧迫性和现实意义。改编一下
活动家松本哉的话——“先创造疫情后的世界”。在
2020 年的春天，“在希望的田野上”试图描绘的便
是给这样的创造提供养分的土壤。
Editorial Statement Taking its Chinese title from a legendary song in the 1980s
BACK TO
praising the countryside, this issue of LEAP zooms in on
the provincial and regional in contemporary art and cul-
ture. The titular song was written in 1981, the early days
of China’s reform and opening up. Tasked with writing a
song about China’s “socialist new villages,” lyricist Chen
Xiaoguang took a field trip to the southern villages at the
forefront of the economic reform. After witnessing the ex-
traordinary changes taking place in the countryside, he
expressed, “the hopes rising in the field have evoked an
THE SOIL
unquenchable desire to create in many cultural workers
and myself.” The field, according to the three verses in
Chen’s writing, is our homeland, our dream, and our future.
Forty years later, the field’s appeal to cultural workers
hasn’t paled, though the field underneath our feet today
is a lot more complex than the song’s vision for the future
(and we’re well aware that most promises of joy and pros-
perity come with a twist). Forty years after the song cap-
tured the excitement of a society at the brink of a radical
transformation, we find ourselves at another turning point.
The fast train known as globalization seems to have taken
a U-turn, its passengers who were once eager to peer out-
side are now gazing inward. This significant turn, is the
backdrop for this issue of LEAP.
OUR FUTURE IS
As a bilingual art magazine from China with an inter-
national readership, from the start LEAP has been an ex-
ercise in cultural translation, between China and the west,
the local and global. Art, and more conveniently “global
IN THE FIELD OF HOPE
contemporary art,” was our lingua franca. When preparing
for this issue devoted to regional practices in China and
southeast Asia, we sadly realized that when a certain cos-
mopolitan capitalism on which much contemporary art re-
lies no longer plays a dominant role, art and its language
6 aren’t as universal as we had thought—the “International
Art English” proves to be grossly inadequate here.
The intricate cultural factors rooted in a local context
7 outbreak of the past few months has taught us anything,
are stubbornly resistant towards easy interpretation. An
intellectual argument for a kind of Chinese universalism—
PEOPLE BREATHE
that is, China and the world are embedded and mirrored
in each other—can also take on an interesting flavor in this
“interesting times,” given that the ways China and “the
world” see each other are a constant seesaw. Working in
IN THE BRIGHT SUNLIGHT
China today, how do we begin to weigh in on the internal
perspective while being mindful of the external ones? How
do we talk about locality in ways that surpass cultural rel-
ativism? And how do we illustrate the connection between
the self and the place, between our identities and the land
at our feet while cautiously dodging any framework with
LABOR HAS CHANGED
OUR LIVES ANEW
nationalist tendencies? In his 1947 book From the Soil, the
anthropologist and sociologist Fei Xiaotong argued that
Chinese people are “inseparable from the soil,” that the
earthbound population come from the soil and eventually
go back to it. At a time when deglobalization has become
the inescapable context for everything, this issue of LEAP
attempts to find a way out precisely in the soil.
Fields are inherently heterogeneous. The fact that
LEAP has turned its gaze inward on the local waters and
soil, clearly doesn’t correspond to some pastoral cam-
paign propagated by the likes of Li Ziqi, whose videos
of idyllic life in rural Sichuan have attracted more than
ten million followers on YouTube. In the isolating days of
COVID-19, Li Ziqi’s imagery of her self-sufficient rural life
in the bucolic countryside generated a wider resonance—
not much cultural translation is needed there, even The
New York Times called Li Ziqi their “quarantine queen.” A
similar structure of feelings underpins the pandemic era’s
most popular video game “Animal Crossing.” For count-
less urbanites locked-down in isolation, idyllic rural life,
in video playback or experienced virtually, offers an es-
cape from modern life and a spiritual massage tinted with
nostalgia—a nostalgia for a past they never had, in most
cases. What should be warned though, is that such visions
of an ideal life, or a rural landscape, can have polarizing
connotations for different populations with different back-
grounds. In this issue, we see the sight of the artist Natalie
Lo Lai Lai and her companions working on a farm in the
New Territories in stark contrast with a northerner’s image
in mind of farmers toiling in the barren land. Needless to
say that there is more than one countryside, and it’s about
time we eschewed the modernist framework seeing the
countryside as the antithesis of the city. If the coronavirus
it is to have a sense of reverence for the unknown and be
mindful of the variance in experience for people in dif-
ferent regions, and in different health and living conditions.
What does the world we want to inhabit look like? In
the present moment when the tick-tock of global capi-
talism has come to a pause, it feels ever more urgent and
practical to consider this question. To adapt the activist
Hajime Matsumoto’s motto here—“first create the world
after the pandemic.” In the spring of 2020, with “In the
Field,” LEAP endeavors to dig into the soil that nurtures
such creation.
 目录 CONTENTS
14 84
重返地方性—— 西南艺术 童义欣 ：羽化登仙
RETURNING TO LOCALITY YI XIN TONG: THE BECOMING OF
ART IN THE SOUTHWEST FEATHERED BEINGS

26 90
腹地计划 田野漂移—— 徐文瑞， 毛晨雨
THE HINTERLAND PROJECT FIELD SHIFT
MANRAY HSU, MAO CHENYU
36
覃小诗：夕阳的麟 94
XIAOSHI VIVIAN VIVIAN QIN: 金锋 ：返回
SUNSET SCALE
98
42 东莞之痒—— 李景湖
离散与方言——《南方车站的聚会》 THE DONGUAN ITCH—LI JINGHU
ON DIASPORA AND DIALECT
IN THE WILD GOOSE LAKE 106
上阳台—— 依靠社会想象形成新的地方
48 SEONG JEONG TOI—A PLACE
子杰：武汉消息 BUILT ON SOCIETAL IMAGINATION
ZIJIE: NEWS FROM WUHAN
116
56 上新界—— 劳丽丽， 生活馆， 土丘
对话班宇：东北， 语言里的缝隙 UP TO THE NEW TERRITORIES
NORTHEAST CHINA, A SLIPPAGE NATALIE LO LAI LAI &
A CONVERSATION WITH BAN YU SANGWOODGOON

66 126
贡嘎嘉措—— 西藏现代性的追寻 混凝土森林， 时代的自然
GONKAR GYATSO—IN SEARCH OF 和对面的张如怡
A TIBETAN MODERNITY CONCRETE CACTI,
NEW NATURE, AND ZHANG RUYI
74
西北， 地方现实？
THE NORTHWEST, LOCAL REALITIES?
 目录 CONTENTS
132 188
传统材料与乡村空间生产 与土地相连—— 胡德夫的歌之路
徐浪， 杨宇振
TRADITIONAL MATERIAL AND 190
THE PRODUCTION OF RURAL SPACE 关于田野的音乐 / 非音乐合集
FIELD MUSIC AND NON-MUSIC
140 FOR TIAN YE
建设一个新世界
中国援建在非洲
展评 REVIEWS
144
程新皓：致海洋 194
CHENG XINHAO: TO THE OCEAN 乡村， 即未来
COUNTRYSIDE, THE FUTURE
150
病科学—— 越战时期的天气控制 200
PATHOLOGICAL SCIENCES 降临前哨
GEOENGINEERING IN VIETNAM WAR ADVENT, QIANSHAO
158 206
艺术劳动的旅程 饥饿地理
ART LABOR’S JOURNEYS A GEOGRAPHY OF RESISTANCE
166 212
ULTRA-BODIES IN 4 ACTS 亚洲双年展—— 来自山与海的异人
ASIAN ART BIENNIAL
174 THE STRANGERS FROM BEYOND
印尼艺术团体—— 既然可以自己做， THE MOUNTAIN AND THE SEA
为什么还要在一起？
WHY DO IT TOGETHER 218
WHEN WE CAN DO IT ALONE? 新加坡双年展—— 正确方向的每一步
SINGAPORE BIENNALE
182 EVERY STEP
张欣：绿水青山金山银山 IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION
SHERYL CHEUNG:
CLEAR WATERS, GREEN MOUNTAINS
Hong Kong & International Purhase
oscarlai@modernmedia.com.hk

WeChat

leap@modernmedia.com.cn
leapleapleap.com
 15

曹明浩 + 陈建军，《山水边缘》，2018 年，录像截帧

Cao Minghao + Chen Jianjun,
On the Edge of Mountains and Rivers, 2018, video
Courtesy the artists
能
RUI LANXIN
TO LOCALITY:

ACTIONS IN
重返“地方性”:

西南艺术实践的

SOUTHWEST
RETURNING

潜
THE
ART AND
14

质
芮兰馨
异
 当“西南”作为一个地域概念在艺术领域被提出，往往会变成

rather a medium.
which states that“landscapes”are not an art form but
Cfr. W. J. T. Michel’s essay“Imperial Landscape,”
景”不是一种艺术类型而是一种媒介。
1. 观点参考于 W.J.T. 米切尔在《帝国的风景》一文中，指出“风
关于这一地区的艺术状况而出现，这种概括容易使“地方”成
为固化的对象，而忽略了其更加丰富的地方肌理。无论这种概
括性的划分与艺术家创作之间有怎样的潜在关联，都容易带来
对艺术家在地实践的遮蔽，而“西南”的“地方性”也进而被
弱化。面对艺术机制过快地将“西南”作为地区划分的坐标符
号，行动者们搁置了这种定义性的“地方”概念，重返“地方性”
的自我实践。为何要重新链接“自身”与“地方”？我想进入
到几位艺术家的具体工作中，探讨他们是怎样将“西南”作为
When the southwest is brought up as a
媒介对象 1，又怎样通过书写地方显示出艺术赋予的行动自觉。
geographical notion in contemporary Chi-
与“边界”命题相似，当“地方”一旦与具体的艺术实践 nese art, it’s oftentimes a synecdoche re-
连接在一起，它便不再限于行政区域的划分，而是作为一种具 ferring to the group of renowned painters
in the region. This generalization may
有流动性的认知概念。被书写的“地方”也不再只是艺术家单
cause a place to become ossified, and in
方面选择的“题材”—— 一种提前预设了特性，对象化的存在。 the process a wider range of its local tex-
而是由行动者和地方互相激发与认识的双主体概念。近几年， tures will get overlooked. Regardless of
基于西南的地方性所产生的艺术实践中，艺术家借助具体的地 the inherent connections that may exist
between such a generalized definition of
方作为田野，来调试创作路径、不断试错与转向。因而，呈现
the southwest and the creative work un-
出了零星的着力点，在他们的工作中逐渐型塑出地方的结构性 dertaken by artists. In light of the ease

带来什么》，第 36 页。
2. 参见娜塔莉·海因里希《艺术为社会学
样貌。 with which art institutions treat the south-
艺术社会学家海因里希 (Nathalie Heinich) 在《艺术为 west as a set of coordinates for regional
demarcation, those who are active in the
社会学带来什么》(1998) 一书中描述了两种关于艺术实践的
region have shelved this kind of defining
立场 ：第一条指出艺术实际上是一种具有社会性的集体现象， notion of “locale,” in favor of a return to
受到外部条件的限制 ；第二条则强调艺术无法被还原为社会性 “localized” individual practices.
In our deterritorialized, globalized
解释，但也并非是美学家所坚持的审美本体论，而是描述行为
world, from where does this need to once
者在特定形势和时刻，如何维系自身与世界的关系。2 因此， again couple “self” and “place” derive?
对意图进入地方的行动者来说，如何对其进行社会学式的还原， By examining the works of a few artists,

16 并不是他们所关注的重点。而是有关行动者对地方的认知，以
17 I want to explore their treatment of the
southwest as a medium 1, and the ways
in which their locally-rooted work can
demonstrate art’s ability to transform
awareness into action.
When a place is associated with spe-
cific art practices, it no longer demarcates
an administrative territory; it becomes a
fluid cognitive concept. Moreover, places
that have been interpreted artistically are
no longer merely a subject matter unilat-
erally selected by the artist, or objectified
entities with pre-set characteristics. In-
stead, they become relationships—con-
cepts in which the dual subjects of actor
and location stimulate and acknowledge
one another. In recent years, artists pred-
icating their practices on the locality
of the southwest have used specific
places as “fields” in which to debug their
methods of creation, engage in trial and
error, and alter their course as they go.
This, in turn, has uncovered fragmentary
focal points, which, in these works, grad-
ually form into the structural appearance
of the specific place.
Outsiders have often attempted
to describe the city of Chongqing by
鲍大宸 + 董勋 + 吴剑平，《山城防御体系》，2019 年，重庆工作研究所第三季表演性讲述现场
deploying terms such as “surreal” or
Bao Dachen + Dong Xun + Wu Jianping, Mountain City Defense System,
重庆工作研究所，《重庆漂移》，2018 年，录像截帧 a part of the Chongqing Work Institute’s onsite performance lecture series, 2019
“magical realism”. This vaguely homog-
The Chongqing Work Institute, Chongqing Drifting, 2018, video Photo: Yao Mengxi enizing regard of the city glosses over
及它是如何在实践中被建构起来的。
“行动自觉”成为了地方 its complex and intricate local textures.
工作发起的关键，即艺术家如何主动把握作为地方的对象。 The Chongqing Work Institute, founded
in 2018, is a collective founded precisely
“魔幻”占据大部分旁观者对重庆的形容，同质化的观看 to reverse that. The largest city in the
遮蔽了错综复杂的地方性。成立于 2018 年的重庆工作研究所 southwest,
（以下简称，重工所），正是基于地方书写的紧迫感发起的工作
小组。在他们的工作路径中，重庆不是以景观出现的地方命 Chongqing embodies a
题，重工所的工作回避僵化的本土符号，将重庆层叠的复杂肌
理作为艺术创作的素材，以抵御“他者化”的视角。重工所的
mishmash of intercon-
necting issues: the ten-
sion between modern
development and topo-
graphical restrictions;
the constant changes
in urban and rural
policies;
fluid identities in the context of global-
ization; and the presence of hidden his-
torical traces. In the Institute’s work,
Chongqing isn’t some notional locale
that appears as a set dressing. The In-
stitute endeavors to avoid using ossified
vernacular signs, or turning the city’s
cascading, complex textures into mere
subject matter. For it, Chongqing forms
a cluster point for these threads to inter-
sect and scale out to countless networks
of ideas. And its practice resembles the
余果与羊角镇村民交谈
organization of the collective itself.
The artist Yu Guo talking to local villagers of Yangjiao town
For the 2018 group project Chongq-
ing Drifting, eight artists dropped anchor
in Chongqing, and interpreted the place
in different ways. In their work, members
of the Chongqing Work Institute attempt-
ed to find entry points into the city’s
waterways, slopes and parks, so as to dis-
entangle and reconfigure local issues.
In late 2019, the third leg of the
project was announced. Having previ-
ously drawn from mutual collaboration
between the collective’s members, the
artists now returned to their respec-
tive fields, and presented four individual
projects via a live webcast. With most
of the projects being undertaken in the
hilly areas characteristic of Chongqing,
the entire process of putting out the
works had a certain quality of “breath-
lessness.” Physicality remained the
primary expression in the on-site work
done in Chongqing, a feature which
was clearly and invariably expressed
throughout the artists’ actions. How-
ever, this is but one trait that became
apparent in the Chongqing Work Insti-
余果在建设中的武隆羊角“古”镇现场 tute’s confrontations with the place.
Yu Guo at the construction site of the Yangjiao“old”town Throughout their actions that addressed
创作实践同小组本身一样，建立在自我组织的工作方式上，在
Research Centre, Guangzhou).
Companion, an online platform run by HBSTATION (Contemporary Art
2. Cfr. Yu Guo, On the Need to Re-Describe Reality, published in
2018 年的集体项目《重庆漂移》中，八位艺术家将重庆设为
坐标，用各自的肉身经验链接到不同向度的书写中。
作为西南地区的重镇， 重庆包裹着各种
问题的聚合与裂变 ：现代性发展与地形
局限的张力 ；城乡政策的持续变迁 ；全
球化语境下流动的身份 ；埋藏了的历史
轨迹…
重庆武隆羊角古镇
在交错的线索中，重庆以一个聚点扩展出无数张观念网。重工
Yangjiao“old”town, Wulong, Chongqing
Courtesy Yu Guo
所的实践试图进入这些具体的河道、山坡、公园，来清理和重
the specific locale, the artists placed greater emphasis on
构地方问题。
advancing concrete issues than on surrendering to corpo-
really induced self-indulgence. In the last two years, the
Chongqing Work Institute seems to have attained a tacit
consensus, namely that the place cannot be decontextu-
alized, hence any degree of thematizing the place should
be avoided.
Yangjiao town is located in a typical southwestern
Karst region. Part of Wulong County, it is the most suc-
cessful example of tourist development in the vicinity
of Chongqing. Due to the government-identified risk
of landslides, the residents of Yangjiao town have all
been relocated into a newly constructed scenic “old
town.” More compelling is that the renewed “Yangjiao
old town” appears devoid of characteristics: it’s merely
19 one example among the many villages and towns whose
development fell flat in the context of drastic changes
in land policies of the last two years. Attempting to
余果与项目合作者在羊角滩调研
describe this place2, Yu Guo, an artist and member of the
Yu Guo and collaborators doing field research in Yangjiao town
Chongqing Work Institute, has become aware of a “battle-
field” on which language and communication is gradually
在 2019 年末的第三阶段项目发布中，重工所的工作汇报 being tightened, and artistic expression confronts an
从室内转向社会空间。得益于成员间的相互协助，艺术家们回 increasingly hermetic media-spectacle that presents
归各自的田野，通过网络直播呈现了四个独立项目。大部分项 itself as reality. This tension can be felt in the artist’s vid-
eowork Moraine and Crag—The Reality of Yangjiao Town’s
目是在重庆特有的山地上进行的，发布的整个过程都显得“气 Surface (2019). In it, Yu Guo deliberately choses a ram-
喘吁吁”，身体性仍然是重庆的地方工作中最重要的表征。上 bling, somewhat verbose language with which to lay bare
上下下的行动轨迹将这一特征表现的尤为明显，通过艺术家们 an unembellished crudeness and dark humor. The work
originates from a predicament of which he became aware
的身体媒介反应着重庆具象的肉身性。不过，这只是重工所在
during the creative process: any content on a mass-en-
面对地方时所显露的特点之一。他们面对地方的行动中，并不 tertainment platform would be more tactful in the face of
HBSTATION”的《同时》刊物。
3. 参考余果《为什么要重新描述现实》一文，发表于“黄边站
沉迷肉身带来的自我陶醉，更侧重对具体问题的推进。近两年 our rapidly changing reality than art—if he continues to
的实践中，重工所似乎达成了某种隐微的共识——地方不能也 describe reality using methods that emphasize artistic
forms and medium-specificity. Yet the artist has no inten-
无法去语境化，因此必须警惕进行任何程度的“题材化”处理。
tion of reinforcing or shunning this “failure” in the face of
羊角镇位于西南典型的喀斯特地貌区，属于重庆周边旅游 reality. Rather, he uses actions to confront such impasses
开发最成功的武隆县。由于政府所定义的潜在滑坡危险，羊角 and anxieties.
镇的居民整体迁入了地方打造的旅游“古镇”
。相较于实施旧 Prior to this, Yu Guo seems to have already formed
a specific creative language whereby the body is used
城改造更剧烈的地方，新的羊角古镇显得没有什么“特色”， to connect to a place. As one of the members invited to
只是这两年的土地政策剧变下，众多开发失败的村镇样本之一。 take part in this project, when we climb up the volumi-
作为重工所成员的艺术家余果，觉察到了言说和转译上逐渐紧 nous moraines on Yangjiao’s waterfront, or place our
bodies on higher terrain with the intention of seeing and
缩的“阵地”，以及艺术语言在面对现实中越发密闭的媒介景
thinking more, there’s no way of avoiding our own lethargy
观时，不可回避的挑战。羊角镇正是余果眼中迫切需要去面对 and quiescence. Can going into a locale provide us with
的“现实”3。如何试着去描述那些让人哑口的现实？是他认 a direction for our work? Getting a bit “closer” to reality
 为关于艺术书写的战斗中最关键的行动。在 2019 年完成的影
像作品《磧石与危岩——羊角镇的地表现实》中，可以感受到
这种紧张感。余果刻意选择了一种絮絮叨叨，甚至略显啰嗦的
语言，以此暴露出不加修饰的拙劣与黑色幽默。它源自艺术家
在当下创作中所意识到的困境 ：
若坚持用着重于艺术形式与媒介的方式去
描绘现实， 在变化迅猛的现实面前， 任
何一个大众娱乐平台的生产与传播， 都
比艺术实践显得更加敏感。
不过他无意去强化或回避艺术在现实面前的“失败”，而是用
行动去面对危机与焦虑。
在这之前，余果似乎已经形成了某种特定的，以“身体”
链接空间的创作语言。但羊角镇作为一个具体的地方样本，意
味着问题伴随地方的生态关系早已生成。现实问题制造的阻塞
一旦出现在艺术家的选择中，就意味着思考的不可逃避之处。
作为这次项目的受邀成员之一，阻塞与困境似乎都在提醒我主
动找到书写方式的紧迫性。因为当我们爬上羊角滩边实实在在
余果，《碛石与危岩 ：羊角镇的地表现实》，2019 年，单频道视频，彩色，47 分 20 秒 的碛石，或是将身体放置于更高的地貌，试图想要看到、想到
You Guo, Rock and Cliff: The Geological Surface of Horn Town, 2019
Single channel video, color, 47 min 20 sec
更多时，却没有办法回避自身的滞缓与沉默。进入“地方”就
能给予实践的方向吗？显然我们都无法迅速给出答案，但至少
离现实再“近”一些，是我们共同工作的起点。当然，这不仅
仅是指物理空间的地方概念，而是我们如何挖掘更复杂的地方
20 性，从而不再把自己置于幻想的退路中。
詹 姆 斯·C. 斯 科 特 (James C. Scott) 依 托“ 赞 米
4
亚”(Zomia) 这个超越行政边界的区域概念，论述了倚靠地
形“逃避国家形态统治”的居民，中国的云贵川地区和广西也
包括其中。斯科特对山地与人之关系的人类学视角，在用来思
考西南地区艺术工作时，可以打开一重维度，即地形对人的行
动并非靠单向度的因素决定，而是互相激发后生成的动态关
系。西南艺术实践呈现出的主动实验状态，若简单以方法论来
划分和定义显得过于仓促，需要介入历时性的观察去摸索其样
的民族历史上一直拒绝被纳入低地王朝和国家的版图。
部分多山的高地，以及相邻的印度和中国的省区。这一地区的自然条件恶劣，生活在此
van Schendel）提出，后来由人类学家詹姆斯·C. 斯科特发展。它涵盖了东南亚大
4.“赞米亚”是一个地理术语，最早于 2002 年由历史学家威廉·范·申德尔（Willem
貌。曹明浩和陈建军自 2015 年开启了“水系项目”，联合科
学家、学者和 NGO 组织，对都江堰工程的历史脉络 ；1958
年苏联援建的电站大坝作为现代灾害治理呈现的问题 ；以及
2008 年汶川地震后的水系变化进行研究。他们将自身的工作
称为“田野·山水”，即建立从地质田野出发的工作路径。将“水
系”置于艺术视野中加以思考，溯源水系空间折射出的微观生
态与社会关系，例如在现代性技术切进水系脉络之后，栖居于
此的个体与山水环境产生的断联状况。
水系既作为一处所指意义上的具象田野，也可以认知成结
构中的抽象田野。在 2015 年创作的《水系博物馆》项目中，
曹明浩和陈建军绘制了一张水系行走路线图。通过这张“认知
地图”，得以窥见他们展开水系工作初期的认知状态，即身体
与地形联合进而切入泛地理的想象空间。按地理学家段义孚的
“恋地情结”概念中所分析的 ：人对于地方的“联结”方式，
首先来自于借助身体所感知到的世界，随后才是由此延伸出的
认知、文化、民族等方面带来的感知差异。从 2014 年开始，
might be a start. For the notion of locale not only refers to
a physical space, but raises the question of how we can
tap into a more complex locality, so as to no longer be
part of an illusory form of escapism.
The American anthropologist
James C. Scott alludes to the
notion of “ZOMIA”—a territory
that has, until recently, eluded
administrative boundaries—to
propose that peoples inhabiting
topographies that are difficult to
access develop a symbiotic social
structure that resists
centralized governance,
of Not Being Governed: An Anarchist History of
scientist James C. Scott in his 2009 book The Art
Schendel in 2002, and later popularized by political
A geographical term coined by historian Willem Van
ZOMIA
as is the case in Yunnan, Guizhou, Sichuan,
and the north and west of Guangxi. By
approaching artistic endeavors in the south-
western region of China from Scott’s anthro-
pological angle, we can see that topography
doesn’t unilaterally determine people’s
actions. For the inhabitants of Zomia, theirs
is a dynamic relation generated by mutual
incitement.
21 If simply classified and defined meth-
odologically, the active experimental
attitudes revealed by art practices in the
southwest can appear somewhat hel-
ter-skelter. A more diachronic observation
population centers of the lowlands.
beyond the control of governments based in the
mainland Southeast Asia that has historically been
Upland Southeast Asia, to refer to the huge mass of
is required in order to get a feel for these
processes. In this vein, in 2015 artist duo
Cao Minghao and Chen Jianjun began
their “Water System Project,” bringing
together scientists, scholars, and NGOs to
look into the historical context of the Duji-
angyan Irrigation System; the issues that
arose from the Soviet Union-aided con-
struction, in 1958, of a hydroelectric dam,
seen as a modern feat of disaster control;
and the changes that occurred in Wench-
uan’s water systems in the aftermath of
the 2008 earthquake. The resultant work,
titled Fields—Mountains and Rivers, set up
a working approach based on geological
field work. They contemplated the water
systems from an artistic perspective in an effort to track
down the origins of the micro-ecology and social relations
refracted by the water systems, among them a state of
disconnection between individuals and the landscapes
they dwell in when modern technologies intervene in the
water systems’ structures.
Water systems can be figurative fields, yet they can
also be understood structurally as abstract fields. For their
2015 project Water System Museum, Cao Minghao and
Chen Jianjun drew up a “water system” walking-route. The
曹明浩和陈建军就开始深入水系田野，捕捉感性意义上的行走 resultant map offers us a glimpse of their understanding
经验，他们在进入水系之初践行的正是这种身体力行，与现实 early on in the development of their “Water System
Project” in the form of a pan-geographical imagined space
空间的直接连接，以抵御由文本理解空间的认知路径。这样的
arising from the connection between the body and the
认知并非仅仅建立在研究话语上，而是与具体地方及个体的交 terrain. We can analyze this in the light of Chinese-Amer-
往开始。在“观测点、水系避难所”
（2019）中，曹明浩和陈 ican geographer Yi-Fu Tuan’s concept of “topophilia” and
建军探讨了现代性治理下，水系呈现的“异化”状态。他们将 his assertion that human geography is about the study of
relationships: the way a person “connects” with a place
岷江上游的一位农民作为观测的起点，延伸至个体视角下水系 primarily stems from the world perceived by means of
与人之间的共生形态。当路径深入到都江堰上游的羌寨时，呈 one’s body, which is only then followed by the perception
现出的是地震灾后重建对羌族生态观的挤压。地方对水系的技 of differences and asymmetries brought about by factors
such as cognition, culture, and ethnicity.
术化治理，使得山水之间的生态链产生了截断状态，这类冲突
From 2014 onwards, Cao Minghao and Chen Jianjun
began to penetrate deeper into the field of water sys-
tems, to get a sensory grasp on the walking experience.
As they made their earliest forays into water systems,
they practiced precisely what they preached, and estab-
lished direct connections with the tangible space, a path
that resists construing the space through words and
texts. Such a cognition is not merely built on research dis-
course, but rather begins with the association between
specific places and people. In their 2019 work Observa-
tion Point, Water System Shelter, the artists explored the
alienated state of water systems under modern gover-
nance. A farmer from the upper reaches of the Minjiang
River became the starting point of their research, which
they then broadened to patterns of symbiosis between
water systems and humans, as seen from the perspec-
干旱河谷，汶川，2019 tive of the individual. When they further deepened their
Dried river valley, Wenchuan, 2019
Courtesy Cao Minghao + Chen Jianjun
approach to include the Qiang minority village situated
upstream of the Dujiangyan Irrigation System, it showed
the strain the post-disaster reconstruction was putting on
the Qiang minority’s ecological beliefs in the aftermath of
22 the earthquake. Here technological dominion over water
systems causes interruptions in the ecological chains that
exist among mountains and rivers. These sorts of conflicts
consistently form the focus of the water systems project.
Rather than feeling obliged to present their efforts in the
form of an artwork, the artists were more inclined to serve
as mediums, letting their knowledge and on-site experi-
ences transform into one another.
Given the abundance of minorities and multiplicity
of religions in the region, the southwest was the locus for
a large part of the early ethnographic work in the field of
Chinese anthropology. The Chongqing artist Wang Jun
situates the third part of his ongoing art project “Three
Days and Nights” in Huanggang Dong ethnic minority vil-
lage in Guizhou’s Liping County. What attracted the artist
to this place was its “borderline” state: the area finds itself
in a dynamic phase, subject to intensifying rural pov-
erty relief policies, land allocation and rural construction,
曹明浩和陈建军，水系草图与《水系博物馆》的行走路线 ,2015 年，纸本水彩
all of which are vyinging for the upper hand. This typical
Cao Minghao + Chen Jianjun’s watercolor sketch of the water
system and the walking route for Water System Museum, 2015 southwestern agriculture-based ethnic-minority village
Courtesy the artists provided a particular context for understanding locality.
Wang Jun defines the relation between himself and the
place in question in terms of observation-based “actions.”
始终是水系项目的关注重点。持续性的在地工作中，艺术家面 He alludes to the age-old notion of “painting from life” to
对的是一个个微观的水系田野，他们的工作并非倚赖某个作品 figure out the means of connection between himself and
the external world in the sense that it requires the artist to
来呈现，更倾向于将自身作为介质，对知识与地方经验进行相
be physically proximate to the natural space, in search of
互转化。通过在地的往返和回溯，水系的工作方式日渐清晰， a means to depict the external world.
形成了作为地质肌理的“水系”
，它包含政治想象、地方智慧 Wang Jun chose a pavilion in the village as an
assembly point, which doubled as a theater for his
以及生态实践等认知范畴的网状结构。
“painting from life” actions. He invited people from all
walks of life from inside and outside the
village to this specific location. Activ-
ities such as fireside conversations,
singing, and film projections resulted
in connections and collisions between
people that culminated in a state of inter-
action beyond what could have been
presupposed. The bone-chilling cold of
Guizhou’s mountainous regions made
people subconsciously want to huddle
up around the bonfire in the middle of the
pavilion, whereas the artist did not unduly
intervene in the event’s unraveling, but
merely entered into this ad hoc theater
to record the traces. Wang Jun’s point of
commonality with the aforementioned
artists is that he has relinquished the kind
of art practice whose objective is to pro-
duce flawless works; instead, he entrusts
the action itself with the burden of cre-
ation. Prior to the event, the artist laid
locally hand-crafted paper on the floor,
after which the people in the pavilion col-
王俊的“三天三夜”项目实施地的亭子，位于贵州省黔东南州黎平县双江镇黄岗村，现存最古老建筑群旁 laboratively completed a 10-meter-long
The pavilion where Wang Jun’ s project“Three Days and Nights”took place in Huanggang scroll-painting over the course of three
Village, Liping County, Guizhou, next to the village’s oldest surviving building cluster days. A minimal amount of visible mate-
Courtesy Wang Jun
rials—a recording device and the hand-
made paper being trod on—formed the
work. As for the utterances popping up in
the theater: the circumstances of the vil-
lage youth and the complexity of the Dong
village conventions all sprang forth in a
jumbled, hard-to-pinpoint fashion. As a
23 result, the relation between the artist and
the place settled amid the utterances and
interactions that burst forth. In a seesaw
struggle between the artist and the place,
Wang Jun surrenders his control to the
site (the pavilion theater) in which the
events take place, yet as an outsider he
has no way of avoiding the project’s inter-
ventional quality entirely. A constant
teetering and tweaking of the subject-ob-
“三天三夜”项目第一日晚上“在地青年 / 侗族大歌 / 文化传承”对谈现场 ject relationship runs through the “Three
A group discussion on“Local Youth / Grand song of the Dong ethnic group / Days and Nights” series and becomes its
Cultural Heritage”on the first night of the“Three Days and Nights”
most important characteristic. When the
Courtesy Wang Jun
action initiated by the artist is inscribed in
the place, is it then not possible to detach
由于西南多民族与多信仰体系，中国人类学的民族志最初 the self from the position of observer and
多源自于此。西南是广义上的地区意指，从具体地貌上却是一 critic? This is an issue with which the artist
山之隔尽然不同，这种差异性从地形延伸到文化、信仰等各个 is consistently grappling.
The southwest has an abundance of
领域。重庆艺术家王俊将其持续性艺术项目“三天三夜”的第
mountainous terrain, artists that are car-
三个场所定于贵州黎平黄岗侗寨，吸引他的是这里的“临界” rying out on-site work in the region seem
状态。该地区正处于乡村扶贫政策的推力、土地分配与乡村建 to always be climbing and trudging uphill,
设等各方角力撕扯的动态阶段。在这段“悬置”时期，典型的 unable to relax but able to go into hiding
anywhere. A recurring scene in their
西南农耕式少数民族村落给出了地方的特殊性语境。王俊将自
work, symbolical for how on-site work in
身与当地的关系定义为一场基于观察的“行动”。他援引了“写 the southwest is conducted, is when the
生”这一绘画媒介中最传统的概念，来处理自身与外部世界的 artists disentangle the terrain of moun-
tain passes and wooded mountains, peer
链接方式。写生首先要求的是艺术家的身体重回自然空间，找
into the distance from an elevated point,
寻创作主体对于外部世界的描绘路径。王俊过去的创作以绘画 then forge ahead following another intu-
作为主要媒介，以写生作为方法的背后抑或潜在艺术家关于绘 itively chosen path. The heterogeneity
 画的媒介困境，以及对白盒子式规训空间的思考。“三天三夜”
是王俊迫使自己面对创作困境的特定时空——主体焦虑时发生
的空间逃逸。
王俊选择了村里的凉亭作为聚集点，也作为其写生行动的
“剧场”。邀请村里村外不同身份的人进入到这个特定场域。通
过对谈、烤火、行歌、放映等活动，链接并撞击出预设之外的
交互状态。贵州山地的刺骨寒气，使得每个人的身体不自觉地
意图更加靠拢亭子中间的火堆，大家的互动在环形的亭子结构
中形成了交错的视觉。对于身份各异且参与到其中的人来说，
像是被聚合在这个特定剧场的旁观者。观者自身和剧场都呈现
出“敞开”的状态，艺术家并没有过多干预事件走向，而是作
为“痕迹”的捕捉者进入到限定性的时空之中。王俊与上述几
位艺术家的共同点在于，放弃了以“生产”完美作品为目的的
艺术实践，他将创作寄托在“行动”本身。活动开始之前，艺
术家将当地生产的手工纸铺于地面，三天时间里，进入过亭子
的人协同完成了一幅十米画卷。录像的凝视以及被踩踏的手工
纸作为少数可见物质，编织了项目的过程。而在“剧场”里乍
manifests within the topography itself as well as the art
practices that take topography as their pathway. The
southwest does not reveal itself to the artist as a subject
matter, like some imagined landscape dotted with moun-
tains and rivers, but a physical reality that artists cannot
turn away from after choosing to enter this place. When
locality and individual work become intertwined, they spill
over to form a creative context rooted in “the here and
the now.” The way James C. Scott sees it, the residents
of mountainous regions take advantage of the terrain to
cleverly escape the fate of homogenization imposed on
them by the wider national context. This, in effect, can be
seen as a proactive action of “escape.” In the southwest,
the practices of the artists returning to locality already
possess such proactive potential.
TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY SID GULINCK
Rui Lanxin is a postdoctoral fellow in communication and
journalism at Sun Yat-sen University, and a co-founder of
Cypress Space in Chengdu.

现的话语 ：村落青年的境遇、侗寨习俗的复杂性，则混沌而难
以辨识地在三日内涌现。这使得艺术家自身与地方的媒介关系，
落在观念空间里迸发的话语交互中。困难仍然在于艺术家与地
方之间的拉锯。王俊弱化自身、悬置了脚本，委身于事件发生
的场域——亭子剧场，却无法彻底回避作为外来者带着项目的
“介入”行为。主客体关系的游移与调适，贯穿在“三天三夜”
系列项目中，成为了它的重要特质。当艺术家发起的行动写入
了地方，是否能彻底地将自身从批判者的位置上隐去？这是艺
术家仍需持续推进的问题。

24 西南多山地，开展西南地方工作的艺术家似乎总在“爬坡
上坎”，无法轻松但能随处藏身。在垭口或山林间稍做整理， 25
借助高地探视远方， 再选择一条直觉中
的小径埋头前行。 这是他们在工作中时
常出现的场景， 也象征着西南地方工作
的状态，
其异质性发生在以“地形”为切口的实践路径中。西南并不是
作为想象中的“山水图景”题材呈现在艺术家面前，而是选择
“进入”此地的、艺术家无法回避的具象现实。“走出”工作室、
“进入”田野、
“重返”地方性，这些动词同样都意味着“不得
不”的动态意识。它发生于艺术家的“自觉性”之后，一种从
身体到观念的位移。当地方性与个人的工作交织在一起，会溢
出基于“此时此地”的，某种“命运”式的创作语境。若将西
南作为想象的他者来描绘，反倒会磨灭这种“命运体”的书写
潜能。在斯科特的观点里，山地居民借用地形，巧妙地逃避了
宏大语境带来的同一化命运，这实则为一种积极的“逃避”行
动。面对西南，艺术家重返地方性的实践，也许已拥有了这种
“积极”的潜能。
“三天三夜”项目第三日上午，村民帮助晾晒中长卷绘画
Villagers helping to dry the painting on the long scroll 芮兰馨，中山大学传播与新闻学博士后，“环形空间”创办者
on the third morning of“Three Days and Nights”
Courtesy Wang Jun 之一 。
THE
序言 腹地
与有着清晰的起始点、活动形式明确、项目所有权明晰的 【释义】
艺术项目相比，“腹地计划”则像是在发动一系列有立场、有 这里所说的“腹地”，并不是地理概念上的内陆腹地，也
策略，不同时期有不同人参与的思考和行动。发起人石青选取 不是行政区划上的县城和乡村（活跃在北京、上海的当代艺术

HINTERLAND
“腹地”作为项目的核心词，其侧重点是“在单一的全球化标 社区，就整个城市而言也算是腹地）
。我把凡是处在非标准的
准之外另辟一套话语”。 全球化模式下的、能与当地语境相接的空间，都称为“腹地”。
本文整理自对“腹地计划”成员石青的采访。他以项目发 这个称呼并不意味着要狭隘地排除来自西方的影响，而是更希
展中产生的 5 个关键词作为切入口，主要陈述了他对“腹地 望能在单一的全球化标准之外，另辟一套话语。

PROJECT—
计划”的认识侧重点，以及这些立场和观点倾向性是怎么形成
的。按照学术研究的标准来说，这 5 个关键词并不是严谨的 【背景】
概念归纳，而是艺术家在实践和思考过程中，自然生成的话语 特别提出这个词，是因为我发现国内不少文化艺术工作者
词汇。 既缺少主体叙述的主动性，也缺少主体叙述的能力。
# 腹地 #、# 第二现场 #、# 组织和共同工作 #、# 历史化 #、 在西方中心主义的强势话语影响下，一方面有中国艺术家
# 写作 # 更关注如何能让自己作品在国际交流的场合与普遍流通的语言
逻辑对接得上 ；另一方面，不少强调社会抗争的国内艺术家，

“ 腹 地 计 划 ” Preface
Unlike art projects that have a clear starting point,
scope of action, and authorship, “The Hinterland Project”
所争取的代议制民主，我认为依然是在追随当下全球最主流的
政治制度想象。
全球化在中国的经济层面渗透极深，但在文化上的影响却

A
more closely resembles a series of reflections and ac- 只到了很表浅的层面。因为经济和文化发生作用所依赖的路径
tions, with different participants and positions in each 不同，就后者而言，历史和集体经验的积累起着关键的作用。
of its iterations. Founder Shi Qing, an artist who works
然而，它们在“腹地”不同地方所表现出来的差异性，在主流
via a range of media on themes such as daily politics
and the contextualization of artistic production, chose 的政治话语和职业化的艺术话语面前，并没有被严肃对待。“腹
“hinterland” as the core term for the project in order to 地计划”希望它们能够得以显现，进而产生能自我叙述的主体。

GLOSSARY
“introduce discourse outside of the globalized standard.” 在当代艺术领域里，东西方的冲突、全球化对地方的碾压
The glossary below is compiled from a conversation
with Shi Qing on the “The Hinterland Project.” Shi gen- 会比其他行业显得更加直接。特别是当西方策展人来中国挑艺
erated five keywords as entry points to the project, and 术家的时候，我会看到一种赤裸裸的俯视眼光。国内的一些学
elaborated on how inclinations towards each position and
point of view were formed. These five keywords are not
27 者很早就开始思考，如何看待全球化、如何看待中国腹地之间
的差异、如何看待这个社会的生成逻辑等一系列问题。这让我
rigorous conceptual summaries in an academic sense,
but rather terms that the artist naturally arrived at through 感到自己应该有一个更高的起点和更大的视野，进行文化的重

词 语 链
reflection on his practice. 读和文化的重建。实践也绝不能只在当代艺术的系统、在大城
#hinterland#, #secondary site#, #collaboration#, 市文化里进行——要跳到“腹地”，而不是要再跳入一种新的“东
#historicization#, #writing#
方性”呈现的逻辑上去。
就文化特征而言，我认为当代艺术是一种大城市的文化，
它需要城市的金融资源、文化资源以及观众资源来支撑，所以
它也只能存在于北京、上海这些地方。而我们这代人（1960
年代出生）是有小城生活经验的，这个数量我估计至少在
70% 以上。包括那个年代出生在上海的艺术家，他们生活的
地点其实是在城郊、工人新村这种地方，那种形态也类似一个
小县城。他们口中经常会说“去上海”，把自己的生活社区跟
上海中心区域的城市化生活自然地切割开。

“集体主义建筑”是 2014 年的一个主题性项目，由艺术家石青的“秘密

空间”、王海川的“重庆铜元局”、建筑师丘兆达的“女工中心”以及 6 个
相关讲座组成，对新中国社会主义建设时期的日常和生产空间遗产进行研
究和重述。
“Collectivist Building I”was a thematic project in 2014 that
consisted of“Secret Space”by Shi Qing,“Tong Yuan Ju”in
Chongqing by the artist Wang Haichuan,“Women Workers’

宋轶、石青 SONG YI, SHI QING

Center”by the architect Qiu Zhaoda, and six related lectures
on the spatial heritage of daily life and production during the
period of China’s socialist construction (1949-78).

28
石青在讲座“秘密空间”中研究的上海隆昌公寓。
The Longchang Apartments in Shanghai, the subject of Shi Qing’s research in“Secret Space.”
“班车”是“腹地计划”中的核心项目——分别对重庆、武汉、沈阳、上海、广州、东莞和岳阳
进行了在地走访和创作。该图是 2015 年前往沈阳的考察。
Field research for“Bus Line”in Shenyang in 2015.“Bus Line”is a core project
of“The Hinterland Project,”with local visits and creative works carried out in
Chongqing, Wuhan, Shenyang, Shanghai, Guangzhou, Dongguan, and Yueyang.
在这里想特别提一下中国当代文学生态带来的启发 ：我认 me think that I should begin from a higher vantage point,
为，从鲁迅到余华，中国文学根植“腹地”的文脉虽然经历了 with a bigger vision, to engage in a re-reading and recon-
struction of culture. In practice, this cannot only be car-
西方现当代文学的冲击，不少实验作家也学到了现代流派的技
ried out in the systems of contemporary art and culture
法和“新思潮”，但他们进行田野工作时，依然继承了和乡村 of big cities—it must go into the hinterlands, rather than
和县城有关的现实主义传统。相比而言，中国的当代艺术更像 jumping back into the representational logic of a new kind
是无土栽培。 of “orientalism.”
As far as traits of culture are concerned, I believe
当然，今天并不缺乏关注乡村和县城的艺术家，但他们更 that in China, contemporary art is a symptom of metro-
多地是在想象着传统乡绅的视角，或者借鉴西方理论来理解这 politan culture. It relies on the financial resources, cul-
块“腹地”，那里为什么就不能产生自己的视角和理论呢？我 tural resources, and audiences of big cities to survive and
flourish. Thus, it can only exist in megacities like Beijing
还是对现有的艺术工作者的叙事逻辑不满足。
and Shanghai. Most people in my generation, born during
在“腹地计划”这些年的走访观察里，我感到中国大部分 the 1960s, have small-town experiences—I’d say that was
的县城、乡村挺无聊的。但同时我也在想，中国有 70% 的人 the case for at least 70% of us. This also includes the same
住在这样的地方，我们的父母、亲戚、同学依然生活在这样的 generation of artists born in Shanghai, because they pre-
dominantly grew up in the suburbs or the workers’ villages.
环境里。我在和他们沟通的时候，为什么会产生那么大的差异？
Those housing developments for workers took on a char-
他们的精神面貌和今天的现实到底是什么关系？这是一个完全 acter very similar to small provincial towns. You hear talk
未知的世界，蕴藏着怎么样的潜能？这些问题我都没有答案。 about “going to Shanghai,” naturally separating the place
in which they live from the central districts of the city.
Here I want particularly to mention the inspiration
HINTERLAND brought about by contemporary Chinese literature. Many
experimental writers studied modern techniques and
[Definition]
styles, but, although they experienced the onslaught of
“Hinterland” as deployed in this project does not refer
Western literature, they nevertheless inherited a realist
to the geographic concept of a hinterland in the inner lands.
tradition from the provincial towns and villages. From
I use “hinterland” to refer to any space situated within an
Lu Xun to Yu Hua, Chinese literature is rooted in the cul-
unconventional globalized model that is embedded in a
tural earth of the hinterland. But, by comparison, Chinese
local context. This term does not imply a narrow exclusion
contemporary art appears to be have been cultivated
of Western influence, instead I hope for it to create a new
without soil.
discourse outside of singular globalized standards.
Of course, there is no shortage of artists today who
concern themselves with provincial villages and counties.
[Background]
This particular term emerged because in my opinion,
many of those who work in the arts domestically in China
29 More often than not, however, they imagine it from the
traditional perspective of a village scholar or by relying on
Western theory to understand the place. Why can’t they
lack both the initiative and the ability to produce subjec-
develop their own perspectives and theories? Personally, I
tive narratives.
find the existing narratives unsatisfactory.
Under the powerful influence of Western discourse,
Most of the provincial villages and counties in China
there are Chinese artists who are primarily concerned
I’ve encountered on the road for “The Hinterland Project”
with situating their work within the logic of global circula-
are quite monotonous. At the same time, I think that more
tion and international exchange; and then there are the
than 70% of people in China live in nondescript places
many domestic artists who focus on social resistance and
like this—our parents, relatives, and classmates still live in
fight for representative democracy. I believe their political
this kind of environment. When I talk to them, why is there
imaginations are all still in keeping with the current main-
such cultural disparity between us? Ultimately, what does
stream ideas.
their outlook have to do with today’s reality? So much of
The economic impact of globalization permeates
their environment remains unknown, what potential is
deeply into China, but culturally, it has only reached the
there in the hinterlands? Speculations on these questions
surface level. The ways in which economies and culture
are insufficient.
function rely on different means: in the case of culture,
history and collective experience are the pivotal factors.
However, the variation of these factors in different places
across the hinterlands has not been given proper atten-
tion in mainstream political discourse nor in professional
art discourse. The goal of “The Hinterland Project” is to
make history and collective experience visible and to
allow them to produce subjectivity.
Conflicts between the East and West and the crush of
globalization are far more apparent in the sphere of con-
temporary art than in other industries. Particularly when
western curators come to China to pick artists, their con-
descending gaze is often undisguised. A lot of domestic
scholars have long been engaged with questions such
as how to approach globalization, and how to approach
the differences among the hinterlands in China. It makes
 【背景】
第二现场 创造这些词，是因为我发现有一些艺术
【释义】
家在寻找一个绝对外在于当代艺术的世界，
第二现场是对“田野”这个概念的拓展，“腹地计划”的
然后就在农村找来一堆传统的工艺品 ；还有
工作目前主要集中在第二现场。
一些艺术家有一套先入为主的刻板印象，认
我用“第一现场”来指代经典意义上的人类学田野现场，
为农村就是一个贫穷落后的地方，是国家权
在这个概念里存在着被客体化了的对象。然而，我并不认为存
力的牺牲品……我也看到一些学者虽然反对
在一种先验的、永恒不变的调研对象。实践者每次进入田野、
调研者在田野工作中的凌驾式姿态，但他们
每一次的介入都会对其造成影响，并且不断积累。
所提出的调研者和调研对象的平等地位，依
我用“第二现场”来区别于“第一现场”，那是一个由文
然是在强化主客体之间的二元对立。
化实践生成的空间。在那样的语境里，主客体是混合在一起的。
为什么我强调“腹地”？因为我们本来
“第三现场”是我期待行动者在发起文化实践之后，相互
都来自腹地，我们对腹地的了解本身就是对
之间形成的行动者网络。它更具有媒介的性质。
自身的了解。

SECONDARY SITE
[Definition]
The secondary site expands on the
concept of the field. The primary task
of “The Hinterland Project” has been to
focus on secondary sites.
The “primary site” is a reference to
the classical anthropological meaning of
a field site—and there exists an objecti-
fied subject within that concept. However,
I don’t believe an eternal research sub-
ject exists a priori. Each time researchers
enter a site their every intervention can
have a cumulative effect on it. I use “sec-
ondary site” to distinguish it from the pri-

31 mary site. In this context, the subject and

object blend together.
The “tertiary site” is a digital network
I expect practitioners to form with each
other after initiating cultural practices.

[Background]
I discovered a few artists who sought
a world entirely outside of contemporary
art, went to the countryside and found a
bunch of traditional crafts; there are also
many artists who adopt the preconceived
stereotype of villages as backward and
impoverished places, sacrificed to the
state authorities... I also see that although
some scholars oppose the superior stance
of researchers in the field, their proposed
equivalence of status between researcher
and subject still enforces a binary opposi-
tion between subject and object.
Why do I emphasize the hinterland?
2015 年“腹地计划”开启，作为项目的核心组成部分，石青前往福建武夷山桐木关拍摄《茶叶工厂》，参加“腹地计划”的部分 “腹地计划 - 英国馆”，是 2015“腹地计划”在广东时代美术馆的展览中实施的一个在地项目。
艺术家和策展人共同参演。桐木关曾是清中晚期红茶全球贸易链的生产起点。在影片中，“最终指向西方”的中国当代艺术的生产 “英国馆”是对 19 世纪万国博览会的一种戏谑模仿——殖民主义时期的展示逻辑依然存在于今天
Because we all originally came from the
与那段贸易、生产的历史相叠加。尽管英国后来在印度移植了红茶，但红茶的生产和流通并没有终结。发酵茶，这种“做坏了东西” 当代艺术的展览里。在这个项目中，借用广州作为清初茶叶国际贸易独家口岸的历史背景，艺术 hinterland, our understanding of the hin-
最终还是通过“国内循环”被再次塑形和生成。 家石青与志愿者共同探访广州当地的饮食地理，包括集体食堂、菜场、大学后门的小食铺，以“无 terland is an understanding of ourselves.
“The Hinterland Project”started in 2015 and a core element of the project was Shi Qing traveling to Tong Mu 产阶级的食谱”，回应红茶为英国工业革命中无产阶级劳动者带来提神作用的历史。
Guan, Wuyishan in Fujian province to shoot The Tea Factory together with some of the participating artists “The Hinterland Project—British Pavilion”was exhibited at the Guangdong
and curators of the project.The global black tea trade originated in Tong Mu Guan during the late Qing Dy- Times Museum in 2015 as a localized project.“The British Pavilion”is a parody
nasty. In the film, the history of tea production and trade overlaps with the production of contemporary art, of the 19th Century World Expo and shows how colonialism is still present in
which“ultimately points toward the west.”The production and circulation of black tea did not end despite exhibitions of contemporary art. In this project, Shi Qing borrows the historical
England transplanting it to India. Fermented tea, something spoiled in a way, was ultimately recovered and background of Guangzhou as the exclusive port of the global tea trade in the
reproduced through“domestic circulation.” early Qing Dynasty, and together with volunteers, they explore the geography of
local Guangzhou foods, including collective canteens, vegetable markets, and
small delis.
 组织和共同工作
【释义】
这些词首先是要区别于艺术小组的自我组织。这种自我组
织强调不依靠艺术机构的资金和平台进行自助式工作，创作出
来的是一件共同署名的作品，而共同工作是一种组织原则，在
共同工作的组织关系里，内部可以有不同观点和不同的作品，
同时也需要来自艺术行业之外的参与者。
我认为进入“腹地”以后的共同工作，艺术家不能因循固
有的创作模式，学者也不要依靠熟知的理论框架去做知识分析，
参与者都应该用想象力去工作——这才是大家会彼此兴奋的和
持续共同工作的动力。并且，艺术家和学者在共同工作中应当
有一种互相回应的姿态，艺术家的作品不是理论的图录。
【背景】
之所以要强调“组织和共同工作”，是因为 ：第一，今天
当代艺术的很多话题和学者的研究有重合，但现实的复杂性又
让双方都没有现成的、可完全依赖的方法和理论，大家都需要
去面对未知进行猜测 ；第二，艺术家长期以来依靠个人记忆、
肉身经验进行工作，我认为仅凭这是不够的。艺术家可以借助
其他领域的知识作为参考的基础来进行创作。
“深圳班车”可以看作是 2015 年“腹地计划”中“班车”项
目的延续，也是当时参与 2017 年港深建筑双年展的在地工作。
由艺术家黄淞浩、余果、石青、策展人姚梦溪和青年学者王洪喆、
董牧孜参与，重点对深圳白石洲、湖贝和南头等城中村进行实
地考察和创作。
“Shenzhen Bus”could be seen both as a continua-
tion of the 2015 project“Bus Line”and as a site-spe-
cific work for the 2017 Bi-City Biennale of Urbanism /
Architecture (Shenzhen). The project focused on field
work in Shenzhen’ s urban villages of Baishizhou, Hu-
bei, and Nantou with participation from artists Huang
32
Songhao, Yu Guo, and Shi Qing, curator Yao Mengxi,
and young scholars Wang Hongzhe and Dong Muzi.
COLLABORATION
[Definition]
This term should firstly be distinguished from self-
organized artist collectives. Collaboration, by contrast,
is a kind of organizing principle. Within a collaboration,
divergent points of view and different works can exist
internally. It also requires participation and input from
outside of the art industry.
When working on the hinterlands, artists cannot carry
on with the same creative models they’ve been using,
just like scholars do not want to rely on known theoret-
ical frameworks to analyze new knowledge. Participants
should work with imagination, it is this that can serve
to motivate collaborative work. Additionally, collabora-
tion between artists and scholars should have a mutually
responsive approach; artists’ works are not figurations for
theoreticians.
[Background]
“Collaboration” was chosen as a keyword for a few
reasons: first, many topics in contemporary art overlap
with scholarly research, but the complexity of today’s re-
ality leaves both sides without reliable models from which
to approach it. Everyone must make guesses when faced
with the unknown; second, artists have long relied on
memory and personal experience to produce their work, I
think this alone is insufficient. Artists can draw on knowl-
edge from other fields as a basis for reference from which
to create.
33
“重庆工作研究所”是 2018 年石青和策展人姚梦溪与当地艺术
家共同创办的研究性工作平台，旨在对重庆这种空间形态折叠、
多重历史痕迹呈现切片化视觉特点的城市组合体，进行具体化
的田野工作和“第二现场”生成。并以表演性讲述和直播等媒
介进行传播。
作为重庆工作研究所成员之一的艺术家李波，在位于虎溪镇的
重庆大学城四川美院里教书。他每日的工作和生活都会面对被
“新城”挤压的虎溪镇。从 2017 年开始，他尝试将这个与学生
生活紧密连接的区域转化为能激活艺术教育的空间。上图为李
波邀请虎溪镇老居民王子洲向学生实地讲解当地历史。
The Chongqing Work Institute is a research platform
developed by Shi Qing and curator Yao Mengxi with
local artists in 2018. Disseminated via performance
lectures and live streaming, it aims to conduct field
work and generate“secondary sites”in Chongqing—
itself an urban assemblage of spatially collapsing
forms and slices of multi-variant vestiges of history.
Li Bo, an artist and member of the Chongqing Work
Institute, teaches at the Sichuan Academy of Fine
Arts in the university town of Huxi in Chongqing.
He faces this“new city”squeezed into the town of
Huxi daily in his life and work. Beginning in 2017,
he has tried to transform this area that is so closely
connected to student life into a dynamic space for
art education. Above, Li Bo invites Wang Zizhou, a
long-time resident of Huxi, to explain the local his-
tory to students.
 【背景】
历史化 特别提出这个词，是因为当代艺术在图像生产机制中存在
【释义】
着被过度消费化的问题，我认为艺术家的主动生产，体现在有
在艺术行业里，“历史化”可能被认作是艺术家去追求权
批判性地重构语境的自我要求和能力上。在当前图像消费过度
力认可自己艺术成就的行为。我在这里提出的“历史化”，是
的背景下，我认为艺术家的生产与其依靠图像的堆砌，不如通
强调在实践工作中应该有历史辩证唯物主义的态度。当有这种
过“写”来完成 ；第二，相较于日常的言语表述，写作作为一
态度的时候，
“历史化”就是一种更具时间跨度和编织形态的“写
种输出方式更有反思和批判的可能。当然，在“写作”中体现
作”。“历史化”不只是一种工作方法，还是政治态度的表达。
出问题意识也就特别关键。
不少艺术家的作品看起来好玩，但仔细想想背后的价值观
【背景】
非常保守，这很可能是因为创作者并没有对自己的出发点进行
强调这个词，是因为不少艺术家的创作只是建立在对个人
追问。比如，自己所反对的对象背后是否还存在着更深层的问
经验的延伸之上，一旦要对过去的公共记忆做出回应，就缺乏
题？这种状况的出现是否还受到什么结构性的影响？或者来自
有时间跨度的背景理解。甚至，当一些艺术家已经去到“腹地”
什么历史条件的局限？只有在这样的自我拷问之后，创作者在
做田野考察时，也不去思考那里的社会问题出现有着怎么样的
面对“腹地”的时候才可能触及到自身知识解释不了的问题。
历史原因 ；另一方面，尽管在“腹地”容易看到堆叠起来的、
五一公园位于郑州西郊工人文化宫的原址，这里是新中国兴建的大型棉纺工业区。大部分产业工人退休后聚集在这里，自发形成
来自不同时代的历史痕迹，但我们可以使用的现成的知识工具
WRITING
了意见对立的“工人论坛”。“左派”和“右派”常年在这里对社会主义的历史和现状进行辩论。“90 后”艺术家黄淞浩出生在郑州，
2016 年夏天，他的“地方工作”是回到这里实施了他的介入性项目 ：在左派阵营里演说右派知识，在右派阵营里演说左派理论。 往往是以西方语境作为参考建立起来的，如果我们不有意识地
The May 1 Park is located on the former site of the Workers’Cultural Palace in Zhengzhou’s west side—a
建立新的历史观，“腹地”现场的复杂性很可能被过于简单和 [Definition]
large industrial zone for cotton and textile production. Many retired industrial workers would gather here, and
they spontaneously formed a workers’forum with opposing opinions.“Leftists”and“Rightists”would gather
This term does not refer to writing calligraphy or
扁平地描述。 essays, rather it points towards the “construction of
at the park to debate the history of socialism and its current state. The artist Huang Songhao was born in
Zhengzhou in the 1990s. In the summer of 2016, he returned home to carry out his local intervention project, subjectivity.” This process can be constructed through
where he spoke on rightist theory to the leftist faction and spoke on leftist theory to the rightist faction. sociology and anthropology, or through literature and
HISTORICIZATION the visual arts. “Writing” describes a subjective way of
[Definition] working. It can reflect one’s own subjective thinking and
Within the art industry, “historicization” could be it allows one to respond to this knowledge with one’s own
regarded as a way for the artist to gain legitimacy for experience or the knowledge system of others.
their work from established discourses. I propose “his-
toricization” as a means by which to emphasize the [Background]
need for a historical approach that engages dialectical I chose this particular term because contemporary
materialism within practical work. With this kind of ap- art is at risk of becoming entirely consumed within the
34 proach, historicization becomes a tool for writing that
weaves new forms and spans across time. Historiciza-
35 mechanisms of image production. I believe spontaneous
action by artists is reflected in one’s own expectations
tion is not just a working method, but an expression of and innate ability to critically reconstruct context. Within
one’s political approach. the current state of excess image consumption, I believe
artistic production should be achieved through “writing”
[Background] rather than by relying on stacked up images; secondly,
This term is emphasized because many artists’ works as a means of output, writing has a greater possibility for
are solely extensions of personal experience. When trying criticality and reflection than daily verbal expression. Of
to respond to collective memory, they lack any back- course, reflecting on one’s awareness of a problem is cru-
ground understanding of a period of time. When some cial in the writing process.
artists go to the hinterlands to do field research, they see
only what’s immediately in front of them and cannot con- 宋轶整理自与石青的访谈
sider any historical root causes for the social problems TRANSCRIBED AND EDITED BY SONG YI BASED ON
there. The existing knowledge tools we could use for refer- CONVERSATIONS WITH SHI QING
ence in such cases, however, are often constructed within
a Western context that ignores the realities on the ground. 石青，艺术家，生活工作于上海；
“激烈空间”，
“重庆工作研究所”
If we do not consciously establish new views of history,
和“江南基栈”的联合创办人之一。
the complexities of the hinterlands will likely be revealed
through flattened and oversimplified descriptions. Shi Qing is an artist based in Shanghai, and a co-founder
of Radical Space, the Chongqing Work Institute, and
Jiangnan Stack.
写作
【释义】 宋轶，策划人、写作者、影像作者，独立空间“激发研究所”
这个词不是指写文字、写论文，而是指“主体性的建构”， 运营者之一，新工人影像小组发起人之一。
这个过程既可以用社会学、人类学的方式，也可以由文学、视 Song Yi is a curator, writer, filmmaker, and co-founder
“上海电影地理”就是由石青与当地年轻艺术家、策展人发起的当地电影研究，对 20 世纪取景上海的电影拍摄原址进行重拍和重读。 觉艺术的方式去建构。“写作”是形容一种主观化的工作方式， of the Migrant Workers’ Video Collective. He co-runs the
图为 2016 年艺术家们来到电影《今天我休息》（1959）的取景地曹杨新村拍摄，这里也是新中国的第一个工人新村。 能体现自己主体上的认识，并且可以将这个认识与自己的经验、 independent space Institute for Provocation.
“Shanghai Redux”is a film research project that Shi Qing initiated along with young local artists and
curators, in which they revisit and reshoot the sites from different films shot in Shanghai in the 20th century. 和别人的知识体系进行互相回应。
Pictured are artists filming in Caoyang Workers’Village in 2016, China’ s first workers’housing project and
the location for the film Today I Rest (1959).
 SUNSET SCALE
在俄亥俄，一个富翁准备结束他的生命，最后，他打开了他的
夕阳的麟 动物园的门。
古时候的猎鲸者为了祈求鲸鱼的来临，开始跳舞。
“导弹就落在我住的街区。”
一个人要变强，才能守护猫的柔软掌心的肉球。
三天三夜的舞蹈之后鲸鱼终于来了，巨大的鲸尸冲到了岸
上。
“说情之后得以回家救被留下的猫咪，从自己家的窗户看
到的是永远无法忘记的比任何新闻图片都要恐怖的情景”
俄亥俄的动物们得到了自由，毛茸茸的狮子的脚掌踩踏在
沥青的公路上。
“在祖国还有家人吗？”
“都是远亲，不过很亲近，其他的家人都在战时死了。”
我猜测，让 - 吕克·戈达尔的阿尔法城的外部世界的地
址是 : 美国纽约州纽约市 115 街 612 号华生大厦 5 楼。时间
坐标 :1964 年。
山里的石头曾听到过什么样的音乐？音乐榜中榜的？画下
岩画的人曾经唱歌吗？
“三零年代的时候大家都在做什么？”
“曾祖母是早期女权主义者”
“卢茨说，56 只动物逃离，包括 18 只孟加拉虎、9 头雄狮、
8 头雌狮、6 头黑熊、3 头美洲狮、3 头灰熊、1 只狒狒、一
头狼、一头灰狼、3 只豹、两只猴子、一只猕猴。”（2011 年
10 月 21 日 03:57《新京报》）
“你看这个楼的气场很不好吧。明明是原来参与原子弹研
究的地方，现在却在制造艺术家。”
36 “知道吗，《宋飞正传》里面那餐厅的楼上是 NASA”
“卢茨曾一度试图使用麻醉枪制伏这些动物，但发现有难
度。天色已黑。”（2011 年 10 月 21 日 03:57《新京报》）
“如果真的有时间机器的话，想要回到过去。那天他本来
不用去上班。”
“我们只是把自己叫做人类而已？我们是人类吗？”
又过了一段时间，鲸鱼膨胀的皮肤终于被拉扯开。尸块无
差别地落在每一个人头上。
“不好意思还在用第一代的 iPhone。”
18 只孟加拉虎、9 头雄狮、8 头雌狮、6 头黑熊、3 头美洲狮、
3 头灰熊、1 只狒狒、一头狼、一头灰狼、3 只豹、两只猴子、
一只猕猴，在 2011 年 10 月 18 日晚上之前，它们是多么自由。
覃小诗 XIAOSHI VIVIAN VIVIAN QIN
In Ohio, a rich man prepared to end his life, and finally, he
opened the gate of his zoo.
In ancient times, whale hunters would dance in order
to pray for the arrival of whales.
“The missile is in the neighborhood where I live.”
A person needs to become stronger in order to pro-
tect the soft palm of the cat.
After three days and nights of dancing, the whale fi-
nally came, and its gigantic dead body rushed to the
shore.
“I was able to go home and rescue the cat left behind
after I intervened. What I saw from the window of my home
was something that I would never forget. It was more terri-
fying than any news photo.”
Ohio’s animals were free, and the furry lion’s foot
stepped on the asphalt road.
“Any family left in your homeland?”
“They are all distant relatives, but they are very close.
The other family members died during the war.”
My guess is that the address of the outside world in
Jean-Luc Godard’s Alphaville is: Watson Building, 5th
Floor, 612 115th Street, New York, New York, USA. Time co-
ordinate: 1964.
What kind of music have the stones in the moun-
tains ever heard? In the music chart? Did the people who
painted rock paintings ever sing?
“What was everyone doing in the 30s?”
“Great-grandmother was an early feminist”
“Lutz said 56 animals fled, including 18 Bengal ti-
gers, 9 male lions, 8 lionesses, 6 black bears, 3 cougars,
3 grizzly bears, 1 baboon, 1 wolf, 1 gray wolf , 3 leopards,
2 monkeys, 1 macaque.”(03:57, October 21, 2011, Beijing
News)
37 “You see the ambience in this building is very bad.
It used to be where research on the atomic bomb took
place, but now it’s producing artists.”
“You know, above the restaurant in Seinfeld is NASA”
“Lutz once tried to use a tranquillizer gun to suppress
these animals, but found it difficult. It was already dark.”
(03:57, October 21, 2011, Beijing News)
“If there really is a time machine, he would like to go
back in time. He didn’t have to go to work that day.”
“We just call ourselves human? Are we human?”
After a while, the swollen skin of the whale was fi-
nally pulled away. The corpse fell on each person’s head
indiscriminately.
“I’m sorry I’m still using the first generation of iPhone.”
18 Bengal tigers, 9 male lions, 8 lionesses, 6 black
bears, 3 cougars, 3 grizzly bears, 1 baboon, 1 wolf, 1 gray
wolf, 3 leopards, 2 monkeys, 1 macaques, how free they
were before the evening of October 18, 2011.
38 39
40 41

覃小诗，艺术家，1989 年出生，现居广州。
Xiaoshi Vivian Vivian Qin (b.1989) is an artist based in Guangzhou.
ON DIASPORA
《南方车站的聚会》（2019，以下简称《南方》）的空间坐标是 抛弃了那一类言说方式的图例生产逻辑。
《白日焰火》成功地
模糊的。它的时间坐标相对明朗——大约十年前高铁和微信两 绘制出一组精妙的图例：连环杀人者利用其过磅员的特殊身份，
种流通 / 管控手段全面接管之前的中国。这里的“南方”是北 将碎尸分别放入即将前往各地的运煤列车中，实现一日内“天
方的缺席，是拍摄过华北和东北之后的刁亦男向中心的偏离， 女散花”式抛尸。这鲜明的图像掐住“北煤南运”的大动脉，

AND DIALECT
也是中国艺术电影的一次离散行为。 将个体暴力事件视觉化为空间结构性暴力。然而图例总是滞后
这种离散与年轻一代电影人带有地方色彩的自我叙事有所 的，它无法左右既有版图的秩序。当内外秩序的夹缝中只剩图
不同。随着政治与市场空间的急剧萎缩，言说中国的主体位置 例时，就只剩城中村、小三、迪斯科、动车、洗浴城等等图像
不再对年轻人敞开，即使如毕赣这样具有代表性并掌握资源的 的自我繁殖，中国的现实不再可见。
青年导演。被誉为“杭州新浪潮”代表的八零后导演仇晟已经 说武汉方言的胡歌和桂纶镁并未扮作武汉人或者表现武汉
断言“中国再也没有贾樟柯那样的成功出现了”。即便如此， 性，而显现为一种非地域性。相反，一些有意表现武汉地域性
自我客体化的地方叙事仍然比上一代人的艺术电影更具丰富性 的电影并不使用武汉方言。娄烨的武汉与帝都的政治力量和沿

离 散 与 方 言： 和开放性。也许言说中国的主体位置本身只不过是日益僵化的
老牌欧洲电影节与第六代导演的合谋，疲乏地重复生产着已经
失效了的国族叙事，常常暧昧得如同《地久天长》里下岗失独
海城市的商业力量都保持着相同的距离 ：
《颐和园》（2008）
中逃离北京的余红也适应不了深圳，于是折返落脚于武汉；
《浮
城谜事》里的武汉则成了表现阶级差异的视觉材料 ；类似地，

IN THE WILD
的老工人的一句低叹 ：北京的变化真大啊。 王小帅的《扁担·姑娘》
（1998）和王竞的《万箭穿心》
（2012）
将《南方》看作中国电影版图上的离散者，不仅因为刁亦 都取材于前现代的汉正街及其特色的“扁担”挑夫。这类地域
男曾在 2014 年的《白日焰火》里言说过中国，更因为《南方》 性通常是内在于图例系统的。

GOOSE LAKE

denotes the group of mostly independent filmmakers

The film The Wild Goose Lake (2019) is set in a nondescript
space that contrasts starkly with its explicitly stated time-
frame, namely the year 2009, when China had not yet
been overrun by highspeed railway and WeChat—the geo-
The Sixth Generation of film directors in China
SIXTH GENERATION FILMMAKERS
achieved a national narrative in his 2014 film
Black Coal, Thin Ice, but more so because The
Wild Goose Lake has abandoned the logic of
CARTOGRAPHIC DESIGN typical of Sixth-Gen-

谈《南方车站的聚会》
42
graphic and digital infrastructure networks that assure at
once mobilized individuality and surveillance. In the orig-
inal Chinese title of the film (Nánfāng chēzhàn de jùhuì)—
“Meeting at the Southern Train Station”—the word nán-
fāng, or “southern,” points to an absence of the north. This
43
eration national narratives. Black Coal, Thin
Ice successfully laid out a subtle cartographic
design: a serial killer takes advantage of his job
as a weighman in a transport hub to drop dis-
membered bodies into freight trains departing
marks a departure for the film’s director, Diao Yinan, from for various destinations, thus scattering human

notable of the group.

trusted locales of North China and Northeast China, not to
say an act of internal diaspora for Chinese art cinema.
Said diaspora is different from that of emerging young-
er-generation filmmakers focused on autobiographical and
local stories. Following the rapid tightening of politics and
the marketplace, young filmmakers are no longer offered
a subject-position in the national narrative of “Chinese
Cinema,” this is even the case for iconic young directors
with resources at their disposal such as Bi Gan. The 1980s-
born director Qiu Sheng, hailed as a representative of the
“Hangzhou New Wave” of younger, locally focused film-
makers, has asserted that “no legendary success story
like Jia Zhangke can arise in China ever again.” That being
said, the younger generation’s narratives show a greater
richness and openness than those by SIXTH GENERA-
TION FILMMAKERS. Worth considering is the possibility
that the subject-position of “Chinese Cinema” has resulted
from collusion between established, increasingly ossified
European film festivals and Sixth-Generation filmmakers,
entailing an ad nauseam reproduction of stale national nar-
ratives. Those narratives are oftentimes tongue-in-cheek,
as is illustrated by the whispered plaint of a laid-off worker
whose only child has passed away, in Wang Xiaoshuai’s So
ZOE MENG JIANG
Long, My Son (2019): “Beijing really has changed a lot.”
after 1989, Jia Zhangke being one of the most
born in the 1960s and 1970s that began directing
remains across the country in the span of a
day. This imagery utilizes the national eco-
nomic development campaign “coal transporta-
tion from north to south,” visualizing individual
violence as geopolitically structured violence.
However, cartographic design can only respond
to existing geopolitics, rather than altering
them. When cartographic design is the only
unbreakable frame of reference in global and
national orders of art cinema,
what remains is the end-
less multiplication of
“Chinese imagery” such
as that of the urban village, the
boss’s mistress, the disco ball-
room, the bullet train, and the
foot-massage parlor. The reality

江萌 It is worth thinking of The Wild Goose Lake as a dias-

poric Chinese film not only because Diao Yinan has already
of China is no longer palpable.

全文图片 ：刁亦男，《南方车站的聚会》，电影，1 小时 57 分，2019 年
All images in this article: Diao Yinan, The Wild Goose Lake, film, 1 hr 57 min, 2019
44
为什么《南方》使用方言？也许可以将方言电影与学者哈
米德·纳菲西 (Hamid Naficy) 的概念“口音电影”(accented
cinema) 做比照。如果纳菲西的口音电影对应的是经济殖民
秩序中新移民作用于宗主国的双语实践，那么
方言电影对应着的是在“大中国”内部秩
序中对汉语的正统世界的扬弃。
《南方》的英文标题 (THE WILD GOOSE LAKE) 直白地选
用了虚构的地名——野鹅塘，一个远离中心的异端世界，“三
不管”的死角，拆迁区，布满闲置的空屋，闲杂人组织，即将
被“逐街、逐楼、逐人地排查”。
就像不是所有说话有口音的电影都是口音电影，不是所有
使用西南官话的电影都是方言电影 ：
《路边野餐》（2016）是，
《火锅英雄》
（2016）不是。事实上《南方》与《路边野餐》
里的方言世界可以相互对话 ：主人公在黑社会化的底层空间里
The leads in The Wild Goose Lake, Hu Ge and Gwei
Lun-mei, have adopted the Wuhan dialect for the film,
yet neither try to pass themselves off as Wuhanese, nor
attempt to perform any “Wuhan-ness.” The film is not pre-
sented to the viewer as a local story. Conversely, some
films that deliberately externalize Wuhan’s regional char-
acteristics use Mandarin instead of the Wuhan dialect.
For example, seen through the lens of filmmaker Lou Ye,
Wuhan is defined by its equal distance from the northern
45
political center of historical trauma and the southern
ahistorical land of new economic order: in Summer
Palace (2006), having fled Beijing, protagonist Yu Hong is
unable to adapt to Shenzhen, prompting her to turn back
and settle down in Wuhan; the Wuhan depicted in Mys-
tery (2012) becomes a visual toolbox used to represent
acute class stratification; in that vein, Wang Xiaoshuai’s
So Close to Paradise (1998) and Wang Jing’s film Feng
Shui (2012) both found inspiration in Wuhan’s historical
Hanzheng Street and its characteristic porters with car-
rying poles (bian dan). This sort of localness is generally
intrinsic to the system of cartographic design.
Why is dialect used in The Wild Goose Lake? Perhaps
films that make use of dialect stand in opposition to the
notion of “accented cinema” coined by scholar Hamid
Naficy. If Naficy’s “accented cinema” refers to the bilingual
practices of exiles and migrants under economic neocolo-
nialism, then
here “dialect cinema” can be
seen as the transcendence of
Chinese language orthodoxy that
epitomizes the internal order
of “Greater China.” The film’s
失去所有与世界连接的个人关系，而方言世界——荡麦和野鹅
塘——又以不可思议的方式保有救赎的可能。
我不认为《南方》是黑色电影，不同意它“没有达到黑色
电影的标准”，也不同意“它不过是男权中心的黑色电影”——
无需去历史化地拔高或贬低作为一种现代性表述传统的黑色电
影。 虽然学界对黑色电影的定义从未达成一致，甚至无法清
晰地区分黑色电影与犯罪片、黑帮片的差别。我认同电影学者
丹·弗洛里 (Dan Flory) 的看法，他将黑色电影视为一种认
识论模型 ：主人公在追查某个案件真相的过程中发现自己置身
于一种压倒性的压迫结构当中。黑色电影起源于一战后美国霸
权的崛起，它标志性的强对比色调青睐的是道德与意识形态的
灰色地带，那个从正统世界开始坠入异端世界，美国梦演化为
美国噩梦的临界状态。然而《南方》从一开始就是被驱逐者构
成的异端世界，存在于全面监控之前（2009 年），盗窃团伙
与警察用同样的手法瓜分城市片区。从一开始周泽农就进入了
临终状态，他并不为我们带来关于世界的新的认识。
A term coined by the author describing a filmic
CARTOGRAPHIC DESIGN
unambiguous English title—
the eponymous fictional
lake—evokes a profane
world far removed from
any center,
a veritable no-man’s-land made up of demol-
symbols on the legend of a map.
structure in which elements are deployed like
ished areas, full of vacant buildings where loi-
terers gather and people are about to be “combed
out street by street, building by building, person
by person,” to quote a policeman from the film.
In the same way that not all films featuring
accents constitute “accented cinema,” not all
films using dialects are “dialect cinema”: Kaili
Blues (2016) is one, while Chongqing Hot Pot
(2016) isn’t. In fact, the dialect worlds of The
Wild Goose Lake and Kaili Blues have a mu-
tual affinity: the protagonists lose all personal
connection with the world as they frequent the
underground spaces of organized crime, while
the worlds themselves—respectively Wild Goose
Lake and Dangmai—manage to retain their po-
tential for redemption against all odds.
Many categorize The Wild Goose Lake as film noir,
with which I disagree, nor do I agree with claims that the
film “doesn’t measure up to the standards of film noir,”
or that it is “merely a male-centered film noir.” Film noir
is part of a deep, expressive tradition of modernity. Any
attempt to under- or overestimate film noir would be ahis-
torical. Even though scholars have never achieved an
agreement on the definition of film noir, and it is still dif-
ficult to clearly distinguish film noir from crime films and
gangster films, I subscribe to the views of film scholar Dan
 离散者《南方》不仅偏离位于中国艺术电影中心的图例体
系，同时也离开官方犯罪类型片传统的“反特电影”体系。学
者陆小宁将兴起于 50 年代中国的反特片叙事定义为“参与式
监控”：对反革命特务的追缉有赖于警觉的普通老百姓为公安
持续提供线索和指明方向，动员起来的群众成为监控的主体而
非对象，组成天网恢恢的“《人民的巨掌》”（1950）。与反特
片相反，
《 南方 》里的湖滨游客、筒子楼居民、
等待解散的工人等群体为通缉犯提供了最
后的庇护。
Flory, who sees film noir as an epistemological model: in
46 the process of getting to the bottom of a case, the investi-
gator-protagonist discovers an overwhelming, oppressive
47
social structure. Film noir originates in the rise of U.S. he-
gemonic power after the First World War. Its symbolical,
boldly contrasting tones are there to complement a moral
and ideological gray zone, that critical state where the de-
scent commences from an orthodox world into a profane
one, and the American dream devolves into an American
nightmare. However, from the get-go, The Wild Goose
Lake is a profane world made up of outcasts, existing in
a time prior to a state of total surveillance (2009), where
pilfering gangs and the police use the same methods to
divvy up their urban turf. Our protagonist, Zhou Zenong, is
focused on his own imminent death, and has no intention
to provide new insight into the social world.
The Wild Goose Lake is a diasporic film not only
because it departs from the cartographic system that
is at the center of current Chinese art-cinema, but also
because it departs from the “counterespionage” genre
emblematic of official crime-drama traditions. Scholar
Lu Xiaoning defines the Chinese “counterespionage”
narrative that arose during the 1950s as “participatory
surveillance”: the pursuit and capture of counterrevo-
lutionary spies contingent on the vigilance of ordinary
folk providing clues and showing the way for the sake of
upholding public security. The mobilized masses become
agents of surveillance rather than its targets, comprising
the inescapable “Long Arm of the People” (1950). In con-
trast to counterespionage films, the groups of lake-
side tourists, residents of tongzilou (collective apart-
ment buildings from socialist times), and factory workers
这些去地域化的、在社会契约之外的复数的群体有着可以与技
术监控手段抗衡的力量。尽管影片有数目惊人的三千群众演员，
它并不为人民赋形。跟随着周泽农的逃亡，
影片将反特片里有着统一意志的人民还原
为心怀不满喃喃低语的霍布斯的“ 诸众”。
愿内部离散者可以追赶上业已显现的诸众的回响。
江萌 , 评论员和教师，现为纽约大学电影研究博士候选人。
waiting to be dismissed in The Wild Goose Lake provide
some final refuge for wanted criminals. These complex,
deterritorialized groups that are excluded from the normal
social contract have the power to counterbalance tech-
nological surveillance. The film’s whopping 3,000 extras
are not portrayed as “people” as such. Following Zhou
Zenong’s escape, the film shifts from the otherwise sin-
gle-willed “people” of counterespionage films to a dis-
gruntled, muttering “multitude.”
Diaspora is never an easy way out. There is no assur-
ance of success for such acts of internal departure.
Nevertheless, it is equally impossible to find liberation
in an irrational Hobbesian world of crimes as in a total-
ized rational world of surveillance. Thus, Zhou Zenong’s
rational death plan has played out as one of the most uto-
pian and romantic pursuits in recent cinema.
TRANSLATED IN PART FROM CHINESE BY SID
GULINCK
Zoe Meng Jiang is a critic and teacher based in New York,
currently a PhD candidate in Cinema Studies at New York
University.
武汉消息
子杰
48
1 I decided to stay in Wuhan for Chinese New Year this year
for several reasons, one is because the lunar new year
came earlier than usual this year (at the end of January),
and I still had some unfinished work, while I also wanted to
avoid the heavy traffic and routine nagging from my par-
ents. At the beginning of January, Xin Heng saw a posting
that said “SARS is back again” in her family’s WeChat
group. On the 8th, a friend from Hong Kong reminded
NEWS FROM WUHAN
ZIJIE
49
me and Xin Heng to be careful. On the 14th, a friend outside of
Wuhan sent a stream of messages to verify the situation with
us, and asked us to take care. At the time, I was busy trying
to explain to my parents how I wouldn’t be able to go back to
Guangxi until after the new year’s, and preparing for my friend
Tang Chao’s arrival on the 18th. I wanted to take some time
2 Obviously mistaken—soon after this, a more severe sit-
uation dragged all of Wuhan, Hubei, and even China
into a whirlpool. The news of Wuhan’s lock-down was
Wuchang, the district where myself, Xin Heng, and our
roommate Xiao Wei live, was relatively safe compared to
Hankou. Like a ship in the eye of the storm, us passengers
off from the world and from social media, and have some rest released at 2 am on January 23rd. For those of us were locked in the cabin and couldn’t get out.
during new year’s. staying up late, the abrupt news hit us right in the head.
 50 51

3 Looking out the small window in the cabin, through the

dusty glass and dense fog, we saw people signal at
stocked at home, and that the ship carrying grandma and
Princess the dog was found, and their dad and uncle could
us via flag semaphore. Xin Heng saw her two sisters
gesture at us from afar, telling us the amount of food
go by every day; unfortunately Princess was too old, and al-
ready had a few strokes before. This time she didn’t make it. 4 Many friends sent us messages in a bottle by the
flowing waves, and asked us how we were. Every few
days I would tell my mother what we had cooked. Xin Heng
also sent her mother photos of my cooking.
 52 53

5 During the storm, several ships often gathered together

in a circle, and exchanged information through the
window: the flag semaphore mentioned a pirate ship and... a
wave came and the sailor had to get off the deck. 6 We’re gathered together again, drinking together via
the clouds.
 54 55

8 Xin Heng’s sisters raised a newspaper flag titled “In the

Eye of the Storm” on the mast. The newspaper was their
family’s diary during the storm. Xiao Bao designed the
and poignant updates allowed us to imagine new possi-
bilities with a little peace of mind during this anxious and
uneasy time.
7 One night, the sea was growling. A weather forecaster
was caught in the waves. All we could see on social
media that night were about his condition. Anger and
warned us about the storm was taken away by Schrodinger’s
ship. Swinging between life and death, truth and falseness,
he rose and lay down again.
newspaper and drew the illustrations. These precarious

sadness were brewing. The first whistleblower who 子杰，1985 年生于广西玉林，现居武汉。 Zijie, born 1985 in Yulin, Guangxi, currently lives in Wuhan.
NORTHEAST
东北始终是观察中国的一截重要切片。近代战争、边疆垦殖到 Northeast China has always provided an important lens
重工业建立是东北历史的前身；而后“工人阶级必须领导一切” through which to observe modern-day China. Its land-
scape holds memories of modern warfare, the birth of the
的社会主义时代轰然结束，曾经的“共和国的长子”从政治经
nation’s heavy industries, and the reclamation of fron-
济的舞台上踉跄退下，又在千禧年之后以荒诞、娱乐的形象不 tier wastelands. Then, following the abrupt erosion of the

CHINA,
断回返大众的视野。 socialist-era philosophy that “the working class must
王兵举起 DV 拍摄《铁西区》
（2002）的二十年后，生长 lead in everything,” and the dawn of “reform and opening
up”, this place, which Mao Zedong once referred to as the
于沈阳铁西区的八零后作家班宇交出了他的首部短篇小说集《冬 “eldest son of the People’s Republic of China,” suffered a
泳》
（2019）
，讲述工人村街巷里最不起眼的人，在现实的庸常 political and economic decline. Entering into the new mil-
中维持着最后的浪漫和尊严。东北语言中发音独特的“腔调” lennium, nevertheless, it reappeared in the public view

A SLIPPAGE
showing an absurd yet entertaining image.
让班宇的作品充满地域特征，亦有评论者认为《冬泳》比肩金
Twenty years after master documentary-maker
宇澄的《繁花》
，是一种本土化的写作代表。而班宇文字中更为 Wang Bing took up his camera to record this scenario in
强烈的个人风格则体现在信息传达的高效——句子短促有力， the 551-minute West of the Tracks (Tiexi Qu, 2002), Ban
高度口语化的叙述，不加引号的大段对话让词语与发音黏合在 Yu, a writer born during the 1980s in Tiexi Qu, Shenyang,
unveiled his debut short-story collection Winter Swim-
一起，令阅读如同观看激流。而东北的兴衰也作为一种普世的
ming (2019), which tells the tale of how the average Joes
经验，让这部作品在加速度的大背景下引起了广泛的共鸣。 and plain Janes living in worker’s villages try to maintain
当历史钩沉回到个体的复杂经验时，东北常常被抹平为一 the last remnants of romance and dignity in the context of

班 宇 ： 东 北， 种近似的描述 ：经济凋敝、罪恶横行、颓废的小人物挣扎着寻
找出路。媒体新闻与影视作品为大众生成出了一个生猛而扁平
化的东北，班宇反对这种东北叙述的“共识”，认为这种固化
their otherwise banal lives. The signature “tones” that are
particular to the dialects of northeast China infuse Ban’s
work, giving it a distinctly regional quality that has led some
critics to equate Winter Swimming with Jin Yucheng’s

A CONVER-
的印象实际上限制了大众对东北文学作品的观看视角。他笔下 award-winning Blossoms (2015), one of the few novels to
have been written in Shanghainese. Ban’s personal style is
充满复杂张力的东北，不可名状的情绪在漫长的苦寒岁月中滋
more pronounced, however, in the way in which he delivers
长。东北人用阅读、绘画、音乐塑造自己，它还将要给更大的 information—his sentences are short yet powerful, his
中国文化带来生机和新的方向。 narratives are direct and colloquial, his dialogues written
in a phonetic manner that makes you feel as if you are

SATION WITH
really there. All of these have enabled Ban’s depiction of
the vicissitudes of life in northeast China to achieve a wide

published by Shanghai Joint Publishing, 2018

Ban Yu’s short fiction collection Winter Swimming,
班宇的短篇小说集《冬泳》，理想国 2018 年出版
resonance among Chinese readers today.

57 The northeast is all too frequently portrayed as an

area of economic ruin, rampant crime, and a decadent
scrabble to live. Media and popular representations of the

BAN YU
region are often abrasive and flattened. It’s a stereotype
with which Ban dissents. In the seven stories that make
up Winter Swimming, the northeast is full of complicated
tensions, a place where indescribable sentiments grow on
the lengthy winter days. Its people educate themselves
through reading, painting, and music, and its cultural soil
may prove fertile for new possibilities for the future.

语 言 里 的 缝 隙 Zhao Mengsha: In today’s world, it seems more ap-

propriate than ever to talk about regionalism. Continents
are turning into islands, political camps are divided, and
nationalism is fermenting. When you look at the paint-
ings that characterize the early stages of contemporary
赵梦莎 ：在今天这个世界聊地方性好像更贴切了，大陆变 Chinese art, regionalism used to be a popular theme. At
that time, artists were trying to find their own ways of in-
成岛屿，阵营正在割据，民族主义在上升。我联想到的第一个
tegrating ideas drawn from the outside world, and from
问题是中国当代艺术早期的绘画中，地方是很经典和常见的题 the western artworld in particular. While it is widely recog-
材，当时的艺术家们在外部世界或者说“西方艺术世界”找到 nized that the “85 Art New Wave” marked the beginning
符合自己的方法去吸收。不知道从文学的角度谈“地方”跟当 of contemporary Chinese art history, a number of artists
from northeast China, including Shu Qun, Wang Guangyi
代艺术语境中的叙述是否相通。不严谨地概括来说，中国当代
and Ren Jian, came together as “the Northern Art Group.”
艺术早期的面貌，呈现出的是一种地方经验混合西方技巧的结 They worked to offer a cultural interpretation of northern
果。我们普遍认为 85’新潮是一个中国的当代艺术史的重要 civilization with a focus on the “permafrost spirit:” a blend
开端，其中分布在东北的一群艺术家（成员舒群、王广义、任 of rationality and the sublime. Northeast China does boast
expansive permafrost at high latitudes, and its distinct

赵梦莎 ZHAO MENGSHA

戬等）以“北方艺术群体”为名，对北方文明进行艺术阐述，
geography nurtures a special cultural atmosphere. I am
强调“冻土精神”，一种理性、崇高的精神取向。东北确实有 wondering, historically speaking, is there any parallel or
辽阔的高纬度冻土地带，地理特征也带来特殊的文化氛围。我
很想知道如果在文学中去谈地方性，
“东北”这个地理概念下
的历史群体是怎样的？
班宇 ：你刚才说了很有意思的一点，如果说中国当代艺术
史的重要节点是八五新潮，那几乎和国内文学（的发展）是同
步的。那么具体说“东北文学”的历史我觉得有至少三个节点，
第一代是萧军萧红、端木蕻良，他们很强调东北这个概念，萧
红的很多作品都以东北为背景 ；之后我觉得就是迟子建老师，
她把东北看成是一个巨大的人文关怀场所来写北方人的故事，
作品里面有很强的自然主义的元素，用北方晶莹浩瀚之美来包
裹自己的作品。比如《额尔古纳河右岸》中就有一段非常精彩
的描述，就是一个人的视角一下子变成一个鹿的视角，小鹿在
冰上奔跑的视角，这些我觉得都是迟子建老师的发明和贡献。
再到今天，我和双雪涛、郑执的作品比较集中地体现了对于
九十年代截至千禧年东北的反思，经常被作为东北作家来讨论。
赵：为什么你们会集体地去写“过去”的东北，
尤其是对“下
岗”这个大时代背景下北方人的描述，并在今天引起这么大的
反响和共鸣？
班 ：如果是一个正在经历的创伤，比如我们正在经历的疫
情，不要说去写作，想分析现状都很困难，信息千头万绪，怎
么进行有效整合？你甚至没有办法去以自己的角度来切入这个
事件。而面对九十年代的下岗，我们在经济体制转变之后才能
去回忆和反思当时人们经历的创伤，他们的精神状态，以及事
件到底是一个怎么样的发展过程。我觉得可能文学始终是跟地
方的命运关系特别紧密的。但对于东北，这个密切的关系一方
面有政治因素的所在，另一方面又有地理环境的所在。萧红这
代描述的也是一个变革的时期，迟子建会受到一些现代派思潮
的影响，但都是做自己的作品。
我和双雪涛、 郑执这些作者被认为是“后
先锋写作”， 就是说我们的写作技巧和手
法其实是很受到现代派的影响。 这种影
响是一种（对现代派的）二次咀嚼， 对
我们影响最大的并不是国外作家， 而是
格非、 马原、 余华、 苏童， 这些从小
看到大的、 第一批消化现代派写法的人。
他们的经验就是像刚才你描述的那样，
是一种现代派的思潮和在地理念的结合。
我们直接吸收到的是他们消化后的结果，之后你必须要找到一
种属于你的叙述方式来讲述你自己的故事。八十年代先锋派的
影响，为今日的东北找到一种适合的书写方式和书写语言。我
觉得这是一个较为明确的立足点。
赵：那“东北”是不是已经成为一种类型文学了？现在“东
北学”也成为了一种学术分支，2019 年你还作为当代文学界
的代表参加了一个东北学论坛。
connection between the explorations of “regionalism” in
literature and contemporary art?
Ban Yu: What you just mentioned is really intriguing.
If we regard “85 Art New Wave” as the initial phase in
contemporary Chinese art history, then the development
of contemporary Chinese art is almost parallel with that
of domestic literature. Specifically, I think the history of
northeastern Chinese literature has at least three key
phases. The first is shaped by Xiao Jun, Xiao Hong and
Duanmu Hongliang as the first-generation writers. They
put great emphasis on “northeast China” as a concept.
For example, most of Xiao Hong’s works were set there.
Chi Zijian was the pioneer of the second phase. She took
northeast China as a broad, humanist space in which
northerners’ stories unfold. She would infuse her works
with the crystal and magnificent natural beauty typical
of the land, hence the prevalent elements of naturalism.
There is, for instance, a very fine paragraph of descrip-
tions in The Last Quarter of the Moon (2005). In that
excerpt, the perspective of a man suddenly changes into
that of a deer running on ice. I think this is a notable cre-
ation and contribution. Now, in the third phase, the works
by myself, as well as by fellow writers Shuang Xuetao
and Zheng Zhi, all explore reflections on northeast China
during the 1990s to the 2000s. That’s why we are often
referred to as “the northeastern writers.”
ZM: Why do you all write about the past of northeast
China, especially about workers laid-off during the period p.58-60
王兵，“遗存的影像”系列，1994-2001 年，摄影，共 102 张
of industrial decline? And why is that particularly reso-
鸣谢艺术家和魔金石空间
nant today? Wang Bing,“Remaining Images,”1994-2001，120 photographs
BY: If it were an on-going trauma, like the current Courtesy the artist and Magician Space
COVID-19 pandemic, grappling with the situation would
be hard enough to live through, let alone write about.
58 How could you effectively sort out the multitude of infor-
mation? You would even struggle to identify a personal
perspective through which to analyze the bigger event.
59
When it comes to the mass layoffs during the 1990s, it
is only now that we’ve gone through the process of eco-
nomic restructuring that we can look back and reflect on
the trauma people might have experienced. I think liter-
ature is always closely related to the development of a
specific region. In northeast China, this relationship is the
product of politics in one aspect, and geographical en-
vironment factors in the other. The descriptions of Xiao
Hong and other first-generation writers highlight for us a
reform period, and those of Chi Zijian reveal the influence
of Modernism.
Myself, Shuang Xuetao, Zheng
Zhi and other writers are consid-
ered “post-avant-garde writers.”
This is to say that, our writing
skills and styles are in fact very
much influenced by Modernist
writers. However, this kind of
influence is a secondary one.
Instead of drawing upon foreign
 班：是的。这个论坛的主持是哈佛大学的教授王德威老师，
海外做中国文学研究很厉害的一个人。他的《想象中国的方式》
相当于讲通过小说来阐述一个中国的近现代史。论坛是圆桌形
式，邀请的是十位来自不同领域的学者，比如有东北话语音研
究、伪满时期文学（日本人、中国人、朝鲜人），还有闯关东文学。
与会之前所有人要写一篇论文，会上轮番做十五分钟的论文概
述。“东北学”我认为更多的是从文学开始的一个大地理的概
念。王德威老师是台湾人，他觉得东北和台湾在历史上非常相
似，都有过一段殖民时期，多民族的聚集，这种复杂性的状态
都有一点面向未来的意思。我自己简单一点去理解，就是说东
北的现状现在不行，其实并不是因为它落后，是因为它更前沿。
大家别着急，马上全国全“东北化”。
赵 ：确实，“东北”也是中国一段浓缩的、激进的近代史，
他曾经扮演“共和国长子”的角色，城市建设也很超前。
班：东北城市化特别早，六七十年代沈阳就已经是城市了。
而且整个流转和变迁速度特别快，就好像三十年的时间内完成
了从兴盛到衰败这样一个现场。
赵 ：从劳动人民双手创造新世界变成了今天经济倒退到全
国吊车尾，为什么今天的网络土味视频、或者电影文学中描绘
的“东北”，都常常会伴随着一种戏剧化的形象？
班：
我觉得东北被媒体上塑造出来的是一种特
别卡通化的形象。 就像汤姆和杰瑞， 你
就知道老鼠永远会赢了这只猫。 换一个
东北人你马上就能想到他在某一个场合会
60 说“你瞅啥”， 他戴的大金链子在水里会
61
漂起来。 我觉得东北人在某个时刻会有
有非常强烈的表演欲望， 故意演出来这
样一个形象，迎合情绪的需要，获得关注。
所以今天谈东北文学，你就能想象作者写的东北人是什么样子，
非常容易能进入到这个语境和视野里面。一些地方缺乏了地理
特征，也缺乏写作上的个性。
赵 ：为什么偏偏是东北的文学在今天呈现出来一种群体
面貌，而在其他地方产生了断代？为什么是班宇、双雪涛和
郑执三个同辈的沈阳人同时写 90 年代的东北，爆发了创作
的高潮？
班 ：我觉得我们虽然叙说的是过去的东北，但这个经验并
不止于东北。2000 年初的下岗浪潮已经遍及全国，沈阳开始
下岗的时候武汉、长沙也在下岗，只是没有东北搞得这么声势
浩大，经常被人提起来而已。
赵 ：确实社会结构的改变在我们的父辈这种成长于工厂大
集体吃大锅饭的一代人身上留下的痕迹特别明显，他们怀念计
划经济的安全简单，只管劳动国家可以管我一辈子，所以下岗
的心理打击对许多人来说是无法翻越的。是不是这种对逝去时
代的共鸣促成媒体所谓的“东北文艺复兴”的风潮？
writers directly, we are mostly
influenced by Ge Fei, Ma Yuan,
Yu Hua, and Su Tong—the first
wave of Chinese writers to inte-
grate modernist writing styles.
As you mentioned earlier, their
experience represents a blending
of Modernist ideas with regional
philosophy. What we drew upon
is the outcome of that integration.
But beyond that, it is essential to find a way of telling good
stories that suits ourselves.
ZM: “Northeast China Studies” has already become
the object of academic study. In 2019, you attended a
forum on the subject as a representative of contemporary
literary circles.
BY: Yes. The forum was moderated by Professor
David Der-wei Wang from Harvard University, an expert
in Chinese literary studies overseas. It took the form of
a roundtable. Ten scholars dedicated to different fields
were invited on the occasion, including those who study
the phonology of northeastern Chinese dialects, litera-
ture in the Manchukuo period (Japanese, Chinese and
North Koreans), as well as literature in the Chuang Guan-
dong period (a hundred-year period beginning in the last
half of the 19th century when the Han Chinese rushed into
Inner Manchuria to make a living). Wang is originally from
Taiwan, and he believes the history of northeast China is
very similar to that of his homeland, as both regions have
experienced a colonial period and both provide a home to
multiple nationalities.
ZM: Once dubbed “the eldest son of the Republic of
China,” the northeast was once rather advanced in terms
of urban construction.
BY: Urbanization in the region started very early. Back
in the 1960s and 1970s, Shenyang was already a modern
city. Yet the shift and transformation happened very fast—
the whole cycle of its rise and fall has taken place within
just three decades.
ZM: From a land where the working people could build
a new world with their hands to one of the country’s eco-
nomic tail-enders today, why does northeast China, as
depicted in rustic internet videos, films or literature, often
greet people with a dramatic image?
BY:
It seems to me that the media
tends to mold northeast China
into a cartoonish image. If you
meet a person from northeast
China, you’re conditioned to think
 班 ：这个说法最初是（说唱歌手）宝石 GEM 开始说的。
我们有叙述的根基，经历过那个时代，又掌握了某种叙述话语
的方式，那么你就可以去对那个时代进行阐述。我也不理解很
多人说东北是一个得天独厚的创作土壤，因为经历过高潮也经
历过衰败。我甚至认为这些都是文艺工作者后来塑造出来的。
其实宝石 GEM 写歌说唱、老四拍短视频，或者我写小说也好，
更多层面上其实并不是从地域这个角度出发，还是从人本身这
个角度出发。不然老四拍的那些视频为什么大家会有共鸣，会
说“我妈也这样”，是一种举国的情绪。
赵 ：那东北的“文艺”的特殊性在哪里呢？是怎么造成
的呢？
班 ：我觉得东北至少在九十年代是一个文化消费的重镇。
回想一下我们的父辈，一个月的生活周期其实是被安排得特别
妥当的。工厂每月工资八百块钱，工资条上会有各种明确的费
用的表述，比如有一个阅读专项费用——每个月的读书看报费
五块钱，洗澡理发费十块钱等等。东北人特别爱跳舞，而且年
轻人都会弹点吉他之类的乐器，是他们的一种娱乐休闲方式，
所以我总觉得上一辈人其实比我们还文艺。我印象深刻的一个
事情就是小时候每家都会经常去厂里的图书馆借书，但一般借
的是言情或者武侠小说。这种影响可能是相互的，也一直传承
下来，让大家意识到要有精神追求，是一个比较早城市化之后
的人才有的这样一个精神状态。
赵 ：是一种工人，或者劳动阶层的特性？
班 ：东北的工人阶级是一个被规划的、至少是想象中规划
得特别完善的一个阶层。相比面朝黄土背朝天的农民意识，工
人阶级完全不需要看天吃饭。有一个相对固定的政策我们就有
一个相对稳定的生活。所以我也愿意把自己几乎完全投入到这
种生活里边。有一套完整的福利制度和待遇来对应你的个人生
活，保存你个人中的性格在八小时之外的存在。整个体制的设
计给了你一些空间让你去塑造个人爱好，塑造自己的文艺生活。
朗西埃也搞过工人阶级之夜，就是一帮工人去写诗、写文章。
赵 ：刚刚你提到我们对“东北”这个地方的想象开始伴随
着一种卡通化，或者说小品式的刻板印象。但在你出版的第一
本小说短篇集《冬泳》中，我也读到了像是电影《钢的琴》《白
日焰火》里面无力反抗时代的小人物，以及一种普遍的失败主
义的情绪。
班 ：是因为你写的时候完全不会去想自己给大家带来的是
一种什么样的情绪，或者说我要展现的是一种什么样的时代面
貌，而只是把作品聚焦到叙事和人物身上。所以我觉得这种情
绪可能会让读者对东北文学作品产生一种特别固化的印象，其
实我们想描述的是一个更大的东西，但是因为从地理和地域环
境这个角度切入并理解可能对于很多人来说更容易更简单，所
以就会被这样的一种视角所固化。
对我来说一个作品的所有的初始点都只能是一种情绪，是
一种描述不清楚的情绪，你要通过小说这个形式尽量地去描述
清楚，而不是用几个词语把它简单的概括成悲伤、痛苦，或者
喜悦、高兴，不是这么简单的情绪。人可以在既爽的时候又不
爽，这两种情绪可以在同一个时刻产生。
that they are immediately going
Song Yuanyuan, Piggy House, 2020, oil on canvas, 130 x 140 cm
宋元元，《猪猪之家》，2020 年，布面油画，130 × 140 厘米
to say “What cha lookin’ at?” or
that the “gold” necklace they
wear will float if you toss it into
a pond.
But, as in Tom and Jerry, the mouse always beats the cat.
I believe that northeasterners may have a strong desire to
perform at certain moments: they display such a person-
ality on purpose so as to satisfy their emotional needs and
catch attention. The flipside is that, in northeastern litera-
ture, you can easily imagine what the characters are like,
and thus easily get into their context and perspective.
ZM: Why does northeastern Chinese literature man-
ifest that kind of collective identity today, while other
regions don’t stand out? Ban Yu, Shuang Xuetao and
Zheng Zhi, three contemporary Shenyang natives, wrote
about the 1990s and became a focus of attention almost
simultaneously. Why them, not others?
BY: In my view, though our narratives are about the
past of northeast China, the experience is certainly not
limited to this land. The wave of mass layoffs in the early
2000s swept across the country. When people in Shen-
yang were sacked, jobs in Wuhan, Changsha, etc. were
cut as well—but the layoffs in northeast China were on a
grander scale and often given more attention.
ZM: Indeed, the change of social structure had a
particularly notable influence on the generation of our
parents, who grew up eating communally from the same
62 kitchen in factories. They often miss the secure and
simple life under the planned economy, a system that re-
lied on a doctrine in which the State would feed them as
63
long as they worked. As a result, many could not over-
come the psychological blow dealt by their being laid off.
Is it this resonance with the past that spawned the so-
called wave of “Northeast China Renaissance”?
BY: This term was originally coined by the rapper
Baoshi Gem. We’ve personally experienced those days,
and learned about certain ways of narration, so we are
able to illustrate the era. I don’t understand why many dub
northeast China a uniquely fertile soil for creation. I con-
sider this to be something molded by artists and writers
retrospectively. In actual fact, whether it be songs written
by Baoshi Gem, short videos shot by Laosi or novels com-
plied by myself, they are centered more on humanity than
the specific geographic area. That’s why we tend to relate
to Laosi’s videos by thinking “my mother is like that too:”
there is something universal in the works coming out of and many young people played musical instruments like to farmers painstakingly toiling in the fields, workers need
the northeast. the guitar. That was their way of recreation and entertain- not worry about the weather. With a relatively established
ZM: Then what is so particular about the literature and ment, which makes me feel that our parents were actually policy in place, we can live a relatively stable life. Your
art from northeast China? artier and more bohemian than us. It impressed me that, personal life is supported by an integrated welfare system
BY:I think that the region used to be a hub of cultural back when I was a kid, every family would go to the factory as well as remuneration so as to ensure the free growth
consumption, at least, during the 1990s. For instance, our library to borrow books, even if they were mostly romance of your own personality outside the eight-hour working
parents’ life routines each month were arranged quite and kung-fu novels. That might be a process of affecting day. The design of the whole system leaves you space
properly. They worked in factories and got a monthly each other, a legacy passed down to raise our conscious- to develop hobbies and lead an arty life. In his 1981 book
salary of 800 yuan. The pay slip would indicate various ness of spiritual seeking, which you might say is a mindset Proletarian Nights, Jacques Rancière also shed light on
kinds of items: a reading fee—five yuan would be allo- of urbanized populations. the life of workers—via nineteenth-century experiments in
cated to reading books and newspaper each month—for ZM: Is it a feature of workers or the working class? writing poems and essays together.
example, or ten yuan for bathing and hairdressing. Back BY: The working class in the northeast is a well-pro- ZM: Just now you noted that we often cast the north-
in the day, northeastern Chinese people loved dancing, grammed class, or at least it’s supposed to be. Compared east in a cartoonish fashion, or as a stereotype highlighted
 耿军，《轻松 + 愉快》，2016 年 , 电影，1 小时 39 分（同右图）
Geng Jun, Free and Easy, 2016, film, 1 hr 39 min（above and right）

in comedy sketches. But in Winter Swimming, I also came

across characters who are unable to buck the era of de- at least for me, explore such an
你在东北有很多莫名其妙的情绪， 不能 赵 ：这是不是因为我们都习惯了屏幕阅读，多我们的写
作习惯也造成了改变？比如我们不会习惯读太长的句子了，
cline, just like those in the popular movies The Piano in a
Factory (2010) and Black Coal, Thin Ice (2014). A sweeping
ambiguous space.
以二元论的方式分辨出来你是高兴还是不
64 65
APP 正文一行字最好不超过 21 个。 sense of defeatism imbues the depiction of the northeast
in all these works. Whether it be writing novels or making paintings, ulti-
班 ：我觉得一定会受到这种影响，但是最关键的因素是因 mately they need to be a reflection of a person’s selfhood.
高兴、 这个事情是对还是错， 它不是那 为我觉得这么写对我来说是舒服的。写小说就像说话，说话就
BY: I don’t think about what readers may feel when
I’m writing, or what era-specific features this is all about; Different people say different things. And in your own
works, you just cannot lie.
么简单的事。 我觉得所有的小说和艺术 是我的呼吸，我是这么呼吸的我就这么说话。 instead, I focus on narratives and characters. Such sen-
ZM: Reading your fiction is sometimes akin to reading
timents may give rise to stereotypes of northeastern
赵 ：这跟东北方言本身的节奏感是不是也有关系？比方说
作品可能对我来说至少要探讨这样一个暧 东北话是很通俗简练的，尤其喜欢拟声词。
Chinese literature and mean that the stereotypes can on a screen for me. There are many dialogues and short
sentences, which produces a sense of speed.
hardly change. In fact, we are trying to represent some-
昧的区间。 班 ：整个东北的语言其实是特别丰富的。我的小说也是， thing bigger. But it may be easier for many to approach BY: I think good novels need efficiency. The short sen-
tences, as well as all my narratives, are the result of ex-
我觉得应该是有一种高效的小说是好的。沟通的高效不能是一 and comprehend our work from the perspective of geo-
graphic and regional environments, which solidifies their ternal projection, rather than something philosophical, like
写小说也好，画画也好，最终都是落在自我身上，不一样的人 种刻意地告诉，而是在这种语言里边一定要存在缝隙和诗意。
perspectives. the endless self-reflection of Thomas Mann. I’m writing to
说出来的话就是不一样。而且你在你的作品里面是没有办法撒 For me, a work starts with a single sentiment that tell you about an event, a behavior, a person or a dialogue,
cannot be articulated. You need to try your best to de- not the various thoughts tangling in my head. Mann’s way
谎的。 班宇，1986 年生，小说作者，沈阳人。曾用笔名坦克手贝吉塔。
scribe it clearly through the form of the novel, rather than of writing is in fact very difficult to pull off, and most con-
赵 ：读你的小说时会有一种屏幕阅读的错觉，大量的对话 已出版小说集《冬泳》《逍遥游》。 temporary Chinese writers cannot reach his level of re-
simply generalizing it into words like “sorrow” and “pain”,
和短句，让人觉得像是浏览瀑布流，读起来有一种速度感。 or “joy” and “pleasure”. A person can be happy and at the flection or speculation in my opinion. So it’s better for me
班 ：我的短句和所有的叙述方式都是向外的。而不是像比 赵梦莎，1987 年生。编辑，艺术写作者，abC 艺术书展联 same time vexed. never to start doing so. Efficient communication cannot
be achieved by any deliberate narrative strategy; instead,
如说托马斯·曼那种无尽的自我反思那种哲理性质的。我是告 合发起人。
诉你这个事件、这个行动、这个人、这个话语是怎么样的，而 You may have a lot of inexplicable there must be slippages and
不是我在内心的纠结探讨。其实托马斯·曼那种写作是非常难
的，而且中国的绝大多数作者在反思或者说思辨阶段没有办法
emotions in northeast China, and room for poetry in the language.
达到那样的高度。写出来你都会觉得特别幼稚，所以对我来说 the dichotomy between a per-
TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY ADRIAN DOO
还不如不写。
son’s happiness and unhappiness
Ban Yu, born 1986 in Shenyang, is a fiction writer, and author
or between right and wrong does of Winter Swimming (2018) and Wandering at Ease (2020).

not hold here. I believe that Zhao Mengsha, born 1987, is an editor, art writer, and co-
all novels and artworks need to, founder of abC Art Book Fair.
 IN SEARCH OF
A TIBETAN
MODERNITY:
西藏现代性的追寻 ：
ON GONKAR 1

GYATSO’S 67

贡嘎嘉措的艺术探索
ARTISTIC
EXPLORATION 2

1-4. 贡嘎嘉措，“我的身份”系列之 1-4，2003 年

5. 贡嘎嘉措，《我的身份 -5》 ，2014 年

CHEN NAIHUA
摄影，每幅 56.6 × 70.6 厘米

陈乃华 1-4. Gonkar Gyatso, My Identity #1-4, 2003

5. Gonkar Gyatso, My Identity #5, 2014
C-print, 56.6 x 70.6 cm each
“游学”与“游艺”：更敦群培的追随者
地处“文明过渡”的安多地区，在华夏文明 / 藏传佛教文
明 / 伊斯兰文明的接壤地带，有着长时段的“跨文明互动”的
经历，这里才人辈出，不乏作为“文化英雄”的挑战者，使得
安多地区可以称为“知识分子的故乡”。
出 身 安 多 的 更 敦 群 培 (Dge-vdun-chos-vphel,
1903-1951)，被认为是西藏近代第一个知识分子，西藏第一
位的现代主义者。他善于在两条道路上并进，并与他的生命相
始终。他是永恒的反对者，才华横溢而放荡不羁的喇嘛，作为
社会叛逆者的知识分子与艺术家。在更敦群培的《智游列国漫
记》开篇中，叙述了自身移动的历程。
作为旅行者的知识分子，更敦群培“像疯子一样四处游历”，
在游学与游艺的经历中，开始了人本主义的思考。更敦群培曾
旅居印度 12 年，主要活动在大吉岭与嘎伦堡地区，并在此学
习梵文、英文等，有一段时间被摩诃菩提学会派往锡兰学习巴
利文，其著述丰富多元，对西藏传统的知识论提出新的见解。
在印度期间，更敦群培的许多作品发表在《明镜》杂志上，包
括《旅居印度的反思》，并出版了《印度诸圣地朝圣指南》与
《智游佛国漫记》。《明镜》是第一份现代藏文传媒，许多西藏
僧侣与贵族也都阅读的报纸，具有重要影响力。也在这个平台
上，更敦群培展现了他的批评与观点，如佛教经书中对历史与
地理的认识。
“安多托钵僧”更敦群培，身处于西藏新旧变革之际，面
对时代的巨大转型，他仍秉持着知识分子的关怀，采取积极的
参与态度，这种自由的精神刺激了整个西藏社会。而更敦群培
所带给人未尽的思考与困惑，在这个时代，仍存在我们当前的
现实里。
68
从更敦群培的经历上， 可以得知， 在
西藏文明当中， 藏人知识分子是能通晓
“他者智慧”， 通过“游”而适切地掌握
多种语言与社会，做出“文化翻译”，以“游
学”与“游艺”的方式， 行走于不同文化
的“中间者”， 鼓励人们对知识的建立，
是需要以行走、 移动去实践。
这种对“移动行走”的探寻精神，如何影响后续的西藏知识
界？作为知识分子的艺术创作者，又如何在其生命历程中体现？
“我的身份”：自我特性的探索
贡嘎嘉措的系列作品“我的身份”有四幅画作，刚好应对
自己在拉萨、北京、达兰萨拉、伦敦等地的移动经历，也分别
对应 1959 年之前（这段历史时期其实他并没有经历过）、文
化大革命时期、九十年代初出走印度、九十年代末到达欧洲的
生命节点。
这个系列的创作灵感来自于一位美国摄影师在上世纪
三四十年代拍摄的十三世达赖喇嘛宫廷画师的照片 ：画面中能
The exploration of “My Identity” and “Self-Identity”
Gonkar Gyatso’s series of work “My Identity” com-
prises four paintings, each a response to his experience
of living in Lhasa, Beijing, Dharamsala, and London re-
spectively, and corresponding to periods of his life that
date respectively to the period immediately before his
birth, the Cultural Revolution, his departure to India during
the early 1990s, and his arrival to Europe during the late
1990s.
The inspiration for this series came from a photo-
graph taken by an American photographer during the
1930s of the 13th Dalai Lama’s painter. In the image, the
painter is seated upright, on the ground, in front of a
THANGKA painting of Sakyamuni. The photograph was
printed on the cover of a book on Thangka painting tech-
niques. Gyatso saw the work in Dharamsala, India in 1992
and developed an intuitive emotional connection with it.
Although it did not spark the creation of any work at the
time, it fueled a fire that would break out at a later stage.
In philosopher Charles Taylor’s proposed concept of
“multiple modernities,” pluralism is used to discuss and
explain “The Malaise of Modernity” (as his 1991 book is ti-
tled) and the scissoring of the so-called “Great Chain of
Being” by individualism and instrumental reason. In this
conception of modernity, man is no longer a social being,
but rather a single, atomized individual.
When the concept of the “nation-
state” comes to mean the cur-
rent, uniform integration of poli-
tics and history, how should the
“nation-state-building” of modern
China accommodate the ethnic
“other”? How do Tibetans, for
example, resolve competing con-
cepts of religion and history?
And how can a new generation of
Tibetans pursue self-exploration
and identity?
Within the social atmosphere of Tibet prior to the
1980s, Gyatso did not have much of a concept of a
“self-identity.” He grew up in Lhasa and received the con-
ventional Cultural Revolution education of the time. His
father was a Tibetan from the Amdo region of Qinghai
Province and entered Tibet with the People’s Liberation
Army. His mother came from Maizhokunggar County near
Lhasa and worked as a nanny for wealthy families. Nei-
ther were traditional Lhasa locals. Ethnicity and religion
remained vague and unfamiliar terms to them throughout
their early education. When Gyatso first arrived to study
in mainland China during the 1980s, he experienced an
enormous shock. Society regarded his campus at Minzu
University of China (then called Central University of
看到那位端坐在地上的画师和他所描绘的释迦摩尼唐卡。这张
照片当时被印在一本关于唐卡画技法的书籍封面上。 1992 年
贡嘎嘉措在印度达兰萨拉见到它，产生了一种直觉上的情感联
系，当时虽然还未形成创作的触发，但已有初步的薪火。
查尔斯 . 泰勒 (Charles Taylor) 曾提出“多重现代性”
的概念。他使用一个复数名词来讨论和表达“现代性之隐忧”
(The Malaise of Modernity) ：所谓“伟大存在之链”被
个人主义、工具理性所割裂。人不再是一个社会性的个人，而
是单一和原子化的个体。
“知识分子”与现代性的关系紧密，在面对“现代性”追
寻的过程中，藏人如何回应宗教与历史上的观念？当“民族国
家”成为当前整合政治与历史的观念，甚至是公共生活的唯一
构成概念时，现代中国的“民族国族建构”，应该如何容纳族
裔上的“他者”？新一代藏人对于自我探索与身份认同的追寻
又可以怎么展开？
西 藏 当 代 艺 术 与 思 潮 于 何 时 发 生？ 劳 森 伯 格 (Robert
Rauschenberg ,1925-2008) 在上世纪 80 年代的中国之
行，与 1985 年对西藏高原的造访，这些影像如何形成《中国
夏宫》(Chinese Summerhall)，并与“85 新潮美术运动”
相遇？ 80 年代开始大量涌入西藏的内地创作者，他们都是为
了什么而去？他们大量留下的西藏题材作品以及其中意象何
在？哪些团体或人物是西藏当代艺术发生的关键？从北京来到
拉萨，并以厚重的油画呈现“西藏印象”的陈丹青，旅藏画家韩
书力，与来自拉萨，赴北京学习中国山水文人画的贡嘎嘉措，他
们彼此的身份与画作，可以构成怎么样的对位关系？
上世纪 80 年代之前，就当时西藏社会氛围而言，贡嘎嘉
措对“自我特性”没有太多的概念 ：他在拉萨长大，受的是正
统的革命化教育。父亲是青海安多地区藏人，随解放军进入西
藏。母亲则来自临近拉萨的墨竹工卡地区，过去给大户人家做
保姆。他们都不是传统的拉萨当地人。他们从小的教育环境里
没有民族性、宗教性这些陌生而模糊的词汇。 80 年代，贡嘎
嘉措第一次到内地学习，感受到巨大的冲击——这也是北京中
央民族学院的环境让他被迫意识到的 ：当时的民院在社会观感
里很奇怪、很特异，甚至有“第二动物园”的称号。这些慢慢
地让他意识到自己的特殊性与存在。那个时候文革刚结束，所
有人都亟欲从外界吸取文化、经济的各种“新思维”。贡嘎嘉
措在吸收西方当代艺术知识的同时，强调“自我特性”的概念
深深地影响了他，寻找“自我认同”成了他迫切的想法和渴望。
但他随即又陷入了困惑 ：他发现那时的教育里没有太多有关民
族理论的研究方法，很难读到对藏族历史文化的叙述。他对“自
己是什么”的认识并不多，就像一个孩子不知道谁是自己父母
般的迷茫。
从中央民族学院毕业后，他回到西藏大学艺术系任教，但
没想到一回到拉萨就面临着更大的刺激 ：
整个西藏一下子变了。 80 年代的宗教
开放政策让寺院逐渐恢复， 老奶奶们开
始念经烧香。 在贡嘎嘉措的眼里， 这简
Nationalities) as a peculiar place, it was known to many
as the “second zoo.” He slowly became aware of his own
particular nature and existence. China’s Cultural Revo-
lution had just ended and people were eager to absorb
cultural and economic “new thought” from the outside
world. As Gyatso learned about contemporary western
art, the concept of “self-identity” deeply affected him,
and he developed an urgent need to seek out his own.
But this process was not straightforward. He realized his
education at that time barely covered research methods
through which to consider theories of ethnicity, and it was
incredibly difficult to research anything related to Tibetan
history and culture. He knew little of “what he was,” and
found himself disconnected, like an orphan.
After he graduated from Minzu University of China
he returned to Tibet University to teach in the art depart-
ment. Upon returning to Lhasa, he had to confront an
even greater provocation: Tibet had entirely changed.
Monasteries were gradually recovering following the re-
form policies of the 1980s, and grandmothers had begun
to recite Buddhist sutras and burn incense once more.
In Gyatso’s eyes, it looked like a scene from
a film. He felt an acute displacement there
with regard to what confronted him in reality,
scene, or mandala. Earliest surviving thangkas on
silk appliqué, usually depicting a Buddhist deity,
Thangka is a Tibetan Buddhist painting on cotton,
THANGKA
and everything he had studied, and every life
drawing he had created. In Beijing, he had
studied the elegance of distant landscapes
and the meticulous brushwork of flowers and
plants in Chinese painting, those notions of a
kind of southern interior landscape were in-
compatible with the heavy Tibetan terrain he
saw before him.
In 1992 as Gyatso turned thirty, he sought
69 a way out and decided to leave for Dharam-
sala in India. He thought the Tibetans living
abroad and those with the Dalai Lama might
hold a wisdom that might help resolve his
problems.
the form.
Most of the artists were monks in the early history of
cloth from Tibet date back to the 11th century.
Dharamsala is a small place situated
among the mountains of Utter Pradesh. The
terrain is connected to Tibet and the environ-
ment is much like Lhasa. It is peaceful and
serene. In the refugee settlement, Gyatso
saw the Dalai Lama and the many Tibetans
living abroad. Seeing a group of his own com-
patriots abroad gave him a sense of warmth
and familiarity, and although he took little
time to reflect on the decision, he decided to
stay. Life there had many material hardships,
but spiritually, it felt rich, and abundant.
Every day there was something new to learn:
learning to participate in monastery ceremo-
nies and recite Sutras, listening to Tibetans
from different regions share their experiences, and taking
courses on Tibetan culture, religion, Tibetan and English.
Living in Tibet, Gyatso had practically no contact with
the monks, but in India, monks provided him with a great
deal of wisdom and instruction. In spite of all this, some
of the Buddhist texts were nevertheless strange and diffi-
cult for him to understand. He still could not reconcile the
meaning of “Pure Tibetan.”
Gyatso tried to speak with purely Tibetan vocabulary
and behave in a manner fitting to a pure Tibetan, but when
he spoke, he would mix in Mandarin Chinese. At the time,

直就像只出现在电影里的画面。 同时，
他还面对所学专业和写生创作上的错位 ：
在北京他学的是中国画淡雅悠远的山水与
工笔花草， 这种内地南方的风景与眼前
西藏厚重的地貌格格不入。
1992 年，贡嘎嘉措三十岁时，决意前往印度达兰萨拉，
尝试寻找出口。他那时觉得在海外的藏族或者达赖喇嘛那里或
许有解决这些问题的智慧。达兰萨拉是一个座落在印度北方邦
山区的小地方，地势与西藏相连，环境也与拉萨接近。那里安
宁、平静。贡嘎嘉措在难民营里见到了达赖喇嘛和许多的海外
藏人。当时的他来不及思考，只觉得在国外看见一群自己的同
胞，有亲切温暖的感觉，决定在那待下去。那里的物质生活艰
辛，但是在精神上似乎富足充裕：每天有很多新的事务要学习，
比如参与寺院的仪式和讲经，听来自不同区域的藏人分享其经
历，学习西藏文化、上宗教课，学习英语和藏学课程。贡嘎嘉
措在西藏生活的经验中几乎没有接触僧人，而在印度，僧人师
父们给了他很多的智慧与教导。尽管如此，有些佛学经文对他
而言，还是太过陌生，难以理解。这个时候的他还有一个很极
端的想法没有相通 ：什么是所谓的“纯正藏人”。
贡嘎嘉措讲藏语时加杂汉语，他便尝试着去说完全纯正的
藏语词汇，举止还要像一个纯正的藏族。当时他周围有一群比
较激进的年轻人每天穿藏装，甚至不抽一般的卷烟，只抽传统
的大烟，只愿意席地坐在羊毛编织的普氇上，颇有点嬉皮士的
味道。这些事情做起来并不容易坚持，也流于表面化。与此同时，
贡嘎嘉措不断地发现自己的汉族成份似乎很多 ：喜好川菜的口
70
味，他的思维方式甚至绘画方式，都与汉文化脱不了关系……
愈想革除又愈发根深蒂固，再加上来到印度之后所学的关于西
藏的新知识，这反倒让他觉得自己有些不伦不类。原本待在拉
萨很安心，来到印度后却成了“中国统治下的西藏人”，被另
眼相看 ；贡嘎嘉措在北京求学的四年和回到拉萨教课的几年里
都是使用汉语，来到印度则显得藏语不流利，一切都要重新开
始……在这段漫长的时间里，似乎越是寻找纯正感越远，他仍
然陷入迷茫之中。在当时流亡政府的政治宣传里有对汉族的仇
视，如果一个藏人在难民营的集体生活中露出了被汉人的影响
和特质，就会被其他人的严厉指出——可身体里那么多的汉族
成份，他自己很难不承认。 1993 年底，在这种尴尬的处境下，
他在心中默默画下一张草图，自己一半是汉族，一半是藏族。
此后，面对自己所“描绘的草图”，他甚至感到害怕 ：他在情
感上难以接受自己其实拥有很多汉族的情感。真正寻找的东西
似乎正在离他远去。贡嘎嘉措又决定离开。
1998 年，他到达伦敦，开始学习英语，学习西方的思维
方式，学习当代艺术。贡嘎嘉措意识到追求“藏性”的思考与
呈现让人不安。一方面，中国政府搭建了个民族展演的舞台在
国内不断生产关于“西藏意象”的创作 ；另一方面，西方世界
又在民族国家的概念框架下，造就了藏人流亡政府的处境。
2003 年后，他觉得嘲讽自己的不伦不类似乎有点意思，可以
呈现这种边缘人的感受。于是，就在人生的中场之年，创作了
“我
a more radical group of young people lived there: they
wore traditional Tibetan clothes every day; only smoked
traditional opium; and only sat on traditionally woven wool
textiles. The place had a hippie feel. And although these
lifestyle choices required a certain dedication, they nev-
ertheless came across as superficial. Throughout his
time there, Gyatso continually discovered his many Han
Chinese tendencies and qualities—he liked the taste of
Sichuan food and his drawing style was filled with cultur-
ally Han connotations. Moreover, the more he attempted
to eliminate them, the more deep-rooted he found them
to be. In the midst of learning so much new information
about Tibet, he could not help but feel he was somehow
out of place. He originally felt at ease in Lhasa, but when
he arrived in India, he became a “Tibetan under Chinese
rule” and saw himself in a new light. Gyatso spoke Man-
darin Chinese throughout his four years of study in Bei-
jing and for the few years he taught in Lhasa. When he
arrived in India, he was not fluent in Tibetan and had to
start anew. During this long period of his life, the more he
sought purity the more distant it became, and he again 3
fell into a state of confusion. The information distributed
by the Tibetan Government-in-exile promoted a hateful
view of Han Chinese. If a Tibetan in the refugee settlement
revealed any Han influence or characteristic in their daily
life, they were harshly admonished. Gyatso, however, was
hard-pressed to deny the many Han qualities within him-
self. In late 1993, entrenched in this unsettling situation,
Gyatso quietly drew a rough sketch in his mind with one
half of himself as Han Chinese and the other half as Ti-
betan. When he later confronted his “drawn sketch,” he
feared the number of Han qualities that actually resided
within him. What he truly sought kept moving farther away.
Gyatso decided to leave.
In 1998, he arrived in London and studied English,
Western thought, and contemporary art. Gyatso real-
71
ized that his reflections and explorations on his pursuit of
“Tibetan-ness” made others uneasy.
On the one hand, the Chinese
government had built a national 4
stage to disseminate manufac-
tured “Tibetan imagery” across
China; on the other hand, the
Western world had placed the
Tibetan Government-in-exile
within the conceptual framework
of a nation-state. Then, in 2003,
the idea of playing with his own
displacement began to seem
more interesting to him, as a
means of conveying the margin- 5
alized experience of others.
的身份”系列作品，作为对自己此前寻找自我特性历程的人生
总结，也是他思考的分水岭。在完成了这件作品后，贡嘎嘉措
感到轻松和解脱，如同一次重生。
“无我”到“自我”——“神本主义”到“人本主义”
在西藏的传统艺术中，有着“无我”的创作观念，贡嘎嘉
措谈到 ：
“在’去除我执’的佛教哲学下，社会并不强调’我’的
观念，所以传统画师只能隐身在唐卡背后，将自我牺牲，
也不会签上自己的名字。传统画师把自己退到第二位，首
要完成的是宗教的责任。他们把已经定下来的规章尺寸做
到尽善尽美。唯一可自由发挥的地方只有背景，比如佛像
两侧的天空。而对当代艺术家而言，首要的是’创作’，
是对自我的探寻。这是从西方过来的观念，从启蒙运动开
始也走到了一个极端点。对于西藏而言，’自我’是种新
的概念，在 20 世纪初智者更敦群培的思考和创作之前更
是完全陌生。而以更敦群培作为参考的 1970 年代出生的
艺术家们，他们的实践虽然做得更充分，但到现在为止也
还不到一百年的时间。可能西藏的大部分艺术家尚未吃透
什么是自我——更何况，我到现在还不确定这种’自我的
追寻’，对于西藏而言到是好事还是坏事？毕竟所有新的
尝试，无论是在作品中进行自我表现，抑或是感情抒发的
技巧，都还需要文化土壤的支持，那是与文化习惯、社会
观念紧紧扣在一起的。 ”
过去的等级社会不依赖认同，人的存在是由与社会地位相
连接的社会生活来决定的 ；启蒙运动之后，个人主义的出现，
形成了对于“本真”理想的追求 ：当道德被阐释为来自个人内
在情感时，情感便开始具有了个人独立的、具决定性的道德意
义，而不是隐没在上帝或善的宗教概念中。卢梭主张用一种寓
自由于平等的理念，以对抗过去的等级制和以依附他人为特征
的社会，进而强调个人的认同。认同在现代社会之所以重要，
正是因为作为荣誉基础的等级制度已然崩溃，与民族、个人观
念连结的“尊严”概念凸显。查尔斯·泰勒在《自我的根源 ：
现代认同的形成》(Sources of the Self: the Making of
Modern Identity) 一书中指出，从十八世纪末以来，一种关
于个人认同的崭新理解产生了，而个人认同的观念和“文化多
元主义”政治也一起产生。现代的认同观念在发展过程中还产
生了差异政治。
在中国近当代的历史进程中， 每个民族、
每个地域都接触到了多元丰富的思潮影
响。 藏人对于“现代性”的判断是多元的：
一重来自外部力量的影响， 一重则是源
于西藏社会内部的动力。 在当代西藏艺
术创作的语境中， 衍生出的表现个体主
义的自由行为和主体性思考， 让艺术家
的作品有了从“无我”到“自我”、“神
本主义”到“人本主义”的转换过程。
上个世纪的一百年是西藏经历剧烈转折的阶段，对传统唐
卡和西藏艺术之间关系的叙述，既是历史的，也是当下的 ：不
论是从传统西藏艺术以谦卑的态度承接佛理的神圣，还是当代
艺术以复杂的拼贴与令人玩味的符号象征进行无声的幽默与直
视，可以说，西藏所生发出的艺术是一个错综复杂的集合体，
如同一座“储存器”。而那些处于夹缝中的人，他们来自传统
的训练又不安于此，碰碰撞撞地走向未知的寻觅道路。
“这个创作历程，我走了足足十年。”贡嘎嘉措的“我的身
份”发表于 2000 年，正值他 40 岁时。他从西藏“甜茶馆画
派”时期的尝试，到印度后的学习和探索，虽然贡嘎有表达“自
我特性”的欲望，却迟迟找不到艺术的表现手法，是到英国伦
敦后，才建立了具体的艺术语言。贡嘎嘉措完成了这个系列的
观念摄影后，他继续将西藏传统绘画与西方的波普艺术有机地
结合在一起，展示了当代文明的多样性、矛盾性，但同时又和
谐共存的特性。
在佛教“无我观念”下的社会，如何对“自我”展开探索，
这样的探索又将把这个时代领向何方？通过贡嘎嘉措的生命故
事，可以提供我们一些启示，“自我特性”本身，在艺术家的
艺术历程中，即是个矛盾的主题。所谓“西藏当代艺术”与其
它当代艺术的差别，也许就在那闪避于画面背后细微隐没的身
影之中，在并非完全呈现自我的“作者观”和残存的“无我”
72 观念之中，如同“神性与自我”间，永不停歇的对话与探索。
陈乃华，生于 1979 年，台北人，北京大学社会学人类学研究
所博士，复旦大学社会科学高等研究院博士后，青海民族大学
民族学与社会学院副教授，现为中央研究院史语所访问学者，
主要研究兴趣为藏学人类学，艺术人类学，著有《无名的造神
者 ：热贡唐卡艺人研究》，北京世界图书出版社，2013 年。
He thus created his mid-career series “My Identity,”
a summary of his life-to-date and search for his own iden- The Tibetan determination of
tity. It was a watershed moment for him. After he com-
pleted the series, Gyatso felt a gentle reconciliation with
“modernity” is multi-variant:
his displacement, as if being born anew. it is both heavily influenced by
“Non-Self” to “Self”: “Spiritualism” to “Humanism”
In traditional Tibetan art, there is a creative concept
external forces and originates
termed “non-self.” Gyatso explains: with the interior force of Tibetan
“Within the Buddhist philosophy of ‘removing ego,’ society. In the context of contem-
society de-emphasizes the concept of ‘I’, so tradi-
tional painters can only hide behind Thangkas, and porary Tibetan art production,
sacrifice themselves to never sign their own name.
Traditional painters place themselves second, it is
subjective thought gave rise to
their responsibility to place religion first. They have
perfected the prescribed size requirements and
the freedom to express individ-
the only place one can freely play with is the back- ualism. It allowed the artist to
ground—in the sky and in the space on either side
of the Buddha. For contemporary artists, the most shift from the “non-self” to the
important part of the ‘work’ is the exploration of self.
This notion came from the West and has reached its “self” and from “spiritualism” to
pinnacle since the Enlightenment. ‘Self’ is an entirely
new concept in Tibet, introduced only in the early
“individualism.”
twentieth-century by the Tibetan scholar Gendün
Chöphel. Though artists born in the 1970s fully refer- The last century was also a period of violent transi-
tion in Tibet. The narrative between traditional Thangka
ence Gendün Chöphel in their work, not even a cen-
tury has passed in which to reflect on his concepts. painting and Tibetan art is both historic and current.
Whether it comes from the humble approach of traditional
And arguably the majority of Tibetan artists have not
yet fully consumed the notion of “self.” As for myself, Tibetan art of carrying forward Buddhist sanctity, or from
the use of complex collage and evocative symbols that co-
I am still uncertain of this pursuit of “self.” Is it ulti-
alesce with direct and quiet humor, it can be said that the
mately a good or bad thing for Tibet? After all, every-
thing one tries to do needs cultural soil, whether it is art born in Tibet is a tangled and complicated bundle, much
like a “container.” And those between the cracks feeling
in expressing the self through artwork or restricted to
emotional expression in technical skills, it is all closely
linked to cultural customs and societal concepts.”
73 restless in their traditional training, bump and collide their
way forward to seek out pathways into the unknown.
In a society dedicated to the Buddhist concept of
“non-self”, how can one explore and pursue the “self,”
Past hierarchies of society did not recognize one’s
and where will such exploration lead? The distinction of
identity. Human existence was determined by one’s so-
cial position, connections, and status. The post-Enlight- “Tibetan Contemporary Art” may be in the subtle figure
evading the picture plane, with no clear emergence of
enment emergence of individualism formed “authenticity”
as the ideal. When interpreted as coming from an individ- the self from in between the concept of “creator” and the
remnants of “non-self.”
ual’s inner-most feelings, emotion takes on an indepen-
dent and decisive moral meaning, rather than vanishing
into religious concepts of God or goodness. Jean- TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY JOY BLOSER
Jacques Rousseau advocated for freedom-in-equality,
arguing against past hierarchical systems and a society Chen Naihua, a native of Taipei, is an associate professor
dependent on others. He championed the individual and at Qinghai University for Nationalities, and currently a
one’s own identity. Identity in modern society is important visiting scholar at the Institute of History and Philology,
Academia Sinica, Taiwan. She is the author of The Anon-
precisely because hierarchy and its foundation of honor
have since crumbled. “Dignity” has thus emerged as the ymous: Regong Thangka Painters Research (Chinese Edi-
clear link between nationalism and individualism. tion, 2013).
In his book Sources of Self: The Making of Modern
Identity, Charles Taylor describes how a new under-
standing of personal identity and the individual emerged
at the end of the eighteenth century, and with it, came the
concept of identity and the politics of “multiculturalism.”
Multiple politics developed alongside this modern con-
cept of identity.
Over the course of China’s recent history, every eth-
nicity and every region has been influenced by the tides of
multiculturalism.
LOCAL
地 方 现 实？
REALITIES?
谁 的 , 怎 样 的？ 十达在升级过的唐卡教室，兰州，2019 年

generally considered much less developed than

Northwest is one of the six regions of China and is
NORTHWEST
Shida in his newly upgraded classroom, Lanzhou, 2019.

74 在兰州最大的艺术高考培训学校的一间教室里，我见到了十达。
在这个拥有 700 多名学生的考前培训学校里，他的班有
75 In a classroom inside the largest art-college
Entrance-exam school in Lanzhou, I met Shida
for the first time.
点特殊 ：课上教的不是素描色彩，而是唐卡。就在几年前，西
In this preparatory school, attended by
北的一些大学陆陆续续开设了唐卡本科专业，而十达的这个唐

naming themselves after a city or a province.

十达的唐卡高考集训班，兰州，2017 年
Shida’s Thangka class, Lanzhou, 2017
tend to call themselves northwesterners rather than
the eastern coastal areas. People from the region
some 700 students, his class is an exception:
卡高考集训班就是为此量身定做的。在他略带无政府主义气质 what he teaches isn’t sketching and colors,
的教室里，我们快速地认识了一下，加了微信。没想到，后来 but Thangka. Just a few years ago, colleges
in NORTHWEST China began to develop a
他成了和我来往最多的西北人。 Thangka major as part of their undergraduate
十达来自甘肃农村，自小随做五金生意的父母挪到了城里。 programs, and Shida’s Thangka prep-class
教学岗位上的他，对同事慷慨，对学生亦师亦友，尽职靠谱 ； was tailored to prospective students. In his
classroom—faintly tinged with an atmosphere
生活中的他有点实用主义，但是厌恶官僚、愤世嫉俗，不人云
of anarchy—we quickly made each other’s ac-
亦云。他和唐卡结缘的过程，在他的叙述里并没有那么神秘 ： quaintance, then added WeChats. At that point,
他从一所普通师范大学毕业后，依然感到迷茫 ；于是带着父母 I didn’t expect that he would eventually be-
的一点点资助，跑去青海拜师学唐卡。我总觉得一个汉族大学 come the northwesterner I would interact with
the most.
生做这样的决定，应该是因为对唐卡或者宗教有特殊感情的。
Shida is from rural Gansu. At the age of
谁知他很快就否定了我的猜测，毫不含糊地说了他的观点 ：第 five, he moved to the city with his parents, who
一，他不信宗教；第二，少数民族地区应该更大幅度的现代化。 run a hardware shop. As a teaching professional, he is
此外，他还有其他一些颇为武断的日常言辞 ：比如，“西藏没 generous to his coworkers, sincere and attentive to his
students. He is mostly a pragmatist, though he hates bu-
有什么值得去的”，“国家政策过于优待本地回族”，“街上的小 reaucracy and herd thinking—he is a cynic. The way he
贩必须要管”等——经常让我一时语塞。 tells it, the story of how he came to practice and teach
所以，当他说他要写他的唐卡师兄时，我竟有点不知道应 Thangka is hardly a mystery: after graduating from an or-
dinary teacher’s college, he still felt lost; so, with a bit of
该期待点什么。
financial support from his parents, he went to Qinghai to
不过，当我读完文章，却有出乎意料之感，好像接触到他 apprentice with a Thangka master. I thought that a Han

静远 JING YUAN
的另一面。在这篇名为《我师兄英念嘉措》的文章里，他说的 student making a decision like this must have some kind
可不是那些他宣称的观点，而是他和一位藏族师兄之间的情谊。 of special affinity for Thangka or religion. But he quickly
 76 77

十达在 2018 年上海双年展中黄静远的项目《遍插茱萸少一人》里呈现的部分

Shida’s section in“The Right to Write”presented at the 12th Shanghai
Biennale, 2018.
 “2012 年冬天，我在一个朋友的引介下到青海省互 denied my assumptions, and unequivocally listed his

participants, who generally start as strangers, to write to each other and

Yamin as a co-organizer. One of its basic working methods is to invite
initiated in 2017, later joined by Nanjing-based curator and artist Wang
2.“Writing · Mothers”is an ongoing collaborative-writing project that I
1. The term refers to an area dense with ethnic minority populations.
助县拜师学唐卡。嘉措是我要拜的那个师傅的第一个 beliefs: first, he doesn’t trust religion; second, ethnic
minority regions 1 should be further modernized. In
徒弟，也是技巧最好的一个。我那时住在师傅家学画， daily life, in our WeChat group exchanges, he also
而他也因为订单的原因时常过来。渐渐的，我在师傅 made dogmatic comments such as, “Tibet doesn’t
家就很期待他来。 have much to see,” or “the nation’s policies treat
local Muslims too well,” or “these street vendors need
从后来聊天的言语中，我隐约觉得他可能小时出
to be reined in,” all of which often left me speechless.
过家。不过他不说，我也没问。我只知道他小时父母 So when he told me that his writing contribution
离异，且各自离乡出走，一定程度上算是把他抛弃了 to my “Writing • Mothers” 2 project would be about
吧。之后他名义上是过继给了姨妈家，实际上则是由 Gyatso, a senior apprentice to Shida, I wasn’t exactly
sure what to expect.
外公、外婆养大。小学没毕业，就跟着我拜的那个唐
But when I finished reading his essay, I had the
卡师傅在周围县市边跑边学。 sense of seeing an entirely different side of him. In the
其实早在见到他本人之前，引介的那位朋友就和 essay, titled “My Thangka Brother Gyatso”3, he men-
我说，我与嘉措一定会有很多共同语言。理由是我们 tions nothing along the lines of the statements he had
made to me, but rather concentrates on the friendship
都爱看书、看外国电影、听外国歌。确实，我们至今 between him and Gyatso. Here are some excerpts:
每次见面都会聊到电影。有一次他给我介绍《西西里
的美丽传说》，说他 17 岁时第一次看，给他的心理冲 “In the winter of 2012 I went to Huzhu county in
Qinghai province to begin studying Thangka with
击很大。而他同龄的朋友应该是不爱看这类偏文艺的
a master who had been recommended to me by
电影的（说“不爱”是指大家开始时候当作色情片找 a friend. Gyatso was my master’s first, and most

Shida has participated in the third installment.

narrative-based and critically focused alternatives to political quietism.
standing situations, and responsible action, the project seeks to discover
Focusing on writing as a driver for the meeting of minds and lives, under-
to us, relating, for example, news about their daily lives and priorities.
来，结果看后大失所望）。联想到他只有小学文化， skilled apprentice. Tall and slim, with long hair,
且在偏远的山区成长，我当时很惊奇，佩服死了。我 he dressed neatly, spoke little, and was sure
of his ideas and dexterous in his work. There
青春期也干过这种事，找《情人》来看，结果被梁家
was something elusive about him, like a cool
辉的表演打动了。 older brother. I was living in my master’s house
他刚学成出来那几年比较有钱，只给自己买了一 studying Thangka, and because of various com-
辆车，剩下就是玩和帮大家买单。 隐约记得 2012 年 missions, Gyatso would often come by. Over time
I found myself looking forward to his visits.
他与朋友承包了一个古建彩绘工程，里面的管理一 Later I began to get the impression from our
片混乱 ：几乎是只要有认识的朋友询问这里有没有工 conversations that he had left home to become

78 作，他就会答应下来。这样下来自然是入不敷出。这
两年眼看房价大涨，他不得不借钱买了一套。把外婆
a monk when he was younger, although he never
said this himself (and I never asked). All I know
is that when he was a child his parents divorced,
接到城里，与女朋友、合作画画的朋友一起住。这几 each leaving the village and to all intents and
年，周围的朋友也渐渐少了，似乎才长大了一样，各 purposes abandoning him there. After that he
奔前程。 was effectively adopted by his mother’s sister
and brought up by her parents. Without finishing
我 2014 年教他们打《英雄联盟》，结果一两个
elementary school, he went to apprentice with the
月后我是最菜的。最厉害的自然是嘉措，给我的感觉 Thangka master I would later apprentice under,
无论做什么他都是那一群人里最好的。那以后的两三 learning on the road between local county cities.
年里，他每天耗时最多的是打游戏，中午起床，吃点 Before I arrived in Huzhu, the friend who

translation for“my senior apprentice.”

lating the title of Shida’
roughly translated as“an elder brother”. Later in this essay, in trans-
der the same master. Its original Chinese text is Shixiong, which can be
3. Senior apprentice means a more advanced apprentice studying un-
had recommended me told me that Gyatso and
东西就画画，到下午四五点开始玩游戏到凌晨。别看 I would get along like a house on fire, as we both
就那点时间，他能画别人一天的量。有几次他跟我讲， liked reading, watching foreign films, and lis-
很后悔没接受更完整的教育。想学素描，但也没行动。 tening to foreign music. Sure enough, to this day,
every time we meet, we talk about film. One time
我去兰州工作以后，我们见得少了。这几年去了
he recommended that I watch the film Malèna
几次青海，基本就是为了看望他。今年去他家，他让 (2000), telling me it had had a big psychological

s essay, we adopt“My Thangka Brother”as the

我帮忙写个简历，说是要评县级工艺美术师——以前 impact on him the first time he had seen it, at
一起混过的朋友，有的都是省级工艺美术大师了。我 the age of 17. I can’t imagine that his peers at the
time would have thought much of “artsy” films
们以前在一起老吐槽社会和政策的滑稽，现在看看现
like this (which is to say that when they actually
实也挺尴尬的。” got round to watching what they originally took
to be an erotic film, they would have been sorely
如果我没有理解错的话，十达写的是一位他最认可、 disappointed). When I remembered that he had
only a primary school education and grew up in a
最亲近的人。那么，十达的日常言辞和他写的文字，哪个 distant mountain village, I was taken aback and
更加代表他的想法？或者说，这个矛盾有没有可能是他最 genuinely impressed. When I was young, I had
真实的在地现实？带着这样的疑问，我找了一个机会去了 done something similar: found L’amant(1992)
and watched it, only to be blown away by Tony
西宁，想实地见见嘉措，更深地了解十达的世界。
英念嘉措在自家画室中作画，青海互助县，2019 年 Leung’s performance.
Gyatso working on a painting in his home studio room, Huzhu, 2019.
 在英念嘉措在互助新买的寓所的客厅里，十达和他们一位共
同的友人聊天，2019 年
In the sitting room of Gyatso’s newly bought
apartment in Huzhu, Shida chats with one of their
mutual friends, 2019.
纪录片《社会契约 ：十达和他的四个城市》（2019）的截屏，
图中是英念嘉措的客房，也是他招待来访的唐卡学徒和友人
的地方
Screenshot from a 2019 documentary, Social
Contract: Shida and His Four Cities. This room,
markedly different from Gyatso’ s sitting room, is
his guest room, where he hosts fellow Thangka
apprentices and visiting friends, Huzhu, 2019.
80
在和他们的相处中，有两个细节是很值得玩味的。 A few years after finishing his training he became
一天，十达翻起嘉措书架上为数不多的书。其中有几本印 relatively well off, but aside from buying a car, he
spent it all on having fun and paying his friends’ bills.
制精美细腻的英文唐卡画册，分别由两个最权威的藏族文化研
In 2012, a few months before I met him, he and a friend
究和收藏机构出版。十达一面翻一面告诉我这些书现在在淘宝
took on a mural-painting contract for a classical
上的价格，同时不忘犀利地说 ：
“里面的画当时不是被卖出去 architecture project. From what I can tell, they didn’t
的，就是被文物贩子骗出去的”——一旁的嘉措神情显然更加 spend much time considering budget or process, and
the whole thing was an organizational mess. It sounds
凝重和迫切一点。他用青海话告诉我说这些画册里的画“都没
like he would give a job to anyone he knew who asked
有了，中国没有了，失传了”。换句话说，作为本民族的唐卡 for one and then frequently treat everyone involved
4. A multiplayer online video game popular globally
画师，他也不曾见过这些画的真迹。我问嘉措这样的书对他有 to a night out after work. Of course, this is no way to
make ends meet. In recent years, with the massive
帮助么？“有帮助！”，他非常肯定地告诉我。可是话未落音，
increase in house prices, he has had no choice but to
十达淡淡地加了一句话“其实无所谓失传，只是某种风格没有
borrow money to buy a house. In 2015 he brought his
流传下来。”这个思路很符合十达一贯的逻辑。他认为任何一 grandmother from the village to live with him, with his
个东西（包括艺术语言）没有流传下来是因为自然的优胜劣汰， girlfriend, and his painter friends in town. There aren’t
as many of his friends around now as there were then.
不足为奇。在这一幕里，十达一方面用社会达尔文主义观轻松
It seems that they too have finally decided it’s time to
地解释着他人文化里的失传 ；另一方面，在他提到文物被倒卖
grow up and go their own way.
的时候，又自然地把自己放到了“本地文化继承人”的身份里。 In 2014 I taught them all to play “League of
最有意思的是，他还同时很羡慕欧美文化机构的出版质量，欣 Legends”4, and within a month I was already the worst.
Naturally the best player was Gyatso. I’ve always had
赏这些书所代表着的一丝不苟的研究精神和保护工作。
the impression that he was the best at everything in
另一个有意思的细节是关于古唐卡仿制品的。嘉措和很多 that group of friends. For two or three years after that
唐卡画师一样可以自行决定订单大致的构图。但是在有些特殊 he spent most of his time playing computer games.
的单子里，他需要严格模仿一些古代唐卡的照片来画。在他们
两个你一言我一语的介绍下，我才了解到这样的画是有特殊用
途的 ：客户主要来自当前新建的藏族地区文化博物馆。这样的
机构需要几张古唐卡来给自己装点门面、树立威信。更重要的
是，他们需要用这样的藏品来申请政府文化补贴。这是一个无
伤大雅又有利可图的伪古画行业——倒画的人和地方文化官员
上下联手，各得其所。在讲述这样的现实时，十达和嘉措心态
非常一致 ：
一方面他们从来就没有把唐卡当作一个神
圣之地 ；另一方面， 他们把自己的“ 社
会角色” 也看得很清楚 ：他们明白在这
样的现实中， 老师和画师都是整个大的
生产链条里最低端的内容提供者。 宗教
和民族和艺术都很无力， 自己干好自己
那一份， 挣钱养家就可以。
也就在这样的时刻，十达和嘉措“一切不尽在不言中”。
如果没有实地的相处，以文化强弱的关系来看他们的互动
会是一个常见的路径。但是现在有了实地和文本双重参考以后，
我开始倾向用一种更加综合的方式来解释这些现实。嘉措是和
自己笔下的唐卡一起长大成人的，奶奶和师傅构成他的教育内
容和社会关系。而十达作为一个在师范学校里找不到什么思想
观念“出格”哥们的人，作为一个看不起公立学校的人，他也
是一个的文化和表达上的边缘人。在这样的背景下，嘉措以十
81
达为伴，“自我组织”出自己的“文化小圈子”，是一种自发的
远离藏文化本质主义的方式 ；而十达在他尊重的师兄这里，也
得到了一种自己和社会真诚相处的可能。不同的之处仅仅在于
后者借用了“汉文化中心主义”的口吻来弥补对“精彩”的渴
求。所以，他们可以饶有兴趣地一起听美国乡村歌曲，一起看
欧洲文艺片，在一个对他们都同等遥远的第三方那里找到成长
的味道。
艺术表达的身体经验让这两个理想者都似乎品尝过创造的
乐趣和意义，然而，他们又要到哪里去继续寻找这样的能力和
条件，来冲破那些早已在他们身上签下的“社会契约”呢？所
以，勉勉强强地在现代城市安居乐业之后，他们不强求别人也
不强求自己。在这个意义下，我才觉得可以开始谈藏族文化本
身自我叙述的可能性的问题。正如上述两处所展现的，早在很
久以前，藏族文化就已经是各种所谓“更高级文化”身上“最
恶”和“最善”的做法相互叠加的结果。今天我们想书写一幅
唐卡的历史，至少需要结合早期欧洲探险家的发现或者学者的
研究，并借助文化基金会的政策扶持、海外藏人的视角、汉族
文化 / 国家文化资本的流通平台、现代化教育和一位唐卡画师
的切身表达，才可能拼凑出一个基本的框架。所以，我认为十
达和嘉措更深的共情来自于他们文化上共同的无所适从和无处
安身 ：除去表面的民族不同，他们自我叙述的可能性都同样的
支离破碎。这种支离破碎这并不能孤立地归因于任何文化自身
He would get up at noon, eat a little breakfast and
then paint. At four or five in the afternoon he would
start playing computer games and keep playing until
the early hours of the morning. In those afternoon
hours he was able to paint as much as other people
do in a whole day. He has told me a couple of times
that he regrets not having received a more complete
education. He would like to study representational
drawing but has yet to do anything about it.
These last few years, when I have gone to Qinghai
it has usually been to see him. This year I went to
his house and he got me to help him write a resume
that he said he needed to apply for certification as a
county-level artisan. Meanwhile, some of the friends
he used to hang out with have gone on to become
high-flying artisans on the provincial level. We used
to enjoy making fun of the establishment and its ridic-
ulous practices, but now it seems to have become a
little too real.”
If I understood correctly, Shida was writing about
someone he respects and connects with to the highest
degree. In that case, did the comments he made in daily
life, or the words on the page, best express his thoughts?
Or was it possible that this contradiction was a true re-
flection of his local reality? Eventually I took a trip to Lan-
zhou and other northwestern cities with these questions
in mind—I wanted to meet Gyatso in person and gain a
deeper understanding of Shida’s world.
Looking back on the time I spent with them, there are
two scenes to which I kept returning.
One day Shida started flipping through the large
collection of books on Gyatso’s shelves. Among them
were several finely printed, meticulously wrought English
Thangka art catalogues, published by the two most
authoritative institutions that researched and collected
Tibetan cultural productions. While telling me their price
on Taobao, Shida added acerbically, “The paintings
inside this book could have been sold to western collec-
tors—or they could have been swindled.” Beside him,
Gyatso’s expression became markedly grave, unset-
tled. He used Qinghai dialect to tell me that the paint-
ings in these catalogues “were all gone. China doesn’t
have them anymore; the techniques were lost.” In other
words, even he, a local Thangka painter, had never seen
the authentic copies of the works illustrated in the cata-
logues. I asked Gyatso whether seeing such works would
be helpful to him. “Very helpful!” he said emphatically. But
no sooner had he finished speaking than Shida added,
“It doesn’t really matter whether they’re lost—that just
means certain styles haven’t been passed down.” It was
in line with his usual reasoning. He meant that the inability
to preserve anything (including artistic languages) was
a consequence of natural selection—nothing to make a
fuss about. It was an interesting scene, one where he used
Social Darwinism to casually explain the dying out of a
piece of foreign culture; all the while acting as a successor
to such culture when speaking of its artifacts’ being sold
by profiteers. Most interesting of all, he was very envious
of the quality of art catalogues made by the American and
European institutions, and the scholarly spirit and conser-
vator’s craft that went into publishing them.
Another interesting detail had to do with the imita-
tion of fifteenth-century Thangka. Like many Thangka
artists, Gyatso usually had great leeway in choosing a
规格问题，它更多是政治和文化上大一统的恶果。十达的表述
里多少继承了那些大一统话语，而且在实际层面这种想象出来
的话语合法性也并没有帮助他发展自我叙述的能力。通常，
在一线都市里， 那种“赢得叙述能力”
和“摆脱束缚” 的诉求是通过适当的文
青文化、 哲学小组或者是夜店文化来满
足的；在这则西北故事里， 又体现为“组
织入不敷出的古建彩绘团队”、“ 写县级
美术师简历”、“看西方经典电影” 等相
伴时光——
相比之下，我们其实谁也不比谁更知道应该怎么生活。
以上和嘉措的相处只是十达和周围的人相处的一个例子。
他还有很多朋友，其中和回民的关系、和汉族同事的关系也相
当精彩和复杂。作为一个经常穿梭在各级中学、各类寺庙、各
种民族、各个画师、各种利益之间的人，十达熟悉西北的各种
角落。他关注的议题很多，都来自每日接触到的一些现实问题。
在近距离的观察中，我发现“他观察到的现实”和“他得出的
结论”在他那里有一套自己的逻辑。比如，由于他接触到的少
数民族文化多是“商业逻辑生产出的少数民族文化”
，所以有
了他对民族文化不屑。比如，由于他看到精神空虚的都市精英
和底层盲从于伪善的仁波切，他对宗教心存反感。他看到“学
校里的穆斯林每天需要做五次礼拜”耽误上学，所以对这个区
域的现代教育缺失痛心疾首，从而认为“宗教干扰了教育”。
82
他难以指认真正的敌人：当地或者是整个教育体制的结构设置；
他只能寄情于经济发展。所以对我而言，更加关键的是理解他
眼中的“地方现实”和他的观点之间的关系，去观念的源头理
解其观点是如何形成的。在审视当下现实和其观点之间的关系
后，再去思考有什么新的沟通方法和理解方式。换句话说，去
理解、再现、参与他的心口不一，则是我的“地方现实”。
后来，我邀请十达参与了我的一些项目。比如，最近我就
在鼓励他写艺考行业里的各色人物，同时，我还想结合他的艺
术创作和人生轨迹来谈这个区域的民族交流。通过这样的互动，
我了解到了他更多的经历和想法，他也接触了不同的现实和其
他理解现实的工具。
每个人其实都可以去拥有自己的地方现
实， 这正是一个人的世界主义的真实落
脚之处。
在这个过程中，正如十达无法一蹴而就地从现实走向制度分析
一样，我也不能脱离十达去谈“地方现实”。从不充分和杂质
性里找嵌入性的描述的可能，分享每个“谁”的“战利品”，
这可能是以“地方现实”作为基础的工作的意义。
commissioned artwork’s composition. But for certain
commissions he was obliged to consult pictures of an-
cient Thangka and imitate their style. After listening to
Gyatso’s and Shida’s explanations, often completing each
other’s thoughts, I finally understood the particular pur-
pose of these artworks: final buyers were usually newly
built museums for Tibetan regional culture. These institu-
tions needed a few ancient Thangka to give themselves
a veneer of credibility, of prestige. More important, they
needed to collect such artwork to apply for “cultural”
funding from the government. It was a mostly harmless—
and quite profitable—counterfeit art industry. The sellers
of such goods worked with local cadres; each got a slice
of the pie. Describing this reality, Shida and Gyatso had
the same mentality.
Neither saw Thangka as a sacred
art, and both clearly understood
their given “social functions”; in
a nutshell, teachers and painting
instructors are the most low-end
roles on the production chain.
Religion, ethnicity, and art were
all useless;
what mattered was to do your job well and make enough
money to feed yourself and your family.
Moments like these, and their ensuing silence, said
everything.
In the absence of being there with these two people,
situated within their context, one might be tempted to
interpret their relationship as subject to their respective
cultures’ power differential. But the engagement with
local realities—and textual evidence—inspires me to use a
more holistic approach. Gyatso grew up painting Thangka;
his grandmother and his master were his school curric-
ulum, his social relations. Shida was someone who had
failed to find meaning in his teachers college, someone
who looked down on public schools, a “fringe member” in
his own circle of teachers. Gyatso saw Shida as his com-
panion, a spontaneous form of affiliation that serves as
an alternative to Tibetan cultural essentialism. Shida,
for his part, found the possibility to engage authentically
with society via Gyatso. The only difference was that the
latter borrowed the language of “Han chauvinism” to try
and satisfy his craving for an “interesting life.” This dif-
ference may look essential in the eyes of cultural critics,
but somehow in this case I prefer to focus on how each
became the anchor of the other for organizing his own
“cultural clique.” That is why a picture of them engrossed
in listening to American country music and watching
European art films is a harmonious one, a genuine search
for growth through distant third parties.
The limited, yet actual, experience of practicing art
seemed to allow these two dreamers to find a modicum
of excitement and meaning, but where would they look
for the ability and conditions needed to dissolve the “so-
cial contract” that was imposed upon them? The answer
is not so encouraging amid ubiquitous urbanization and
weak social welfare support. So after settling down and
purchasing apartments in the cities, they didn’t bother
to make further demands, not from the world or them-
selves. It is only in this sense that I think we can begin
to discuss the possibility of Tibetan culture’s authorship
of its own history. As the two previous examples show,
long ago Tibetan culture was the result of the enfolding
of the “basest” and “most virtuous” parts of other, “su-
perior” cultures. Today, if we want to map out the history
of Thangka, we must at least incorporate the discoveries
of early European explorers and exploiters, the research
of scholars; make use of aid provided by cultural founda-
tions, overseas Tibetans’ perspectives, platforms sup-
ported by or promoting Han/national cultural capital, as
well as the modernized education system; and last but
not least, consider the will of a Thangka painter. Only then
can we piece together a basic framework for authorship
and self-narration. To map out a person’s “feeling” is the
same. Feeling out of place and ill at ease, this is where
Shida and Gyatso’s deeper resonance comes from. For
me, apart from their apparent ethnic differences, the pos-
sibilities of their self-narration—culture’s authorship of
their own history—are equally fragmented and scattered.
Interestingly, this fragmentation laid out a strange place
for equality, as it cannot be altered solely based on the
strength of any single culture: both suffer as the patho-
logical result of political and cultural assimilation, and
unification. Shida’s narrative more or less reproduced
that discourse of assimilation, yet in a real sense, this
imaginary discursive legitimacy did not help him develop
the ability to tell his own story. In fact, these failures are
not exclusively tied to provincial conditions. In first-tier
cities, the need to “find one’s voice” and to “break free of
the system” is satisfied through leading a bohemian life-
style, signing up for a philosophy discussion group, or fre-
83
quenting a nightclub, for example.
In this story from northwest
China, however, it takes the
form of maintaining an “unprof-
itable ancient architecture mural
painting group,” “writing resumes
for county-level art teachers,”
and “watching classic western
movies for straight males.”
Comparatively speaking, when it comes to “how to live
life,” none of us actually knows more than the other.
Shida has many other friends, and his relation-
ships with Hui (known as Chinese Muslims) and with
other Tibetans are equally interesting and complex. As
someone who shuttles between different primary schools,
temples, ethnicities, painting teachers, and economic
interests, Shida is familiar with the northwest’s nooks and
crannies. He has wide interests, all rooted in issues he had
encountered during daily life. Over time I discovered that
for him “the reality he observed” and “the conclusions he
reached” have their own logic. For example, since many
of the minority cultures he encountered were subject to
the imperatives of commercial logic, he felt they were
beneath him. Or, for example, because he saw spiri-
tually bankrupt urban elites and lower-class Rinpoche
conforming to hypocritical pieties, he felt disgusted by
religion. When he saw that Muslim students had to pray
five times a day, delaying their studies, he felt a bitter
hatred towards the deficient modern education in the
region, concluding that “religion interferes with educa-
tion.” He has trouble pointing out the real enemy: the
structure of the local—or national—education system. The
direct result of this is that he would put all his hopes on
economic development.
What is more important to me, though, is to under-
stand the relationship between “local reality” as he sees it
and these beliefs of his, and to trace such beliefs to their
source, the better to understand their formation. After
examining the relationship between these current real-
ities and his beliefs, I find the need to invent new ways of
engagement. In other words, to understand, represent,
communicate, and make myself a part of the difference
between his words and deeds—these are my “local
realities.”
The initiation and development of the “Writing·
Mothers” project exposed me to the subject of local
realities. I got to know more strangers from different
demographic parts of China and beyond, both textu-
ally and physically, along with the creativity and lack of
choice (both to an unusual degree) in provincial settings
in China. I began designing social/art programs so I could
invite nonprofessional artists/amateurs to create work
and exhibit together, as a way of addressing the partic-
ular kinds of challenges I had encountered. In 2018 I
invited Shida to participate in “The Right to Write” project
at the 12th Shanghai Biennale. In 2019 he became the
protagonist of my new film, Social Contract: Shida and
His Four Cities. Recently I’ve been encouraging him to
write about people in the world of art-school entrance-
exam preparation; I’m also interested in combining his
artistic practice with his life’s path to discuss some of the
exchanges between different ethnic groups in this region.
Through interactions like these, I’ve understood more
of his experiences and opinions, and he has come into
contact with different realities as well as different tools for
understanding such realities. Just as Shida can’t get from
reality to system analysis in one leap, I can’t begin to talk
about “local reality” without Shida’s help.
I believe each person can have their own, local reality
that acts as a foothold for their cosmopolitanism. The ne-
cessity of working with one’s local reality is the necessity
of building a more transparent, accessible, and recipro-
cally generative distribution of knowledge and aesthetics.
The search for a ground-level, collaborative approach
that sees incompleteness and heterogeneity as its basis
has greatly enabled me, and I hope it may do the same for
others.
TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY HENRY ZHANG
静远，艺术家、写作者，1979 年生于广西，目前工作生活于
北京。
Jing Yuan, born 1979 in Guangxi, is an artist and writer
based in Beijing.
羽化登仙 THE BECOMING OF
FEATHERED BEINGS

84 85

童义欣 YI XIN TONG

 86 87

庐山动物园一九五三年筹建。 内饲珍禽异兽， 游客络绎不绝。

九十年代后衰落被废弃。 不久， 外来务工人员搬进笼子里安家，
改造空间以为居住。 二零一零年代， 这群人在笼子里住久了，
沾染上曾经在这里居住过的动物的习性甚至灵魂。 他们长出爪牙
和羽翼， 撕碎翻烂生活用品。 在他们完全变化成鸟兽的时候，
它们冲出牢笼， 羽化登仙。
The Mount Lu Zoo was built in 1953. It once
housed rare animals and was a popular
tourist destination. Following its decline in
the 1990s, the zoo was abandoned. Not long
after, migrant workers who couldn’t afford
housing moved into these cages and set up
their homes, naming their living cages the
“Immortal Caverns.” In the 2010s, they
gradually became infected with the instincts
and spirits of the animals that had previ-
ously occupied the cages. They started to
grow claws, fangs, and 88 wings, and tore up 89
their possessions. Eventually, when fully
transformed into birds and beasts, they
escaped from the cages and disappeared
into the mountains.
 FIELD SHIFT
对于许多艺术实践者而言，在今天思考地方远非 2000 年“全
球—本土”论述的狗尾续貂，而是基于近年来艺术论述重心的
激烈转变。对于今天的艺术家来说，真正具有普遍意义的事情
并非进入了最有通约效应的大型展览，也不是刻意地将自己地
方化。人们认识到，新的普遍知识架构并不只是在既有的传统
学科范畴之内找热点而已。特别是近年围绕着思辨实在论和人
For many of today’s art practitioners, thinking about
“locality” by no means implies a trite continuation of the
“global vs. local” debate from the beginning of the Mil-
lennium. Instead, it is a response to the significant turn in
discourses around art in recent years. For many artists,
large-scale exhibitions revolving around widely appli-
cable themes don’t provide any universal understanding,

田 野
漂 移
类世的讨论，频频在迫使艺术家要换一个视角工作。借用这些
认识方法，他们在最具体的田野情境中找到新的叙述方式。
台湾策展人徐文瑞近五年来的研究便是从生态和人类世的
议题着手，落实到近期的系列展览“本草城市”上。“本草城市”
一方面是形容台北的北投，徐长期居住的温泉乡，也是展览发
生之处，同时也是台北地区平埔族原住民的传统领域。他以此
yet deliberate self-provincialization is no solution either.
In particular, discussions on “speculative realism” and
the Anthropocene in the recent years have prompted
artists to adopt different perspectives to go about their
work. Aided by these new cognitive approaches, artists
and curators look for novel modes of narration within
highly specific, in-the-field contexts. Among these efforts,
“Herbal Urbanism” and “Grain God Narrative” are two

NOTES ON “HERBAL URBANISM” 展开地质学式的探讨，也进一步将词源与地质学的思考联系到

各种文化隐喻之上。毛晨雨是湖南出身的纪录片导演。他与周
projects that stand out for their long-term “field work.”
Taiwanese curator Manray Hsu’s research on ecology
and the Anthropocene for the past 5 years, has culmi-

AND “GRAIN GOD NARRATIVE” 净、芬雷共同策划的“谷神变”自 2016 年开始，便不断发起

各种对于地方多样性知识的“召集”，汇聚各种地方知识资源
和叙述框架。
“本草城市”与“谷神变”的项目笔记 以下文字由陈玺安整理自与徐文瑞和毛晨雨的访谈。
徐文瑞谈“ 本草城市”
“本草城市”以三场展览，每次与 1 到 3 位艺术家聚焦在
不同的主题，尝试将古老的、崭新的不同宇宙观带入知识研究
的范畴，艺术生产的讨论，以及生活实践之中。“本草城市”
的出发点是我们如何回应行星级的都市化。这指的是当代城市
被基础设施紧密结合到都市化的网络当中时，每个城市从城市
行销到一般日常生活的层面，都会被连接在一起。
用宇宙观的角度思考城市，其实是关注更远的生态历史。
这个议题很关键，它可以将我们经常在思考的环境政治提出新
91
nated in the exhibition series “Herbal Urbanism.” “Herbal
Urbanism” refers to Taipei’s Beitou District, where the
exhibitions took place, and where Hsu has long resided.
The area is also a hot spring town, and the original ter-
ritory of the Pingpu tribe peoples (the indigenous peo-
ples who used to inhabit Taiwan’s western plains). In
“Herbal Urbanism,” Hsu linked up ideas on etymology
and geology with a variety of cultural tropes. Mao Chenyu
is an artist and documentary filmmaker based in Hunan.
As a core member of “Grain God Narrative”—a collabo-
rative project he initiated along with fellow researchers
Zhou Jing and Fen Lei in 2016, Mao has been working with
diverse sources of knowledge and narrative frameworks,
and building a vast repository of regional knowledge in the
process. The texts below are compiled by Zian Chen from
interviews with Manray Hsu and Mao Chenyu.

北投的典型地景：篮球场、停车场，公园，桥梁等一系列基础设施沿着璜港溪河道蜿蜒设置；
人工自然与寺庙共存。摄影 ：徐文瑞
The typical scenery of Beitou: basketball courts, parking lots, parks,
bridges and a series of infrastructures winding along the Juan Harbor
Creek; manmade nature and temples coexist. Courtesy Manray Hsu
陈玺安、徐文瑞、毛晨雨
的问题。旧的问题范式往往是 ：人如何对生态的平衡有更大的
贡献？但这只是将它放在政治生态学的框架里面思考，对宇宙
论的多元自然的想象是单一的。另一种提问方式则是 ：如果一
条河流有灵魂的话，我们要怎么面对它？这就是将政治经济学
的角度转化为存有学和宇宙论的角度，两者是很不同的途径。
地方的特殊性是在都市化的网络当中被接通的。其中，每
个地方的在地性，其差别并非完全无法比较和被理解。这个项
目强调城市基础建设的实验过程中，不同的在地条件，例如它
的火山地形、地质，既影响了在地生活形态，它和基础设施条
件的碰撞，也会造成的治理方式之不同，以及地形的进一步突
变。正是将北投放在全球史的脉络当中来看待，我们就容易既
能理解在地事件，也能够保留自己的特性。当我们在讨论人类
世所带来的冲击时，往往会认为所有历史都属于同一个历史，
即自然史的历史而已。但事实上，历史是呈现很多地方历史的
过程。人类世被批评的是又带来了一个大叙事架构，但在台湾
思考及谈论这一点，有一个重要的线索在于 ：我们如何站在以
口语为主流的海洋文明来反思和面对以书写为主的大陆文明
史。我想说，从大洋洲到马达加斯加范围内总共 2 亿 5 千万
人口的海洋文明，在近代无法拒绝以大陆所建立起来的文明史
的压力。这里最大的就是 15 世纪以来的科技压力。我们应该
要有种方式，可以思考一种处于消失状态的文化，并以站在文
化灭绝后的文化角度来观察，重新看待这段历史。
ZIAN CHEN, MANRAY HSU, MAO CHENYU
Manray Hsu on “Herbal City”
“Herbal Urbanism” extends over three exhibitions,
during which 1 to 3 artists focus their attention on different
themes in an attempt to carry over old and new cosmo-
logical views into the domain of knowledge research,
discussions on art production, and everyday life practices.
The entry point of “Herbal Urbanism” is the question of
how to respond to “planetary urbanization”—when all con-
temporary cities are tightly bound in an urban network by
infrastructure, and interconnected on the levels of com-
merce and everyday life.
Thinking about the city from a cosmological perspec-
tive actually comes down to a concern for a more distant
ecological history. This topic is a crucial one, since it can
help raise new questions concerning the environmental
politics on which we reflect so often. The old paradigm
for asking questions used to run along the lines of: how
can man make a greater contribution to our ecological
balance? However, this way of contemplating issues by
placing them within the framework of political ecology
entails an all too singular envisioning of the multiplicity
of nature. We could opt for another line of questioning
instead: if a river has a soul, how ought we come to grips
with it? This requires a shift of our politico-economic per-
spective to an ontological and cosmological one, which
would lead us down a wholly different path.
The specificities of locations become interconnected
within networks of urbanization. Differences in these

毛晨雨谈“ 谷神变”
从 2016 年至今，“谷神变”从“礼物赠予性”，“营造语
法”“田野会议”等议题，
， 发展到预计在今年展开的“生态召集”
项目——从福建宁化的借谷券 1、谷神、墟市、造纸术、印刷术、
风水术，到废弃的村寨和人文遗迹，溶洞、矿山等现代化的废
墟现场，动用了各种人类学的框架重新叙述。你可以看到许多
参与展览的创作者以传统民族志为实践方法。我们也进一步关
注本体论人类学，这让我们得以想象乡村知识如何与城市知识
相互内嵌。相较于徐文瑞谈到的行星级的城市化，我们更多关
注中国的四级、五级县城的扩张模式。“谷神变”这五年来也
发展出了芬雷、周净和我三人协商的工作样式。即将展开的“生
态召集”一方面是行动者网络理论 (ANT) 的实践，将人与非
人行动者之间的相互作用考虑进去，并寻求协商的伦理政治 ；
另一方面是对应了我们三人的文本阅读，对于具身经验的重视，
并借此制作出新的地势 (topography) 与本地性，而不是泛
泛讨论媒体化的乡村。
以本体论探索的意义上来讲，这些研究的重点在于进一步
发展拉图尔行动者网络理论框架下的工作。它投递出一种不同
的工作样式：可以基于有限性，基于临时性的构架来形成讨论。
而这在中国更具有当下的实践性。因为我们对当前的危机认
识——全球生态危机——远远地不够，我们的视角总在人类中
心的政治框架内纠缠，甚至还在将各种以亿年为单位的生态灾
难安放在仅有几十万年的人类文明框架中思辨。无论是讨论气
候危机、农作、种子的失能，都需要观察到它们如何在当前复
杂的生产模式中被全球资本不断重置、被吸收。因此，我们便
不能基于生态多样性的角度，如 NGO 所指望的那样要求农
民保留古老种子。这样的单纯态度跟现实的距离差距很大，而
如果我们打开非人的政治框架来看，我们就需要去认识种子的
政治，不只是认识到种群多样性被规模化作业的摧毁，而是认
识到不同种子意味的时间性／差异性可以被如何展开。
陈玺安，作家与策展人，1986 年生于台北，现居上海。
徐文瑞，策展人，1958 年出生于台湾屏东，现居台北。
毛晨雨，1976 年出生于湖南，现居上海。
1. 借谷券涉及 1930 年代的扩红运动的影响下，农民如果不借谷给红军会被杀头，但若
借谷留下凭证，落到了白军手里，也会成为协助共产党的证据。建国之后，多数人也没
有能够拿回纸上所记录的东西。宁化当地有各种没有兑现的借条，是丰富的家族债卷档案。
这些债务／礼物的关系，无法用一般人类学的认识框架来嵌套，需要不同的叙述样式。
“谷神变”展览现场，上海当代艺术博物馆，2016 年
View of“Grain God Narrative,”Power Station of Art, Shanghai, 2016
Courtesy Mao Chenyu
specificities don’t necessarily make locations impervious
to comparison or interpretation. Throughout the project’s
experimental process of highlighting urban infrastructure,
different local conditions such as volcanic terrain and
geological features were not only found to affect local life-
styles, but their collisions with infrastructural conditions
have also given rise to variations in governance patterns
and further mutations of the terrain. In the project, we
approach Beitou by placing it in a global historical con-
text, thus allowing us to easily comprehend the local
events, while letting us retain our own idiosyncrasies.
Oftentimes, when discussing the impact brought about
by the Anthropocene, we feel that all so-called history is
one and the same history, which is to say nothing more
than natural history. But in fact, the process of history
presents us with a plethora of local histories. The reason
the notion of the Anthropocene is critiqued, is because it
brings with it yet another grand narrative framework. How-
ever, in Taiwan this point is contemplated and discussed
along one crucial thread: how are we, as part of a mari-
time civilization fixated on spoken language, to reflect on
and confront the history of a continental civilization which
relies mainly on written language. The point I’m making
is that in modern times, the 250 million people who make
up the maritime civilizations stretching from Oceania to
Madagascar are no longer able to resist the pressure of
the continentally instated history of civilizations. Most
overbearing is the technological pressure that has existed
since the 15th century. Our approach must be one that
allows us to reflect on a culture on the verge of disappear-
ance, and then examine and re-evaluate this passage
in history using a cultural perspective that follows in the
wake of cultural extinction.
Mao Chenyu on
“Grain God Narrative”
From 2016 to the present, “Grain God Narrative” took
on various thematic incarnations such as Gift Giving, The
Grammar of Building and Field Meeting, eventually culmi-
nating in the project Ecological Assembly slated to begin
this year. Drawing on various anthropological frameworks,
“Grain God Narrative” reinvented existing narratives found
in the subjects and artifacts in Ninghua County, Fujian
Province, ranging from grain loan documents, grain gods,
fairs, papermaking, printmaking, and geomancy, to der-
elict villages and historical sites, limestone caves, mines
and other modern ruins sites. Many participants in the
exhibition take up traditional ethnography as their way
of working. Paying closer attention to ontological anthro-
pology also allows us to envision the ways in which rural
and urban knowledge are mutually embedded. Compared
with the notion of “planetary urbanization” touched on by
Manray Hsu, we are more concerned with the expansion
model in Chinese fourth- and fifth-tier county towns. In
the five years since the project’s conception, “Grain God
Narrative” has developed a pattern of back-and-forth
negotiation between Fen Lei, Zhou Jing and myself. Eco-
logical Assembly, the leg of the project set to launch soon,
is a practical application of Bruno Latour’s Actor-Network
Theory, which takes into account the reciprocity between
human and non-human actors, and goes on to explore
the ethics and politics of negotiation. It ties in with the dif-
ferent ways the three of us approach text and theory, as
well as our focus on the embodied experiences, which we
can draw on in order to generate a new topography and
locality, rather than referring to the mediated countryside
in overly generalizing terms.
Ontologically speaking, the significance of this re-
search lies in furthering the work done under the umbrella
of Bruno Latour’s Actor-Network Theory, which sets forth a
distinct working pattern that allows for discussions to take
shape based on finite and temporary frameworks. In China,
this approach possesses greater immediate practicality.
Due to our grossly insufficient understanding of the cur-
rent crisis—i.e. the global ecological crisis—our perspective
is constantly entangled with anthropocentric political
frameworks, to the point that we even analyze various eco-
logical disasters taking place over hundreds of millions
of years by situating them within the framework of human
civilization, which has only been in existence for a trifling
several hundred thousand years. Whether discussing
the climate crisis, farming or loss of fertility in seeds, it
must be observed how, in our current complex production
models, these themes are all continuously being reconfig-
ured and appropriated by global capital. Hence, we cannot
demand farmers to save old seeds out of concern for eco-
logical diversity, as is expected by NGO’s. Such a naïve
attitude is far-removed from reality, and if we look at this
issue through the lens of non-human political frameworks,
we need to get better acquainted with the politics of seeds,
i.e. acknowledge how the perishability and heterogeneity
of different seeds can be brought into play, rather than just
acknowledge the destructive effect agricultural scaling ini-
tiatives have on the genetic diversity of seed populations.
Zian Chen, born 1986 in Taipei, is a writer and curator
93 based in Shanghai.
Manray Hsu, curator, born 1958 in Pingtung, Taiwan, lives
and works in Taipei.
Mao Chenyu, born 1976 in Hunan, lives and works in
Shanghai.
1.In the 1930s, farmers who refused to lend grains to the Red Army would
be killed, but the documents stating the farmers’lending would also
trigger threats from the KMT (the so-called“White Army”). After the war
and the founding of the People’ s Republic of China, most farmers never
received what was owed. Many families in Ninghua, Fujian still have the
paper documents stating their lending. These documents serve as im-
portant artifacts that challenge the conventional anthropological under-
standing of debt and gift.
返回 ：
东莞市堑头社区，
宁德市屏南县
前汾溪村， 泉州惠女湾之行的最后一餐宴席，巨大的石质台面。摄影 ：金锋

泉州市惠女湾 这是回家的旅途，我放好行李坐定，打开小桌板，摆上保暖杯。
飞机准备起航离开南方，虽说这会儿是冬天，我却是一身的燥
95 之前，有位伟大的艺术家说，他一辈子的梦想就是要在渔
村建一所美术馆。事实上，美术馆已经建好了。只是这次有点
热。也许踏上故乡那一刻，寒风扑面而来的时候，我会慢慢平 不同，地方的文旅蓝图是基于商业目的来规划的。计划是要“装
复些。嗯，闭上眼睛睡一觉。 置！”……
刚刚，觥筹交错的宴席被泉州海湾中大竹岛的激浪冲刷着
一起扑面而来，就像从机场到达层停下的出租车上下来的建筑
规划专家，他淡定的双手握着行李箱，突然，人 45 度角画弧
我开始怀疑自己此行的目的， 艺术家来
线倒下。费了好大的劲扶起专家时，我注意到他脸上依旧挂着 这里是干嘛的？是仅仅作为一名艺术劳
微笑，双手还紧紧握着行李杆，那么自然的微笑，吓到我了。
前一个 20 分钟，专家用手中的威士忌抵挡着县政府文旅
工？按照“越后妻有”复制出另一个大地
口相关领导组的轮番敬意。也许此刻，专家脸部的微笑肌还存 艺术节？我怎么努力也想不起自己到底接
留着上一轮的任务。那抹淡定唤起了我的记忆，最初驱车进入
惠女湾前看到的山火，烧得正旺！那一路上，这位外地来的建
了什么任务。
筑规划专家，脸上一点表情都没有 ：
“可能是习俗，这边快过
再看大竹岛，一切都暂停了。等待！等待这个水面上的陆地被
年了。”我很惊讶。
重新编码。离开的小艇颠簸着……
返回 50 年代，泉州市惠安县通过土地改革，废除封建土
我跟上了三百多公里外的一双轻快的脚后跟，它的主人是
地占有制度。开垦荒地，围海造田，实行耕者有其田，引导农
一位 90 后小伙子，福建省宁德市屏南县前汾溪村的村长。他
民走社会主义集体化道路。中石化沿着海湾填土，扩出的万平
带着乡长、建筑规划专家，以及空降的艺术家参观，一群人沿
陆地。著名的“八女垦荒”就发生在不远处，岛上种满了桉树，
着前汾溪村走过好几遍了。抬头已是晚上，手机前灯照到的他
海湾西侧有全岛唯一的淡水井……“这些桉树在这里几十年了，
的脚后跟，真的很轻快。
是这里的经济作物，但它作为外来物种，对土地的消耗非常大，
“以前那边有个碉堡，小时候我还经常上去玩，算是村里
我们的改造首先要把这些树全挖掉。”专家的脚后跟来到了我

金锋
的瞭望点。”灯光顺着村长说的方向照去，依稀可以看见那片
的眼前，“注意脚下，这些枯枝堆在这里好多年了，特别容易
空地，被蓝色的齐腰栏杆围成的区域中，树立着一根东西。好
失火。”
 屏南县前汾溪村廊桥上的葫芦窗。摄影 ：金锋
像看见红白相间的杆子很长，看不清楚，
夜晚这里是极黑的。
“那
是气象监测站，边上都废弃了，不太有人上来，负责人的牌子
上有乡长的名字。”
在村长看来，没有比带着这一群“专家”上来下去得更像
工作该干的事了。从弯弯绕绕的小径回到村口的小广场上，这
里已经有了路灯，大妈们正在跳广场舞，旁边有一台修复过的
水车，这些都是几年前乡村振兴时的功绩，盖了棚子上了锁。
村里不甘错过这一波建设机会， 从七、
八年前起， 县里就陆陆续续得来过三批
做文化振兴的老师。 他们分别是主打教
育的“人人都是艺术家”团队 ；被期许
带来更多资本的“乡绅复兴影视基地”；
号称自己才是正统文化传播的“博物馆休
闲文化”， 可惜统统被其他村长领走了。
前汾溪村的村长现在最重要的事， 就是
赶上新一轮的乡村文化振兴。
96 “陈老师，关键是正面！”陈老师的团队已经排上县里文
化乡建第四位大仙了，励志以美育唤醒本地文化，两边的团队
正处在相亲相爱的田野阶段。
乡长则有一股雷厉风行的派头，转头对着村长说 ：
“拆迁
加清理估计需要 70 万，钱先给你，不够再申请。”乡长是个
80 后的寸头男子，有着当官的人里很少见的胸大肌。我的眼
神不由自主地盯着那有节律的一呼一吸，很平稳，一点都不乱。
像在口罩里的呼吸，平稳，尽量不要打湿口罩的内壁。邀请我
来的朋友和文朝一直低着头滑手机。
“现在不用山上的泉水了，”村长露出少年般的微笑。前汾
溪村河道的小径汇聚处是前汾溪。河道上廊桥伸出的木板都有
镂空的葫芦窗，用来镇水的，边上供奉各路神仙。和文朝对着
葫芦窗说 ：
“据传某年洪水，顺水漂来一尊无名神像，村民捞
起来供奉之，随后水患即告平息…此后村民以’平水大王’相
称，世代祭祀至今。”
“捡来的神。”“哈哈哈哈。”
在嘈杂的氛围里，我被持续的笑声惊醒。按压着太阳穴睁
开眼睛，邻座穿豹纹上装的小伙子，正刷着抖音，没有要戴耳
机的意思。整理了下口罩，我再次闭上眼睛，试图从头梳理一
个月的旅途里纷乱的片段。
出发之前，表妹用微信发给我一张图片，陈年老纸上写的
不少字，是给家里报平安的信，右下角的日期显示 1992 年。
她特地用手机划出来的部分写着 ：
“来东莞的厚街镇一个星期
了，每天都在招商，到处都是工地。晚上台商港商就喜欢卡拉
在东莞文化宫墙上的照片，内容是“2008 年习近平走进东莞寻常百姓家，之后被这户人家影印后挂在客厅墙上”。摄影 ：金锋
OK，最爱唱的歌叫‘爱拼才会赢’……”记得当年舅舅为此 97 泉州市惠女湾、宁德市屏南县前汾溪村、东莞市堑头社区，
紧张得睡不着觉。 这趟旅程的三个地方，真不知道我是来干嘛的！现在是 2019
旅途第一站我去了石米空间驻留，空间在东莞市堑头街区 年的 12 月中，天知道 2020 年，这些地方会发生什么！
的中央，位于蜿蜒交错的小径深处。这里地势仿若小丘，位置 一阵晃动仿佛世界一瞬间颠倒了，睁开眼睛，伴随着抖音
更高的区域有许多纵横交错的小路，个别街道只能过一辆自行 视频里笑声的节律，一把握住了正在倒下的保暖杯，我口吐芬
车。骑上一辆共享单车往下走，稍宽阔的路面成了街巷的汇聚 芳，前面的旅客突然把座椅靠背调了下来。扶起保温杯再次小
点，一路骑行可以沿坡冲往运河边。贯穿东莞的运河连接东江， 心的放到小桌板上，卡在椅背和小桌板形成的斜角。有些水打
东江的水自 1960 年起供给香港。 翻了，印在我的红裤子上，暖暖的渗透到皮肤，渗得跟山火似的。
嗐！我不记得了，跟着专家的脚后跟离开小岛，上了小艇，
最后有没有把扔掉的烟头掐灭……
运河是一种规划的产物， 以这种陌生 确定没有流口水，整理好我的口罩，快到上海了。
为界， 显示东莞市全部的正面。 运河东
金锋，艺术家，1967 年生于上海，未来的节日发起者组织者
边还能看见成排的 70 年代预制板建筑 之一，江南基栈组织者之一，现工作生活于上海。
——赫鲁晓夫楼。 墙体正面被侵蚀得很
严重， 似乎比老城的墙面更需要翻修，
或者改编。 曾在上世纪 50 年代规划的
社区， 是以水来承载的未来乌托邦城市
底座，因其“毫无特色”的零度装饰风格，
多年后仍像从未杵在运河边的平面。 只
是时钟停下来了， 是要返回？
 LI JINGHU
Li Jinghu’s practice as an artist is often associated

李景湖
“...... 是水龙头流水的声音 ：这种声音在我家周边城中
村的密集出租房中是非常有规律和巨大的。每天天刚亮， with his hometown, Dongguan, Guangdong. “Dongguan

THE
is where my ancestors have lived for over 400 years; it’s
人声和水龙头声陆续响起，到八九点又渐渐平静，然后
also the place where I was born and grew up. If I’m going
五六点到夜里十一二点，人声和水流声又充斥着耳边。水 to discover myself through art, the only way is for me to
流的声音其实就是身边工人的生活规律，也是我们生命流 return here, and to be alongside my roots,” the artist says.
逝的声音。” Nevertheless, his decision to move back to his hometown
in 2002, was in part a product of the realization that he

DONGGUAN
could not balance his life as a teacher within the educa-
tion system and his practice as an artist (after graduating
with a major in oil painting, Li Jinghu taught art in a Shen-
zhen middle school from 1996 to 2002). The move came
about when his father demolished their generations-old
family home and built a new seven-floored property in its

ITCH
place. The separate units were made available for rent,
apart from the entire third-floor, which was kept for the
family. And naturally, the opportunity to rent space here
made Li Jinghu’s move further viable.

“…it’s the sound of water flowing from a tap: this

sound, coming from the densely packed urban village
around where I live, is both regular and loud. Everyday
at daybreak, the sounds of people and flowing water

东 莞 之 痒 emerge together, continue until 8 or 9am, then grad-

ually quieten down. Then, from 5 or 6pm until 11pm or
midnight, both sounds return, smothering my ears.
The sound of this flowing water marks the daily rou-
tine of the workers who live inside the village; it also
marks the passage of time in our own lives, flowing
ever onwards….”

This is how Li Jinghu describes the source of inspira-

tion for his work Waterfall. Those who have experienced

98 99 the work are unlikely to forget it: over 30 used cellphones,

connected one to the next, top to bottom, and at the very
top to the gallery wall, descend, at an angle, down to the
floor. If the whole forms a kind of waterfall of cellphones,
李景湖，《瀑布（201602）》，2016 年
this is mirrored on the screens of each phone which dis-
安卓手机，视频，手机充电器，金属，尺寸可变
图片由艺术家和魔金石空间提供 play looping videos of various sources of water flowing
Li Jinghu, Waterfall (201602), 2016 from taps.
Android phones, video, electric phone charger, metal, dimensions variable Waterfall is in line with Li Jinghu’s concept of art making.
Courtesy the artist and Magician Space

这是李景湖对作品《瀑布》灵感起源的描述。见过原作的
He once said, that “life itself,
观众可能会对它过目不忘 ：三十多部收购来的手机从展墙上方 to me is the most essential. I’d
连接到地面，形成一个手机瀑布 ；每台手机里循环播放的是不
同的水龙头流水的视频，像一个“瀑布”的“瀑布”。
rather be true to its trajectory,
这件作品与景湖所强调创作观是相符的。 and search within it for elements
that reflect my own existence.”
他曾说过 ：“生活对我来说是最重要的， To speak specifically of Waterfall, life here refers to the
我更愿意忠实原本的生活轨迹， 在里面 specific intermingling of the artist with the lives of the
workers who surround him. While the third floor of Li Jin-
寻找素材， 再来反映我的生活。” ghu’s family home was reserved for the family itself, the
remaining units were rented out. This, in turn creates a
type of landlord—tenant relationship that is character-
具体到《瀑布》这个作品，生活指的是他自己和身边工人租户 ized by intersecting physical space, but separate cultural
的特定交集。具体背景是 ：2002 年，景湖和家人回到东莞， lives and economic conditions. Sound, in this context, is
他父亲把他们世代居住的老房拆除建了一栋七层的出租楼房 ； what smooths these separations, overstepping any other
established boundaries. Li Jinghu captures this, using

静远 JING YUAN
除了其中的第三层给自己居住和使用外，剩下六层改成小单间 cheap cell-phones as a carrier, incisively visualizing this
对外出租。总体来说，这是一种房东和租客物理上有交错但是 sonic phenomenon.
 文化和经济上各自为营的关系。声音，在这里打破了上述生活
中那种点到为止的相互看见，跨越了人定的界限。景湖捕捉到
了这点，以低端智能手机为载体，敏锐地视觉化了这样一个声
音时刻。
《瀑布》创作于 2015 年。从景湖第一次展览算起，12 年
过去了。这 12 年来他的作品都遵循“节制的再现”和“完整
的作品性”紧密结合的特质。从地方性的替代空间（广州的观
察社、武汉的扬子江）到北京的替代空间（箭厂），再到大一
点的艺术机构（如 UCCA），在这个成长过程中，有几件作
品也以它们朴实的质地传递了他对进步论的质疑。其中比较有
特点的是装置《石屎》（2005）和《现在考古》（2015）。前
者在形状类似大白菜的混凝土上涂以绿色和白色——让水泥有
了蔬菜的意像、蔬菜有了水泥的硬冷。后者则是一个装置，由
一些形态指向流行文化但是面貌却如青铜器般苍老的玩具废弃
模具构成。这两件作品在材料和布展上都颇有考量，创造出一
种既有别于商业又不同于日常的他者。这样的作品气质是景湖
在乎的，因为它们体现了唯有艺术家才能带来的“转化能力”。
但是《瀑布》里闪现过的，那些对人和人的“溢出的关系”的
关注，后来则似乎没有成为主导气质。
除了作品的稳定性，景湖也以东莞艺术家的身份为人所知。
回到东莞做创作，算是景湖一个重要的人生决定。促成这个决
定的内在原因是他意识到无法兼顾在体制内做学老师和创作
（大学油画系毕业后景湖于 1996 到 2002 在深圳一所中学做
美术老师）。这个决定的外在条件是上文提到的他在东莞后来
上图与 100 页 可以通过出租房子来达到经济自足。从创作意义上看，“立足
李景湖，《基础 #1》，2019 年，混凝土、金属、石英，1 × 1 × 1 米
Above & p.100
东莞”的决定也是一个艺术家找到自己的三亩地的过程。“东
Li Jinghu, Foundation #1, 2019, concrete, metal, quartz, 1 x 1 x 1 m 莞是我祖先生活了四百多年的地方，也是我出生长大的地方，
如果要通过艺术去寻找自己的话，只有回到这个地方，才有根
基和意义”，景湖说道。
以一方水土创作的艺术家并不少见，不仅如此，艺术圈一
直有艺术家和所在地一起被提及的先例。近的有郑国谷和阳江，
远的有靳勒和石节子。
在文化资本的流通中， 艺术创作的识别往
往需要依赖突出的地缘政治背景， 所以
艺术家身份建构和地点建构最好是相辅相
成。 从这个角度说， 景湖联合发起成立
的“石米空间” 以及它每年冬天的逗留
项目也可以认为是这种传统做法的延续。
除了天时地利人和，石米空间也是景湖创作意识的延伸结
果。刘窗和王卫一直是他的好友，这两位艺术家在东莞考察里
学到的东西，和他们以东莞的生活素材而创作的作品，曾令景
湖赞叹并深受启发。确实，理论上讲，外来的和在地的结合，
通常可以带来惊喜和灵感。自然地，为期十五天的“石米逗留
计划”最基本的框架也就这样形成了 ：作为熟悉东莞的主人，
李景湖，《石屎》，2006 年，装置，混凝土、丙烯，图片由艺术家及魔金石空间提供
景湖带着艺术家们了解东莞的各种脉络和犄角旮旯 ；而来的驻
Li Jinghu, Stone Feces, 2006, installation, concrete, and acrylic
Courtesy the artist and Magician Space
Waterfall was created in 2015; 12 years had passed
since Li Jinghu’s first exhibition. His work has strictly fol-
lowed two principles: “restrained representation of the
readymade” and “a complete artwork on its own.” From
showing in locally-rooted, alternative spaces (Observation
Society in Guangzhou, Yangzi Jiang in Wuhan, and Arrow
Factory in Beijing), to larger art institutions (UCCA), a few
works, in their simplicity, convey his skepticism towards
ideas of progressivism. Among these are the installations
Stone Feces (2005) and Current Archeology (2015). In
Stone Feces, concrete stones, painted green and white,
appear like large cabbage heads—concrete lent the ap-
pearance of a vegetable, vegetables lent the hardness of
concrete. Current Archeology is a collection of sculptures
that appear to reference pop-cultural forms, but with a
surface that resembles ancient bronzeware—they are in
fact cast from abandoned toy-molds. To possess a trans-
formative ability of which, arguably, only artists are ca-
pable, is what Li Jinghu seems to care about.
It’s not unusual for artists to base their work on the
soil on which they were raised. In the circulation of cultural
capital, the recognition of artistic achievement usually re-
lies on a distinctive geopolitical discourse.
And Li Jinghu’s connections with
the local art scene of Dongguan
run deep, particularly in the form
of Shek Mai Space and its annual
winter residency, which the artist
101 co-founded in 2016.
Shek Mai Space is an extension of Li Jinghu’s prac-
tice and the product of his own artisitic consciousness.
Liu Chuang and Wang Wei have always been good friends
of the artist; some of the works they produced drew from
their short stay in Dongguan. Experiences with these two
artists deeply impressed Li Jinghu and inspired him to
host a residency. A 15-day residency program was thus
formed: as a host and Dongguan local, Li Jinghu shows
the visiting artists the nooks and crannies of the city;
meanwhile the resident artists, who already have devel-
oped practices of their own, react to their new surround-
ings in their own ways.
As such, Liu Xinyi’s work Air Port (2017) has often been
referenced. The story goes like this: during his residency,
Xinyi discovered that the large basement of a hotel, in
which various conference and exhibition equipment was
stored, was available for use. He took advantage of this
opportunity, and constructed an on-site installation, bor-
rowing elements from airport scenery. The installation
was the result of a close collaboration between Xinyi
and Echo, another co-founder and manager of Shek Mai
Space. As a keen supporter and lover of art, Echo’s mo-
tive for co-founding the space was her belief, that to be
involved in the process of art making is more interesting
than art collecting. As someone who is familiar with art
production and logistics, Li Jinghu has different expecta-
tions. On one hand, he suggests that visiting artists come
without any preconception or fixed plan, on the other he
 李景湖，《爱人》，2018 年，铝、珠宝、尺寸不一
Li Jinghu, Lover, 2018, aluminium, jewellery, dimensions variable

often reminds the newcomers about Dongguan’s existing

102 103
留艺术家，作为已经有一定创作积累的客人，对此时此地做出
自己的反应。 stereotypes.
Li Jinghu’s outlook is not at all contradictory, but
在这样的互动中，刘辛夷的《机场》
（2017）是一直被谈
when an artist’s personal experience happens to cross
及的。当时辛夷得知一个酒店的大型地下室可以被自由使用， something that Li Jinghu feels has already been stereo-
而且里面存储着很多酒店会议和展会闲置物品。他于是开始利 typed as a label of Dongguan, or when aspects of Dong-
用现场构建了一个拥有机场元素的实地装置。这个作品的实施 guan that Li Jinghu regards as so far “underrepresented”
push the artist into an irrelevant space, things become
是辛夷和石米空间另一位发起人和运行人 Echo 紧密合作的 difficult. “De-labelling” is necessary and part of the art-
结果。作为一位艺术资助者和爱好者，Echo 联合创建石米空 ists’ job in my opinion, but it was after arriving at Shek Mai
间是因为她觉得了解艺术创作过程要比收藏艺术作品有意思。 Space and meeting Li Jinghu, and beginning to discuss
ideas together1, that I realized that we in fact have very dif-
而作为一个熟悉艺术创作和流通的艺术家，景湖则有一些不同
ferent understandings of how Dongguan is labelled: pos-
于 Echo 的期待。他一方面希望艺术家不要带方案来，因为 sibly he has encountered too many instances of superfi-
那样过于先入为主，会限制实地的感受 ；但是另一方面他会有 cial work, produced from materials collected in Dongguan
意识地暗示什么是东莞已经标签化的东西。 and exported to the outside world thoughtlessly. In short,
Li Jinghu believes there are two major cliches:
这看起来并不矛盾，但是当艺术家的个体体验正好是景湖
1. Visit the factory, document the workers be exploited.
认为已经“标签化”的东西时，或者当景湖认为“不标签化” 2.Go to the sex district, document some erotic scenes.
的东西正好令艺术家觉得缺乏个人体验基础的时候，事情就变 Li Jinghu believes that these two subjects are what
得比较难以判断。从字面上说，“不标签化”是非常必要的， people instantly associate with Dongguan. And, as these
two facts of the city are overly topical, artists better stay
但是也是真正到了石米逗留 1，开始接触和交谈，我才理解到 away from exploiting them further, or to reductively evoke
我和他对“标签化”这个词有很不同的认识。可能因为看到太 them in political slogans. However, my own belief is that,
多在东莞收集完材料就拿出世界展出的肤浅作品，景湖认定有 the decision to use an urgent social topic as the content
of one’s work, does not necessarily automatically produce 刘辛夷，《空港》（局部），场域特定装置，2017 年
两种“标签化”。它们分别是：
1，去工厂里面看工人被压榨；
2，
a cliche. At the same time, to simply evoke “political slo- 图片由艺术家和石米空间提供
去色情场所看黄色场景。他认为这些是很多人一提到东莞就会 gans” would be insufficient in any kind of art. So, this isn’t
Liu Xinyi, Air Port, 2017
Site-specific installation, detail
Courtesy the artist and Shek Mai Space
1. I was invited to participate in the residency at Shek Mai Space during
1. 我于 2017 年冬天被邀请参加了“石米逗留项目”。 当时一起被邀请的还有写作者和
the winter of 2017. I attended alongside the writer He Wenzhao, and the
文朝、策展人陈立和武漠。石米逗留项目通常会邀请三到五位艺术从业者同时到石米空
curators Chen Li and Wu Mo. Shek Mai Space usually invites three to five
间“逗留”。
practitioners to attend the residency together.
 这也是一个无法和他聊艺术的人群。他，就像包括我在内的很 decor harmoniously fusing the gaudy style of a European
多选择艺术的人一样，早早地把自己的功能简化为“会画画”、 palace. From playing mahjong, to raising toasts, enacting
familial courtesies, and spoiling the grandchildren, every-
把作品的功用解释为“能卖钱”。所以一句“艺术是说不清的”
thing seemed ritualized and predestined, and in its own
正好可以帮助大家相安无事。然而，也是这个时刻，我想起了 proper place. It was at this moment, that Li Jinghu told
他讲的“从原本生活里寻找素材来反映生活”。我突然意识到， me that he belongs to this family, but this is also a group
原来他与家人乡亲的距离、他与工人的距离、还有他质疑的纪 of people with whom he cannot talk about art. In this con-
text, he, like many people who chose art—like me indeed—
录片导演与拍摄对象的距离，其实是一回事。 reduces the description of what he does to “I can paint,”
而这，可能这就是东莞之痒吧。 and explains the function of their work as “I can sell it for
而其实我已经不太有兴趣去划分外来者和在地者有哪些天 money.” The one phrase: “art cannot be explained clearly”
serves to help everyone settle the matter. However, it was
然本质性的区别，更不担心把一个事情说得太清楚了就让它失
also at this moment, that I remembered what Li Jinghu
去了“艺术的魅力”。因为无论是在新闻自由世界里遇到的“后 told me about drawing material from his own life, to re-
真相”，还是在大数据网格世界下的“后威权”，我们在获取“沟 flect it in his work. I suddenly realized that the distance
通性的真相”上受到了严重的阻碍——它不仅需要调查来龙去 between Li Jinghu and his family, the distance between
himself and the workers who live around him, and the dis-
脉，还需要跨越各种隔阂把它传达出去并接受公众追责。在写
tance between the documentary makers he questioned
这篇文章的时候，我来来回回地翻看景湖的作品集。他发给我 and their subjects, are in fact all the same.
的作品集是从 2003 开始的。2003-2020 年？这让我不得 And this may be what we could call the Dongguan itch.
不联系起 SARS 和 nCoV。也是因为现在特殊疫情时刻再次 In fact, I’m no longer very interested in distinguishing
the “fundamental” differences between “outsiders” and
袭来，网上出现了一个叫“历史总是惊人地相似”的段子，在 “locals.” I cannot care less about describing something
这里我感觉引用起来还颇为合适。 too clearly so it loses its “artistic charm.” Because, no
matter whether searching within the “post-truth” world
of the free press, or inside the post-authoritarian world of
“2003 年 ：美国人在伊拉克挨火箭弹，中国抗击冠状病
the big-data network, the way we try to obtain “truth” is
毒肺炎，俄罗斯总统是普京，英国查尔斯王子是王储，法 seriously hindered—not only must one survey everything
国在罢工抗议。 in detail, one must also convey this information across
2020 年 ：美国人在伊拉克挨火箭弹，中国抗击冠状 various barriers, and offer it up for public consumption.
While writing this article, I looked over and over at Li Jin-
病毒肺炎，俄罗斯总统是普京，英国查尔斯王子是王储，
ghu’s portfolio. The portfolio contained works dating from
李景湖，《伴侣》，2019 年，马赛克，尺寸不一
法国在罢工抗议。” 2003 to the present. 2003 to 2020? Seeing these dates, I
Li Jinghu, Companionship, 2019, mosaic, dimensions variable
104 这种时间感适合世界，也适合东莞这个起起伏伏伸伸缩缩 105 couldn’t help but connect SARS and Covid-19, all the more
as the epidemic strikes us once again. The punchline of
a joke I came across online was that “history surprises us
快速联想到的 ；而由于它们过于议题化，所以艺术家不需要再 really a question of what kind of “content”; the core issue 的世界工厂。这种时间感还适合用来面对因东莞而起的作品。
is not what is made, but the attitude and depth with which in similar ways.” I feel it’s appropriate to quote the entire
去“蹭热度”
，不去“简单地提政治口号”。然而我认为，以急 我同意景湖说的艺术要和现实保持的一种距离，因为这样有助
it’s done. If someone naively believes that the closer they joke here:
迫的社会问题作为内容，这本身不会直接产生“标签化”的作 于避免直白和作秀 ；我也知道这种距离是他认为艺术生效的地
get to factory workers, the “deeper” their work becomes,
品 ；同时，“简单地提政治口号”在无论哪种类型的创作里都 this itself is a kind of cliche. “2003: Americans were hit by shells in Iraq, China
方。但是在更大的艺术可能性里，在一个艺术和社会相互滚动
是不好的，所以它依然不是“内容”的问题。也就是说，就“标 Very quickly, Li Jinghu and I arrived at the inevitable was fighting a coronavirus, the Russian president
的理想里，如何去判断这个距离？ was Vladimir Putin, Charles was Crown Prince of the
签化”东莞这个事情上，我认为做什么不是核心问题，核心问 question of subjectivity: whose lives then? Li Jinghu be-
lieves that although many documentary filmmakers come 该变的没有变，不变的下面是可能的大变——这可能是这 United Kingdom, France was on strike.
题应该是态度和深度。如果有人天真地认为，和打工者还有工 to Dongguan and film its workers, this does not equate to 个段子告诉我们的。 2020: Americans are hit by shells in Iraq, China
厂走得越近的，作品就越深刻，那这本身也是一种“标签化”。 actually living alongside them; furthermore, these visi- is fighting a coronavirus, the Russian president is
tors cannot intervene in the lives of their subjects. Thus, Li Vladimir Putin, Charles is Crown Prince of the United
很快，我们不可避免地涉及到“谁的生活”这类问题。他
Jinghu decided that to accept this “genuine distance,” is Kingdom, France is on strike.”
认为外来的一些纪录片作者在拍东莞工人，这并不等于是和他
perhaps the most natural mode to adopt. He would rather
们生活在一起，此外他们也不能改变拍摄对象的生活。所以， focus on moments of vagueness and misunderstanding, The sense of time suits the current state of the world,
他选择“真实地面对自己和工人的距离”
，认为这才是最生活 rather than bluntly display “untransformed, collected ma- it also suits the vicissitudes of a city such as Dongguan,
terial.” Furthermore, Li Jinghu believes that things that this global factory. This sense of time is also a suitable
化的方式。他希望聚焦那些说不清的时刻，而不是直白地展现
are explained too clearly are no longer art, or taking things way to observe works produced because of Dongguan. I
那些没有转化的、收集来的材料。因为他认为“说得清楚的就 agree with Li Jinghu that art should maintain a distance
to their logical extreme that art simply isn’t necessary in
不是艺术了，或者不用做艺术了”。 such situations. from reality, as for me, this helps it to avoid flat explication
从某个角度，我能理解他的意思。逗留期间，在景湖大方 To a certain extent, I understand what he means. and tokenism. But if we were to imagine an even greater
During my stay in Dongguan, following a typically gen- possibility of art, an ideal in which art and society inter-
的邀请下，我参加过他的亲戚聚会。我还记得当时的情景 ：那 mingle, rolling into each other, how would we judge this
erous invitation from Li Jinghu, I attended a birthday party
是给一位长者做寿，位于番禺的一个新建小区内。因为是政府 for one of his elderly relatives. It took place inside a newly distance then?
统一补偿的拆迁房，所以业主基本来自一个村子。我看到村里 built neighborhood in Panyu District. As the building was What should change, hasn’t. Beneath what hasn’t
given as compensation for a housing demolition by the changed, could lie a potential major change—maybe
百家宴模式在公寓小区的几何空间设计里颇有逻辑的展开，而
government, most of the owners were from the same that’s the point of the joke.
户内装修则毫无违和感的运用了欧式宫廷款。从打麻将到敬酒
village. I saw a grand Chinese banquet-style table-ar-
到婆媳尊卑到孙子为贵，一切似乎顺乎天意且各得其所。也就 rangement adapted to the logical and geometric de- TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY DOMINIK SALTER-
是在这个场景里，景湖确切地告诉我 ：他是他们中的一员，但 sign of this newly built housing-community, the interior DVORAK AND ZHOU SHUTING
A PLACE
BUILT ON
依靠社会想象
SOCIETAL
IMAGINATION
形成新的地方 106
上阳台日常。摄影 ：朱建林
Daily life at Seong Jeong Toi. Photo: Zhu Jianlin

1. 去除标签后的脆弱 1. Fragile Without Labels

我无数次跟别人讲述过自己第一次来到上阳台的经历。这 Countless times I’ve told people about my first visit
to Soeng Joeng Toi—a space in Xiaoyuan Village, located
是一个坐落在广州海珠区晓园新村的空间。小区里，本地居民、 in Guangzhou’s Haizhu district. Inside the complex lived

A CLOSE READING OF SOENG JOENG TOI

从学校搬出来租房的美院学生、在纺织城上班的人们等不同人 local residents, recent art-school graduates and workers
群以各自的节律生活。上阳台则犹如一块飞地，以平价酒吧、 from the textile market, each with their own daily rhythm.
Soeng Joeng Toi had a cheap bar, pop-up shop, beds
游击的街市、可供留宿的床铺与随时投入使用的投影仪嵌入这
available for rent, and projectors that were always on; it

对 上 阳 台 的 一 种 解 读 个“老广”味十足的小区。
2017 年的下半年，一位朋友看我饱受抑郁折磨，便介绍
上阳台给我，希望这能给我一些开心的可能。来到了上阳台的
was like an enclave embedded in the old-fashioned Can-
tonese compound.
It was in 2017, that a friend, who knew I had been
suffering from depression, introduced me to the place,
我却倍感困惑，光是找路都让我在晓港和昌岗两个地铁站之间
hoping it might offer moments of happiness. After ar-
凌乱甚久。面前景象是如此凌乱，除了冰箱、书架、厨房和厕 riving, however, I was perplexed. Indeed, even before
所，没有什么的意义是直观的。 that point, finding the place—between the Xiaogang and
我在广州参加社群导向的公益活动已有了一段时间，这也 Changgang subway stations—was a long, disorderly pro-
cess. The sight before my eyes was disorderly too: the
是我最熟悉、最认同的广州。所以我对上阳台的期待是“公益” refrigerator, the bookshelf, the kitchen and bathroom—as
与“社运”，是合作与工作。然而上阳台的朋友并没有如我期 first their significance was far from apparent.
待一样的跟我谈起所谓的正事，我还是不明白我在这里为了什 For a long time, I’d been involved with communi-
ty-oriented activism in Guangzhou. It was this aspect
么、能做什么。陌生的关系让我不耐烦而坐立不安。呆坐甚久，
of Guangzhou’s civic culture with which I had identified
我无所适从，觉得自己消耗得更多了。几近愤怒，我开口“质 the most. Coming to Soeng Joeng Toi, what I expected
问”在座的所有人 ： was something to do with “public welfare” and with”so-
“我们到底要做什么？” cial movement,” labor and collaboration. That was what I
identified with and what identified me. Yet the folks I met
为什么我会被激怒？也许，世界上的大部分人都习惯被摆

小滑 XIAO HUA
in Soeng Joeng Toi didn’t talk about such work, leaving
放在系统、结构、阶序的某个位置，似乎唯此才有能力和语言 me confused as to why I was here—confused as to what
 去与别人交流。机构、专业 / 职业、族群、议题……这些身份
可以很方便地把人定位，也常常为不同个体之间的交流预设了
某种往往是不平等的关系。当我们把标签都剥离，会发现自己
可能如此脆弱 ：外加的合法性都被祛除了，留下的只有自己。
当定位失去，上阳台便如庞然大物将我吞噬。那一刻的我，
歇斯底里。
2. 广州
上阳台的“老广”气息，至少可以透过其粤语缩写 SJT
来体现——不过并不是所有的成员都来自粤语区，粤语也不是
唯一的沟通语言。这也是广州开放的一面——作为改革开放在
华南的两个桥头堡之一，广州聚集了改开后最早的流动人口。
成员在普通话、粤语、潮汕话以及其他方言——还有国际化的
英语——中切换，使用何种语言取决于聚集了什么样的人群。
五年前我来到广州的时候，并没有想到这会是一个这样的
城市。广州当之无愧是广东的“省城”
，但对于以我为代表的深
圳市居民（尤其是年轻人）而言，似乎缺乏足够的吸引力，也
没有直接的渠道让人体认。诚然，广州在一线城市中显得“失
语”
。一方面，它属于一线城市，在与第三世界各国的贸易往来
上尤为显得国际化，且拥有悠久的历史与依托于方言的完整的
自我表达；另一方面，它却似乎始终缺乏一种具有说服力的“文
Miao’
化自觉”——除了以草根公益与南方报业为代表的公民社会。
苗母婚宴现场。摄影 ：Alvin Luong
s wedding. Photo: Alvin Luong
然而 2014 年以来，草根 NGO 活动的全面收紧、南方
184 系的没落、《慈善法》等国家主导方案的出台，让广州渐渐失
去了这样的光彩。在国家话语层面，如历史人类学家程美宝所
说，“省港澳”已被人遗忘。
“省”是省城而非广东省，省港澳
108 的三地联系建基于市场、殖民者和劳动者间的流动网络，也有
着“同声同气”的文化工业互动。“粤港澳（大湾区）”则不同，
109
其背后是三地殊途，也是国家管控渐渐落地、试图主导地方话
语的过程。
人类学家萧凤霞为着“马克思”的梦想在文革期间前往广
东中山开展田野调查，最后却带着“韦伯”的问题意识离去。
她感慨，经由革命运动与话语的渗透，沉重的政治话语与行政
架构渐渐取代了层层叠叠的“民间”/ 地方社会，原本繁复的、
多层次多元化的乡村共同体，被压缩为单一的官僚细胞。
今时今日， 日常生活的定义已不再完全
被阶级和革命的语言所主导。 主宰者却
可能换成了国族话语包裹下的市场与消
费。 广州不再是广东唯一的中心， 作为
地方的广州也完全可以变成标本而被吸纳
入官方的话语里。 鼓吹“地方”、
“ 边陲”、
“自治”等总是互相并列而关联的理念，
还是否成立，
或者能否“万无一失”地导出进步的未来？我不知道。上阳台
能否对接上这一模糊的期待，我也不知道。
I might add. I was restless. I sat for a long time, feeling
purposeless, feeling that even more of me had been
wasted. As an emotion close to anger seized me, I interro-
gated my hosts:
“What are we even doing?”
Why was I angry? Perhaps most people in this world
are used to being placed in a system, a structure, or a
hierarchy. Only then do they find the ability and the lan-
guage to communicate with others. Institutions, special-
ties, professions, ethnic groups, agendas—these signi-
fiers of identity give people a way of defining themselves.
And just as often, they entail inequalities in individuals’
interactions. Without such labels, I felt remarkably fragile:
stripped of the legitimacy conferred by the external world,
I was left with only myself.
In this situation, Soeng Joeng Toi swallowed me
whole. I was hysterical.
2. Guangzhou
Soeng Joeng Toi’s “old Cantonese” atmosphere
was evinced by its Cantonese initials, SJT—but not all
o f its memb ers haile d from Cantonese -
speaking areas; nor was Cantonese the only
language spoken in the space. This was a sign
for its liberal stance and government-unfriendly
A major news group based in Guangzhou known
SOUTHERN NEWS
of Guangzhou’s openness—as one of the twin
pillars of “reform and opening up” along with
Shenzhen, Guangzhou convened the country’s
earliest populations of post-socialist migrants.
Members of SJT switched between dialects
like Mandarin, Cantonese, Teochew, and a kind
of international English. The language of choice
depended on the people who had congregated.
When I’d first arrived in Guangzhou, five
years ago, I didn’t expect the city to be like
this. The city lived up to its title of provincial
capital, but to residents of Shenzhen (espe-
cially young ones like me), it lacked a certain
appeal, and there was no direct way for us
lowlands.
re-porting during the 2000stion centers of the
to assimilate. Guangzhou barely “speaks”
to people as do the other first-tier cities. On
one hand, it is a first-tier city, especially in its
financial dealings with the Third World, its long
history and expressive culture, rooted in a
regional dialect. On the other hand, it seems to
lack a convincing “cultural consciousness”—
save for its civic sphere, its grassroots organi-
zations and the SOUTHERN NEWS.
But, since 2014, government-led efforts,
such as tamping down the grassroots activity
of NGOs, crackdowns on the Southern News
Group, and the passing of a new “Charity
Law,” have dulled its character. On the level of
national discourse, as social historian May Bo
Ching notes, the old idea of the “Guangzhou,
Macau and Hong Kong” region has been forgotten. This
triangular association of cities was built on the mobile
network of colonizers, laborers, and market forces; their
cultural and industrial integration within the region is
obvious. The new concept of “Guangdong-Hong Kong-
Macau Greater Bay Area” introduced by the government
in 2017 is different; behind it is a differential develop-
mental plan, a result of the application of national gover-
nance, and attempts to control local discourse.
3．“先创造革命之后的世界”
“上阳台是平台性的、共治的实践空间，选址在海珠区昌
岗地铁站附近的晓园新村。嵌入这个交通、生活都很便利
的居民社区中，是为了给往来朋友的日常聚脚提供轻松的
场所，也为推动更亲切的相互激发与协同工作。联合是上
阳台的关键词。我们希望来自艺术家、写作者、策划人、
综合性行动者等不同领域的才能在其中共振，而这一努力
意味着需匹配超出惯习、自身即是一种实践的运营、组织
和决策机制，也意味着要共同发明一些突破固有想象的方
法，使上阳台成为持续地联结与释出能量的有机生物。”
这是上阳台在微信公众号上的自我介绍，详细、直观的同
时也让人反而不得要领。“我”如何成为往来的朋友？为什么
“我”能在这里感受到轻松？激发一定是“亲切”的吗、
“相互”
的边界何在、囊括了什么？
上阳台松散的组织方式（业主的联合）、难懂的语言（由
广美、黄边站等脉络所引入的“当代艺术”
）、看似无所事事的
状态（一如广东话里的“hea”1 一词）、对消费、剥削、权威
等持有的敌意……造成的是一种松散的、无中心的状态，也让
缺乏共同经验的外人难以接近。
我第一次去上阳台所感受到的不适，实际上是一种身体的
僵硬。那时我其实已经退出草根公益组织半年了，可我的思维、
我的认同仍延续过往。我无法适应“无所事事”
、“没有日程”、
“没有议题”。这种身体烙印是如此深刻，以至于给因私人原因
不得不退出旧有圈子的我带来了巨大的痛苦 ：无法想象自己如
何继续“参与社会”，更无法想象自己的不参与。
我尚且如此，在扭结共谋的公权力与市场面前坚持的伙伴
还在如何煎熬，已不是我所能想象。尤其是学术、公益、媒体
等行业，受大环境所限，低薪、过劳是不少朋友的工作体验。
难以摆脱的困境，让抑郁之普遍，也形成了“结构性 / 政治性
抑郁”之说。如若反抗的过程本身沦为普遍抑郁、过劳与阴霾，
我已很难再认同这是行动的模样。 和困兽缠斗的过程漫长而
严肃，但方式并不应该是变成另一种意义上的困兽。如果我们
自己都活不出快乐的面貌，我们要如何让别人认同我们对更好
的社会的想象？
日本活动家松本哉提出的“先创造革命之后的世界”给我
很大的触动。他持续地在日本这个高度都市化、现代化的社会
里用游戏（街头火锅、迷你游行）
、循环（二手商店的网络与
街区互助）、自治（朋克音乐的社群）等方式扭转人伦与法治
共同树立起来的人与人越发隔绝的局面。松本哉推动的网络能
掀起 2011 年日本反核运动这一场日本多年未见的大规模社会
运动，依靠的是日常积累的人际关系。他们认识世界所依靠的
是社会经验而非学院系统的知识，是玩笑、玩乐、音乐让这样
2
的人际关系得以维系。
上阳台前“业主”苗子说得好，上阳台是个“你第一天来，
超级乱 ；第二天觉得，哎还好 ；第三天就没有很乱 ；第四天就
觉得还挺舒服”的地方。这样一个让人安全、又不会被巨兽干
涉的空间，可以放松，可以闲聊，可以葛优躺。
“业主”之一的华哥说，上阳台是一个“能让从业者和其
他各方重新产生连结的地方。让身体获得这样的自由和自我赋
During the Cultural Revolution, Marxist dreams led
1. 粤语流行语，指漫无目的地打发时间，或无所事事
the US-based anthropologist Helen F. Siu to undertake
fieldwork in Zhongshan, Guangdong; yet Siu left with a
Weberian problematic. What struck her most was how
revolutionary movements and the permeation of revolu-
tionary discourse had slowly replaced the crisscrossing
folk/local culture; what used to be a complex, layered
and diverse rural community was now compressed into a
monolithic, bureaucratic cell.
Today, the language of ordinary
life is no longer monopolized by
class struggle and revolutionary
discourse. The dominant power is
market forces and consumerism,
wrapped in a nationalist lexicon.
Guangzhou is no longer the sole center of Guangdong
Province; as a location, it could easily become a kind of
museum, subsumed in official discourse. Is valorizing
mutually imbricated, interlocking ideals like “the local,”
“frontiers,”and “autonomy” still viable in this new con-
text? Can such ideas safely create a progressive future? 《也演戏》表演现场，作曲 ：阿科 乐手 ：阿科、阿珍、
I don’t know. Nor do I know whether Soeng Joeng Toi fits 文礼、Money、阿琦、苗子、老杨。摄影 ：吴文礼
Improv music performance, composer: Ake, performers: Ake,
with these vague hopes.
Azhen, Wenli, Money, Aqi, Miaozi, Laoyang. Photo: Wu Wenli
3. “First Create the World after the Revolution”
110 Soeng Joeng Toi (SJT) is a commune platform located
in Xiaoyuan Village, near Changgang subway station,
Haizhu District, Guangzhou, China. Embedded in a
111
residential complex, where traffic and daily life are
very convenient, it serves not only as a relaxing gath-
ering place for exchange between friends, but also to
promote more intimate chances for mutual inspira-
tion and collaboration. “Unity” is SJT’s keyword. We
hope that artists, writers, curators, or any combination
thereof, can learn from each other here. Our effort
involves making choices beyond habit; this is itself
a kind of mechanism for sustained practice, organi-
zation and decision-making; it is a means to imagine
new possibilities beyond received ideas. Ultimately,
SJT aims to become an organism that continuously
puts out its energy and connects with others.
This is the description on SJT’s official WeChat ac-
count. It is detailed and direct, while remaining difficult
to grasp fully. How did “I” become a “friend” engaged in
“exchange”? Why would I feel “relaxed” here? Would in-
spiration necessarily be “intimate”? What did “mutual”
2. 小熊英二，《改变社会》
entail, and where were its boundaries?
SJT’s relaxed organizational structure (an association
with “owners”), impenetrable language (spoken by those
from Guangzhou Academy of Fine Arts, HB Station, and
other parts of the “contemporary art” crowd), being in an
apparent state of having “nothing to do” (like the utter-
ance “hea” in Cantonese), an opposition to consumerism,
上阳台火锅聚餐。摄影 ：冯俊华
exploitation, and authority—all of this made for a loose,
Hotpot party at SJT. Photo: Feng Junhua
decentralized atmosphere, and made it hard for inexperi-
enced outsiders to get in.
权的感受，比去学习一本书更重要。”在这个意义上，上阳台 5．日常所在 Matsumoto and those associated with him perceived the

于澎湃新闻，2018 年 12 月
3.《艺术与社群｜广州“上阳台”：作为共治组织和公共空间》，在线发表
是一个教育的空间。它告诉我，无所事事是有价值的，以解放 3
附于一篇上阳台访谈文章的一则留言 说 ： world through societal experience not academic knowl-
edge, and believed that jokes, play, and music could help
为目的不一定能迎来解放。
sustain interpersonal relationships.
“作为一个住在上阳台附近的居民，对这个机构实在不敢 One of SJT’s “owners,” Miao Zi, said it well—SJT is a
4．如果我们使用人类学 恭维，简单概括就是经常聚着一群陌生人在店里胡闹，正 place where, “the first day you come, it’s super disorga-
我们可以给上阳台无数种定义和简述。 对于习惯用理论 当买卖没见做过几件，更多时候是几个年轻人在门口喝酒 nized; the second day you think, it’s not that bad; the third
day you don’t think it’s disorganized at all; the fourth day
来理解世界的人而言，上阳台可以是便于艺术界理解的“参与 ( 夜晚十点后，而且是在店外 ) 大声聊天影响居民休息， you feel like it’s pretty comfortable.” It’s a space where
式艺术”、“替代空间”，也可以是套用公民社会理论的“公共 更有甚者前段时候这帮人在街道上玩起击剑！没错就是刺 people can feel safe, where the powers that be don’t
空间”、实践意义上的“社区营造”
，还可以是有些赶时髦的“诸 人的那种，居民路过时都要绕过他们。请负责经营的人想 interfere, where you can relax, chat or do nothing.
Another “owner,” Brother Hua, said that SJT is a place
众”与“新联合主义运动”理论的现实应用，或是让明白者会 一想，每人每月花那几百块租个地方，究竟为社会带来什
that “lets practitioners and others build new bonds; a
心一笑的“东亚大笨蛋”(East Asia Manuke) 网络中的一 么影响，对自身的发展又能带来什么帮助？而不是租一个 place that empowers and frees the body, more important
分子。 公众地方为自己享乐服务！” than learning from a book.” In this sense, SJT is an edu-
以上的答案都说中了某个侧面，却又无法覆盖全貌。 cational space. It tells me that there is value in “having
nothing to do,” and that taking liberation as your purpose
从“艺术”来看 ：上阳台的参与者远不止艺术家，它的大 这段话其实可能代表了不少晓园新村居民的心声。对于“正 上阳台外观夜景。 摄影 ：书韵
Exterior of SJT at night. Photo: Shuyun won’t necessarily result in liberation.
部分活动也并不直观地构成狭义上的艺术。上阳台业主与黄边 当”、“社会影响”、“自身发展”、“公众”、“享乐”，他人可能
站、时代美术馆的连系使得以黄边站为路径去理解、想象上阳 有着与上阳台业主们完全相反的认知。上阳台的业主以及“台 4. If We Use Anthropology
台的“误会”多不胜数，而由此涌入的当代艺术话语让上阳台 友”们虽然同为是晓园新村的居民，也无法在（尤其是以共治 One could offer endless definitions and summaries to
explain SJT. To people used to theorizing the
难以褪下艺术的“魅力”。 互助自居而）不顾及其他居民看法下行事。于是，如何在强调 The unease I felt the first time I visited SJT man- world, SJT might be described with art-world-
从“公共性”而言，上阳台并未遵循“社区营造”的实操 沟通、拒绝少数服从多数之暴力的基础上协调一个地方与另一 ifested as a kind of bodily rigidity. At the time, I had friendly terms like “participatory art,” an “alter-

in the summer of 2000, NAM was conceived as a

Founded by the scholar Kojin Karatani in Japan
NEW ASSOCIATION MOVEMENT
already left the world of grassroots public organizing for native space”; or one might use the language
经验：它不认为自己是在以外来者的身份“帮助”
、“赋权”
、“推 个地方共处？——这些是进行中的课题。
over half a year, yet my thinking and values remained of civil society and call it a “public space,” or
动”当地居民，反而是以自己的方式生活在社区中，成为居民， 对我或者许多业主而言，上阳台是一种被具身化了的经验， aligned with that past. I couldn’t get used to having “community building” in action, or the real
也在过程中实现自我赋权。 这里的“身体”可以建基于言语、关系、空间。无论如何，这 nothing to do, to being without a schedule or agenda. application of “multitude” or “NEW ASSOCIA-
上阳台所创造出来的公共性，是复杂与流动的。业主们在 样的知识是具有血肉的，这让参与者很难撇开身体经验去将上 The imperative to work had been stamped onto my body, TIONIST MOVEMENT” theories, or a member
so deep that, when I had to leave this world for personal of the “East Asia Manuke” network initiated by
规章等框架之内练习议事与共治，这自然是在塑造与学习公共 阳台作为知识谈论，也让参与者对外来者缺乏同理的审视尤为
reasons, I felt enormous pain: I couldn’t imagine how to Hajime Matsumoto.
性。但上阳台也以商铺的面貌、作为公共空间开放给各方来人， 介意。 continue “participating in society.” But I found it even These answers all get at part of what it is,
同时又未完全开放，这让外来者和上阳台之间的界限难以明确。 这一方面让我很疑惑，上阳台的所作所为究竟能否在学理、 harder to imagine myself not participating at all. but not the whole.

112 113
台湾人类学家黄应贵对“社群”的描述或许能很好地对应 价值或是公共性等任何层面成立（以及这有无必要）？ 另一 If I had turned out this way, what about my former Looked at from an “artistic” point of view,
companions, struggling in the face of the collusion of SJT’s participants are much more than just art-
上阳台的形态 ：随着各地的新自由主义化进程，有人简单地认 方面，这让我担忧，有关于上阳台的一切，无论是（小）联合、 authoritarian power and market forces? Public power and ists. Many of the events that happen here don’t
为多以血缘、地缘为界的地方社会（社区）就这样解体了，但 自治、共食、互助还是对各类系统的反思与抗拒，是否归根结 market forces? It was hard to imagine. Especially in the constitute art in the narrow sense. That sev-
地方社会（社区）可能只是转变了形式，由流动中的人、更具 底只是一个特定朋友圈子的闭门狂欢？ realms of academia, public welfare, and media, where eral owners of SJT work for HB Station, a non-
a restrictive atmosphere, low wages, and overwork are

Systems, based on non-marketed currency).

体的人际关系乃至于原先被认为“虚假”的社会想象去维系。 无论如何，开业近三年，上阳台往加入又退出了许多业主
realities for many folks. These dilemmas result in wide-
如同本尼迪科特·安德森对“想象的共同体”的诠释，想 项目，却仍存在着。就像被河流不断冲刷的磐石，也许水流最 spread depression, leading to a more general diagnosis
象的东西并不因建构而失去了实体的意义。 认同上阳台的业 终会将一切消解，但来来往往的过程里它仍呈现出独立、完整 of “structural/political depression.” If resistance itself
主、朋友与访客建立起了一个超越实体空间的人际网络 ；以上 的面貌。 degenerated into widespread depression, burn out, and
gloominess, then I find it difficult to accept this as a rea-
这一切，都将作为某种“生活形态”
，而有了被人观察、参与， 无论是革命之前还是之后的第几天，都是我们生活的一部
sonable way of conducting our affairs. To fight a caged
甚至模仿的机会。借用德勒兹“连结、异质、多元、断裂、制 分；如果我们的生活不符合我们的设想，那就还有机会去努力。 beast is long and arduous, but one has to be careful not
图、转印”的“块茎”比喻，上阳台在空间上与原有的地方社 生活，一直是我们的战场。 to become another caged beast in the process. If we our-
会既存在关联又有区隔，却也经由人际关系、社会想象的“论 selves couldn’t find a semblance of happiness, how would
others be convinced of our visions for a better society?
述”而在空间上有更大的展开。 小滑，曾经的人类学学徒，南方、南岛、南洋爱好者。 The Japanese activist, Hajime Matsumoto, has
spoken of the need to “first create the world after the
revolution,” words that have deeply influenced me.
地缘、 血缘限制的解体并不造成地方社 Against the backdrop of Japanese urbanization and
modernization, he has continuously used methods like
会、 共同体或是社区的解体。 依靠新的 playful actions (hotpot stands on the street, miniature
demonstrations), recycling (a network of secondhand
政治经济、社会文化条件，共同体（ 社区） stores and community aid), and exercises of autonomy
得以维系， 长出了新的模样。 (punk music communities) to change the ethnic and
legal edifice of an increasingly atomized society. From
the mid-2000s Matsumoto built a network (including the
collective Amateur Revolt) that went on to lead the large-
scale 2011 anti-nuclear activist movement that came to
prominence following the Fukushima Daiichi disaster, the
likes of which had not been seen in Japan for years. Both
by the experiment of LETS (Local Exchange Trading
counter-capitalist/nation-state association, inspired
profit art space supported by the Times Mu-
seum in Guangzhou has further enabled this
kind of misunderstanding. The artistic discourse
that rushes alongside such efforts have made
it difficult for SJT to rid itself of the art world’s
“glamor.”
From a “public” point of view, SJT does
not in fact, draw on the experience of “commu-
nity building:” it does not identify as a group
of outsiders, coming to help, empower, and
galvanize local residents. On the contrary, its
members aim merely to live within this com-
munity, to become residents, and to engage in
self-empowerment.
The public identity that SJT has created
is complex and fluid. Its owners have learned
negotiation and self-rule within a framework of rules
and regulations; this, naturally, involves fashioning and
learning about the public. But SJT, which presents itself
as a store open to visitors, is a public space that is simul-
taneously occluded from them. As a result, it is difficult to
identify the boundaries between SJT and its outsiders.
Taiwanese anthropologist Huang Ying-Kuei’s descrip-
tion of “community” might be adapted to SJT’s structure:
as neoliberalism advanced across the country, it appeared
as if distinct local cultures (and the community that was
 born of that), as distinguished by birthright and geography, them to act (especially with an eye to autonomy and mu-
began to dissolve; but in fact, local culture (community), tual assistance) without consideration for other residents’
only shifted form, sustained now by migratory populations, opinions. How, then, to help two different kinds of “space”
more concrete interpersonal relationships, and a societal to coexist on the basis of strong communication, and free
imagination that some might describe, in Marxist terms, as of the dictatorship of the majority? These are the issues in
a “false consciousness.” the making.
But as Benedict Anderson’s concept of an “imagined To me, and other friends and owners of SJT,
community” posits, imaginary things don’t stop being
“real” despite their being constructed rather than innate.
The owners of SJT, its friends and visitors all recognize SJT is an embodied experience;
this space’s value; together, they have built a personal
network that surpasses any “real” space. All of the above
the “body” referred to here might
form a kind of “ecology,” one that others might observe,
participate in, and even imitate. To borrow Deleuze’s con-
be comprised of language, rela-
cept of the rhizome, with its six main traits of “connection,
heterogeneity, multiplicity, a-signifying rupture, cartog-
tionships, or space. Whatever the
raphy, and decalcomania,” SJT both has connections case, this kind of knowledge has
to, and is apart from, a prior local culture. Yet because of
these relationships, and its articulation of a certain soci- flesh and blood,
etal imagination, it extends through a greater space.
and so it’s very difficult for participants to discuss SJT
without considering their own, embodied experiences—
The dissolution of geopolitical this is also why many of SJT’s friends and owners take
issue with outsiders’ condemnation, and their lack of
limits and kinship bonds have empathy.
not, in fact, resulted in the disso- This has been a source of confusion for me as well.
Can SJT’s operations really stand up to scrutiny on the
lution of local culture or commu- level of theory, of value-creation, or the public good (and
is any of this necessary)? Moreover, it makes me worry
版画工作坊。摄影 ：朱建林 nity. Relying on a new political about whether or not everything about SJT—from its
(small) associations, its self-governance, its communal
economy and socioeconomic
Printmaking workshop. Photo: Zhu Jianlin
eating, and its mutual aid, to its resistance to and re-
thinking of different systems—is just a kind of exclusive
conditions, the community can
114 be extended, it takes on a new 115 party for a select group of friends.
No matter the case, after running for nearly three
years, many “owners” have joined and left SJT, but the
appearance. space itself survives. Like a boulder in a flowing river, it
might eventually be worn down to nothing, but along the
way it maintains independence, and self-sufficiency.
5. Sites of the Everyday
The days before and after the revolution will both be a
A comment on an online interview with SJT says:
part of our lives. If our lives don’t accord with our visions of
them, there is still a chance to strive for something better.
“As a resident who lives near SJT, I’m very wary of
Life, has always been our battleground.
praising them, simply stated, they’re a bunch of
strangers who often mess around in that store. I hav-
TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY HENRY ZHANG
en’t seen them do any legitimate business, most of
the time it’s just a few young people drinking at the
Xiao Hua, a former anthropology apprentice, an enthusiast
front door (after 10 pm, and on the street), talking
of the south, the southern islands, and the southern sea.
loudly and disturbing those of us trying to sleep.
What’s even crazier is that the other day they were
fencing on the street! I’m not kidding, with real sabers,
all the residents had to make a detour around them.
The people running this place should think, how
exactly does this place that they spend a few hun-
dred yuan each month to rent impact our society, and
how is it going to help their personal development?
Instead of renting a public place to serve their own
hedonistic purposes!”

This comment likely represents the thoughts of many

residents in the neighborhood. Their understanding of
“legitimacy,” “societal impact,” and “personal develop-
ment,” “public,” and “hedonism” are probably the exact
小天和文礼的婚礼派对 opposite of SJT’s owners. Though the latter and friends
Xiaotian and Wenli’
s wedding are also residents of Xiaoyuan Village, it’s impossible for
UP TO THE

Photo: Natalie Lo Lai Lai

The farmers harvest rice with a sickle and passed them on to other members.
农夫们先以镰刀收割一把又一把成熟的禾稻，传到另一边的队友手里。
Staple Food, 2014
NEW TERRITORIES
上 新 界
NATALIE LO LAI LAI
AND
SANGWOODGOON
劳丽丽、生活馆和土丘 117

生活馆于 2011 年迁到锦上路一条村子，于大帽山山脚下学习耕种。

Sangwoodgoon moved to a village on Kam Sheung Road in 2011 to learn
farming at the foot of Da Mo Shan.

瞿畅 QU CHANG
 新年自锁家中，在新翻开的一本书里读到这样一段描述 ：
Choi Yuen Village, 2009-2010, with unrest in the homeland. Photo: Natalie Lo Lai Lai
石岗菜园村，摄于 2009-10 年。家园不再安稳之时。
“缅甸语和汉语的习惯用法反映了低地的文明中心象征了
高级文明。到首都和学校一般被成为‘上’、‘升’。即使
一个人住在山顶上，但是他也只能是‘上’曼德勒。同样，
人们去乡村或山地，一定是‘下’或‘降’……‘上’或
‘下’与地理高度无关，而是与文化高度有关。”1
于是我问丽丽在广东话里对“去新界”是否有相关“上 / 下”
的动词表达，毕竟粤语里这类表达并不少见（像是“上堂”、
“落
田”、“上大陆”），丽丽说一时之间想不起什么，大家似乎只会
说，“去新界”。
新界就像是一片丛林， 除了它山岭延绵
的地貌与乡村环境， 还有复杂的地、 人、
资本、 权力和实践所编织的茂密的地区
生态与形貌。
这里的土地，包括香港日渐式微的农耕地、逐步扩张的棕土、
边境禁区、原居民村屋、政府规划的新市镇 ；这里的话题除了
耕作的气候与培育，还有乡村拆迁与土地破坏、新界东北发展
计划、地产商圈地、反高铁运动 ；这里的人，包括上世纪大陆
逃难而来的农夫、原居民、市区高房价下的迁居者、社运人、
文化艺术工作者……
118 我在 2016 年第一次拜访新界的时候认识了生活馆的劳丽
丽，彼时她已在新界耕种了 5 年多。她带我们去她和生活馆
经营的菜田，看她们腌制的蔬菜加工品和在自己搭建的茅房，
她熟练地帮我们捏走从田埂爬到脚上蜇人的火蚁，给我们看她
基于田间生活写作和拍摄出来的作品。耕种，在那时看来，除
了作为一种逃避资本枷锁的生活方式，似乎难以在耕地与耕作
者都十分脆弱的新界形成任何实质的力量和改变，因此始终是
种脆弱的实践。但就像撒下种苗的持续劳作和生长一样，人和
土地和城市的关系、自我生产的能量，逐渐聚成可描述的新体
验和新可能。尽管这实践仍旧脆弱，但在丛林的规则里，一切
都不是恒固的。
瞿 ：瞿畅
劳 ：劳丽丽，生活馆成员，其它成员包括周思中（Chow）、
李俊妮（Jenny）、Kinwah、Rita、曾德平（Kith）等
瞿 ：丽丽，我知道你搬去新界的契机是 2009 年而新界菜园
村因为广深港高铁建设而被逼迁的事件。当时你住在上环，是
个旅游记者。离开港岛、去向新界的过程是怎样的？
劳 ：我做了四年半的旅游记者，香港媒体的弊病之一就是
难以深入讨论问题 ：旅游版面篇幅不多，图片还要大，记者难
以展开书写观察和想法。这令我不免怀疑自己的工作就是宣传
“吃买玩”，感觉很缺失。2009 到 2010 年间，菜园村的“反
高铁”抗争正如火如荼，一个朋友和我说菜园村有个“生活馆”
在教人种菜。那段时间我本准备去日本濑户内海艺术祭的香港
Governed: An Anarchist History of Upland Southeast Asia (2009), p.101
James C. Scott,“Civilization in the Unruly,”in The Art of Not Being
1 詹姆斯·C. 斯科特，“文明与化外之民”，《逃避统治的艺术》，P118。
119
Locked up in my house over the New Year, I flipped open a
new book and read this short passage:
“Linguistic usage in Burmese and Chinese reflects
the way in which lowland centers of civilization are
elevated symbolically. Thus to go to the capital city
or to school is generally to “go up” or “climb” or
“rise.” Even if one lives on a mountaintop, one still
goes “up” to Mandalay. Similarly, when one goes
to rural villages or to the hills, one goes “down” or
“descends”...up and down have nothing to do with
altitude and everything to do with cultural elevation.”1
So I asked Natalie Lo Lai Lai if there were similar ex-
pressions of “up” and “down” in Cantonese, as expres-
sions like this in Cantonese are not uncommon. Lai Lai
could not think of any at the moment and said everyone
only says, “go to the New Territories.”
The New Territories is like a
jungle, within its extensive
mountain landscape and rural
surroundings, there is a com-
plex network of land, people,
economy, power, and practice
densely woven together to form
a regional ecology and appear-
ance. The land here encompasses
Hong Kong’s declining agricul-
tural fields, expanding brownfield
sites, the Frontier Closed Area,
indigenous village homes,
and new government-planned
developments.
The main topics of discussion here are not just about cli-
mate and farming, but also about farm demolition and land
destruction, the North East New Territories development
plan, commercial real-estate development, and the an-
ti-Hong Kong Express Rail Link movement. The people here
include farmers who fled the Mainland over the last cen-
tury, indigenous residents, those moving due to high-urban
housing costs, social activists, art and cultural workers.
The first time I visited the New Territories in 2016,
I met Natalie Lo Lai Lai of Sangwoodgoon—she had al-
ready been farming on the land for five years. She walked
us through the vegetable fields she and Sangwoodgoon
operate, to see sheds she built, and their pickled veg-
etable products. Skillfully pinching away the stinging
fire ants that had crawled from the fields to our feet, she
proceeded to show us her writing, and video works in-
spired by farm life. Using cultivation to create any kind
 《漫慢电视 III ：保持缄默》，2020 年，装置。座椅盆栽的叶端标示着“Touch Me”
Installation view at Tomorrow Maybe, Hong Kong. Photo: Xin Li
The plant’
Slow-so TV III: Give no words but mum, 2020.
展览现场，Tomorrow Maybe，香港逸东酒店
s leaf is labeled“Touch Me”and you can touch to switch channels.
《我教你如何可持续地食用碳水》，2020 年
《漫慢电视 III》插播节目，高清单频录像，双声道，16 分 21 秒
I teach you how to consume carbohydrate in a sustainable way, 2020
a part of Slow-so TV, single channel video, HD, stereo, 16 min 21 sec

馆做志愿者，但他们对社区艺术的景观式解读令我不适，所以 of substantial or powerful change in the New Territories

决定放弃。到菜园村时，生活馆刚刚成立两个月，发起人是教 seemed quite impossible to me at the time, both culti-
vated land and cultivated authors are extremely fragile.
摄影的李俊妮 (Jenny)、艺术家曾德平和做版画的陈花。因
This appeared to be more of an escape from the yoke of
为菜园村运动是为了保护这座村庄，所以我们也开始学习香港 capitalist life, a fragile practice from the very start. But

，轻触以转换频道。
战后的农业史，邀请农夫袁易天来教我们种有机菜，一边学农、 just like relationship between labor in cultivation and the
一边在村里听故事。 2010 年，高铁计划确定，菜园村搬迁成 growth of sown seedlings, so to is the relationship be-
tween people, land, and cities—the energy in individual
为定局，我也恰好在那段时间辞去了记者的工作，能全身心投 cultivation may gradually combine into new experiences
入生活馆的搬迁和发展。 and new possibilities. This practice remains fragile, and as
生活馆并没有和菜园村一同搬迁，在新界找地并不容易， a rule in the jungle, nothing is assured.
我们在一个村民的介绍下，租到了现在的地。搬迁后到 2014
QC: Qu Chang
年的那段探索时期被我们称为“扮耕田”：大家租了个“员工 NL: Natalie Lo Lai Lai, Sangwoodgoon Learner (the collec-
宿舍”，白天松散地耕田，晚上就一起喝酒、打牌、看电影。 tive refers to their member as learner); other Learners in-
我们想进行一种“慢抗争”，透过逐渐接近土地，体会自己是 clude Chow, Jenny, Kinwah, Rita, and Kith.

120 否属于这种生活。成员们逐个慢慢地迁入新界，我也在 2014

年正式搬了进来。 121 QC: Lai Lai, I know a pivotal moment when you moved to
the New Territories in 2009 was when Choi Yuen Tsuen
瞿 ：新界的地权非常复杂，在这里租地耕种是否也继承这 was forcibly moved to make way for the construction of
种复杂性？ Hong Kong’s Express Rail Link. You lived in Sheung Wang
then and were a travel journalist. What was it like to move
劳 ：菜园村之所以被逼迁，因为它只是寮屋村 3，而不是

自香港特别性镇区政府新闻公报）
4. 泛指由传统组织（例如家族或堂）而非个人拥有的新界乡村土地（摘
3. 非原居民村落，因此村民没有地权（摘自维基百科词条“寮屋”）
from Sheung Wang to the New Territories?
原居民土地。村民们寻找新地的过程十分艰难，不是人人都肯 NL: I was a travel journalist for four and a half years
租给他们，就连运输建筑材料也会在路上被人收过路费，唯有 and one of the shortcomings of Hong Kong media is how
difficult it is to discuss issues in-depth—travel pieces are
请了当时乡议局主席刘皇发开口才得以摆平——这就是地区势
short, and pictures are large. It’s a challenge for a re-
力。而生活馆当时找到了三块地，其中两块是村庄公有的祖堂 porter to even begin to write about their observations or
地 4，所幸村理事决定租给我们，就一起承租了下来——我们 impressions. It made me think my job was just to promote
也受益于既得利益者的不同考虑，复杂性既造成威胁，也带来 “eating, buying, and entertainment,” I felt quite lost. The
Anti-High Speed Rail movement was in full swing in Choi
了生存空间。搬去新地以后，生活馆也会开始用更克制的方式
Yuen Tsuen from 2009 to 2010, and a friend told me about
进行政治表达，除了现实原因，也是意识到的政治取态与日常 “Sangwoodgoon” in Choi Yuen Tsuen, where they taught
生活的微妙关系。 people how to grow food. At the time, I was planning to
生活馆三年租满后，第三块私人租地的地主因为意识到了 volunteer at the Hong Kong Pavilion at the Seto Inland Sea
Art Festival in Japan, but the way they were interpreting
我们所谓的“政治背景”，决定宁愿荒废那块地，也不再租给 the landscape of community art made me uncomfort-
我们。我们也考虑过买地，但实在太贵，只能靠租，于是每隔 able, so I decided to quit. When I got to Choi Yuen Tsuen,
三年的租约续签都会惊恐一次。 Sangwoodgoon had been open for just two months. It was
organized by Jenny, who taught photography, and Chen
瞿 ：你之前提到“慢抗争”，生活馆如何理解耕作与社会
Hua and Kith, who are both printmakers. Because the Choi
运动间的关系？ Yuen Tsuen movement was to protect the village land, we
劳：我们始终明白这种“抗争”必定是小且慢的。我想“慢 started to learn about the postwar history of agriculture in
抗争”的意义在于，个人在日常生活中的无力感可以借助农耕 Hong Kong. We invited farmer Yuan Yitian to teach us how
to grow organic food and spent half of our time learning
来找回创造性。“人与土地的关系”这个表达听起来很虚，其
about agriculture and the other half of our time listening to
实就像你旅行时常会想去接触大自然，借此回归平和的心绪、 stories in town. In 2010, the Hong Kong Express Rail Link
简单的想法，土地有这种能量，帮你定位生活中那些不由自主 was approved, and the relocation of Choi Yuen Tsuen was
 “Squatters,”Wikiepedia.com.
的无力感。生活馆的一些成员会常常因为诸多社会不公，情绪 a foregone conclusion. I quit my job as a travel journalist
3.Villagers in non-indigenous villages do not have land rights, from
十分波动。一位成员曾经说，保卫天星码头的抗争结束之后， and devoted myself to the relocation and development of
Sangwoodgoon.
抗议者们随即走进对面大会堂的连锁快餐店吃饭，无意识地帮
Sangwoodgoon did not move together with Choi Yuen
衬大财团——如果没有办法改变自己，如何改变社会？在这个 Tsuen. It was difficult to find land in the New Territories.
层面上， We found the land we are on now to rent through the in-
troduction of a villager. We called the phase of transition
from the time we moved until 2014 “performative agri-
农耕生活是自给自足的， 它没有外部的 culture”—everyone rented a “staff dormitory,” did light
agricultural work during the day, and drank, played cards,
奢华和丰足， 但又充分掌握对自然的知 and watched movies together each night. We wanted to
develop a “slow resistance,” gradually penetrating the
识和利用能力， 构成了另一种丰盛。 耕 earth to see if we belonged in this kind of life. All of the
Learners gradually moved to the New Territories one-
作的政治意义在于对人的赋权， 也因此 by-one, and I officially moved in 2014.
QC: Land ownership in the New Territories is very
回应了社会抗争的最终意义。 complex; did you inherit any of that complexity in renting
land there for agriculture?
瞿 ：这种“自我赋权”和“社会参与”的互补关系让我想
NL: Choi Yuen Tsuen was forcibly relocated because
it was classified as a Squatters Village3 and was not on
到几年前第一次从你口中听到的概念，
“半农半 X”
。你和其它 indigenous land. The process of finding land was very
生活馆的成员是如何在实践它的？ difficult for the villagers because not everyone agreed
劳：
“半农半 X”是一个产生于日本 90 年代的概念，它 with renting land to them—they were even extorted for
transporting their building materials along the roads. It
理想地提议将“回归土地”和“施展个人才能”结合。刚接触
was only by requesting Heung Yee Kuk chairman Lau
这个概念时，我们也觉得它提供一种相辅相承的实践，但在实 Wang-Fat for help that matters finally get settled—that
行中，我们逐渐有了怀疑 ：就像现在的自由职业者，复数的工 is regional authority for you. Sangwoodgoon found three
parcels of land, two of which were the village’s public an-
作其实令人难以专注。最早教我们种田时，袁易天就要求我们
cestral lands4. Fortunately, the village council agreed to
做生产型的农场，他认为香港不需要休闲农庄，提高自给率才 rent to us, and we rented it together. We also benefited
是更重要的事。但我们的生产量至今并不理想，我要做作品、 from the consideration of different parties’ vested inter-
周思中要做研究、Jenny 要教摄影——我们的兴趣和工作虽 ests; the inherited complexity, as you called it, both posed
a threat and created a place for us to exist. After moving
然强化了与外界的沟通和实践的丰富性，但它们仍旧影响着我
们的时间分配和重心。同时，作为一个团体，我们也需要平衡
共同工作里的自我实现。这些都是我们还在困惑并且调试的。
122 to our new land, Sangwoodgoon began to be more re-
strained in our political expression, beyond the obvious
reasons, we came to understand a more subtle relation-
ship between political expression and daily life.
瞿 ：反过来，农耕又是如何作用于你们的呢？你的作品集
After Sandwoodgoon’s three-year rental contract
开始于 2009 年你在菜园村旧村的摄影，似乎对农耕的介入
ended, the landlord of the three parcels refused to rent
Region Government Press Release.
as families or churches) rather than individuals, from the Hong Kong Special Administrative
4. This refers to rural land in the New Territories owned by traditional organizations (such
是你艺术创作的真正开始？ to us again. He heard about our so-called “political back-
劳 ：我也会在下田和创作之间疲于奔命，但我很反对将耕 grounds” and decided it was better to abandon the culti-
vated land than rent it to us. We considered buying land,
作等同为创作——“生活即艺术”的口号往往是借艺术之名替
but it was too expensive, and we could only afford to rent,
代了对生活的真实参与。在平衡耕作、创作以及生活馆的其它 thus renewing our lease every three-years has become
行政工作之间，我其实尤其珍惜下田时内心放空的状态。我的 just as stressful as renting in the first place.
创作也从田间的摄影记录，到越来越多地思考这种放空背后的 QC: You previously mentioned “slow resistance,” how
does Sandwoodgoon understand the relationship be-
矛盾 ：看似浪漫的田间生活、新界的土地与空间纠葛、个人的
tween farming and social movements?
志向与内心的平静，都成为我捕捉影像时投射出的视角。从 NL: From the beginning, we understood that “resis-
2016 年开始的《漫漫电视》系列就是这种思想游走的呈现， tance” is bound to happen in slow and small increments.
I think “slow resistance” comes from this. Anyone who
观众可以可行选择播放的内容。
《漫漫电视》之后，我开始尝
feels a sense of powerlessness in their daily life can draw
试将这种凌散的、解构式的影像装置整合成影像散文，于是有
support from farming and retrieve a sense of their own
了之后文本、影像与素材挪用结合的作品。我对不同物种的思 creativity. The “relationship between people and land”
绪、欲望和共生关系特别感兴趣，像是《焉知》里的鱼塘、
《飞 sounds quite vague as an expression, but in fact, you
often travel to get in touch with nature and return to a
天潜水艇》里的田螺和《天气女郎》里的向日葵，都是结合影
peaceful state of mind. It’s a simple way of thinking, but
像、植物科普、田间经验和写作所进行的探究。 the land has that kind of power. It helps you place those
最近的个展“保持缄默”也延续了这种质问 ：在植物与人 feelings of powerlessness. The mood of some Sangwood-
的陪伴里，如何理解对方，如何互相支持，如何辨识自己的主 goon Learners often drastically fluctuates because of so
much social injustice. One Learner told how when the pro-
观投射。展览呈现了《漫漫电影》的一个新版本，里面拍摄了
tests to protect the Star Ferry Pier from demolition ended,
稻田里人的往来、昆虫出入和植物的律动——人的思绪也在这 the protesters went into Hong Kong City Hall across the
些情境下四处飘游，植物因此成为这些思绪的陪伴。 street to eat in a fast-food chain, unwittingly helping the
large financial groups. If you cannot change your own reflecting on the contradiction of complete relaxation,
habits, how can you change society? In this regard, the seemingly romantic farming life, the entanglement
of land and space in the New Territories, personal ambi-
tion and inner peace—they all become the angles I focus
farming life is self-sufficiency. on in the videos I shoot. The “Slow-so TV” series I started
It doesn’t seem very abundant or in 2016 came out of this wandering thought process, the
viewer could feasibly choose the broadcasted content.
luxurious on the surface, but with After “Slow-so TV,” I started to try out this more scattered
approach—deconstructed video equipment combined to-
a sufficient grasp of knowledge gether with text and images, thus the work becomes the
combination of text, image, and source equipment. I am
and know-how about the land, particularly interested in the feelings, desires and symbi-
it becomes the seed for another otic relationships between different species, like the fish-
pond in “Voices from Elsewhere,” the river snail in “Deep
kind of wealth. The political sig- Flight,” and the sunflower in “Weather Girl—Halo Daisy.”
They are all inquiries based on the combination of video,
nificance of farming lies in the plant science, field experience, and writing.
My recent exhibition “Give no words but mum” con-
empowerment of people and is tinues with this line of inquiry: In the companionship be-
tween plants and people, how can we understand the
consequently one of the most other, how can we mutually support each other, how can
we recognize our own subjective lenses. In the exhibition,
significant responses of social there is a new edition of “Slow-so TV,” it films the back
and forth of people in the rice paddies, insects going in
resistance. and coming out, and the rhythm of plants—in such set-
tings, one’s own thoughts roam in every direction, and
QC: This complementary relationship between thus plants become the accompanying companion for
“self-empowerment” and “social participation” reminds these thoughts.
me of the concept you told me about a few years ago,
“Half-Farming, Half-X.” How are you and other Sangwood- TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY JOY BLOSER
goon Learners putting this into practice?
NL: “Half-Farming, Half-X” is a concept that came out 瞿畅，Para Site 艺术空间策展人，工作与生活于香港。
of Japan in the 1990s, it proposes as the ideal a complete
Qu Chang, currently lives and works in Hong Kong. She is
integration of “returning to the land” and the “full use of
one’s own abilities.” When we came across this concept,
we thought it offered a kind of complementary practice,
123 a curator at Para Site, Hong Kong.
but putting it into action, we began to have our doubts— 劳丽丽是一位”退役”旅游记者。现欲专注大自然生态有关的
like freelancers with too many projects, we found it hard to 艺术创作，却不断分心。她曾对撰写有关文化及艺术文章有障
focus our efforts. When Yuan Yitian first started to teach
碍，意图仅访问陌生人及论及逝者，现已破戒。
us about farming, he asked us to build a productive, high-
output farm. He believed Hong Kong didn’t need a leisure Natalie Lo Lai Lai is a “retired” travel journalist, currently
farm; increasing self-sufficiency was the ultimate goal. trying to focus on making ecology-related art, though get-
But our volume of production has been less than ideal so ting distracted constantly.
far—I want to make artwork, Chow wants to do research,
Jenny wants to teach photography... Our interests and
work have enriched our communication and practice with
the outside world, but it influences how we allocate our
time and focus. At the same time, to be an organization,
we have to balance our self-realized work with that of the
organization’s. It is a bewildering balance that we are still
trying to figure out.
QC: Conversely, how does farming help all of you?
Your portfolio began in 2009 with your photography of
Choi Yuen Tsuen, it would seem that farming intervened
in your life and initiated the true beginning of your artistic
practice?
NL: I am incredibly busy with work in the field and pro-
ducing my own, but I don’t believe that farming is equiv-
alent to creating artwork. That phrase, “life is art,” is just
substituting art, in name only, for actual participation in
life. I have found that by balancing farming, my own work,
and Sangwoodgoon that I really treasure the peaceful
state of mind I feel when I’m in the fields. My work ranges
from photographing the farm to now, more and more,

劳丽丽对话土丘 ：由新界， 走向 X
受瞿畅的邀请，我们谈起数年前跟同伴们走入香港新界的
观察与经历。新界，这片既有明媚风光，也同时充满角力与欲
望的丛林，是多么的复杂难明，却引人入胜，对话中翻起了我
多年来好一些思绪。 老实说，我在生活馆跟同伴一直走来的
路上，遇上不少难题，我欲趁机找来同样有土地运动背景的“土
丘”对谈，期待在深入交流过程中梳理一些复杂的思绪，例如
对于身份认同的纠结丶应付权力与资本的挑战丶在共同体中自
我实现的探索等……
124
Wanho 精于木工 , 砍柴是生活日常。他在土丘开木工班，希望以对环境友善方式获得
木材，如到废木场回收丶搜集附近的木料等，教授学员做食具及家具等
劳 ：劳丽丽
土：
“土丘”
，现成员包括 Mr Tall丶Becky丶细沈丶Wanho丶
Puikei 以及年仅约 2 岁的 Kwunhei
劳：近十年来，因“反高铁丶护菜园”及“新界东北发展计划”
等社会运动在香港新界各处撒下了一把种子，吸引一众来外来
者尝试透过接触土地来解答个人自身及社会的难题，造就了不
少团体丶组织的成立，如马宝宝社区农场丶乡土学社丶土丘丶
生活馆丶港嘢／田嘢丶生活书社等 ；亦促成了部分文化艺术项
目诞生，包括空城艺术节“坪輋村校之外”丶 YMCArts“城
乡共生”艺术游学项目等。可谓这些种子虽同样撒落在香港新
界这片土壤，却因为各样天时丶地利丶人和，形成了不一样
的田园风景。这次藉此机会，想找你们谈谈，希望借着跟同为
集体运作的土丘交流，讨论一个组织成长的经验。 按我理解，
我们在发展重心丶成员背景丶运作模式上都不尽相同，不过，
我相信两方的经验都有值得参考的地方。
土 : 对的，我们在上水这一边，跟处于锦上路的生活馆一
点距离，我们也想了解你们的近况。地理上，土丘跟马宝宝社
区农场丶乡土学社相邻，所以跟这边街市的菜贩及新界东北如
打鼓岭、坪輋的农夫比较熟罢，固我们主要以此为根基，探访
本地农夫丶养蜂人，采购当季蔬菜及食材来准备素菜膳食，又
学习承传村民丶农夫的智慧做萝卜糕丶菜粿等，从品尝这些食
物带出香港农业的重要性，可说是想稳守农业生产上下游中的
下游位置，由我们透过举办活动，把生产者的成果及故事告诉
来访的朋友。
外界看这些团体的表象，不免有点浪漫化丶与世无争，甚
至有些成员未加入时会想像这里是乌托邦，憧憬乡间团体共居
生活的美好，实际上当这一切成为了生活，无论成员间有什么
棱角丶维生如何困难也要共同面对。不少来访者也会抱着参观
动物园的心态，城市人总对乡间小屋好奇，欣赏旧式陈列柜丶
樟木栊，对朴实的百姓碗碟丶砖炉啧啧称奇，但其实这些就是
新界村民的生活，我们这些被探访的“动物”也会如常生活下
去……即使成为了景观，也未尝是负面的，因为来访的人或许
因此从这些食物体验丶陶瓷班丶木工班了解到乡土价值，发现
本地也可有自给自足味美质优的蔬菜。
劳 ：其实我们大部份人最初也不过是个过客，被自然、土
地丶邻里关系吸引，误打误撞地干活起来，成立了这些“生活
实验场”，换上了村民丶农夫的身份。正如当初我们在反高铁
发展运动中，看到即使不少菜园村老村民没再务农为生，但他
们在新界几十年间自给自足的经历，令我们既敬佩又羡慕。我
们由守护村子，到学习农务创立生活馆，尝试过另类生活，提
出改变社会之前，先改变自己，好好掌握自己的生活。
往往外界人看到故事这一章，就感觉很励志很有意思，但
现实是挑战才刚刚开始。有一位成员笑言，我们最初几年也不
过是“扮耕田”
（装作在务农），毕竟当一件事情理念先行，组
织内每个人的身心并不能立刻适应，例如有城市人的隋性。虽
然这些年我们不断在调整，但大家总是在维生丶家庭因素丶兴
趣等令身心不停摇摆。我对“半农半 X ”这个字词充满疑惑，
并不能完全亳无戒心地拥抱它，它似是论述了「农」跟个人天
赋美妙地融为一体，但现实中它往往是一个令你不能完整地投
入生产的原因。
土 : 说起来有点惭愧，我们近日也荒废了自家的农地做生 难以理解父母辈回乡时那种近乡情怯的心情，但若说香港是我
素食 ，崇尚不消费生活，信奉者回收剩食丶搭便车丶以劳力换取所需。
3.Freegan 是由 free 和 vegan 合成字，主张免费丶自由的纯植物有机
产，重心多放在下游的工作。土丘最初的想法也是希望食物体 们的“乡下”（家乡），也好像不太精准，因“乡下”的涵意，
验的蔬菜包括多一点自家出产，但始终不能兼顾，唯有放下一 亦应包括回归自然丶土地的意思。大部人成长于香港城市化的
点。话说土丘成立的背景也跟生产者很有关系，创立人鸿飞本 一面，早几辈落户本地的农民与渔民的后代也多不在郊区谋生，
身是一个电影摄影师，创过业做过生意，但其实内心不能满 多上演“往城市打工”的戏码，所以，我最近在想，假若眼前
足，身心多方面出了问题，当时他开始走入马屎埔村及新界东 这班来到生活馆教育基地的小鬼及他们的下一代，能继续在乡
北村落，帮忙记录农夫的生活，甚至在旁听他们务农日常事项 间土生土长，我们正在创造一个近在咫尺的“乡下”吗？还有
丶应付收地的讨论。他开始反思作为一个做文宣的旁观者，究 待时间见证。
竟还可以再做怎么？这种做推广的方法真的可以有帮助吗？还 土:
不过是昙花一现的？当他看到农夫即使面临收地，还是每天老
老实实地在田间犁田播种收割，守田就是守护一直原有的生活
状态，这才是理想“耕住合一”的生活方法，而非政府主张收
我们也有“乡下” 这个想像， 即使我们
地重建农业园、把农夫的生活切割的取态。我辈的农夫缺少老 大部人不在新界农村出生， 但在这几年
农夫这份质地，维生工作也不是单纯谈喜不喜欢的选择，那是
一种跟地方连结的生活及工作态度，他们是专注的。
间跟新界村民生活打交道， 住进了新界
最初土丘的成员也不过是分租一幢三层的村屋，没有太多 的村子， 成了别人眼中的“山区村民”，
共享的想法，但后来现实上我们要共同在生活上做大大少少的
协调，没钱买东西不如好好善用资源做回收家具？大家总要果 内内外外都交杂了一份乡土情结。无论我们日后能否在这
腹，就要有人补位煮饭 ；要住得舒服，总要有人做家务。大家 里生活下去，我们的人生也自此不一样。
要收入交租做生活费，不如一同维生，逐渐成为了一个互相支 不过，与其说是“乡下”，我们觉得土丘更像“部落”，这
持的共同体。 个“部落”中的成员不必然有真正的血缘关系，但我们也确实
劳 ：生活馆的成员对土丘的经营模式感到好奇，在想你们 共同去面对所有事情，细沈跟 Wanho 的儿子是我们共同迎
是共产吗？我们生产的收入就按下田的时间分配，但由于不是 接的新生命，常来探访我们的细沈妈妈也像我们大家的妈妈一
共居，有时候虽也有家人的感觉，但在维生上更比较像一班工 般。每一个成员也会共同承担部落的一切，如潜藏着一份动物
作伙伴，不像你们经常分享资源。另外，有时候也会想，是不 本能去守护家园丶维生，有这个想法之后，成员就不会单从自
是因赚得不多，留不住某些人。 己“喜不喜欢”去选择做某一件事，那就没有什么群体跟自我
土 : 哈哈，其实我们根本没有财产，何来共产？事实上我
们也多次调整对金钱运作的想法，最初鸿飞也是用做生意出钱 125 实现对抗的两难了。
做老板的方式营运，但其后变成共同赚取收益。后来，我们的
工作坊慢慢提高收费维持成本，但也会打个折扣接待一些非牟
利机构、慈善团体。但假如你追求更多的金钱，你只会希望招
待更多负担得起的人，并未会想优先接待后者。 所以我们最
后决定拿走“钱”这个元素，我们一起赚取每个月的收入，交
租后每个人可分得定额的金钱做生活费，花不完的人把钱放回
钱箱，不够的可在钱箱再拿。
我们成员间也经常争吵，但在共居的情况下，情绪不好好
地尽快处理便很难走下去；而土丘几年来也不少经营上的困难，
也有人离开，有人加入。其实每一次处理危机转变，我们提出
的解决方案，也像是一同做一个小练习。每个组织成员的离
合，微妙地改变着这个共同体的质地，即使你在外部看到这个
组织的状态，你加入后，事情就会变得不一样。又例如，我们
决定拿走金钱作目标的决定也不是一时三刻的事。当时我们的
经营走入了死胡同，我们正好遇上了肥紧村的 Puikei，她介
绍了台湾作家丶社会运动者杨宗翰给我们认识，让我们正视“
freegan”生活得来免费的自由 1，最近，Puikei 也加入了土
丘，她也会提醒我们在生活上是否真能做到妥善运用资源。
劳 ：不经不觉，生活馆这个共同体就快满十载，去年生活
馆的教育支部也渐渐成型。我看着拍档的两岁女儿在刚修复好
的客家平房外自由奔放地游走，而另一边厢参加稻米工作坊的
小朋友正在田野间探究，顷刻想起“乡下”这个概念。香港这
一代人大部分都是土生土长，没有太多漂泊流浪的经验，我们 天朗气清时，土丘成员跟友人会走到天台用餐，想想一天的日常工作安排。
混凝土森林，
时代的自然和对面的张如怡
LOOKING FROM THE OPPOSITE SIDE:
CONCRETE CACTI, NEW NATURE, AND
ZHANG RUYI
文 TEXT / BTR

张如怡，《装修 ：错置》，2018 年，装置局部

Zhang Ruyi, Decoration: Misplacement, 2018

126
Installation detail
Photo: Yan Tao. Courtesy Rockbund Art Museum

从窗口看出去，是另一栋楼。 鱼缸并非如我起初以为的那样摆在阳台上。看起来或许如
或许，也可能看见大海、田野、广场、公园、几棵树或一 此，但事实上，这只鱼缸在空调外机上方，怪异地与之组成一
座小森林。但在大城市里生活的人们都明白，从一栋楼里望出 个不可分割的整体。望远镜泄露更多细节 ：鱼缸里浸泡着两个
去，大概率事件是看见另一栋楼。 灰色的仙人掌，一个表面光滑，另一个有状似苦瓜般的凸起，
希区柯克很早就意识到这种充满现代性的观看，“后窗” 同样灰色的管道穿越并支撑着它们，使它们看起来像两只正以
是现代的画框 ；而乔治·佩雷克干脆剖开外墙，或使之变得透 后入式交媾的爬行动物，氧气装置制造的水泡和它们身下那串
明，他把一栋公寓楼看作整座城市，乃至整个世界。 “小仙人掌”加剧了这种幻觉。它们分明是“死的”，但又仿佛
“钢筋森林”——隐喻早已潜入语言的内部，说出意识的 活着 ；一切如同正在进行，又像结束已久。像实验室里装在透
真相。钢筋混凝土是我们的新“自然”。 明玻璃瓶里的重要标本，又好像深夜电视表示全天放映结束或
望向对面的楼，是一种揽镜自观，毕竟所谓的“这里”只 近来流行的慢电视（Slow TV）里的那种景观鱼缸，绘出一
是对面的对面。望向对面的楼，也让人立刻被工业化的整齐感 段兼具史前与史后感的时间罅隙。在透明鱼缸背后大楼方格外
击中 ：齐刷刷的一排客厅，齐刷刷的一排厨房，又齐刷刷的一 墙的映衬下，这一幕如同静物画，或称之为“活画”（tableau
排卧室，窗外齐刷刷挂着空调外机——腾空而起的复制黏贴对 vivant）更为妥当。它有点像整座大楼、甚至整个城市里的
这座立体人工大陆的多样性没有追求。待到深夜，阑珊的灯火 那些高楼大厦的隐喻 ：混凝土仙人掌也会生长、交配，也会造
《室内外机 》，2019 年
悉数熄灭，只有楼道的灯齐刷刷亮着，如某种停滞或冷感的标示。 出更多混凝土小仙人掌。它是时代的“自然”。 空调外机、转速器、鱼缸、混凝土、清道夫、加热棒、过滤器、灯，
152 × 90 × 32 cm
需要一个望远镜。需要凑得更近一些。需要进入内部。需 “以为何处”展览现场，东画廊，上海，2019 年
要调整尺度和视野。需要在形色之间识别被藏匿的景观。 张如怡，艺术家，1985 年出生，现居上海。 Internal External Unit, 2019
Air conditioner, condenser, aquarium, concrete, Suckermouth
通过望远镜看对面的楼，钢筋森林便拆解为一棵棵各有差 catfish, heater, filter, light
异的树。而仔细凝视一棵树，才有可能理解整座森林。我就是 btr，生活在上海的作家、译者和当代艺术评论人。 152 × 90 × 32 cm
View of“Consciousness of Location,”Don Gallery, Shanghai, 2019
这样发现对面的如怡的。那是一间奇异的公寓。不过，很多事 Photo: Su Hang. Courtesy Don Gallery

我后来才逐渐明白——最初的最初，我只是看见了一个鱼缸。
 在格莱菲迪艺术驻留，2017 年。摄影 ：张如怡 ( 同下图）
At Glenfiddich Residency, 2017（above and below)
Photo: Zhang Ruyi

《浸泡景观》，2019 年，装置局部
Submerged Landscape, 2019, installation detail

Look out of your window, and you’ll see another building. understand—in the beginning of the beginning, the only
Or perhaps you’ll see the sea, a field, a courtyard, a thing I saw was a fishbowl.
park, a few trees, or a small forest. But people who live in The fishbowl wasn’t set on the terrace, as I’d initially
metropolises all know that if they look outside their win- thought. It only seemed this way; in reality, it sat atop the
dows, chances are they’ll see another building. AC unit outside her window, forming a strange, continuous
Hitchcock grasped this modernist concept early on— mass with it. My binoculars revealed more details: soaking
that the “rear window” is today’s version of a picture frame. inside the fishbowl were two gray cacti, one smooth-sur-
Georges Perec, for his part, removed the external walls faced, the other bumpy like a bitter melon. Two pipes of
from an apartment complex, or rendered them transparent; the same gray color pierced through and supported them
he saw the apartment as a microcosm of the city, or of the in such a way that they appeared to be two copulating
world, even. reptiles, one mounted on the other. Air bubbles and the
“Concrete jungle”—the metaphor has become a part small cacti below them added to the illusion. They were
of our language. Concrete and steel are our new nature. obviously dead, but seemed alive; everything seemed to
To look at a building opposite ours is to see ourselves be in progress, and to have ended for a long time. Like
through a mirror; after all, what’s across from what’s an important specimen, stored inside a glass jar in a lab-
across from us is “here.” To look at the building opposite oratory, or one of those decorative fishbowls, shown at
ours means being instantly assaulted by the neatness of the end of a day’s broadcast, appearing in one of those
industrialization; living rooms, kitchens, bedrooms, air fashionable Slow TV programs, depicting a kind of pre- or
conditioning units, outside windows—all neatly arrayed. post-history in a fissure outside time. The checkered wall
This aerial copy-and-paste job demands no diversity behind the fishbowl served as its foil. The scene was like
from such a human-made landmass. Late at night, the a still life, or perhaps a tableau vivant. It seemed to stand
last lights all fade; only the lights of the hallways stay on, in for the entire building, even for all the city’s high rises.
neatly arrayed, like a symbol of stasis or frigidity. Concrete cacti also grow and reproduce, creating more,
We need binoculars. To move closer. To get inside. To smaller concrete cacti. This our era’s “nature.”
adjust the scale, and the field of vision. We need to make
out the sights, hidden within these forms and colors. Zhang Ruyi is an artist based in Shanghai.
Look at the building opposite ours through binoculars,
and the concrete jungle breaks up into individual trees, btr is a writer, translator, and art critic based in Shanghai.
each with its own variations. Only by looking closer at a
tree can we see the entire forest. This is how I discovered
Zhang Ruyi, in the building across from mine. Hers was a
very strange apartment. Only later would I slowly begin to
 左： 《暗色之物 -7》 ，2019 年
混凝土、碎石、木托板、木条
40 × 30 × 72 厘米（含木托板 ）
Left: Matte Substance-7, 2019
Concrete, gravel, wood pallet, wood bar
40 × 30 × 72 cm (with wood pallet)

上： 《暗色之物 -6》 ，2019 年

混凝土、碎石、木托板
78 × 110 × 162.5 厘米（含木托板）
Top: Matte Substance-6, 2019
Concrete, gravel, wood pallet
78 x 110 x 162.5 cm (with wood pallet)

工作室附近的拆迁废墟，2016 年。摄影 ：张如怡

The demolition ruins near the studio，2016
Photo: Zhang Ruyi
TRADITIONAL
MATERIAL AND
传统材料与现代建造、
在地性与内生性
THE PRODUCTION
OF RURAL SPACE
在乡村空间
132
徐浪，“建筑与艺术创新实验室 - 合造社”，邛窑遗址公园，2018 年
Xu Lang, Innovative Lab of Architecture & Art—CLAB,
Qiong Kiln Ruins Park, 2018
133
生产中的问题 对话者 ：
姚梦溪 ：作者，策展人，激烈空间联合创办人，重庆工作
Participants:
Yao Mengxi, writer, curator, a member of Chongqing
Work Institute.
研究所成员。
Xu Lang, architect, founder of the architecture com-
徐浪：重庆大学建筑学学士和硕士，国家一级注册建筑师。 munity CLAB

A DIALOGUE STARTING FROM 合造社创始人。

杨宇振 ：重庆大学建筑城规学院教授。
Yang Yuzhen, professor at the School of Architecture
and Urban Planning, Chongqing University

THE RAW SOIL CONSTRUCTION PROJECT 建筑师徐浪在乡村做建造实践多年，其中四川省邛崃市邛窑遗

Architect Xu Lang has many years of experience in rural
building construction. His “raw earth” building project
at the historic Qionglai Kiln site in Sichuan province is

IN QIONGLAI, SICHUAN
址公园的“生土”建造项目的很多细节令人印象深刻，比如对
particularly impressive for its use of rammed earth and
生土的使用，及乡村建造对当地生产关系的考量等。杨宇振老
its consideration of local relations of production in rural
师在乡村的实践和研究领域颇有建树，并且在自己的建造中也 construction. Professor Yang Yuzhen, recognized for his
使用过生土材料。此次对话以徐浪在邛崃的生土建造为起点， achievements in practice and research in rural communi-
以四川邛崃生土建造项目为起点的对话 从微观的材料展开，进入到更多有关乡村建造的话题，除了关
注生产关系和治理政策问题，也有多方面溢出框架的问题。
ties, has also used raw earth as a material in his building
projects. Their conversation begins with Xu Lang’s raw
earth construction and specific material use in Qionglai
and expands to broader topics in rural construction. Be-
姚梦溪 ：首先，关于邛崃项目在材料上为什么会选择生土？生 yond relations of production and government policy, they
土建筑对土质选择有什么讲究？此次建造的技术是否和一般生 traverse the multifaceted issues spilling over the frame-
works of rural communities.
土建筑不同？在组织形式上，之前你提到进入乡村之前，想在
当地留下一些知识，一些技术，那么工人如何学习？村民学会 Yao Mengxi: First, why did you select raw earth as the
了新的夯土技术之后，建造成本上是否会减少？这一材料是否 building material for the Qionglai project? Did this partic-
ular construction differ in any way from common practices
有重新复苏的可能？
姚梦溪、徐浪、杨宇振 YAO MENGXI, XU LANG, YANG YUZHEN in raw earth building? Is it possible to reuse this material?
 Xu Lang: Raw earth construction is a traditional craft
skill with a history of use that spans thousands of years. in a rural community practice,
Its tradition is reflected in current productivity and rela-
tions of production. Construction in every era adapts to
removing emotional application
the circumstances of its time. And while the technology
may differ, the theory and concept remain unchanged.
becomes particularly important.
We made some improvements to the rammed earth tech-
YM: In Professor Yang’s article “Alternative Road:
nique in the Qionglai project. Regarding the promotion
A Brief Literature Review of Rural China Studies in the
of rammed earth, many people asked us to promote and
1920s-1930s,” we are offered a glimpse into the 1930s
build rammed earth constructions after this project. It’s
with the detailed analyses scholars made on the con-
very perplexing to me—on the one hand, rural construction
tradiction between “localization” and the introduction
is a process of moving from premodern to modern. The
of western theory. Looking at our current situation, this
rammed earth technique fell out of use because it did not
issue is present in nearly every industry; contemporary
match the productivity and social structure of the time. On
art emerged under western influence in the 1980s, and up
the other hand, by promoting the historical significance
until now, most works have followed that methodology,
of raw earth, it becomes a kind of cultural symbol, which
language, and organizational relationship. Yet still, it’s
makes me uneasy.
unable to grasp any kind of awareness of “localization.”
Yang Yuzhen: Xu Lang’s work is a series of attempts
In architecture, materials are sourced locally to promote
at using a material scientifically. It seems many modern
local sustainable development. Are traditional techniques
architects are now looking to traditional materials and
and materials still incapable of transcending the call
their common use. Although the wall in the picture doesn’t
of modernization? Does “localization” in contemporary
appear to be tall and the roof is made of concrete, you
rural construction show how to transcend this singular
can still see how he used rammed earth as a loadbearing,
modernity?
structural material—this requires a certain confidence.
XL: On the notion of “localization,” I found the fol-
When I used rammed earth, I didn’t particularly con-
lowing points to be persuasive when I entered the field of
sider using it as a loadbearing material, it was an emotive
rural construction.
material. I also wanted to experiment with the various
properties of rammed earth and research its durability
and aesthetic effects when mixed in various ratios onsite.
YM: You both used words that refer to intention, emo-
1. “Localization” is the use of
tion, and cultural symbolism to describe this traditional local materials and skillsets of
material and technique. Is it true that when the material
徐浪，夯土 ：作为社会关系的建筑学，合造社，邛窑遗址公园，2018 年
does not immediately fit the circumstances of productivity a certain place.
134 135
Xu Lang, rammed earth—architecture as social relations,
and social structure that it can only be used emotively?
Qiong Kiln Ruins Park, 2018
XL: To speak to “emotive use,” I don’t oppose the 2. “Localization” is in a social
material’s emotional applications. We persisted in using
rammed earth as the structural material in the Qionglai
relationship, manifest through the
徐浪 ：生土建造是一项传统工艺，有几千年的历史。传统 是用当下的成熟做法，经由改造，完成想要的目的。要组织工
project primarily because we imagined the project as a
social experiment. I attempted an academically clean
materials of production and the
体现在生产力和生产关系上，每个时代的建造会去适应当时的 人在农村的建造，建筑师并不容易处理，因为不是他熟悉的领 build, using the material and structure itself to express way the final work is presented.
the architecture, and removed every degree of emotion.
情况。不同时期技术上略有不同，不过原理和概念都没变。我 域。我曾经提出由地方建委组织农村的包工头进行现代建筑的 3. “Localization” is both the
们在邛崃项目的夯土技术上有些改进。 培训，可能是一种方式。
杨宇振 ：徐浪的操作是试图把材料使用科学化的过程，似 徐浪 ：在乡村的互助型社会这一学理假设上，生土建造成
Rammed earth serves as the intellectual experience and life
乎是绝大数现代建筑师面临传统材料的普遍做法。尽管图片上 本会非常低，坦白说这次项目的材料成本大部分是运费。除夯 structure, it conveys the simple experience of the creator. These
看墙体并不高，顶部做了混凝土压顶，仍能看出他要把夯土作
为承重材料来使用，这需要一定的信心。我自己在使用夯土过
土本身的材料成本之外，建造房屋还需要基础成本，即屋架和
屋面。我们的项目采用的是混凝土基础，屋架是钢框架结构屋
process and craft of construc- experiences mirror points 1 and 2.
程中，没有特别考虑要把它当做承重材料，而是情感材料。我 架，是基于现代生产逻辑下建造的。如果乡村自建房屋采用毛 tion, it conveys that with only the YY: “Localization” cannot be “external localization,”
同样要对夯土的属性进行实验，在现场用各种不同的配比研究
它的坚固性和美学效果。
石基础和木架屋架，基于自主手工采集，那么这块成本也会很
低。互助型社会的假设如果成立，意味着乡村建房的人工成本
rural materials at hand, one can it should essentially be endogenous. (But this immedi-
ately confronts the issue of scaling endogenous space

徐浪 ：关于组织，进入到乡村建造的具体层面，比较困难 低，致整体建造成本低。 build a house. The countryside is that is endogenously Chinese, Shanghainese or Sich-
uanese, leaving Qionglai to still only be endogenous with
的是跟当地工人沟通。我们找到了当地人徐刚，帮我们组织建 我必须做反思性说明，低成本基于互助型的社会假设下， already projected with too many its neighbor). Transcending the fundamentals of singular
modernity lies in the existence of a space’s subjectivity
造的工人，因此委任他做施工经理。施工经理在项目的知识和 被消解掉的人工成本和时间成本，这是一个理想化的模型且不
工具上和设计方同步，这是整个项目里的关键环节。涉及建筑 高效。一旦进入现代社会，从效率和生产力发展的角度，手作
emotions, and often imagined and creative practice (the smallest increment of measure
being a person). The disappearance of traditional villages
师怎么把学科语言转译成没有学科背景也能熟悉的语言，另外 带来的低效将会是巨大的资源浪费。我在建造后期计入了人工 as the back garden for the city. has many causes—the changing economic relationship
between urban and rural communities, and historical pro-
也有知识和工具的培训。
杨宇振 ：徐浪是培训当地工人的方式，很不容易。如果当
成本之后，发现夯土的建造成本并不低。邛崃项目作为一次实
验，证明目前夯土技术不适合大范围的“推广”。它可能出现
This is a tactic within the social cesses of every kind together causing these changes.
地有夯筑的传统，如何利用现代技术改造或提升传统技术就是 的地方仍基于前现代地区的小范围自建行为。相比技术本身， landscape that economic capital One such cause is the disappearance of the rural town’s
original subjectivity, which in turn bore the loss of the tra-
个有意义的方向。我的观点是，不宜从头开始。介入一个地方
社会，宜尽可能利用现有的体系，包括建造体系。大乘的做法
我在这次项目中更希望能探讨一种社会模型的观念样本，无论
成败。
is particularly adept at. And thus, ditional cultural body and community.
 intervene in rural construction. Or you could say that each
Rural construction today (not and every action, distinguishable through one’s own ob-

revitalization), in many cases, servations and reflections, intervenes in the practice of

specific rural affairs. (Here it must be said that rural does
is done by outsiders with “illu- not necessarily indicate a “marginalized population.”)
Another possibility lies in establishing rural subjectivi-
sions of rural localization” (this ties. This is a long-term social process. The overall social
structure has to be adjusted to provide rural communities
outsider is not only the architect, (or more accurately, at the county, township, and village
levels, not the grassroots level) with more power (financial,
but also the town’s ruling author- human resources, and approvals, etc). But the problem
at the moment is not that the structure has not yet been
ities in economics, academics, established, it’s that the power of capital has already en-
and technology), and there is no tered. Marketization is necessary, but it needs to be con-
trolled and guided. One very specific and real problem
real relationship with the locals. is the marketization of collective rural land. If the appro-
priate management and control is not set up for the pro-
Another aspect that needs to be tection of rural public goods, landscapes, and rural eco-
nomic interests, large and small capital swarming rural
emphasized is that rural commu- communities may very well cause a great deal of damage
to the rural landscape and society.
nities cannot be a recreation of
the imagined past (in many cases THE EXCERPT IS TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY
JOY BLOSER
the imagined past is draped over
them like a cover), they need to
modernize. What we need (or you
could say, what rural populations
need) is a modernized village.
136 137
徐浪，“建筑与艺术创新实验室 - 合造社”，邛窑遗址公园，2018 年
Xu Lang, Innovative Lab of Architecture & Art—CLAB,
Qiong Kiln Ruins Park, 2018
YM: Western modernity has reached its pinnacle
today, we cannot blindly follow suit. Rather, we should re-
duce and eliminate classical modernity so as to export
a new product and theory. This is what scholars, artists,
and architects should be considering—how to follow our
own trajectory towards modernity, our own future path.
Modern cities are the reproduction of western modernity,
are there new possibilities for the spontaneous overflow
of urban and rural areas? Most of China’s villages are on a
predictable and failing path—blindly pursuing unrealistic
关于夯土推广，建造完成之后不少人找我们推广、建造夯 姚梦溪 ：二位使用了象征意向的词，情感符号，文化符号 commercialization. What can we do on this concealed cul-
土建筑。我很困惑 ：一方面，乡村建造处在从前现代进入现代 来表述传统材料和技术。能否理解为当材料不匹配当下生产力 tural battlefield?
的过程中。夯土技术的失传是因为不再匹配当下生产力和社会 和社会结构的情况下，只能作为某种情感依托？ XL: One of the motivations behind the creation of
the Qionglai project was the desire to arouse the possi-
结构。另一面，推广的意义在于回溯历史，生土成为一种文化 徐浪 ：谈到“情感应用”的话题。我并不反对情感应用。
bility of overflow. Workers can bring technology back into
符号也令我难受。因此不知道如何是好。 邛崃项目里坚持将夯土作为结构材料，主要因为设想项目作为 their rural communities and disseminate it. Emotion does
杨宇振 ：徐浪对于这一点的回复我很同意。如果不使用既 一次社会实验。我试图尝试在学科上干净的建造，用材料和结 not catalyze the possibility of overflow, nor does it moti-
有的建造体系，其代价和成本往往是高昂的。夯土也是这样， 构本身来表达建筑，去除情感因素，让它是零度的。夯土作为 vate workers. The possibility for overflow comes from the
market, from economic relationships. If the premodern
其中还涉及投资属性的基本问题。我常常在媒体上看到一些“热 结构，就意味着建造工序和工艺是简单的，意味着仅仅用乡村 rural social model of helping one another still existed, lo-
建筑”，看到它们存在的一些问题。如果是私人投资，特别在 易得的材料可以自建房屋。 cally sourced and inexpensive materials would be the key
农村地区，往往不需要特别审批，不需要节能审查等等。没有 to such economic relationships. What is missing, however,
is simple technology and just a little bit of knowledge.
一些规范的限制，可能就有更大的创作空间。如果是公共投资，
那就必须符合国家的各种繁琐规范。这些看不见的手对具体建
乡村被赋予了太多的情感， 正在成为一 Thinking in this way, I chose a rammed earth design for
construction that also seemed to be designed as an ex-
筑实践有着深远的影响，却往往缺乏足够的讨论。要想恢复生 个城市后花园的春梦。 这一运作是资本 periment for social practice.
土建筑的现代使用，需要系统性的转换，把生土的生产、建造 YY: To raise two more questions: Where is the path for

和评估等纳入现代建造体系，否则仍然只是一个符号，一个情
在景观社会中特别擅长的战术。 在乡村 rural communities? What can we do? These are big ques-
tions. One possibility is on a micro-scale, as Xu Lang has
感依托的符号。 中实践， 去除情感由此变得特别重要。 done, with reflection and using his creative practice to

徐浪，“建筑与艺术创新实验室 - 合造社”剖透视图，邛窑遗址公园，2018 年
138
Xu Lang, section view of Innovative Lab of Architecture & Art—CLAB,
Qiong Kiln Ruins Park, 2018
姚梦溪 ：最近的两次田野走访中，我意识到在短平快的统 我的理解是，乡村是小农社会的空间载体（尽管历史久远
筹发展下，二、三线城市的建设模式趋于雷同，各城市的新区 的小农社会在近百年间略有现代化），城市在“有中国特色社
建造逐渐呈现饱和。反观农村土地自土地流转、乡村振兴、打 会主义”的空间载体。大城市要进入经济全球化，要现代化，
造社会主义新农村等政策之后出现了变化。中国的空间生产力 却有着高度的风险（资本积累危机的爆发等）
。每次城市危机
多数集中在了乡村，产生了诸多的创造性。村民、决策者都在 的出现都会向中国内部的其他空间，也就是农村的空间转嫁。
利用想象力重塑乡村空间。有村民自发有机的生产关系改造， 1930 年代的情况就是这样（可见我的文章《歧路 ：20 世纪
却也伴随投机资本下乡产生的空间矛盾。因社会主义独有的土 20-30 年代部分农村研究文献的简要回顾》），建国后的状况
地关系，中国的乡村土地变革和乡村现代化建设，没法照搬他 还可参考温铁军的《八次危机》。2008 年以后，因美国次贷
国经验，治理显得很有创造力，以至于一位艺术家朋友说， 带来的全球经济萧条，以出口拉动的模式受阻，进而转向内需
生产。由《城市规划法》改《城乡规划法》，城市规划改城乡
规划。乡村的生产被提上紧要议程（最近更加急迫）。只是要
这个时代的决策者才是真正的艺术家。 把小农空间转变为现代资本积累的空间，是个系统性和结构性
的改造过程，有着众多、需要讨论的问题。
我认为艺术家在快速变化的乡村问题上，不应该只是美学的提
我的基本看法，希望在县镇乡不在基层农村（只是在越加
供者，或用作品反讽模糊的社会整体。而应该进入当地，做微
两级化的世界里，它们还有多少可能的希望也是需要再议的），
观的观察、记录和学习。
具体可见我的论文《兼容二元 ：中国县镇乡发展的基本判断与
杨宇振 ：
路径选择》。乡村还有一个巨大的问题在于，由于土地产权的
差别，要解放农村（劳动力一定程度上已经解放），土地也需
乡村变化的根本原因不在乡村本身， 而 要解放。集体建成土地产权今年开始可以上市，这将会带来些
难以预测的问题。
在变动的城乡关系之间。
徐浪 ：回溯下做邛崃项目的初期冲动，不作为现在的立场
和项目结论 ：初期，我给自己建立了一个直觉性的判断，就是
今天的乡村建造（不是振兴）， 往往是外
乡村的希望仍然在它的基层，在人和人的血缘地缘关系中，在 来者“ 农村想象的在地化”（这个外来者
它自组织的互助性社会中。这个直觉的形成是来自于接触乡村
管理机构后的气馁。中国政府的治理结构是从乡镇这一级别开
不仅仅是建筑师， 而是城镇中掌握权力、
始至上而下管理，因此决定了乡镇的管理方法和行动准则是对 资本、 知识与技术的群体）， 和本地并
上层负责。在接触中不乏遇到有情怀，有能力，有乡村经验的
基层官员。但如果把希望寄托在遇到个别的基层官员是不合适
无太大关系。 有一点是需要强调的， 乡
的，它不是结构性的。 村不能是过去想象的复制（现在往往是
如杨老师所说乡村没有规范的限制，可以获得更大的创作
空间。城市管理下对建筑创作的禁锢，不仅是要求遵守和把握
披着过去想象的外衣）， 它需要现代化。
行业规范的。它已经深入审美，干预文化，甚至由不完整的技 我们需要是（也可以说， 乡村的人们需
术编码划定的陈旧创作边界。这里形成了另一个关于希望空间
的直觉。在乡村，也许建筑学的知识和创造，能在自治管理的
要的是） 现代化的乡村。
基层生长。不得不承认这个希望建立在，乡村自治和互助的社
姚梦溪 ：今日西方现代性走到尽头，我们也不能亦步亦趋
会形态里。我的乡村建造经验不能让我在项目初期去论证它。
跟着，而是抛开和化约古典现代性，输出新的生产和理论，这
姚梦溪 ：从杨老师的文章《歧路 ：20 世纪 20 ～ 30 年
是学者，艺术家和建筑师都要考虑的，走我们自己的现代性轨
代部分农村研究文献的简要回顾》里窥探到上世纪 30 年代，
迹，我们的未来方向。现代城市是西方现代性的翻版，在城乡
学者们就在引入西方理论和“在地化”的矛盾中进行细微分析。
有自发和自溢的新可能性吗？目前的中国特色的乡村之路，许
照今天的状况这部分问题在每个行业里都出现了，当代艺术是
多不按照实际出发，一味追求商业化的失败案例，作为一个潜
从上世纪 80 年代前后向西方学习而得的，至今多半创作从方
在的文化战场，我们可以做什么？
法、语言，到组织关系仍然无法达到一种“在地化”的自觉。
徐浪 ：关于城乡自发和自溢的可能，邛崃项目的创作冲动
在建筑中，一些材料就地取材，促进当地持续发展，传统技术
之一是希望激发自溢的可能性。工人能将技术带回所在的乡村
和材料是否仍然无法超越现代化召唤，在乡村当代建造中’在
社会并传播它。自溢的可能性必然不是被情感催化的，也不可
地化’表述，如何逾越单一现代性？
能由被某种情怀驱动的工人，去推广知识分子觉得更环保，更
徐浪 ：关于“在地”，以下的几点看法，是我之前进入乡
可持续的技术。自溢的可能性来自市场，来自经济关系。如果
139
村建造时对自己的说服。
乡村的前现代互助型社会还存在的话，就地取材和便宜的材料
成本，就是这一经济关系的钥匙。而缺少的是简单的技术和一
1.“在地”是在一个地方利用当地的材料 点点知识。基于这样的一种直觉，我选择了夯土设计了一栋建
筑，同时也似乎设计了一个社会实践的实验。
和工艺。 杨宇振 ：后来提出的两个问题。乡村的道路在哪里？我们
2.“在地”是在一种社会关系中， 社会 可以做什么？这些都是大问题。一种可能的、也是微观的，就
是如徐浪这样，有思考有创造性实践，去介入农村的建造。或
关系本身就是创作的材料和作品的呈现 者说，某一个个体，通过自身的观察和思辨，介入农村具体事
方式。 务的实践。（在这里需要说一下的，农村不必然是“弱势群体”。）
另外的一种，却在于建立农村的主体。这是一个长期的社会进
3.“在地”是艺术家或建筑师的知识经验 程。需要调整总体的社会结构，赋予农村（更准确说，在县镇
和生命经验本身。 这些经验是对 1 和 2 乡一级，不在基层农村）更多的权力（财政、人事、审批等）。
但当下存在的问题在于，这一结构还没有建立，资本的力量已
的镜像。 经（要）进入。市场化是需要的，却也需要管控和引导。一个
很具体也很现实的问题，就是农村集体建设用地的市场化。如
杨宇振 ：
“在地化”不是“外来的在地化”，它本质上应该
果之前没有做好相关的管控，特别对于农村公共物品、公共景
是内生的（但立刻就涉及内生的空间尺度问题，是中国的内生、
观的保护，对于农村经济利益的一定保护，一窝蜂的大小资本
上海或四川的内生、邛崃的内生还是其下一个村的内生问题）。
下乡可能带来的就是农村景观和农村社会的大破坏。
如何超越单一的现代性的根本在于，某一空间的主体性存在和
实践中的创造（最小的空间尺度单位是人）。传统农村的消失
有许多原因，城乡经济关系变化的原因、历史过程各种因素共
构的变化等。其中的一点，是农村原有主体性的消失，承载着
传统农村文化主体和群体的消失。
建设一个新世界 ：
但土样还在密封罐里，在印度洋上随船漂泊。

他们身处杂芜的河滩上， 这里是他们
的田野， 直至数年后摩登的建筑群从渲

中国 1960-70 年代 染图成为现实。 撒哈拉沙漠南缘燥热的

焚风， 使他们无法待在烫人的工棚里，
最后选定了一处树荫作为栖身地。 他们

对非援建中的 对树木和附近人家的果园进行丈量。 在
这里， 他们看见青尼罗河与白尼罗河汇
桑给巴尔皮革厂的办公楼侧面兼作门卫室 / 传达室，遮阳板很别致。墙面上有一铭牌，
合了。

技术与地理
用斯瓦西里语和汉语写着 ：
“中华人民共和国援建 1967”。摄影 ：刘烨，2019 年

“砍大树 7 棵”；
“枣（椰枣）树 20 棵”；
“招工 21 人”，
电报里他们先给国内汇报了一下那天的进度。接下来再问，苏
丹高温燥热，上海生产的那批建材能用吗？另外，赶紧加派阿
拉伯语翻译，英语翻译在工人中根本吃不开。
对未知世界的茫然和工作纪律带来的紧张感，是分布在海
外的中国技术人员的普遍感受。无论是从援建的建筑物还是设
备上，非洲的热带气候都让中国人格外小心。尽管在中国的海
南和滇南等地，不乏有适应类似热带自然条件的本土建筑传统
（如各式民居），但如何在特定气候条件下应用现代工业的建造
方式，仍是个新问题。这不仅在早年的第一批欧美归国从业者
手中没有答案，在后来从苏联大规模移植而来的标准中同样缺

140
中国设计人员在刚落成的友谊厅前合影，苏丹喀土穆，1975 年
图片来源 ：上海现代建筑设计（集团）有限公司网站
141
我时常想起在档案中看到的两个场景。
失。中国实践者要学会自己来勘测世界。
东非的桑给巴尔岛上，上海工程师在海边忧心忡忡，这是
对投身于此项事业的中国人而言，非洲是两个图层叠加而
1966 年。他们不断向国内发去电报，谈及海岸成片的椰子树，
成的。一层是“革命的大陆”，反殖反帝斗争的前线，中国最
那是中国设计的皮革厂即将开建的地方。建设必须具体下来，
不遗余力赞颂的黑色人民的故乡。这一认识与普通中国人同步。
支援世界革命的事业最终落脚在这一片椰林。
另一层是未经勘测的土地，它必须通过图纸、数据和施工报告
“现场共需挖除椰子树 124 颗，”他们在接下来的电报里
来表达。而关于其地理、地质，温度、湿度、风、雨、日照状
说，“此次工作桑方很重视，决定由军队负责，军方给了一台
况的一切，尚停留在想象中。两个图层之间并不是没有关系，
推土机。”很快又说，“四天一共除了 70 多棵椰子树……因推
革命化的工作伦理与修辞时常将它们紧密地连接起来。
土机损坏，现在正修理中。”他们也不忘提及，“挖椰子树时，
参与坦赞铁路修建的机械钳工马鲁奎，在诗歌《勘测队员
工地对过的马路上站满了观看的人（其中有些是外国人），路
之歌》（1975）里写到 ：
过的汽车总是要停下来看一下 。”
在更晚的电报里，他们接着说，“尚未挖除的椰子树……
姆贝亚险峰送晚霞
桑方又发动了政府机关工作人员几百人进行义务劳动，”并感
谦比西河畔迎日出
叹“在封斋节里能发动做这样强体力的义务劳动。”
围着篝火整记录
但 更 重 要 的 是 气 候，“ 目 前， 桑 正 处 于 雨 季， 差 不 多
蘸着暴雨磨坎斧
80%-90% 的日期都下雨，且雨量大。根据前次专家组的调
捧着汗水洗笑脸
查和现在向当地了解，据说 3-5 月雨季的雨量比现在还要大。”
借来骄阳晒蓝图
雨季怎样开工还是个问题。“还要参观和了解桑的建筑施工流
双脚踏遍
程和工人操作习惯，便于在今后施工中掌握。”
坦赞辽阔美丽的国土
……
两眼瞻望
数千公里外的苏丹喀土穆，中国建筑师正每天盯着尼罗河
英勇战斗的非洲大陆。
水位的上涨。他们不知道这对新打下的地基有多大的影响，氛
我们勘测队员多豪迈——
围一度紧张，这已是 1973 年。苏丹政府答应为他们找出尼罗
勾画着友谊铁路的绚丽彩图，

刘烨 河历年的水文数据，却一直没有下文。他们盼望着中国的实验
室早日给出土质的试验结果，
丈量着亚非人民并肩前进的脚步。
（节选）

142
1963 年北京纺织工业局专家在坦桑尼亚的坦葛尼卡考察中拍摄下的一处传统建筑的构成形式。翻摄 ：刘烨
技术标准的变迁所反映的，是中国技术人员对不同地理和 年代末首次形成了共通的知识网络。这些无数个实践论的瞬间，
气候条件下，建造的对象化和科学化的尝试。基于援外工程的 共同组成了对现实世界的回馈，甚至在 1999 年出版的《20
技术挑战及其克服，在接下来的近二十年里构成了一种中国之 世纪中国学术大典·地理学》一卷中，被视为中国国别地理研
于世界的独特的认识论。技术成为一种域外地理的感应器和转 究的开端。
译者。每当中国技术人员的工作范围，在世界地图上又画出新 其实，中国革命开始反映在建筑和空间的本体论意义的争
的一笔，技术问题总如影随形，那是认识新世界的第一种语言。 论上，从 50 年代就开始了。这一时期，中国出现了首批依照
就在循环往复的成就感和挫折感中，中国技术人员老老实实地 中亚与蒙古传统风格设计的、有着极强符号性却现代的工程学
把世界摸遍了。在中国现代史上，第一次大规模地、有组织地 大厦。在 1963-1964 年期间，一批中国建筑师广泛在世界
派遣人员去往异陌的大陆，持续的工作与生活，直到这片辽阔 范围内搜集热带建筑的处理方案，他们的同事也正在中国广袤
土地在中国人眼中变得逐渐具体。由成百上千的援建工程所关 的国土上迎接着新的遭遇。在横跨“边地”或少数民族世所的
联的勘测、设计、建造和维护，最终促成了中国人对海外的一 高山、森林、草原和泽地等的旅途中，他们开展了关于东北朝
种现象学式的基础认知。 鲜族、广西壮族、新疆维吾尔族，阿坝藏族，青海东部，滇西
1962 年，为几内亚援建的火柴卷烟厂（二厂合一）开 白族等民居建筑的研究。这些少数民族的、民间的、边疆的建
始设计，这是中国在非洲的第一个大型成套工程项目。彼时， 筑，在阶级政治的贯彻下都被纳入平等的谱系。这已是对梁思
非洲对中国而言可算是古典意义上的异域（除同属阿拉伯世 成一代中国建筑师，以寻求“民族语言”为根本的建筑学的空
界的埃及外）。作为第一个不仅独立，且坚决脱离法兰西共同 间观和世界观的极大拓展。建筑学及建筑业需要对应的，不再
体的法属西非国家，几内亚获得了社会主义多国的空前援助。 是以传统的汉式“衣冠礼乐”为中心的中国，而是在二十世纪
1962 年底，从广州黄埔港出发的中国货轮，第一次抵达几内 世界范围的革命中，横向地自我指认的政治共同体。无产阶级
亚首都科纳克里港，这才首次建立了与撒哈拉以南非洲之间直 的激进平等的国际主义，理应带来内外一体的认识论。
接的物质联系。在那前后，中国无人知晓几内亚的基本状况。
负责援建的上海建工局甚至需要发函给先前赴几内亚演出的中
国杂技团，希望能看几张演员们在首都科纳克里的街景照片。
中国内部微观的、 多民族跨地域的世界
尽管已经意识到高温湿热是设计要应对的基本前提，但第一次 主义色彩， 与中国在非洲（ 及其它亚非
针对热带的设计还是出了问题。最初的方案用力过猛，“过分
地考虑了热带的特点”，应对热带气候的设计手法与项目整体
拉区域） 漫长的探索是内外呼应的。 在
方案完全脱节，无法使用。在图纸已经被带往几内亚的情况下， 革命现代性的贯穿下， 中国内在于世界，
仍被召回修改。工厂自 1963 年开始施工，1964 年才真正建成。
同时，“轻型建筑”、“新技术”等概念开始在援外部门和设计 143 世界也内在于中国。 这应是我们今日理
者中广泛流转。 解现代中国的一个角度。
刘烨，纽约新学院 (New School for Social Research)
援建成为一种面向世界的基本形式。 对 博士候选人。他目前的研究课题从冷战期间中国援助非洲的建
于这一切， 中国建筑工程部援引了新中 筑工程入手，探寻社会主义的技术与知识生产方案在去殖政治
中的历史位置及其对今日全球化的启示。
国的哲学语言， 说这是刚刚起步的“实
践——认识——实践”工作。 对外经济
委员会也告诉他们的工作人员， 这是面
向“世界”、面向“未知现象”，需要“改
造主观世界， 以认识客观世界”。
空间的延展还需要叠加上时间的效果。在桑给巴尔皮革厂
的建造正逐渐成形的时候，几内亚卷烟厂的屋顶已在雨季与旱
季，数年的交替中尽显疲态，最终在下一年出现漏水。在中国
最早的援建项目落成十年后，问题的积累使得中国需要把散布
在整个非洲的数百个项目统合起来寻找规律。先学会由简到繁，
再学会由繁到简。70 年代中期，更多的专家组对几内亚、马里、
坦桑尼亚、索马里、刚果 5 个援建项目最多的国家进行了系
统的巡回评估，选定了 50 多个项目共 300 多处建筑物，反
复提炼。使得热带建造的技术知识体系趋于完善，最终在 70
致海洋
“致海洋”是一个关于滇越铁路的艺术项目，也是我一系列与
道路与步行相关的计划的开始。它涉及到中国和越南这两个
亚洲国家被殖民的历史，以及东南亚山区的现代化，同时也
与我自己的童年记忆和地理想象相关。
滇越铁路是由法国殖民者在 20 世纪初修建的连接越南
与我的家乡云南省的窄轨铁路，它从 1900 年开始由越南的
港口城市海防开始建造，连通河内，再向西北延伸进入云南，
直至省会昆明。整条铁路在 1910 年建成，并成为云南的第一
条现代道路。我童年时就住在滇越铁路沿线。在我得知它的
尽头是一片大海之后，这条铁路就承载着我对海洋的想象。
2019 年 12 月 1 日，也许正是瘟疫开始传播却还没有引
起注意的时候，我踏上了徒步滇越铁路的旅程 ：从标程 19 千
米的王家营车站出发，19 天内步行了 445 千米，在 19 日到
达标程 464 千米，横跨红河的中越大桥。这些天里，我每隔
一千米捡起一块铁路的砟石，并用三脚架支着相机，拍摄一
段录像。在旅程的终点，我的背包和背负着的四百多块石头
加在一起，已经超过了二十公斤。最终，这些石头会被我带
到铁路的尽头，带到越南的海防港，把它们逐一放在某片海
滩的水陆相接处。然而这段未完结的旅程已经被全球爆发的
144
瘟疫无限迟滞。
程新皓 1985 年出生于云南，现作为艺术家工作生活于云南
昆明。
程新皓
TO THE OCEAN
To the Ocean is dedicated to the Kunming–Haiphong
Railway, a narrow-gauge railway constructed by French
colonists in the early twentieth century connecting Viet-
nam and my homeland, Yunnan province in China. The
construction of the railway started in the Vietnamese
port city of Haiphong, went through Hanoi, then extend-
ed northwest into Yunnan, finally arriving at Kunming,
the provincial capital. The railway was completed in 1910
and was the first modern road in Yunnan. I grew up by the
railway, with the notion that the end of the railway was the
ocean. Not only an emblem of colonial histories and mod-
ernization of the region, the railway held a special place in
my childhood memories alongside imaginings of the sea.
On December 1, 2019, when the coronavirus had per-
haps already begun to spread but was not yet attracting
attention, I embarked on a journey, walking along the Kun-
ming–Haiphong Railway. Starting from the Wangjiaying
Station, I walked 445 kilometers in 19 days, and reached
the Chinese–Vietnam Railway Bridge over the Hong River 全文图片 ：程新皓，《致海洋》，2019 年 , 单频录像，49 分 56 秒
at the border. During the journey I picked up ballast from All images: Cheng Xinhao, To the Ocean, 2019, single-channel video, 49 min 56 sec
the railway every kilometer and documented the process
with a tripod. The more than 400 stones I carried in my
backpack amounted to over 20 kilograms at the end of
this journey. Eventually I hope to take these stones to the
145
end of the railway, in Haiphong. However, the journey has
been indefinitely delayed because of the coronavirus out-
break and border shutdown.
Cheng Xinhao lives and works in Kunming, Yunnan.
Focusing on his hometown Yunnan, his works are usually
based on long-term field studies.
CHENG XINHAO
146 147
148 149
PATHOLOGICAL “阴谋论是穷人的认知图绘 (cognitive

tation of Culture, ed. by Nelson, C. and Grossberg, L.

tem.”Jameson, Fredric.“Cognitive Mapping”
modern age; it is [...] a desperate attempt to represent the latter’
1.“Conspiracy […] is the poor person’s cognitive mapping in the post-
mapping)……”1

SCIENCES:
—— 詹明信 (Fredric Jameson)
以下文字将会是一张越战的局部地图。更准确地说，是一种绘
图尝试，尝试绘制出越战时期自然元素的时空坐标和转化关
系，以此勾勒出冷战的深层结构中军事—工业联合体 (mili-

病 科 学 :
tary-industrial complex) 的一项阴谋——操控自然。其时，
自然元素与冷战机器貌合神离。这份地图上将会有以下图例 ：

. Marxism and the Interpre

地形、河流、植被、将军、游击队、战争科学家、机器、蓝图、

MANIPULATIONS OF
妄想、石油、瘴气、合成材料、神灵、先祖、跨国公司、暗道、
迷雾、实验室……

冰 ：播种云朵

ELEMENTAL FORMS

s sys-
德累斯顿大轰炸像是某种刻意为之的惩罚。没人说得清这
样一座工业稀少的历史名城为什么一定要被夷为平地。就像没
有人敢拍着胸脯保证，如果那两颗原子弹不落下，历史的大船
就一定会偏航一样。那会儿，年轻的美国哨兵柯特·冯内古特

越 战 时 期 的
AND “Conspiracy […] is the poor per-
son’s cognitive mapping in the
151 young American soldier Kurt Vonnegut was stranded in
Dresden after being captured by the Germans. He hid
in a cold storage room three stories underground in a

天 气 控 制 与 postmodern age…” 1
meat processing factory, wedged between piles of frozen
corpses and raw meat while waiting for the bombing to
end. In his memories, Dresden was a “city of dreams.” It

GEOENGINEERING
—Fredric Jameson had once been filled with Baroque architecture.
His older brother Bernard Vonnegut was a scientist
The text below is an incomplete map of the Vietnam War. of some renown working at General Electric. Two years
Or more accurately, it is an attempt at cognitive map- after the war, Bernard discovered the secret behind cloud
seeding: silver iodide. It has a beautiful hexagonal crys-

IN VIETNAM WAR
ping, tracing the relationship between spatialtemporal
coordinates of natural elements and their transforma- talline structure with a striking resemblance to ice. Scat-
tions during the Vietnam War, as well as outlining a covert tering silver iodine particles into supercooled clouds al-
Cold War operation by the military-industrial complex that lows them to serve as condensation nuclei, and catalyze
sought to control nature. At that time, natural elements the formation of ice crystals. That ice in the sky then turns
and the machinations of the Cold War were at odds with into rain as it falls to the ground.
one another despite their unified appearance. The legend As a writer many years later, Kurt Vonnegut incor-
porated this detail into Cat’s Cradle (1963). In the novel,

地 球 工 程
for this map includes: terrain, rivers, vegetation, generals,
guerilla forces, wartime scientists, machines, blueprints, paranoid and genius scientist Felix Hoenikker discovers
delusion, oil, miasma, synthetic materials, gods, ances- a strange water formation—ice-nine. Ice-nine instantly
tors, multinational companies, secret passages, dense freezes all water that it comes into contact with. Hoe-
fog, and laboratories… nikker was commissioned to search for this type of sub-
stance in order help soldiers move quickly through muddy
Ice: Cloud Seeding battlefields. They could use ice-nine to freeze the viscous
The 1945 bombing of Dresden was a calculated form ground. In the story, Hoenikker is “the person who discov-
of punishment. No one has offered a satisfactory explana- ered the atom bomb.” He considers the process of finding
tion as to why this historical city with few industrial areas ice-nine as merely an intellectual exercise as his mind
had to be razed to the ground. It mirrors the refusal to con- cannot contain anything apart from science. He brought
ice-nine to this world simply because he could, turning

冯骏原 FENG JUNYUAN

tend that if the two atomic bombs had not fallen, history
would have strayed off course. At the time of the bombing, him into another Dr. Strangelove. At the end of the story,
ice-nine leads to a global catastrophe.
 (Kurt Vonnegut) 做了德国人的俘虏，困在了德累斯顿。他
躲在屠宰场地下三层一处冷库中，在一堆冰冷的尸体和肉中间
挨到了轰炸结束。在他的回忆里，德累斯顿是“一个梦幻般的
城市”。这里曾经荟萃了德国的巴洛克建筑。
他的哥哥伯纳德·冯内古特 (Bernard Vonnegut) 是一
个小有名气的化学家，在通用电气工作。战争结束的第二年，
伯纳德·冯内古特发现了“播种云朵”(cloud seeding) 的
奥秘：碘化银。它有着美丽的六边形晶体结构，和冰非常相似；
把碘化银微粒播散到冷云中，可以作为凝结核，催化冰晶形成。
天上的冰落到地上，会化成雨。
多年以后，柯特·冯内古特成了作家。他把这个意象写
进 了《 猫 的 摇 篮 》(Cat’
s Cradle, 1963)。 在 书 里， 偏 执
的科学天才霍尼克尔 (Felix Hoenikker) 发现了水的奇异形
式——“冰九”。一旦接触，冰九就会瞬间冻结液态水。霍尼
克尔寻找这种物质的动机，是为了让军队能在泥泞的战场快速
行动。用冰九冻结讨人厌的、黏糊糊的地面。霍尼克尔在故事
里是“发明了原子弹的人”。他把找寻冰九的过程仅仅视为一
种思维体操，他的头脑容不下科学之外的任何事。他把冰九带
到这世界上来，仅仅是因为他能够做到。霍尼克尔是另一个“奇
爱博士”。在故事的结尾，冰九酿成了一场全球性大灾变。
152
美国直升机在越南上空喷洒橙剂
U.S. Huey helicopter spraying Agent Orange over Vietnam Vonnegut wrote again about his experience at the
Dresden factory in the novel Slaughterhouse-Five (1969),
which was published during the white heat of the Vietnam
War. Vonnegut’s writing presents a new category of sub-
there have historically resisted being absorbed into a lowland kingdom or state’s territory.
ized by natural conditions that make human habitation difficult, and the ethnic groups residing
Southeast Asia, as well as parts of neighboring India and China. The landmass is character-
by scholar James C. Scott. The term refers to the majority of the mountainous highlands of
2. Zomia is a concept first proposed by historian Willem van Schendel, and later developed
lime, ironic, didactic, nihilistic, cynical, paranoid, senti-
mental, incoherent, prosaic, and Don Quixotesque post-
modernism. A revolt against the twentieth century wars of
aggression can be found in his unreliable narrators.
Rain: The Muddy Trail
No longer classified information, the Ho Chi Minh Trail
is now remembered as a military engineering project.
Starting in 1959, North Vietnam transported guerilla sol-
diers from west to south, bypassing the demilitarized
zone, by using the Ho Chi Minh Trail. The origins of the
trail can be traced back to primitive footpaths, with most
of them running through Laos, and stretching through
rugged highlands and rainforests in Zomia.2 In the very
beginning, goods were mainly transported by bicycle and
on foot. In the first year, 6000 North Vietnamese soldiers
raided South Vietnam via the Ho Chi Minh Trail. They wore
farmers’ clothing, black and white checked scarves, and
“Ho Chi Minh sandals” made from recycled rubber tires.
Mosquitoes, bacillary dysentery, starvation, displace-
ment, Indochinese tigers, crescent bears, and muddy bat-
tlefields were their opponents.
The Ho Chi Minh Trail was expanded in 1964 to ac-
commodate trucks. Starting that year, the trail became
the most heavily shelled area in the world, with one bomb
柯特·冯内古特的小说《猫的摇篮》1963 年第一版的封面
Kurt Vonnegut, Cat’s Cradle, 1963
dropped approximately every seven minutes. After each
First-edition cover, published by Holt, Rinehart & Winston bombing, villagers donated their wooden beds and doors
德累斯顿肉库的经历被冯内古特写成了另一本小说《第五
地区的自然条件恶劣，生活在此的民族历史上一直拒绝被纳入低地王朝和国家的版图。
Scott 发展。它涵盖了东南亚大部分多山的高地，以及相邻的印度和中国的省区。这一
2. 赞米亚是历史学家 Willem van Schendel 提出的概念，后来由人类学家 James C.
号屠宰场》(Slaughterhouse-Five, 1969)，它出版于越
战的白热期。冯内古特的写作呈现了一种新的崇高，反讽的、
说教的、虚无的、黑色幽默的、偏执狂的、多愁善感的、不连
贯的、日常的、堂吉诃德式的后现代崇高。人们在那些不可靠
叙述者身上找到了对二十世纪无端战争的反叛。
雨 ：泥泞的小道
如今胡志明小道已经不是什么秘密了，它作为一种战争工
程被铭记。1959 年起，北越通过胡志明小道，从西边绕过非
军事区，向南方运送游击队员。胡志明小道脱胎于先民小径，
大部分穿过老挝，这些小路延伸于赞米亚 2 (Zomia) 最崎岖
的山地和雨林中。最初，物资主要通过自行车和人力运输。第
一年有六千名北越战士通过胡志明小道奔袭南方。他们穿着农
民的装束，戴黑白格子斓巾，穿着废弃轮胎制成的“胡志明凉
鞋”。蚊子、痢疾杆菌、饥饿、迷路、印度支那虎、月牙熊和
泥泞的大地都是他们的对手。
胡志明小道在 1964 年扩建，可以通行卡车。这一年开始，
小道沿线成为了世界上轰炸最密集的地区，大约每七分钟就有
一枚炸弹落下。轰炸后，村民会捐出自己的床板和木门以修补
153
to repair the trail. China and the Soviet Union gave Ho Chi
Minh tens of thousands of trucks. The trucks were repeat-
edly blown up by the Americans, creating a cyclical logis-
tical competition of accumulation and destruction.
Along with the bombs, defoliant fell down like rain: be-
sides the notorious Agent Orange, there was also Agent
White, Agent Blue, Agent Green, Agent Purple, and Agent
Pink. They were differentiated by the colored stripe on
their containers, earning them the name “Rainbow Her-
bicides.” In the 50s, the British colonial government was
the first to use herbicides in their war with the Malayan
Communist Party. By destroying the dense forest flanking
their roads, they were able to deter ambushes. As a star-
vation tactic, herbicides were used to uproot rice paddies
cultivated by communist supporters. In Malaya, Britain
opened the Pandora’s Box of ecological warfare. Mon-
santo and Dow Chemical produced the vast majority of
Agent Orange for the Kennedy administration. It was eight
years after they had used it that the public finally learned
that Agent Orange produces dioxins. It was revealed that
the rainforests and the skin of millions of Vietnamese on
the 31,000 square kilometers of land that Agent Orange
was sprayed on, were equally mottled.
Finally remembering Bernard Vonnegut’s discovery,
generals weaponized silver iodide during the Vietnam
War. In 1967, the U.S. Air Force launched “Operation
Popeye.” The goal of the covert operation was to disperse
silver iodide in the sky to manually produce rain, and ex-
tend the East Asian monsoon season, making the Ho
Chi Minh Trail too muddy to use. The generals expected
heavy rainfall to trigger flash floods and landslides that
道路。中国和苏联供给胡志明数万辆卡车，这些卡车又接连被 谑的口号 ：
“make mud, not war”(“制造泥泞，而不是战

科，研究的方向包括二氧化碳的捕获和贮存、减少地表的太阳辐射等等。
3. 地球工程学 ( Geoengineering ) 是运用工程手段解决现时气候问题的一门新兴学

Exploded tear gas canister on the fly in Greece, 2008

在飞行中爆炸的催泪瓦斯罐，希腊，2008 年
美国炸毁，这是一场集结与耗散的物流竞赛。 争”)。行动内部认为战术是有效的，
“我们播种的第一朵云，
伴随着炸弹落下的，还有雨点一般的脱叶剂 ：除了臭名昭 像原子弹爆炸般胀开，大雨随之倾盆落下”。然而，因为缺乏
著的橙剂，还有白剂、蓝剂、绿剂、紫剂、粉剂，分别以其容 对照，天气大作战的真实效果无法检验。“大力水手”的最后
器上的条纹颜色命名，因此得名“彩虹除草剂”
。20 世纪 50 一年，1972 年的雨季确实很长，胡志明小径寸步难行。但战
年代，英殖民政府在与马来亚共产党作战中第一次使用了除草 争就快结束了。
剂。通过破坏了道路两旁的密林，遏止马来亚共产党伏击 ；作 化学家欧文·朗缪尔曾创造“病科学”(pathological
为一种饥饿战术，除草剂还被用来铲除马共种植的水稻。英国 sciences) 的概念。病科学不同于伪科学。病科学是基本上
在马来亚开启了生态战争的魔盒。孟山都公司和陶氏化学为肯 遵循了科学方法的研究，但充斥着研究者的无意识偏差或主观
尼迪政府大量制造橙剂。在播撒八年后，橙剂会产生二噁英这 愿望。超感知觉、飞碟、冷聚变、生物磁场都是朗缪尔眼中的
一事实才为人所知。暴露在橙剂雨中的土地有三万一千平方公 病科学。而战争中的天气控制术不啻为新的病科学。1972 年，
里，在这片土地上，雨林和百万越南人的皮肤一样斑驳。 纽约时报率先披露了“大力水手行动”。这篇报道在反战的空
伯纳德·冯内古特的发明终于也被将军们惦记起来。碘 气中播种了一朵丑闻的雷雨云。将军们想要扮演司雨的龙王，
化银在越战中被武器化。1967 年，美国空军开启了“大力水 而人们对此惶恐万分。
手”(Operation Popeye) 秘密行动。行动的目标是在印度 天气大作战听起来就像是教科书般的地球工程学 3。但不
支那的雨季里，通过向天空播撒碘化银来人工增雨，使得胡志 要忘了，胡志明小道也是一种地球工程，挖沟、打洞、铺路、
明小道泥泞难行。将军们期待密集的降水引发山洪和滑坡，冲 修桥的低技术、小尺度地球工程。这是一场高技术对低技术的
毁小道和路桥。如果不算上孔明借东风的话，这大约是人类历 战争。高技术的一方失败了。残酷的赞米亚拒绝居高临下的工
史上第一次真正的天气大作战。五年时间里，数万发碘化银炮 程，它只接受顺从与讲和。
弹被发射到赞米亚的天空中。执行任务的飞行员发明了一个戏

would destroy the trail and its bridges. With exception of

Zhuge Liang summoning an eastern wind in the classic
154 construction. It was a war between its high-tech and low-
tech versions, with the former losing in the end. Merci-
155
novel Romance of the Three Kingdoms, this was most less Zomia rejected engineering that looked down at
likely the first real major act of weather warfare. In five them from the clouds, and demanded its obedience and
years time, tens of thousands of shells spraying silver io- compliance.
earth’
capturing and storing carbon dioxide, decreasing solar radiation on the
of resolving current climate issues. Research includes methods for
3. Geoengineering is a burgeoning field utilizing engineering as a means

dine were launched into Zomia’s sky. The pilot carrying

out the mission invented a catchy slogan: “make mud not Fog: Calculable Violence
s surface, etc.

war.” The operation was internally considered to be suc- Weather control was not only practiced in modern
cessful, “The first cloud we seeded expanded like an atom times. Methods for summoning rain had structural meaning
bomb, and heavy rain followed.” However, lacking a point in primitive cultures. There were generally three appara-
of comparison, there was no way to confirm its actual ef- tuses for summoning rain: magic, religion, and science.
ficacy. In the last year of Operation Popeye, the monsoon Magic involved claiming control over mysterious natural
season of 1972 was indeed long, and the Ho Chi Minh Trail forces, religion required praying for intervention by a higher
was difficult to traverse. But the war was almost over. power, while science entailed manipulating existing mech-
Chemist Irving Langmuir coined the term “patholog- anisms in the natural world. In The Golden Bough (1890),
ical sciences.” In contrast to pseudoscience, pathological anthropologist James George Frazer details numerous
scientific research initially follows the scientific method, rain-summoning practices that relied on magic, including
but diverts from it due to the researcher’s cognitive bias blood-letting, and mimicking thunder, clouds, and rain.
and wishful data interpretation. Langmuir considered ex- Religious rituals praying for rain customarily center on a
trasensory perception, UFOs, cold fusion, and biomagne- call to gods, ancestors, or the dead. Modern summoners
tism to all be pathological sciences. Weather warfare is no of rain do their best to prove that scientific methods for
less a pathological science. In 1972, the New York Times generating rain are distinct from magic and religion, but
was the first to break news about Operation Popeye. this desire is a symptom of pathological science.
This report brewed a storm of scandal in the anti-war at- Modern conjurers of rain, in addition to waging war,
mosphere. The public was terrified by the generals who seek to exploit the beliefs of others. In 1963, the monk
wanted to play the role of the mythic Dragon King con- Thich Quang Duc burned himself to death using gaso-
trolling rainfall. line at a busy intersection in Saigon. His self-immola-
Weather warfare seems like a textbook example tion was in protest of the persecution of Buddhists by
of geoengineering. 3 But we must not forget that the Ho the South Vietnamese government led by President Ngo
Chi Minh Trail was also a form of engineering: digging Dinh Diem. Soon afterwards, the military police raided nu-
ditches, drilling holes, paving roads, and low-tech bridge merous pagodas, seizing Thich Quang Duc’s intact heart,
雾 ：可计算暴力
天气控制的艺术并不只在现代被操演。求雨之术在先民的
文化中有结构性的意义。求雨行为大致有三类 ：魔法、宗教、
科学。魔法行为宣称个体对隐秘自然力量的掌控 ；宗教行为祈
求更高的力量介入 ；而科学行为利用自然界存在的机制去干预
自然。人类学家弗雷泽 (James George Frazer) 在《金枝》
(The Golden Bough, 1890) 中谈到了许多种魔法求雨术，
包括放血，对雷、云、雨的拟态。宗教的求雨行为则是呼唤神灵、
先祖，或已逝的求雨者。现代求雨者竭力想要证明科学求雨术
跟魔法和宗教不同，但这种主观愿望本身就是病科学的症状。
现代求雨者除了作战，也会耍诈。1963 年，释广德法师
为了抗议南越吴廷琰政权对佛教徒的迫害，在西贡一处繁忙的
路口以汽油引火自焚。随后，军警查抄了众多寺院，抢走了释
广德未烧毁的圣心，造成寺毁人亡。南越全国的僧人组织了大
规模抗议。在抗议中，中情局注意到，佛教僧人对催泪瓦斯的
忍耐力极强，然而一旦天要落雨，僧众便会自行散去。在南越
佛教徒危机中，中情局曾尝试过一次人工降雨，以干扰佛教徒
的抗议组织。
南越僧众对催泪瓦斯的不敏感和对晴雨节律的顺从反映了
他们特有的宇宙观，而中情局试图榨取僧人对天意的信任。帝
and leaving in its wake corpses and rubble. Buddhists all
across South Vietnam launched mass protests. During the
156
demonstrations, the CIA noticed that the monks were able
to tolerate large amounts of tear gas, but would disperse
themselves at the sight of rain. During the Buddhist crisis
in Vietnam, the CIA tried to use artificial rain to disrupt the
monks’ organizing efforts.
Their lack of sensitivity to tear gas, and obedience to
the natural rhythms of the world is a product of the South
Vietnamese monks’ cosmological framework. The CIA at-
tempted to take advantage of their faith in Heaven’s Will,
but the meticulously planned chemical violence was inef-
fective. The monks could only see Heaven’s will in the rain.
Technology creating artificial rainfall was a form of sor-
cery holding Heaven’s Will under duress at that moment.
The monks’ worldview granted them the ability to
endure tear gas. Tear gas was used in World War I as a
chemical weapon to force enemy soldiers to leave the
trenches. The 1925 Geneva Convention prohibits the
use of chemical weapons in war, but does not proscribe
nations from using tear gas against their own citizens.
Whether tear gas is packaged as a chemical weapon, or
merely tear gas, is determined solely by its concentra-
tion upon release. The concentration is thus carefully
formulated to swing towards one end—fatal or non-fatal.
Tear gas was also a tool of colonial rule. In the 1920s, it
was used to suppress the Non-Cooperation movement in
India, Great Depression-era workers’ movements in the
US, and protests in Shanghai’s International Concession.
It is patent that deadly chemical weapons have been cam-
ouflaged as harmless forms of riot control, reflecting the
国精心计算的化学暴力对他们无效，僧人眼中只有晴雨中分明
的天意。人工降雨术此时充当了劫持天意的魔法。
僧人的宇宙观赋予了他们对催泪瓦斯的忍耐力。作为化学
武器的催泪剂亮相于一战之中，用来迫使敌方士兵离开战壕。
1925 年的《日内瓦公约》禁止在战争中使用化学武器，但并
未禁止国家对内使用催泪瓦斯。催泪剂究竟被封装为化学武器
还是催泪瓦斯只取决于它的释放浓度，而浓度是被精心调配的，
在致命与非致命之间游走。催泪瓦斯作为一种殖民治理技术，
在二十世纪二十年代被用来镇压印度的非暴力不合作运动和美
国大萧条时期的工人运动，甚至上海的公租界警察也装备了它。
致命的化学武器改头换面作为非致命”镇暴技术出场，反映的
是二十世纪国家暴力的常态化和“人道化”过程。例外状态被
永久延宕。
催泪瓦斯是表征当下正在发生的气候危机的绝佳媒介。气
候示威运动“反抗灭绝”(Extinction Rebellion) 试图以非
暴力不合作方式迫使政府直面气候危机，而各国政府普遍以催
泪瓦斯回应之。催泪瓦斯萦绕的街头，气溶胶所划定的结界，
就是被剥夺者挑战现存秩序的战场。二氧化碳为主的温室气体
象征了全球资本主义的结构性弊病，而催泪瓦斯则直接实体化
了维持这套秩序所需的系统性暴力。气候变化作为一个超越日
increasing normalization and “humanization” of 20th cen-
tury state-sanctioned violence. The state of exception is
permanently prolonged.
Tear gas serves as an apt symbol for the current cli-
mate crisis. The global environmental movement “Extinc-
tion Rebellion” aims to utilize non-violent, non-coopera-
tive methods to pressure governments into addressing
the climate crisis, but each one has typically responded
with tear gas. The streets with tear gas lingering in the
air, and whose boundaries are marked by aerosols, are
the battlefield in which the dispossessed are challenging
the existing order. Greenhouse gases produced by CO2
symbolizes global capitalism’s structural maladies, and
tear gas is a direct manifestation of the systemic vio-
lence necessary for maintaining it. Air has transformed
into a behemoth. Its distension beyond the scale of the
everyday makes it difficult to imagine, but the body can
directly feel the effects of weaponized air and water. They
burn and disorient the body to the point of collapse. You
cannot perceive CO2, but you can see, hear, smell, and
feel tear gas.
Coda: Symptoms of Paranoia
The peak of modernity in the middle of the century
manifested itself as a state of endless cold war, followed
by the rise of large-scale automation, technocratic bu-
reaucracy, and immaterial labor, as well as growing in-
terest in cybernetics and systems theory. The state of
cold war has induced the birth of a new subject—the
paranoid subject. The paranoid subject is defined by
the eternal delusion of victimhood. They both fear and
常尺度的“庞大之物”是难以被想象的，而被武器化了的空气 总是自我指涉，并暴露叙事的人工性。在故事的结尾，完整的
和水则可以被身体直接感知到，它们灼烧，使人目眩、倒地不 图景终将浮现，灾祸要么降临，要么被避免。灾难的到来对于
起。你感知不到二氧化碳，但你能看到、听到、闻到、触摸到 偏执主体是一种格式塔式的补完。结局是团圆还是毁灭，并不
催泪瓦斯。 全凭叙述者的心情，它更加受到故事结构的制约。以历史的后
见之明来看，冷战的剧情没有导向毁灭。但幸运只是暂时的。
尾声 ：偏执症候 在当下愈演愈烈的气候危机中，地球工程越来越被推举为
世纪中叶的高峰现代性将自身呈现为看不到尽头的冷战 一个不得不按的“应急按钮”。然而，这种呼声包含了一个吊
状态，随之而来是大规模自动化、技术官僚制和非物质劳动 诡的假设，即大规模地改造自然，比改造现存社会秩序更可操
的崛起，以及日益弥散的控制论和系统论思潮。冷战状态催 作。后冷战时代自由流动的资本加速了对自然元素的榨取。自
生了一种新的主体——偏执主体 (paranoid subject)。偏 然元素正在酝酿一场起义，工程学的、可计算的压制注定失败。
执主体由永恒的被害妄想所定义，它对灾难既恐惧又充满期 对历史上某些民族来说，文明是一种负担，也是一种威胁。这
待。偏执主体在万物中看到一种系统性的美学，即“万物互 些民族为了逃避低地王朝的统治而迁往赞米亚，他们往往没有
联”(all-connected-ness)。这种超关联性，一方面来自 历史，因为历史总是由国家所记述。他们的选择驳斥了那种关
于资本的加速流动，另一方面来自于国家以例外状态的名义对 于文明的惯常观点，即认为随着社会尺度和复杂度的增大，人
一切的蚕食和操控。这种状况导致了冷战时代普通人再现日常 的福祉会不断进展。气候崩溃到来之时，也将是国家消亡、历
经验和把握世界总体性的困难。 史终结之日。到那时，无人再需要逃避统治。
然而，万物互联本就是自然界的运作机理。对自然界潜藏
关联的探索产生了科学知识，而这一过程也可被视为一个徐徐 冯骏原，艺术家和写作者，目前于上海视觉艺术学院担任讲师。
展开的侦探故事或谍战片。前者预设了线性进步的历史叙事，
而后者并不。侦探故事是典型的“元小说”(meta-fiction):
anticipate disaster. The paranoid subject discerns a sys-
tematic aesthetics linking all living things, claiming an
157 social order. The free flow of capital in the post-Cold War
age has increased the rate at which we exploit natural
“all-connectedness.” This hyperconnectivity, is partly resources. The natural world is now fomenting revolt, and
borne out of capitalism’s rapid flow, and also emerges engineered and calculated suppression will inevitably
from the nation’s interference in and controlling of all mat- fail. For some historic tribes, culture was a burden and
ters—all done in the name of the state of exception. These threat. The ethnic minority groups who relocated to Zomia
circumstances make it difficult for ordinary citizens of the in order to escape the rule of lowland empires, often had
Cold War era to process their everyday experiences, and no historical records because history is always archived
grasp the world as a whole. by the state. Their choice refuted the conventional civi-
However, the interconnectivity of all living things is lized assumption that quality of life will improve in tandem
an operational mechanism of the natural world. Explora- with the growing scale and complexity of society. The day
tions of the hidden connections in nature produce scien- the atmosphere collapses is the day the nation state will
tific knowledge. This progression can also be seen as a perish, and history will end. When that time comes, there
slowly unfolding detective story or spy movie. The former will be no state’s rule from which to flee.
presupposes a historical narrative with linear progression,
while the latter does not. Detective stories are a classic TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY DIANE AHN
form of metafiction: they are always self-referential, and
expose the artificiality of narration. At the end of the story, Feng Junyuan is an artist and writer based in Shanghai,
the complete picture is finally revealed. Either disaster is and currently a lecturer at Shanghai Institute of Visual Arts.
inevitable, or it can be avoided. The coming of disaster is
a Gestalt completion for the paranoid subject. Whether
the outcome is a reunion or annihilation does not depend
entirely on the narrator’s frame of mind. It is further re-
stricted by the story structure. In historical hindsight, the
theater of the Cold War did not lead to annihilation. But
good fortune is only temporary.
In response to the mounting crisis of climate change,
geoengineering has increasingly been presented as an
“emergency button.” But this call to press it presupposes
the absurd assumption that large-scale transformations
of nature are more operable than those of the existing
ART LABOR’S
p.158-159
“嘉莱露”现场，2016 年
Scene from Jrai Dew, 2016
All images courtesy Art Labor

JOURNEYS
艺术劳动的旅程
去 年 夏 天， 由 艺 术 家 潘 涛 阮 (Thao-Nguyen Phan)， 张
功 松 (Trurong Cong Tung) 和 策 展 人 陈 琼 英 (Arlette
Quynh-Anh Tran) 组 成 的 越 南 艺 术 小 组 艺 术 劳 动 (Art
Labor)) 在西贡动植物园组织了一场持续一天的展览活动。
这场短暂的活动被恰当地以嘉莱语 (Jrai) 词汇“JUA”命名。
嘉莱是居住在越南和柬埔寨中部高地的少数民族。“JUA”在
嘉莱语中形容的是一种介于水和空气之间的有机的、蒸汽一般
Last summer, the Vietnamese artist collective Art Labor,
comprising artists Thao-Nguyen Phan and Trurong Cong
Tung and curator Arlette Quynh-Anh Tran, organized a
day-long exhibition/happening at the Saigon Zoo and Bo-
tanical Garden. True to its short-lived nature, the event
was titled “JUA,” a Jrai word describing an organic, lim-
inal, and vaporous state between water and air. In spite
of its apparently fleeting duration, the happening marked
the beginning of an extensive series of artistic projects by

158 的临时状态。虽然这场活动短暂得让人难以捉摸，但它标志着
艺术劳动小组另一长串艺术项目的开始。用艺术家们自己的话
159 Art Labor, who, in their own words, “do not produce single
artwork[s] but develop many-year-long journey[s].” “JUA”
continues the collective’s long-term engagement with
说，他们“从不生产单件的艺术作品，而是展开为期数年的旅
and commitment to Vietnam’s diverse ethnic communi-
程”。
“JUA”延续了艺术劳动一直以来对越南多样的民族社 ties. The Jrai are an ethnic minority residing in the Central
群的关注与参与。 Highlands of Vietnam and Cambodia.
2012 年，这三位成员在西贡重聚时，艺术劳动正式成立， Founded in 2012 when its three members reunited in
Saigon (having pursued various activities around interna-
它诞生自艺术家们对跨学科合作的共同兴趣，并迫切地希望以
tionally), Art Labor was born of a shared interest in inter-
试验性的方式探测艺术的社会尺度。他们将这样的团体信念延 disciplinary collaborations that test the social parameters
伸到了各自的实践中，以此构想全新的研究方法、艺术发生的 of art. In their individual practices, Art Labor’s members
场所、艺术的功用和社群。比方说，潘和乾的工作都响应着艺 subtend their collective belief in imagining new research
trajectories, sites, functions, and communities of art. Top-
术劳动的时事性，关注人类学与生态学，还有极少被人了解的 ically, for instance, Phan and Truong’s individual works
越南公众和历史事件。 echo Art Labor’s engagement with anthropology, ecology,
“JUA”也是如此，它的发起是小组对于越南农业与人口 and occluded publics and historical events in Vietnam.
Likewise, “JUA” was motivated by the collective’s in-
迁移相交织的历史的兴趣使然。项目对两种农作物尤其关注 ：
terest in the intertwined histories of agrarian and human
广受欢迎的罗布斯塔咖啡（越南是全球第二大咖啡出口国）和 displacement in Vietnam. Two crops were of particular in-
以法国南部的一个地名命名的卡马格稻米。法国人在殖民时期 terest: the popular Robusta coffee (Vietnam is the second
将罗布斯塔咖啡豆带到了越南，而“平功”（cong binh) 们 largest global coffee exporter), and Camargue rice, named
after a region in southern France. The French brought Ro-
则在当时的南法栽种卡马格稻米，这群人数超过两万的越南男
busta coffee into Vietnam during the colonial period, while
性劳动力从法属印度支那被迫引渡过去，以接替被征召入伍的 Camargue rice was planted in southern France by công
法国工人。另外，部分艺术家的父母就是咖啡豆种植户，这进 binh, Vietnamese male laborers from French Indochina,
一步催生了项目的形成。他们在中央高地曾经的森林区里劳作， over 20,000 of whom were forcibly extradited to replace
conscripted French workers. The project was given further
长此以往，森林逐渐被利润更丰的种植园和经济农作物所取代。 impetus by the fact that some of the artists’ parents are
在艺术劳动的项目里，高地社群以及他们的社会经济议题与越 coffee farmers in an area that was once Central Highland

黄炳豪 WONG BING HAO 南历史上的重要片段密不可分。 forest. The coffee has since made way for more lucrative
plantations and cash-crop agriculture.
 在西贡动植物园的那场为期一天的活动里，艺术劳动将较
为传统的艺术展览与即兴的表演形式进行了结合。展览中，与
中央高地、南法相关的档案和当代图像一齐并置在双面屏风上，
影射着这两个看似距离遥远、实则有着历史关联的地区之间曾
发生过的时空交换。容纳这些展品的临时建筑由瓦楞铁片组装
而成，这是一种在高地上常见的廉价建筑材料，如今那里遍布
着咖啡豆田。静态展览的重头戏是一些互动活动，例如制作风
筝的工作坊，用于休憩的“吊床咖啡厅”，以及一个提供现磨
罗布斯塔的咖啡站，那里的咖啡豆全部来自于乾位于中央高地
的家中。艺术劳动的许多艺术活动都举行在典型的展览场所以
外的地方，比方说，他们选择西贡动植物园作为“JUA”的场地，
是因为它曾经是一个温室，专用于培养橡胶和咖啡这类经济作
物的幼苗。
艺术劳动的实践不受限于实体展览空
间， 也在被忽视的社会群体中传播开来。
他们工作的关键在于将之持续下去。“嘉莱露”(Jrai Dew)
是于 2016 年发起的另一个长期项目，小组的灵感来源于嘉莱
的宇宙观，嘉莱人认为人类在死后会变成露珠，重归到自然环
“JUA”现场，2019 年 境中去。这个项目与“JUA”的即逝性相呼应，聚焦于高地
View of“JUA,”July 2019
居民的信仰体系和手工技艺，尤其是嘉莱木刻。艺术劳动小组
会定期造访乾在嘉莱省的家，收集那些被连根拔起的树木，还
有咖啡、橡胶、胡椒等作物的有机残渣。随后，作为艺术劳动
在这个项目里的合作者，七位嘉莱艺术家利用这些回收材料进
160 行了雕塑创作。这些作品回应了国际市场对于经济作物的需求
这一创作语境，反应了这一现实对他们的日常生活和周边环境
所产生的不可逆的影响，与此同时，大多数作品中描绘的抽象
动物、类人以及杂交物种也指涉着嘉莱人的政治和生态观，即
他们相信人类与动物以及自然的休戚与共至关重要。
这七位嘉莱艺术家都有各自独特的视觉语言和风格，他们
使用不同的雕刻技术，将作为原始材料的树木和作物进行了各
式各样的结合。这些作品通常在嘉莱的村落户外展出，供亲朋
好友以及邻居们观赏，有些仅由简易的木桩支撑着，而大多数
干脆直接放置在红土地上。展期往往就是一个周末，伴随雕塑
展的还有一系列热闹的庆祝活动，包括烹饪、唱歌、跳舞。这
些活动不太像是对静态艺术品的正式展出，而更类似于对艺术
本身所做的诉诸多重感官的、生动的随机试验，后者能更加准
确地反映出艺术劳动在与越南多样化的族群合作时对“过程”
和“变通”的侧重。同时，艺术劳动也从越南邀请合作者和观
众，来参加在嘉莱的村庄开展的活动。参与者包括学者、环保
工艺品公司，还有马戏团，他们都对越南的少数族群抱有共同
的兴趣和关注。附近的村民们也会来参观艺术活动，让这个很
大程度上并不关注“艺术”的观众群变得更加数量可观。
通过为这些群体展出他们自己创造的艺术作品，艺术劳动
扩展了艺术世界的话语范畴和人口构成，同时对其进行了含蓄
的叩问。在“嘉莱露”这个项目里，小组也宣传和传播了本土
的艺术技能。自他们开始组织这些“展览”以来，小组成员们
注意到年轻一代对木刻的兴趣有所提升，有的甚至开始做自己
的艺术作品。小组也致力于邀请嘉莱的艺术家参加国际驻留项
In Art Labor’s project, highlander
communities, and their socio-eco-
nomic issues are inextricable
from important episodes in
Vietnamese history.
During the day-long happening at the Saigon Zoo and
Botanical Garden, Art Labor combined more conventional
methods of artistic display with performative and ephem-
eral gestures. Among the former were lenticulars juxta-
posing archival and contemporary images of the Central
Highlands and southern France that alluded to the spatio-
temporal changes in these seemingly disparate yet his-
torically connected regions. These works were mounted
on a makeshift architecture constructed from corrugated
iron sheets, a common and cheap building material in the
Highlands, that had been covered in coffee grounds. Ac-
centing the static displays were other interactive activi-
ties such as kite-making workshops, a “hammock café”
for relaxation, and a coffee station serving freshly ground
Robusta from Truong’s Central Highland family home.
Much of Art Labor’s artistic activity takes place outside
typical exhibition venues and circuits. For instance, they
chose the Saigon Zoo and Botanical Garden as the site
for “JUA” as it was once a greenhouse used to cultivate
seedlings of cash crops such as rubber and coffee.
Beyond the physical sites of display and reception,
Art Labor’s practice circulates among overlooked com-
munities. Longevity is key to their vocation. In Jrai Dew,
161 another long-term project that has been ongoing since
2016, the collective takes inspiration from the Jrai cos-
mology in which humans transform into dew and return
to the natural atmosphere after death. Echoing “JUA”’s
transient affects, the project foregrounds highlander be-
lief-systems and craft techniques, specifically, Jrai wood-
carving. On regular visits to Truong’s home in the Gia Lai
province, Art Labor collected uprooted trees and organic
debris from coffee, rubber, peppercorn, and other plan-
tations. Seven Jrai artists, Art Labor’s artistic collabora-
tors for the project, then created sculptures from these
salvaged materials. Besides commenting on the global
demand for cash crops that has irrevocably shaped their
daily routines and environments, the sculptures, mostly
depicting abstract animal, humanoid, and hybrid figures,
also reference the Jrai political ecological beliefs in hu-
manity’s vital coexistence alongside animals and nature.
Each of the Jrai artists possesses a unique visual lan-
guage and style, employing different cutting techniques
and combinations of trees and plants as their primary
material. The works are usually displayed in the open, in
Jrai villages, for relatives, friends, and neighbors. Some
are propped up on simple wooden stilts, most sit squarely
on the red earth. Usually presented over a weekend, the
display is accompanied by festivities including cooking,
singing, and dancing. These are not so much formal ex-
hibitions of static art objects, but rather multi-sensorial,
active, and contingent experiences—a more accurate re-
flection of Art Labor’s processual and provisional engage-
ment with Vietnam’s diverse demographics. Art Labor
also invites collaborators and audiences from Vietnam to
 162 163

“JUA”现场，2019 年
View of“JUA,”July 2019

“嘉莱露”现场，2016 年
Scene from Jrai Dew, 2016
164
目、展览，以及像双年展这样的艺术活动。借由艺术劳动的社
会资源，嘉莱的艺术家们得以丰富自身的实践和生活。虽然这
些当代艺术活动看起来离嘉莱的现实很遥远，或者至多只能粗
浅地与之产生交集，但是嘉莱艺术家们仍然能够利用这些机会
发展他们自己的技艺。例如，在一个菲律宾的驻留项目里，嘉
莱艺术家们观察了当地的工匠作业，并借鉴他们的工艺风格和
工具来增益自己的雕塑语言。
艺术劳动通过与社群的合作来展开工作，所以，他们的艺
术实践并不强调对自制艺术品的创意所有权，而更以长期的社
会参与、无形的人际纽带为特征。也正因为如此，当艺术劳动
受邀进入譬如美术馆展览和国际双年展这样更为正统的空间
时，如何“展出”他们与嘉莱艺术家的合作就成了一个棘手的
问题。艺术劳动曾在世界各地的白盒子空间内把嘉莱艺术家们
的作品放在雕塑基座上展出，但这样墨守陈规的呈现形式并不
恰当，无法反映出艺术劳动对嘉莱族群常年的深度关注。这
些展览也曾把艺术劳动称作“嘉莱露小组”（Jrai Dew Col-
lective）的“策展人”，将他们与他们的合作者之间的关系形
式化，但这样的尝试总显得不得要领。另一方面，如果要把那
些热闹的村落庆祝活动搬运到国际艺术展场，也同样不过是脱
离语境的表面功夫，让人想起某种民族志意义上的本质主义，
而这恰好是小组成员希望规避的。
witness the art events that take place in
Jrai villages. Attendees have included
academics, sustainable crafts compa-
nies, and circus troupes, who share a
common interest and involvement with
Vietnamese ethnic minorities. Villagers
from nearby locales also visit the art
events, adding to a sizeable audience
that predominantly operates outside the
realm of “fine” art.
By displaying artwork by and for
these communities, Art Labor extends
and implicitly questions the discursive
and demographical scopes of the art-
world. Through the Jrai Dew project, the
collective also promotes and spreads
indigenous artistic skills. Since they
began organizing these “exhibitions,” the
collective has noticed an increased in-
terest from younger generations in wood-
carving; some of them have even gone on
to make artworks of their own. The collec-
tive is also committed to inviting Jrai art-
ists to attend international residencies,
exhibitions, and art events such as bien-
nials. Through direct access to Art La-
bor’s network, Jrai artists accrue to their
practices and life-worlds. Although these
circuits of contemporary art seem far re-
moved from Jrai realities, or will at most
engage with them superficially, the Jrai
artists are able to utilize them to develop
their techniques. For instance, during a
residency in the Philippines, Jrai artists
observed local craftsmen and adapted
local artisanal styles and tools to finesse
their sculptural language.
As Art Labor works
with and through com-
munities, their artistic
practice is not char-
acterized by creative
ownership over self-
made art objects, but
rather by long-term
social engagement and
intangible, interper-
sonal bonds.
Therefore the question of how to “dis-
play” their collaborations with Jrai art-
ists is a tricky one that arises when Art
Labor is invited to participate in more
orthodox spaces such as museums and
那么，像艺术劳动这样的社会参与式艺术家，要如何才能
在参与当代艺术的全球流通的同时，保留其自身实践的复杂性
和敏感度呢？小组参与的一系列活动、论坛或公共项目似乎提
供了一个答案，这类形式的分享性和表演性能够更好地凸显出
他们工作中难以言喻的那部分品质。对于艺术劳动来说，像社
会集结和集体艺术创作这样不可量化的过程，要比艺术品的最
终展出更为重要。尽管如此，为了不沉湎于怀旧之情，哪怕冒
着决定论的风险也有必要指出的是，专业化所带来的基础设施
以及资源确实能够帮助维持嘉莱艺术家的创作，也为他们的周
游和个人发展提供着机遇。
作为三名京族 （ 越南的主体民族 ） 艺术
家， 艺术劳动在一个具有历史争议性的
区域与少数族群合作， 他们尽可能地树
立信任和长足的关系来避免文化旅游业的
滋生， 且把资源分享和再分配给他们的
嘉莱合作者。
此外，通过一个同时拥有嘉莱语、越南语和英语三种语言的网
站，艺术劳动得以将他们的研究和艺术产出免费开放给他们的
多元受众。或许这就是真实的劳动所在。
由王紫薇译自英文
黄炳豪是一名来自新加坡的写作者，TA 目前是纽约现代艺术
博物馆的 C-MAP 亚洲研究员。
international biennales. Internationally, Art Labor has dis-
played the Jrai artists’ sculptures on plinths in white cube
spaces. These contained presentations seemed incon-
gruent and unreflective of Art Labor’s in-depth, years-long
commitment to Jrai communities. Exhibitions have also
credited Art Labor as “curators” of the “Jrai Dew Collec-
tive.” But attempts to formalize the relationship between
Art Labor and their interlocutors feel jarring. Just as the
prospect of transporting the convivial village festivities
to international art venues seems tokenistic and misin-
formed, conjuring an ethnographic essentialism that the
collective wishes to avoid.
How then can socially engaged artists like Art Labor
meaningfully participate in global circuits of contempo-
rary art while retaining the nuances and sensitivities of
their practice? One answer seems to lie in Art Labor’s in-
volvement in event, forum, or public-program formats,
which offer participatory or performative settings that
better epitomize the ineffable qualities of their work. For
Art Labor, the unquantifiable processes of social gath-
ering and collective artmaking take precedence over the
final exhibition of art objects. Nonetheless, without in-
dulging in nostalgia, the infrastructure and resources that
professionalized endeavors afford, however deterministic,
help to sustain the Jrai artists and provide opportunities
for their travel and personal development.
As three kinh (Vietnam’s majority
ethnic group) artists working
with ethnic minorities in a his-
torically contentious terrain, Art
165 Labor earnestly steers clear of
cultural tourism by nurturing
accountability and longstanding
relationships, and redistributing
and sharing resources with their
Jrai collaborators.
Furthermore, through a website that has been translated
into three languages—Jrai, Vietnamese, and English—
Art Labor makes their research and artistic output freely
accessible to their intended audiences. Perhaps this is
where the real labor lies.
Wong Bing Hao is a writer from Singapore. Currently, they
are the C-MAP Asia Fellow at the Museum of Modern Art,
New York.
ULTRA-BODIES
PROLOGUE
It is always an abyss of the writable: to speak to more
complex, and sometimes contradictory, events that are
IN 4 ACTS
largely too chaotic, too monstrous, or even too impos-
sible, to be put forth into words. Every single encounter
counts. It accumulates, gaining something personal,
interpersonal, social, and political—leaving no clear
boundary between when one person stops, and when an-
other person starts. It is this that leads to the image that I
call “ultra-bodies.”
“Ultra-bodies” have multiple times and places of
birth (and death). They have different names: When the “I”
in this writing is articulated it may refer to the “I” who is
speaking, the “I” who is being spoken about, the “I” who is
here, the “I” who is out there, the “I” who once joined and
then left, the “I” that accumulates and becomes “we” or
“they.” A multitude of stories are woven into ultra-bodies
that no one absolutely or eternally owns.
While it is impossible to trace the origin of such a cor-
poreal image, I can recall a recent event that took place in
2018 when I initiated “Classroom of Storytellers” as part of
“Ghost: 2561,” a video and performance-art “exhibition”
that took place in Bangkok that year.
Twice a week, for one month, “Classroom of Story-
tellers” served as a gathering space for selected partici-
pants (sometimes joined by walk-ins) to discuss, converse,
and to use both words and their physical presence to test
the extent to which the experience of art could resonate
or grow into other experiences. The “classroom” took
on various forms, including lectures and discussions to
movements, but an interpersonal transmission of knowl-
edge was happening all the time, regardless of the modes
deployed. From here, “storytellers” were encouraged to
reconfigure their engagement with objects, discourses,
167
and any form of personal encounter—to tell stories that
Morning at Suan Gong beach, Chana district, Songkhla.
could be varied, but belong to many. Through this process,
some sense of relativity emerged. In creating “relative
bonds,” the presence of bodies at the site of an exhibition
leaves behind the narrow, if not false, notion that an art ex-
hibition is the history of (contemporary) art in the making.
Of course, at the beginning, such encounters involved
a number of mundane questions: What is an “art experi-
ence”? An encounter with an art object? Is it framed by a
statement by a curator/an artist? A reading of the latest
discourse on a piece of paper or on a wall? An interpreta-
tion by an art critic, an art historian? An appreciation by
a collector? The number of stars or other “grades”, given
by a journalist? And then the people who didn’t consider
themselves “art natives” asked: Can I be free to interpret
the work?
Cumulatively this evinces an unequal relationship
between the materials designated “artworks” and the hu-
mans designated “perceivers.” And reveals how the latter
are often neglected in art’s storytelling. More importantly,
the restricted methods of writing and talking about art dis-
courage the use of imagination and sensitivity in the ways
in which art knowledge being communicated and circu-
The Ghost in the Field team is exploring the river delta in Sakom village, Chana district. lated in Thailand as a whole.
After the conclusion of “Ghost:2561,” I aimed to de-
velop a body of research by emphasizing the inseparable
JUDHA SU & PALIN ANSUSINHA
bond between a certain type of corporality and a cer-
tain type of knowledge. It is a bond that is absent—often
forcibly so, and particularly in the context of art schol-
arship in Thailand—in the writing, telling, and speaking
about art. I proposed to translate multiplicities of pres-
ence, bodily thoughts, into my native tongue as a research
project called Ghost in the Field. The project deploys
methods of field research and knowledge transmission in
various modes and locations.
As a result, the research itself is shapeshifting, and
requires an openness to experimentation and improvi-
sation; rehearsal becomes a method, a modus operandi,
a medium, and a reflection on processes of knowledge
production and its transfer. In Ultra-Bodies in 4 Acts,
corporeal bodies are put—sometimes joyfully, some-
times frustratingly, and sometimes impossibly—into the
foreground to replace given conventions and regulations
of research fieldwork, and to focus on moments of con-
tingency, interruption, repetition, uncertainty, and failure
within existing systems.
The ocean, in the South of Thailand, is the first site of
study. It is explored as a space of multiple trajectories of
desire, unsettling forms of intimacy and entanglement.
In some locations here, communities are due to be dis-
placed as part of a national development plan. The issues
in Songkhla province, near the border with Malaysia, offer
a microcosm of the connections between state policy
and resistance movements (such as those traced in the
history of the Farmer’s Federations Association for Devel-
opment Thailand), resource distribution, etc. To grapple
with local struggles for natural resources, we ought to
acknowledge the simultaneous transformations of the
planet at varying scales and depths.
Threaded through the research is a lexicon of “ul-
tra-bodies” in Thai. We are well aware that words cannot,
and should not, be torn from the contexts in which they are
formed and situated, so an act of translation is also an act
of reconfiguring and resituating words into a new context—
a literal as much as a poetic translation of an experience.
The writing that follows is an assemblage of con-
versations, excerpts from reading groups, field notes,
observations made during the research period (from July
to the present), theory and speculative fiction. It’s in-
tended to be read aloud. The voices of readers conjure a
corporeal dimension of the text that is neutralized when
it is read in silence.
The current team members of Ghost in the Field are
Palin Ansusinha, Kantida Busaba, and Jeanne Penjan
Lassus.

Sea sponge and other animals inhabiting inside. The little one crawling on
the outer part of the sponge is a brittlestar.
168
A microscopic image of the novel coronavirus, 2019-nCoV.
Photo: https://www.datanami.com/2020/02/03/how-the-coronavirus-
response-is-aided-by-analytics/
ACT 1: ENTANGLEMENTS
Scene 1: “ I waited until I felt the
words in my tongue, my body” —
Sakom village.
The term “ตดรางแห[tid-rang-hae]” is equivalent to
“entanglements,” springing from a workplace near the
fishing village. “Hae” means “fishnet” in Thai, and its
materiality lends a conceptualization to the term “entan-
glement.” However, “tid-rang-hae” can have a negative
connotation: that of being unintentionally involved in a
crime. It may also imply bad luck, bad timing, that one is
being dragged into an undesirable situation. Instead, I
want to redefine this term as an entangled condition, and
emphasize the relativity of beings, chances, and probabil-
ities, including destiny.
Around 20 piles of fishing nets are brought fresh
from the salty water and put on the ground. Humans
are squatting and disentangling “treasures from the
sea.” The entangled blue-and-white nets are a type of
gear to catch prawns and fish, they are woven using a
specific method for a specific purpose. Gliding in the
sea, they collected random species and objects, and
adjusted to match the waves, currents, undercurrents,
temperature, and wind. Brought on land, the soft,
thin threads wrap around animals of many species,
corals, driftwood, and the humans who are involved
in the process of [dis]entanglement. Some of the
animals are still moving, wrestling with the nets and
the humans handling them—drifting between life and
death, resistance and surrender, nutrition and poison.
(Judha)
Scene 2: “Hunger”—the center
of Bangkok
The sea here is hungry.
The waves murmur through the dry sand,
quenching as it falls, parching as it draws back,
always leaving the coastline thirsty for more.
(Palin)
Hunger is bodily and instinctive; tides are hungry, soils
are hungry, plants are hungry, animals are hungry. We are
all hungry. So we catch and are being caught; lives are
extended by devouring other lives. Like this vivid image
described by marine scientist Tanthai Prasertkul: “if you
scoop up seawater during the full moon, you will find a
myriad of activities of marine animals—they are mating,
breeding, molting, interacting, and hunting.”
Hunger drives human activities in all forms and ideolo-
gies. In Songkhla’s Chana district, however, asymmetrical
power is evidenced in the suppression of the local commu-
nity. In January 2020 the government approved a proposal
to develop a Special Economic Zone (SEZ) in Chana. The
budget was almost THB 19 billion. 1 After years of working
against the privatization of natural resources, and now
faced with a National Strategy, imposed by the military
1. https://www.bangkokpost.com/thailand/general/1840714/south-to-
get-special-economic-zone
government, that involves the construction of a deep-sea
port and an industrial town, a fisherman who calls himself 2.”Bang”is a common word for“brother”in Malayu language spoken
amonst Muslim community the Deep South of Thailand, and shared with
“Bang Nee”2 expressed his views on the development: people in Malayu peninsula.
“When you say ‘villagers ought to sacrifice for the
greater good,’ you have no idea that we are protecting
3.”“National Strategy”is a 20-year strategy (2018-2037), imposed by
the military government,“developed pursuant to the Constitution. It shall
be pursued to ensure that the country achieves its vision of becoming‘a
the sea for the greater good. If the development plan
is implemented, it would destroy the marine ecology.
developed country with security, prosperity and sustainability in accor-
dance with the Sufficiency Economy Philosophy’with the ultimate goal
being all Thai people’s happiness and well-being.”
Read the propaganda more on:
You don’t know how difficult it is to recover the ocean, https://www.moac.go.th/pyp-dwl-files-402791791893
and the wreck of it will affect all of us.”
4. The pipeline and gas separation project began in February 2000 to
transport and process natural gas from the gas reserves in the Thai-Ma-
Bang Nee illuminates the entangled environment and laysia joint offshore development area . The development area is
Bang Nee illuminates the entangled environment and approximately 255 kilometres (158 mi) east of Songkhla Province in the
Gulf of Thailand and covers an area of 7,250 square kilometres (2,800 sq
challenges the “Special Economic Zone” scheme, which mi). Construction on the pipeline started in mid-2003 and was completed
excludes local communities from the National Strategy3. In in 2006-2007. It was built by the Trans Thai-Malaysia (Thailand) Ltd., a
project company of Petronas and the PTT Public Company Limited.
reality, the economic plan has always been implemented
at the expense of local communities, propagating the fan- 5. Siddhartha Mukherjee, THE EMPEROR OF ALL MALADIES: A BIOG-
RAPHY OF CANCER (London: Fourth Estate, 2011), p. 38.
tasy of the greater good without declaring its real cost.
Many years before the “Special Economic Zone,” the
Trans Thailand–Malaysia gas pipeline4 was built. Bang
Nee walked us to a watermelon farm in Chana, where the
pipeline cut under the farmland:
“Many people in this village got cancer after the gas
separation plant was built. There was an entire family
who passed away from cancer.”
Development without the protection of the rights of
existing communities is mass slaughter in disguise. When
hunger is tethered to power, there is no way to wrestle, no
chance to win, no bond to build between those who live
and those who die, and no way for collaboration and co-
habitation. The murder of local communities in the form
of diseases—cancer, in this case—elicits a metaphor of
invader and colonizer because it exhausts humans and
169
exploits their living bodies. It is a disease of overproduc-
tion, of fulminant growth—“growth unstoppable, growth
tipped into the abyss of no control.”5 And no one offers a
cure; only the amputate the infected part...
Scene 3: “Zoonoses”—from ani-
mals to humans
We humans are so abundant and so disruptive on
this planet. We’re cutting the tropical forests. We’re
building work camps in those forests and villages.
We’re eating the wildlife […] You go into a forest and
you shake the trees—literally and figuratively—and
viruses fall out.
David Quammen, Spillover: Animal Infections and
the Next Human Pandemic (2012)

Bangkok city has been experiencing a rise of PM2.5 particulate levels.
Photo: https://techsauce.co/tech-and-biz/pm-2-5-thai-and-other-countries
170
Government officials visited Thai people under virus quarantine after they were
brought back from Wuhan, China. Whilst the Thai public anger grows over
coronavirus, and #รัฐบาลเฮ็งซวย (#crapgovernment) is created on twitter.
ACT 2: WITNESS
If I didn’t go into the sea, I wouldn’t notice that my
body is changing. Is this a condition of disarming,
molting? Off-land, my feet couldn’t reach the bottom,
arms wavering to keep myself afloat from drowning.
Floating, holding myself like this, is the body learning
to sense its new environment?
(Kantida)
Scene 1: Butchery hall inside the
New Market—Kolkata
The air reeks of an intense metallic smell edging be-
tween rancid and sweet pungency. Goats and chickens
are herded into the aisles, ensconced between hanging
meat, piles of sawed trotters, claws, and half-filled buckets
of guts laid ubiquitously on the sides. Crows swoop down
from the beams, trying to make a feast out of their meager
opportunity. A chaotic circulatory system feeding into
all hungry bodies: humans, crows, rodents, flies, and
maggots. Everything gets eaten, transferred, transubstan-
tiated. Outside, a protest is taking place. Speeches and the
cheers of protesters find their way through the cracks of
the dilapidated building, reverberating with the cacophony
of cries, squawks, squeals, and shouts inside.
Scene 2: Early morning, the
sea—Chana
To witness , a transitive verb, defines both the act and the
person carrying it out; the verb precedes the noun—it is
through the act of witnessing that we become a witness.
Diana Taylor, “Trauma as Durational Performance” (2009)
Dense grey fog floats above the water. Two bodies swim to-
wards the murky horizon with nothing but the undulating skin of
the water holding them afloat.
A voice asks,
“Can you hear them?”
A body inhales.
[Barnacle sound.]
A voice instructs,
“We’re right above them. Listen again.”
171
A body inhales.
The act of remembering through embodied practice makes
time eat itself.
My body recalls a memory of listening with him last year,
the day after the military government announced their plan to
build the deep-sea port and industrial town in Chana. Without
warning, this vision of the “future” appeared as a 3D-rendering
of buildings aligned like rows of coffins next to the barren sea6.
Out at sea with the fisherman there is a different kind of topog-
raphy and cartography of place.
A voice asks,
“Can you hear them? (Pause.) Can you hear me?” (Laughs.)
A body inhales.
His direct address ensnares like a loose net swung by the
push of an undercurrent. It loops and binds me even closer to
him, to them—the fish, the barnacles, the sea—to this place.
To physically be here, now, is to witness the fisherman’s pri-
vate routine of keeping alive the very thing that is under threat
of being taken away. Not just the knowledge itself but an un-
derstanding of the conditions that allow for that knowledge to
matter.
A practice in durational resistance by way of repetition.
A ritual that must be rehearsed continuously for survival .
Scene 3: Unidentifiable time—
underwater in Koo-Nam-Rob
Canal, Chana
Black sediment, industrial waste, and radia-
tion saturate the water irrigating the gas-separation
plant. They dye the canal-bank black and sometimes
take recognizable forms as they cling onto marine
bodies and substrates. Colonies of mussels throb
and moan to the changing rhythms and chemical
compositions of the tide. As filter-feeders, they me-
tabolize toxins to nourish themselves. Like the rings
inside a tree trunk, the lines on its shell are dubi-
ously etched in black, a mutating score that revises
and replays itself over and over. As toxic radiation
becomes ever-present in our bodies, how do we con-
ceive of “vulnerability” alongside resistance? What if
the condition of exposing the body, of yielding one’s
protective boundary, to other lives, living processes,
and conditions intimates a radical desire to access
our inner capacity to heal? How can we reclaim our
bodies from the antagonistic language of war and
aggression, and instead think of immunity as a dura-
tional, continual process of renewing our relationship
with the world?
Scene 4: Streets—Bangkok
The air is polluted. A masked figure stands
half-visible in the dust.
The infrastructure of this city is networked to
circulate and perpetuate violence, to bracket poli-
tics from daily life, and isolate one person’s struggle
against another. But between the walls and fences
that confine, private rehearsals of insurgency take
place, waiting to find ways to become a part of a
larger movement.
“What are the kinds of stories to be told by those
and about those who live in such an intimate
relationship with death? Romances? Tragedies?
Shrieks that find their way into speech and
song? What are the protocols and limits that
shape the narratives written as counter-history,
an aspiration that isn’t a prophylactic against
the risks posed by reiterating violent speech
and depicting again rituals of torture? How does
one revisit the scene of subjection without repli-
cating the grammar of violence?”
Saidiya Hartman, “Venus in Two Acts” (2008)
I’ve been micro-dosing on toxic language, poi-
soning myself a little every day, not to escape, but to
access the imagination, arouse hunger for anarchy,
and find unlikely moments of intimacy with words in
order to dismantle the grammar of violence. Can the
poetics of toxicity nourish the currently emaciating,
victimizing language of activism?
6. Watch the 3D rendering video here: https://youtu.be/78aI3_7yFEY
ACT 3: METABOLISM Scene 2: “Can motions encourage
metabolism?”—in the sea, Chana
Scene 1: Unanalysable, district
but metabolizable
The fisherman in the water listens to the fish.
A: I am full of vibrant ideas, but they He submerges his body and directs himself to the
are not yet articulated fully sounds and vibrations.
B: Spell it out. We wait, and see him gradually float hundreds of
A: My body is not equipped with the meters away.
language you can understand. Once his signal is given, the other fisherman sud-
B: You have to learn the language. denly starts the engine and winds the boat nearer and
A: What if I don’t want to rehearse a nearer to his companion, unleashing the nets at an
vocabulary that imposes, a priori, a set of intense speed.
principles that are not mine? The wind is blowing against us, my whole body
B: So, you may fail to claim the exis- feels the wide spiral we are drawing with the boat. I
tence of your vibrant ideas. imagine under the surface the conelike spiral of the
A: No, they are always here, even if nets descending. The nets seem never-ending, the
they are not recognized. heap unravels into what seems an immense length to
B: How can you prove it? me.
A: I can’t, it’s not part of your recog- [...]
nising system. fish being dragged out of the sea with nets,
the fishermen diving to the bottom for shells,
the birds plunging in for fish, pipes pumping oil
from beneath the ocean bed,
the net is being unleashed at an intense speed,
the conelike spiral of the nets descending.
What seems like an opaque and immense hori-
zontality to me,
the fishermen read and understand.
They situate themselves, they understand
172 distance.
I can only vaguely grasp it through the time spent
going in one direction,
but it is pure abstraction to me.
(Jeanne)
The multiplicity of motions and trajectories could be
reimagined as ways to challenge the gaze of conquest
and possession, the language of capitalist development
and military agendas, that seek to fix and control what is
moving and vibrant, dismantle narratives that describe
the ocean as an empty space to be crossed and exploited,
“Belt and Road Initiative”—The areas and countries involved contain
almost two-thirds of the world's population and account for one-third of
a reserve of resources awaiting to be extracted. Imagining
the world’s wealth (GDP) Photo: https://pugnatorius.com/obor/ oceans through the multitudes of trajectories, crossings,
touching and connecting, air, surface and depth, they are
driven by all forms of hunger, of species that inhabit, tra-
verse, or sometimes stray from the semantic level into the
abyssopelagic. We acknowledge the unfathomable part
of the oceanic body to be part of the accumulating “ul-
tra-bodies”, and we try to metabolize, instead of analyze
her. We work in this metabolic mechanism that allows the
entire body to be present in the field, submerged in the
nonlanguage sphere.
A public gathering for the 45th anniversary of The Farmers Federation of Thailand (FFT)
Photo: https://transbordernews.in.th/home/?p=24125
ACT 4: TRANSFER PROFILE
“plankton” Ghost in the Field was initiated by Judha Su, in 2019,
those who float. supported by Ghost Foundation and OPEN FIELD. The
project is also regarded as a continuous pursuit of en-
Etymologically, they are wanderers, floaters, drifters gaged knowledge and practice from a previous initiative,
of the water. In Thai, “phu-long-loy” means those who Classroom of Storytellers, A collateral event of Ghost:
float. Most plankton inhabit the surface of the ocean, ab- 2561, a video and performance art series curated by Kor-
sorb energy from the sun, and pass it through to the ma- akrit Arunanondchai. Ghost in the Field will be developed
rine food chain. Either plankton release gas through the into “Metabolic Modules,” a multidisciplinary platform for
living process or they die and their bodies float up into the people to learn together.
Earth’s atmosphere to help form clouds. Extra cloud drop-
lets formed by plankton prevent excessive solar energy
173
from heating the water’s surface and the ocean tempera-
ture from rising.
Late monsoon season. I followed Bang Nee and Ka
Tee7, his wife, down the same path towards the beach
to his boat. The three of us wrestled with the incoming
waves that kept on shifting the wooden frame under-
neath the boat, trapping it deeper into the sand.
Working with the erratic tempo of the tide, we antici-
pated that moment—when the swell was high enough
to submerge the belly—and, given enough momentum
and drag, pushed the boat so it landed directly into
the water. Without any exchange of words between us,
my body instinctively knew when that moment was. It
remembered when it needed to leap onto the deck,
several seconds before Ka Tee gave the final push
and before Bang Nee lowered the propellers into the
water and departed.
(Palin)
In every seafaring encounter, the ocean devises a
choreography that keeps on transforming, riffing off the
movements embedded in the repertoires of its previous
dance partners, so that each new encounter is both a re-
hearsal and improvisation of the previous score. The act
of transfer happens by way of repetition, through em-
bodied experiences.
7. Ka”is a common word for“sister”in Malayu language.
WHY DO IT
当下社会的运作方式已经不
允许我们独自行事。 因此，
大多情况下事情都依靠共同

TOGETHER
工作来完成， 有人称之为
“DIWO”（“协作行事”）。
不同于“可口可乐” 这种绝
对 的 外 来 文 化，“DIWO”

既 然 可 以 自 己 做， 这类词汇关联着我们文化长
久以来的信念， 即借助彼此

WHEN WE CAN
的力量做事。

DO IT ALONE? 1970 年代反叛的艺术家们信仰“共通性”，因此他们拒绝艺

术的门槛和它的现代媒材。在这批艺术家看来，艺术必须使

为 什 么 还 要 在 一 起？
用日常的材料以便使更多人参与。图片为 Bonyong Munni

175
Ardhi 的作品《自由讲台》（1979），作品是一个写有“自由讲
台”字样的方形的拳击台，人们可以轮流在台上发言。图片由
Hyphen—及艺术家提供。
Rebellious artists of the 1970s believed in
“commonness”and therefore refused the exclusivity
of fine art and its modern mediums. For them,
artworks had to be of familiar materials in order
to engage people. Images: Bonyong Munni Ardhi.

THE RISE OF COLLECTIVE PRACTICES

Mimbar Bebas (Free Podium, 1979). Squared-boxing
ring arena, text on stage is the title. A free and fair
stage in which anyone can take turn and speak in
the ring. Photo courtesy of Hyphen— & the artist.

IN INDONESIA
印度尼西亚的艺术团体实践
The way our society works does not leave us
space or time to move alone. (This might need a
longer conversation.) So, most likely things are
done together. Some people call it DIWO. But,
these terms... Unlike Coca-Cola, which is definitely
an imported culture, the fact that we always rely
on each other and do things together has been in
葛列斯·珊保、大卫·莫里斯 GRACE SAMBOH & DAVID MORRIS our culture since forever, maybe even before that.

共同工作——也被称为“自我组织”
、“艺术家运营”
、“团体”、
“DIY”或是“DIWO”——是一项复杂的实践。它既使我们
困扰又赋予我们能量、既是我们的研究对象又是我们的痴迷的
对象、既被一些人拥抱又被一些人摒弃。但它其实可以很简单，
就是一种工作方式，一种完成事情的方式。或许，我们从来都
没有其它的选择，因此，它也没那么重要，毕竟人人都身在其
中。共同工作是日常的、平凡的，有什么必要再去寻找其他工
作方式呢？
在过去几年中，可以发现一系列以“共同工作”为主题的
出版，包括《未来机构》、
《自我组织》
术家机构》、《艺术家运营欧洲》
、
《艺术家运营空间》
、《艺
。艺术家共同工作的传统可以
追溯出一条漫长的历史，这其中当然包括 1960 年代、维也纳
分离派以及中世纪时期的艺术家公社工作坊。但历史并不是一
条直线，这篇文章将以爪哇文化为背景观察“共同工作”的历史，
在这个全球人口最多（约有 1 亿 4 千 1 百万居民）
、有着漫长
殖民历史的岛屿，它的“艺术家自营”文化在当代获得大量关
注，正如近期一本书的副标题所说：
“印尼艺术团体重新定义了’
网络’的概念”。
在一些政府功能缺席于艺术及文化活动的国家，其现代艺
术史往往也是空缺的。这并不是说这些国家没有艺术活动、没
有现代主义影响或是以西方导向的教学，而是说，即便有博物
馆、画廊、艺术院校和艺术家自营空间，它们的功能与运行也
与英语字典中的定义不尽相同。这些机构之所以存在，是因为
早在国家获得独立、艺术被视为一项实践（或一个圈子）之前，
艺术与艺术实践就已经存在了。在人们的认识和取态里，这种
天然的差异从来都不是什么负担，而是一种生命的事实、一种
知识，供人们体验、记录、学习、传播。这种认识也能帮助我
们更好地理解那些由艺术家主导的行动，以及艺术家们的共同
工作。
印尼艺术家及策展人吉姆·苏邦卡特（Jim Supang-
kat）曾指出，那些以矛盾、影响、突破和发展理论为基础的
艺术概念与印尼的艺术实践并不相连。在印尼，艺术更多关联
着道德与政治，并需要“结合社会变革与发展来理解，因此，
印尼的艺术发展紧密联系着社会历史，而非艺术史”。在这样
的背景下，艺术不再是孤立的、特殊的行动，艺术家也不再是
独特的个体，我们惯常理解的“艺术”在这里并不成立。
著名的新自由主义格言“没有社会这回事”
本被用来描述全球范围内各国社会基础的
崩塌， 但在爪哇的文化历史中， 这句话
的意义却有了积极的转折。 在人类学家
176 本尼迪克特 ·安德森关于民族主义的研
究里， 他提及“爪哇语言直到最近， 都
没有对‘社会’这个抽象概念的直接对应，
因为人们从来都知道自己与素未相识的他
者是彼此相连的。 他们将这种联系具体
地想象为无限延伸的亲缘与合作网络”。
或许我们都能认同这一观点，即“社会”是个形同鸡肋的抽象
概念——这并非因为我们只能够理解“个人”或“家庭”的概
念，而是“社会”一词无法清晰描述生命以及生活中无处不在
的连接与共融。
苏邦卡特曾是印尼新艺术运动（GSRBI）的一员，该小
组始于 1974 年末的一场学生运动（这场学生运动亦可被视为
同年早期另一场学生运动——Malari 事件——的回响）。70
年代，印尼新艺术运动坚信，“因为生活在共同的环境中，人
类具有’共通性’，关注具体的社会议题与问题比关注个人情
感更加迫切……要创造一种充满活力的艺术 ：它的存在毋庸置
疑，它自然、有益、无所不在地存在于人与人之间”。然而，
他们所崇尚的“共通性”并不是什么“新”概念，因为新艺术
运动所试图脱离的正是现代主义逻辑中周期性的“新”，他们
所尝试的正是回归本土的实践与历史。
Java is officially the planet’s most populous island (ap-
positive spin on “there is no such
Reinvented Networking, 2017, Onomatopee.
Something Else: How Indonesian Art Initiatives Have
1. Reinaart Vanhoe (editor), Also-Space: From Hot to
proximately 141 million inhabitants), a place long inter-
fered with by colonizing Europeans (including, briefly,
Britain, 1811–15), and a place that has gained much atten-
thing as society,” the neoliberal
tion as a site for contemporary artist-led cultures. Indeed,
according to the subtitle of one recent book: Indonesian
motto that underpinned the dis-
art initiatives have reinvented networking.1
Yet artmaking is traditionally considered a solo ac-
mantlement of social infrastruc-
tivity. Working together—what, in the context of art, is ture in states across the world. In
also labeled “self-organization,” “artist-run,” “collec-
tivity,” or “DIY/DIWO”—can be a complex practice. It can his study of nationalism, Benedict
be something to struggle with and through, to analyze
and fetishize, to embrace or abandon. But it can also be Anderson remarks that “until
straightforward: a way to do things, a way things are done.
And perhaps there is no alternative. If so, it might not ac-
quite recently, the Javanese lan-
tually be so important—you are already doing it and it is
beside the point. Doing things together is everyday, unre-
guage had no word meaning the
markable. Why do anything otherwise? abstract ‘society.’”
The past decade has seen a flurry of books about
such initiatives: Artist Run Spaces (2011); Institutions He describes a situation in which people have “always
by Artists (2012); Institution for the Future (2012); Self- known that they are connected to people they have never
Organized (2013); Artist-Run Europe (2016). The history seen, but these ties were once imagined particularis-
stretches back certainly to the 1960s, but also to the tically—as indefinitely stretchable nets of kinship and
Vienna Secession, formed at the end of the nineteenth clientship.” Maybe we could agree that “society” is an
century, or further still, to the communal artists’ work- unnecessary abstraction: not because of the idea that
shops of the Middle Ages. there are only individuals and families, but because of a
Yet in countries where the state function is absent more expansive idea of life in common in which the idea of
from the arts and cultural activities, modern art-history is “society” does not correspond with a state of inarticulable
almost nonexistent. This is not to say that art activities, interrelationality.
modern influences, and western-oriented curriculums do Supangkat was part of Gerakan Seni Rupa Baru
not exist. It is to say that even if the museums, galleries, (GSRBI; Indonesian New Art Movement), a group that orig-
art schools, and artist-run spaces exist, they do not nec- inated in a student protest at the end of 1974; one can
essarily function in the way they are defined in British- or see it as an echo of the student movement earlier that
American-English dictionaries. These facilities exist be-
cause artists and art practices existed long before the
countries gained independence, and long, long before
177 year (Malari 1974). In the 1970s GSRBI affirmed “a belief in
human ‘commonness,’ since we are all living in the same
such practices needed to be articulated as a discipline, as
environment. Adhering to actual social issues and prob-
lems is more urgent than personal sentiments. … Aspiring
a scene. There is a consciousness, as well as the attitude,
to embrace this natural difference not as an anomaly,
to an art that is more alive in the sense of its undoubted
existence as something natural, useful and living expan-
but as a fact of life that needs to be experienced, docu-
mented, learned, and distributed as knowledge. This has
sively among the people.” The commonness they aspired
to was also not something so very “new”—one of the par-
consequences for a fuller understanding of artist-led ac-
tivity, of what artists do together.
adoxes of their “new art movement” was that it sought to
move away from the cyclical newness of modernist logic
Sculptor, art critic, and curator Jim Supangkat points
out that the common perception of art based on contra-
and connect with local practices and histories.
In social histories, 1968 is often seen as a moment
dictions, influences, breakthroughs, and developmental of possibility, but this depends on where you are viewing
theories does not correspond to art in Indonesia, which it from. Late-1960s Indonesia saw the establishment of
has a tendency to be “moralistic and political” and to be the dictatorial New Order, which would keep its grip on
understood “with reference to social change and develop- power for the next 30 years. The 1970s generation be-
ment. For this reason, the development of art in Indonesia came the rebellion generation—they tended to “reject”
is more closely allied to social history than to art history.” the existing values and notions that were, at the time,
enforced by older generations or people in higher posi-
In this there is a step away from tions of authority. Nineteen sixty-eight is also the year
when the Pusat Kesenian Jakarta (Jakarta Art Center) and
the idea of art as a separate, spe- Taman Ismail Marzuki (TIM) were founded by Ali Sadikin
(Jakarta’s governor at the time)—Indonesia’s first govern-
cialist activity, and away from the ment-funded art facility. TIM was controversial, of course.
Some said it was the government’s way of keeping people
singularity of the artist—maybe with long hair (read: artists) off the streets. A couple
years after it opened, TIM launched the Indonesia Grand
away from “art” altogether. Painting Exhibition (which would become the Jakarta
Biennale) and young artists were protesting it—via the
Javanese history may even put a “Black December” group that would later become GSRBI.
 1968 年常被看做充满可能性的一年——但这也取决于你
从何处展开观察。60 年代末期，印尼见证了专制政权“新秩
序”（New Order）的建立，至此之后的 30 年里，这一政
权都持续着它的统治。基于此，印尼的 70 后成为叛逆的一代，
他们“拒绝”由年长者和权力机关所强制推行的观点和价值观。
显然，这场“运动”不能靠一人之力进行，于是年轻人们聚集
起来反抗——一如 60 年代末至 70 年代初世界各地的许多青
年运动。1968 年，雅加达省长阿里·萨迪金（Ali Sadikin）
发起了印尼首个政府创办的艺术机构 ：雅加达艺术中心，又称
Ismail Marzuki 公园。一如大多数新事物，Ismail Mar-
zuki 公园充满了争议，有人说它是政府阻止“长发人”
（即艺
术家）在街头游荡的手段。公园正式运营的两年后，举办了“印
尼绘画大展”（其后演变为雅加达双年展）
，年轻艺术家们对之
进行抗议——其中的“黑色十二月”小组就是之后印尼新艺术
运动的前身。
80 年代的艺术家们则不再反叛，对于他们来说，个体 /
行动者 / 人 / 艺术家才是最重要的。造成这一改变的一个可能
的原因是“新秩序”教育模板对他们的影响——他们的精力和
时间都被转移到对具体社会成员的关注上，这些成员或是他们
的家庭成员、或是邻里、或是具体的社群。这段时间里，消费
主义伴随着流行文化萌芽、购物中心开始崛起、城市成为国家
的中心、历史被“新秩序”所塑造、教育系统变得“稳定”。
我们可以看到 Moelyono（他以与村民工作而著名）
、Heri
Dono、Ong Hari Wahyu（他们的工作则围绕着所谓的传
统艺术与当代手法、品味和美学的结合）和 Mella Jaarsma
（表现政治）这类艺术家的出现。80 年代的艺术家更加注重
长期参与，因此作品的最终呈现也更加低调（尤其是意识形态
的发声）、更加关注缓慢的演变，他们的实践具有一种重复性
（甚至显得有些冗长），作品的参与者常常既是作品的主体，又
是作品的观众。这批艺术家的问题在于，他们明白自己的实践
不能——至少不能立刻——带来改变，于是他们选择尽可能小
的环境作为自己的对象——只有这样，他们才能够测量自己的
行动与实践。
对印尼来说，1998 年的五月暴动——而非 1968 年的五
月风暴——是一个重要的时刻。80 年代末期至 90 年代初期，
年轻一代与 70 年代一辈走到了一起，为即将来临的变革进行
准备。在不断加剧的经济及政治张力下，印尼总统苏哈托辞职，
其后，“一个重要的问题便是 ：我们现在应该做什么？我们想
做什么就能做什么，但是该做什么呢？”
。另一个值得一提的
五月是每年 5 月 20 日的民族觉醒日，纪念民族意识的觉醒和
印尼独立运动。透过这些不同的五月，不同的历史及未来得以
被想象。在这一代人所发起的项目中，政治意义成为了共通点。
基于 90 年代末、00 年代初的“紧急行动主义”
（emergency
activism，印尼作家 Melani Budianta 语）
，数百个媒体平
台、艺术组织和公民项目如雨后春笋般崛起，其中几个产生不
少回响的机构 / 组织包括 Kedai Kebun Forum（1996）、
Jendela 艺术小组
（1997）
、Apotik Komik
（1997–2002）
、 在东南亚地区多有实践。然而，正如 Antariksa 和 Nuraini
KUNCI 文化研究中心（1998）、), Taring Padi（1999）、
Galeri Benda（1999–2003）、Daging Tumbuh
（2000）、ruangrupa（2000）、
Grafis Minggiran（2001）、
Mes 56（2002）、Forum Lenteng（2003）、Serrum
（2006）。他们走到一起的原因各不相同，但共同之处在于 ：
他们的存在是为了支持、协助并承载彼此，这种互助首先存在
于组织内部和朋友之间，其后则延伸至更广大的人群。为什么
他们需要互助？因为“中心”已经不存在了，既没有领袖也没
有敌人。
印尼的艺术组织时常被外围人士定义为“另类”，但他们
对自己的实践是有清晰的认识的。正如 Melani Budianta 所
说的“紧急行动主义”，这些组织的确充满了紧迫感，他们需
要持续工作，需要工作空间（创作的工作室、展出的画廊以及
与同道者交流的空间）。当然，我们也没有必要在谈及“另类”
时避开“主流”，长久以来，改革不断解构着建制，人们以在
变动下难以迅速做出重大的政治决策。因此，印尼的艺术家空
间常常都是多功能的 ：居家空间、居住空间、社交空间、公共
空间等等功能都交融地生长为一个集合体。ruangrupa 小组
的 Ade Darmawan 这样描述这种特殊的空间使用 ：
“一间
居民房被改造为一个总部、一个工作室和聚脚点，人们可以在
这里举办展览、工作坊、讨论、电影放映、音乐会等等集体项
目。这一现象的基础是 ：作为市民的艺术家，与市民们一起实
践着共同生活的概念”。印尼的第一个当代艺术空间 Cemeti
于 1988 年由一批艺术家在他们居所的前厅发起，面对政府的
规章，他们将空间定义为商店，以回避艺术空间需要面对的限
制与审查。“商店”这个定义其实颇为准确，因为空间的一大
功能便是出售作品，以帮助艺术家们发展各自的事业（譬如，
艺术家 FX Harsono 在当时便以平面设计维生）。日惹艺术
生态中的固定成员 Kedai Kebun Forum 成立于 1996 年，
他们则以餐厅作为掩护——不要误会，餐厅不是艺术，餐厅就
178 是餐厅，但它却获益于参与者们多样的技能。Kedai Kebun
Forum 的发起者之一、艺术家 Agung Kurniawan（另一
位 发 起 者 为 Yustina Neni） 如 是 说 到 ：
“ 对 我 来 说， 运 营
一家餐厅就好像创作一件装置作品或是行为艺术……虽然目
标不同，但却是非常相似的系统”。餐厅正是一个活生生的比
喻，它揭示着印尼艺术组织如何透过彼此的交换与关联、透过
社会网络、微型经济、共同饮食与热情好客来维持运转。98
年之后出现的许多小组都需要一个会面、吃饭的地方，因此，
Kedai Kebun Forum 便喂养了一个庞大的生态（无独有
偶，近期成立于雅加达的艺术团体集合 Gudang Sarinah
Ekosistem 也将’生态’一词作为自身的隐喻）。
印尼艺术家们也重访着传统的集体概念，例如“sang-
gar”（在艺术的语境中，意为一群学生在公社空间中跟随一
位导师学习，用日惹艺术空间及学习中心 KUNCI 的创始成
员 Nuraini Juliastuti 的话说，便是“公社生活中实践艺术
的一种模式”），和“nyantrik”（意为共同生活中的学习过
程，KUNCI 的另一位联合创办者 Antariksa 曾写道，’它
是成为共通的整个过程’）。 另一个相关的概念是“gotong
royong”，意为“数人协力移动重物”，一本 1938 年的爪哇
语词典如是释义：一种以互助与互惠为基础的对社会性的理解，
Juliastuti 所强调的，这些传统概念都相当复杂。或许因为它
们与“新秩序”时代的关联，现在很少有人会认同这些概念。
以“gotong royong”为例，这一表达的历史并不久远（或
许与 1938 年那本字典的年纪相差无几），但它所承载的却是
Artists from the 1980s generation
were not rebels—for them the individual/
the agent/the person/the artist was what
mattered. One possible cause is the fact
that they grew up under the New Or-
der’s educational model. They spent their
attention, energy, and time on caring
about particular sections of society (be
it their family, their neighbors, or certain
community groups). During their times,
consumerism through popular culture
emerged. Malls were built, cities were
made as centers, history was taught
according to the New Order, the educa-
tion system was “stable.” We see artists
like Moelyono (he is best known as the
guy who works with villagers); Heri Dono
and Ong Hari Wahyu (works exploring
so-called traditional art within a contem-
porary approach, taste, and aesthetics);
Mella Jaarsma (embodies the politics).
Moreover, the 80s generation was into
long-term engagement: low-key in terms
of presentations (especially of spoken
ideologies), and more into evolution (slow
changes). Their practice embeds a type
of repetition (that may seem like redun-
dancy) and was always executed with (or
for) other people, who are both their “sub-
ject-matter” and their audience. In many
ways, their work was a result of knowing
that they could not change anything, not
immediately at least. That was also why
the 80s generation worked with their
smallest (chosen) environments. That was
the only way they could measure the im-
pact of their acts/practices.
Here in Indonesia, May ‘98 (not May
‘68) is the big moment. In the context of
an economic crisis and intensifying polit-
ical tension, President Suharto resigned
after three decades in power. And then…
“the big question was: what should we
do now? We can do everything we want,
but then what should we do?” At some
point during the late 1980s/early 1990s,
younger generations began to gather
with the 70s generation in preparation for
the only change that they could imagine.
Another May to note here is one that re-
peats every year: Hari Kebangkitan Na-
sional (Day of National Awakening), on
May 20, which commemorates the be-
ginning of nationalist consciousness and
the Indonesian independence move-
ment. Through these different Mays,
a different set of histories and futures
might be imagined. A sense of political
purpose is common to all the initiatives
set up by this generation—through the
“emergency activism” (to use Indone-
sian writer Melani Budianta’s term) of the
late 1990s and early 00s, many hundreds
of media platforms, art organizations
对于那批 1980 年代读大学的艺术家来说，“自我能动性”是
最能延展、授权和传播的。于是他们不再直接对抗遥不可及
的系统和疾控，而是将关注投向对小群体的劳动和关怀。图
179
片 为 Melati Suryodarmo 的 作 品《 浮 现 ：牛 油 舞 》（ 加 长
版，2000/2010），该版本呈现于瑞典斯科哥尔摩现代舞蹈剧
院 2010 年 的 艺 术 节“ 亚 洲 身 体 ”。 时 长 ：20 分 钟。 图 片 由
Joachim 及艺术家提供。
For those who started going to universities in the
1980s, (self-)agency was eventually extendable
and could be delegated, if not distributed. Instead
of rebeling against faraway systems or institu-
tions, this generation tends to focus on care work
and labor within small groups of people. Images:
Melati Suryodarmo. Exergie—butter dance (ex-
tended, 2000/2010). Performed at the“Asian Body
and Beyond”, at the Moderna Dance Teatern,
Stockholm, Sweden, 2010. Duration: 20 minutes.
Photo courtesy of Joachim & the artist.
and civic initiatives bloomed. Those that
left enduring legacies include: Kedai
Kebun Forum (1996), Kelompok Seni
Rupa Jendela (Jendela Art Group, 1997),
Apotik Komik (1997–2002), KUNCI Cul-
tural Studies Center (1998), Taring Padi
(1999), Galeri Benda (1999–2003), Daging
Tumbuh (2000), ruangrupa (2000), Grafis
Minggiran (2001), MES 56 (2002), Forum
Lenteng (2003), Serrum (2006). Each
may have come into being for different
reasons and to fight for different causes,
but they have one thing in common: they
exist so that they can support/facilitate/
function for each other. First among the
founding members and their friends, and
later for a larger group of people. Why so
many? And why were they needed? Be-
cause the “center” no longer functioned,
neither as leader nor as an enemy.
Art initiatives in Indonesia are often
identified as “alternative,” but most often
this identification comes from foreigners
(not necessarily people from abroad,
just those who are not in the inner circle
themselves). As Budianta puts it, this
is emergency activism: there is a real
sense of emergency or urgency to the
formation of these groups. They need to
keep working, they need an environment
in which to work (be it studios to make
work, galleries to show their work, or
constant dialogue with people who have
similar visions). It doesn’t make sense
to talk about these structures as an al-
ternative when a mainstream does not
exist. For the longest time, reformation
deconstructed establishment. People
were too shocked in the wake of Suhar-
to’s resignation to make grand political
decisions immediately. Most of the art-
ist-led spaces in Indonesia have multiple
functions: the domestic space / home
space / social space / public space all
grow or blur into one another. Ade Dar-
mawan of ruangrupa describes a typical
arrangement: “A residential house that is
changed to be a headquarter, studio and
meeting place, to conduct collective proj-
ects such as exhibitions, workshops, dis-
cussions, film screenings or music and
many other forms of events. It is a phe-
nomenon the way the artists who come
from being citizens, as we can see, get
involved with the idea of living together
with common citizens.”
Cemeti was set up by artists in 1988,
in the front room of the house in which
they lived. It was the first contempo-
rary art space in Indonesia. For the pur-
poses of the authorities they classified
themselves as a shop, in order to avoid
the regulations and scrutiny that an
art gallery would face. Yet “shop” was

关于“彼此义务”和“社会组织”的古老概念。这个召唤着一
个独立新国家的表达曾被日本人用来合理化强制劳动，也曾在
苏哈托政权下被用于号召乡村劳动力服务国家发展。即便如此，
这一表达仍旧常见于日常生活——它在乡村的使用率远远高于
它在城市的使用——尤其是日惹 2006 年的地震之后，在缺
乏政府援助的情形下，这一表达见证了村庄依靠社群协力所进
行的快速重建。
180
另一个吊诡的概念则是“家庭”
。这一词汇是苏哈托的治
理核心，他将自己视为管理整个“家庭”的“父亲”
，因此，
对于所有新出现的团体和社群来说，共同工作是再自然不过的
事情——家庭的运转正是需要求同存异。当苏哈托的“大家
庭”崩塌，这些社群便彼此分割并组成自己的新家庭，
“家庭”
的概念正是社群维持活力与彼此关系的模式，它也是人们在大
型组织中彼此交往的唯一方式——不是以种族、宗教、民族或
阶级为基础，而是以家庭关系。Forum Lenteng 的创办者
Hafiz Rancajale 与 Otty Widasari 观察到，在印尼的模
式中，社群连接着信任和生存。
艺术家们在实践中学习、表达、质疑、反思、挑战着历史，
并基于此，描画与定位自己的当下，一些人甚至以此探视着未
来。许多艺术家将过去视为当下生活的结果，一些人甚至将未
来视为历史。这些艺术家有意识地以辩证的角度看待时间与代
际。由于年龄所造成的等级制不可避免、时间所形成的改变也
不可逃避，跨代际的交流因此变得难乎其难。然而，大家都共
同警惕跌入重复的恶性循环，即便时间线性地推进着，他们却
将过去与未来都纳入当下的视野——他们并不埋怨长者或奠基
者们，相反，他们向彼此分享自己对未来的祈愿，使之成为共
同的愿景。在一起，事情变得容易一些 ；在一起，事情才有可
能 ；在一起，许多事才有可能成真。
我们共同生活，因此也共同工作。我们在一条船上。图片 nevertheless an accurate description, since selling work group. Not based on race, religion, ethnicity, or class,
为 Julia Sarisetiati 的作品《打结为何？（捕乌贼工具，
was an important function of the space and to the survival but on familial-ship. Hafiz Rancajale and Otty Widasari,
2018）》。纸面橡胶网印刷及金色丙烯。
图片由 IndoArtNow 及艺术家提供。 of the artists who showed in it, among them FX Harsono, founders of Forum Lenteng, observed that, in a “very In-
We live together, therefore we work together. We’re who was making a living from graphic design at the time. donesian” way, it is more about trust, or survival.
in this together. Image: Julia Sarisetiati. Why knot? Kedai Kebun Forum (KKF), a fixture of Yogyakarta’s art Artists learned, articulated, questioned, reflected,
(Squid Fishing Gear, 2018). Rubber screen print, with ecosystem, was set up in 1996—its alibi was its restaurant. and invoked the past through their works—some
gold acrylic, on paper. Photo courtesy of IndoArtNow
& the artist.
The restaurant is not art—it’s a restaurant—but it benefits throughout their practices—to map, position, or locate
from the mixed skillsets of those involved. In the words of where they are now. Some even foresee the future. Many
the artist Agung Kurniawan, who cofounded it with Yustina artists look at their pasts as a consequence of living the
Neni: “Running a restaurant like this for me is like instal- present. Some of them even treat the future as history.
lations, like performing arts. … Only the goal is different, These artists consciously take the dialogical position
but the system is completely similar.” KKF’s activities are within time and among generations. Since age as a hier-
supported by its restaurant—a living metaphor for how archy and change as a consequence of time that moves
Indonesian art initiatives are maintained through a web forward are both inevitable, intergenerational dialogue is
of exchanges and relations, through social networks, mi- almost impossible. Yet there is a strong tendency to avoid
cro-economies, conviviality, and hospitality. The many falling into the same cycle and having to accept the fact
groups and initiatives that sprung up after ‘98 still had to that the same mistake is repeated again and again. Both
meet and eat somewhere; in this way KKF was able to feed the past and the future are embraced as the present de-
a larger ecosystem. (It is no coincidence that Gudang Sa- spite the fact that time makes life appear linear. There is
rinah Ekosistem, the recently formed “art collective com- a lot of positivity—not positivism—in these acts of incorpo-
pound” in Jakarta, takes the ecosystem as its metaphor.) rating both past and future as present. What one does not
Artists have made links to older collectivist concepts, see now is an attitude that blames older generations or
including sanggar (in the art context, a studio and space the founding fathers of each impossible nation; what one
for communal living whereby a group of students learn would want to have in the future is something that each in-
from a mentor—”a model for practicing art in communal dividual tries to convince others to want too, so that in this
life” according to cultural activist Nuraini Juliastuti) and way needs are not individual or competitive. Together,
nyantrik (a term for the process of learning by cohabita- things are easier. Together, things are possible. Together,
tion, “the entire commoning process,” as Antariksa has many things can happen.
然而， 无论是“共同工作” 丶“社群协 written). Antariksa and Nuraini Juliastuti are founding
members of KUNCI, an art space and study center based
作” 还是“相互支持”， 都只是做事的方 in Yogyakarta. A related concept is gotong royong—”sev- However, this working together,
式而已， 因为没有人能以一人之力使事 eral persons work together to carry a heavy object,” as a
1938 Javanese dictionary describes it—an understanding
working communally, mutual
情发生。 这样看来， 共同工作绝不只能 of sociality based on mutual aid and reciprocity, also
practiced elsewhere in Southeast Asia. But the meanings 181 support—whatever it may be
called—is just how things are
停留在共同工作本身。 of these older models are complicated, as both Antariksa
and Juliastuti have emphasized. Few today would iden-
tify with such models, perhaps because they are tainted done. It is what makes sense.
由瞿畅译自英文 by association with the New Order era. In the case of got-
ongroyong: the words themselves are apparently not so No one can afford to make
very old, maybe not much older than the 1938 dictionary
in which they first appeared, but they are associated with things happen alone. In this way,
much older notions of reciprocal obligation and social or-
ganization. A rallying cry for the new, postindependence
working together is not really
nation, it had previously been employed by the Japanese
as a way to justify forced labor; and under Suharto was
about “working together” at all.
used to mobilize village labor in the service of state de-
velopment. Despite such associations, it remains part of
葛列斯·珊保是居于印度尼西亚的策展人。
daily life, more so in rural than in urban life, most notice-
ably in situations such as the aftermath of the Yogyakarta Grace Samboh is a curator who lives between Yogyakarta
2006 earthquake, when, in the absence of government and Medan, Indonesia.
assistance, villages were rebuilt at speed through com-
munity efforts. 大卫·莫里斯是一名写作者、研究者、教育者，以及艺术刊物
Similarly ambivalent is the notion of “family.” This was
1990 年代的两个特征是爆发性和表现性，因此孕育了许多团体、社群和小组。不少艺术 《Afterall》的编辑。
家也在他们的作品中呈现出类似的精神。图为 IGAK Murniasih 的布面油画《混合绳》 how Suharto ran the country, with him as the father over-
David Morris is a writer, researcher, educator, and an
（1994）、 《那天我的指甲断了》（1997）、 《我的信仰》（1999）、 《涂指甲》（1997）、 《自 seeing the wider family. But this is also why, for all these
editor of Afterall journal.
慰》（1999）。图片由 RUCI 艺术空间、Biantoro Santoso 及艺术家提供。
new collectivities or practices founded on commonalities,
Explosive and demonstrative are two of the common traits of 1990s—
hence the vastly brewing collectives, communities and groups. A few
working together seemed natural. That is just how fam-
ilies operate, they find ways to navigate difference and
managed to reserve such spirit and attitude within their works. Imag-
es: IGAK Murniasih. Tali campur (Mixed rope, 1994, 55 x 37 cm); Hari change. When the big family of Suharto went down, they
itu kukuku putus (The day my nail snapped, 1997, 70 x 30 cm); Keper formed their own families, they segregated. Family is just
cayaanku (My faith, 1999, 70 x 30 cm); Sedang mengecat kuku (Painting
how people maintain the dynamics of their relationships
nail, 1997, 70 x 30 cm); Masturbasi (Masturbation, 1999, 60 x 40 cm).
Acrylic on canvas (all). Photo courtesy of RUCI Art Space, Biantoro San- within initiatives. It is also the only form of interaction that
toso & the artist. people know when it comes to working within a larger
绿水青山 CLEAR WATERS,
《生态寓言 ：26°48’
44.0”
N 100°08’
15.3”E》
，2018 年
土、火、植物、纸上印刷
Ecological Fables: 26°48’44.0”N 100°08’15.3”E, 2018

GREEN MOUNTAINS,
Dirt, fire, plant, print on paper

金山银山
MOUNTAINS OF
GOLD AND SILVER

庚子开春，金生水，水旺之年。人们广泛记得二月初来自日本 Spring arrives in the Chinese calendar year of Gengzi,

的馈赠，附上古雅的中文 ：
“山川异域，风月同天”。山川风月
182 这些自然隐喻，用王国维的说法，指出了人与人之“不隔”。
中文的象形文字魔法正是在此 ：以自然主义的符号来建构对自
然的想象。而人们也用这个符号学帝国来树立文化与自然的区
隔。静下来细想，所有中文的书写都在暗中揭示这则巧妙的主
题 ：人与自然的隔离与不隔。发展了几千年的中文，像是有待
重新调音的乐器，需要用上复数宇宙论的药方。
艺术家张欣的实验音乐、制谱与写作往往从田野调查出发，
以物质性的角度，尝试理解各种生命形式以及其感受性的变迁。
在此呈现的系列创作是她自 2018 年于云南拉市海吉祥村的驻
留而发展出的长期项目。《肥力、经济、权力》呈现当地生态
的病灶 ；而《青山绿水金山银山》则是 14 帖药方——这也是
张欣的声音记谱，有如一帖帖中医草药摊在药纸上的组合。
“绿水青山就是金山银山”在校园旁的白墙上一字排开。
十字标语是绿色发展大旗下推动的基础设施改造宣传。它是一
帖积极主义者的药方，用生长激素发展新的自然体系，以隔开
看似有败象的旧体系。其中的结构性断裂常常隐而不显，却广
泛影响到社会、生态、文化甚至当地宇宙学的层面。张欣的一
系列创作并不直接处理社会性的结构断裂，而是将各种断裂视
为重新制作一种新的宇宙学的条件。
几个世纪以来，拉市海吉祥村的世界观一直受到自然力量、
汉文化、国家意识形态、游客涌入以及现代化进程的必然协商
过程而不断变化。这些谈判导致许多冲突、妥协和牺牲——而
许多的紧张局势往往是通过当地仪式和神话来调解的。
the 37th year of a 60-year cycle. Historically, the year of
Gengzi has brought crises. It is widely remembered that in
183 February, China received a gift from Japan with a Chinese
inscription that wrote, “River and mountains apart. Shared
moon in the sky.” The metaphor of the land in the con-
tactless time describes an undivided people. This curious
topic of distance/contact between culture and nature is
inherent to the semiotic empire of Chinese hieroglyphics,
in which naturalist symbols make up imaginaries of the
natural world. The Chinese language, developed over
thousands of years, is like a musical instrument that an-
ticipates retuning via multiple cosmological prescriptions.
Sheryl Cheung’s practice in experimental music, ab-
stract scoring, and writing often begin with field research
to explore a materialist concept of life and its continual
transformations. Her work touches on cosmology and
ecology, highlighting methods of active listening and in-
terpretation. The series of creations presented here is an
ongoing project initiated during Cheung’s 2018 residence
at Lijiang Studio in Jixiang Village, Lashihai, Yunnan. “Fer-
tility, Economy, Power” reveals the ailments of the vil-
lage’s local ecology, while “Clear Water, Green Mountain,
Mountains of Silver and Gold” is a 14-piece written “pre-
scription” laid out in the manner of Chinese herbal medi-
cine on paper—this prescription also serves as a musical
score for the artist while performing acts of attunement.
Painted across the school yard wall, China’s bold
slogan for its green development campaign and civil in-
frastructure reform reads, “Clear Mountains Green Wa-
ters are Mountains of Silver and Gold.” The phrase is a
positivist’s remedy; it is growth hormones for a new eco-

张欣 SHERYL CHEUNG 张欣的《青山绿水金山银山》是一幅抽象风景，从现地的

生态观察发展而来。它也是开放式表意系统，张欣在当地认识
logical system to replace an old system that is seemingly
out-of-date. The structural rifts generated in this process
 184
《青山绿水金山银山》，纸上铅笔，2018 年 的东巴朋友则用纳西族祭祀的书写符号学来阅读张欣的文字。
Clear Waters, Green Mountains, Mountains of Silver and Gold
它们纪录各种云南纳西族的具体生态和文化场景，并找到一种
Pencil on paper, 2018
身体内外互动的节奏。
《肥力、经济、权力》节选张欣在云南拉市海地带采集的
生死轮回寓言。它呈现当地的冲突场域：族群、文化、旅游业、
经济、土地肥力，是一幅幅日常随处可见的风景。寓言并不总
是古老——它每每发生在生态循环极度不平衡的变动时刻。
从田野中采集而来的生态寓言如同和自然共同发展的写
作。它追溯万象和其映射之间的颤抖，聆听生命动向所传达的
担忧、期望、不安、梦想。万象面对它的映射，在信任和拒绝
之间摇摆不定。如何能更清晰、精细，让疑虑从黑暗中升起？
但镜子就是镜子，它是静的，镜子就算是警示也是静静的警示。
在这段仪式之后，那些阅读、揭示、尘埃将掉回时间的框架中，
像过去的幽魂被扫落而去。它是以变向的卜卦所生产出的文本，
似乎能超越时间的框架而平坦的揭开另一种视野。
当一面清澈的镜子面对另一面镜子时，一切将被击碎。
——《正法眼藏》
文 / 陈玺安
185
are obscure, but they have wide implications on society,
ecologic, culture, and even cosmology. Cheung’s work
is not a direct answer to the structural rifts of society; in-
stead, she regards these rifts as opportunities to create
a new cosmology.
Over the centuries, the worldview of Jixiang Village,
Lashihai, has been continually transformed by daily nego-
tiation with natural forces, Han culture, state ideologies,
tourist influx, and the inevitable process of modernization.
These negotiations cause many conflicts, compromises,
and sacrifices—many sites of tension that are mediated
through shamanic rituals and local mythologies.
Clear Waters, Green Mountains, Mountains of Gold
and Silver is an abstract landscape that has evolved from
Cheung’s research on ecology, botanicals, and herbal
medicines; it is an invented ideographic script system
that engages in dialogue with the Naxi Dongba script. The
work records ecological and cultural scenes in the daily
lives of Jixiang Village, capturing a rhythm within the body
and beyond.
Fertility, Economy, and Power is a series of fables
about the cycle of life and death gathered in Yunnan’s
Lashihai region. Like a series of everyday landscapes,
the collection explores the conflicting fields of ethnicity,
culture, tourism, economy, and land fertility. Fables are
not necessarily prehistorical. Through her fieldwork,
Cheung points out that fable is actually something that
arises when the ecological cycle is drastically thrown out
of balance.
The process of gathering ecological fables from field
research is a form of co-writing with nature—to trace the
tremblings between representation and its reflection, to
listen to the anxiousness, expectations, and dreams that
accompany the comings and goings of life. Represen-
tation faces its mirror, wavering between trust and dis-
missal, wishing for more clarification, more calculation, to
be lifted from the dark and lit with radiant fire. But a mirror
is a mirror, radically immobile, performing via non-action
and not by the art of persuasion. And these tremblings,
readings, and residues will soon fall back into the frame
and get washed off as ghosts of the past. Cheung gathers
fables as an alternative means to divination, and in the
process, the generated text unpacks space and time to a
flattened surface.
When a clear mirror faces another mirror, everything
will break into smithereens.
—Shobogenzo
TEXT / ZIAN CHEN
土地肥力政策，循环经济方案，这些都是改造生灭的过程。
作为集体的“我们”指的是谁？对彼此来说，这个“我们”
又代表什么？
因应国家改革的新政策，全国各地的城镇农村都响应着景
观改造。一排排树木像多米诺骨牌一样落下，让位给新路。
据说女性会被浑水的气味激发性欲。插秧时节，妇女在田
里工作，欲望满到性主动的最高峰。收工后，他们漫步穿过村
庄，擅自捉拿年轻男人。
其他携带手提包的男子正指着球场。他们看着这片土地，
看着他们的地图，互相交谈，仿佛在规划景观的未来。
一英里外的大坝能防止湖水溃堤波及村庄。每当大地颤动，
湖底的裂缝还会吸入湖水。二十年前发生了地震，将所有的水
都冲到了洞里，在干枯的湖底留着一床探针一样跳动的鱼儿。
猪群则享受着围栏外游荡的时光，冲入湖底，像恶魔般的猎物
盛宴。
将一尊萨满雕像五花大绑，以便仔细端详潜伏在雕像体内
的那尊超越恐怖、超额、超自然的生命。
186
Fertility policies, cyclical projects, the process of re-
forming life and death.
Who are we as a collectivity? What are we for one
another?
All across the country, towns and villages are
changing their landscape to meet the new policies of na-
tional reform. Rows of trees are falling like dominoes to
make way for new roads.
It is said that women are aroused by the smell of
muddy water. During the time of planting, women work in
the rice fields, brimming at the height of their sexual ag-
gression. After work, they stroll through the village grab-
bing young men from their huts.
The other men carrying handbags are pointing
around on the field. They look at the land, look at their
maps, and talk to each other, as if planning for the future
of the landscape.
A dam was created a mile away to keep the lake from
overflowing and washing over the village. There was a hole
in the lake that sucked water in whenever the earth shud-
dered. An earthquake came 20 years ago and shook all
the water down into the hole, leaving a bed of groping fish
in the empty basin. The pigs roamed beyond their fences
and feasted in the lake in a diabolical rage of prey.
They bounded the cult statue with ropes and sticks to
take a better look at the fearful, excessive, supernatural
life that lived within.
187
Site photos from Jixiang Village, Yunnan, 2018
Text excerpts from Fertility, Economy, Power，a booklet of fables, 2018
图片拍摄于云南吉祥村，2018 年
文字节选自《肥力、经济、权力》, 寓言集，2018 年
与土地相连─
1989 年，在台湾原住民族权利促进会五周 劳动者之于矿坑的低鸣、劳动者之于基础设
年的晚会上，卑南、排湾出身的歌手胡德夫 施的高架工程、劳动者之于海洋自然资源、
自弹自唱一曲《为什么》，以纪念 1984 年 劳动者之于 80 年代台湾经济起飞的剥削。
海山煤矿爆炸的受难者——他们多是阿美族 这样的视角几乎连接天地，浓缩在短短几句
劳工。胡德夫当时与另一位排湾族诗人莫那 诗歌当中。

亚细亚野孩子们的 能在救援行动中，花了一夜共谱这首曲子，
也引发后续原住民权利的行动，也在年底草
创台湾原住民权利促进会。
这时期的胡德夫，与在 70 年代民歌运
所有巫仪的传承都强调不
要 忘 记 自 己 与 土 地 的 连 结。

垂直歌之路
动时期的他相比起来，实在是不可同日而语。
70 年代时的民歌运动宣扬“用自己的语言，
在这个案例里面， 歌者要我
创作自己的歌曲”，用抒情歌曲间接为校园 们找到资本是如何建构了土地
知识分子的身份意识加温。但当时的重要歌
曲《美丽岛》的歌词实际上脱离原住民的现
与人的关系 ：资本和政权的
实，例如“筚路蓝缕以启山林”对于原住民 剥削体系， 有办法将游离的
来说，完全是场生态灾难，而“美丽岛”的
原意，更像是葡萄牙船员在发现台湾岛时，
少数族裔， 从台湾的高山和
将自然资源比作美人的一声掠夺信号。 海岛驱逐到海拔零度的矿物层
走入 80 年代，胡德夫的贡献在于发现
音乐演唱本身就是社会运动的现场。《为什
和远洋， 并站上代表基础设
么》也是激进的 80 年代报导音乐滥觞。这 施扩张的鹰架前线。
首歌曲除了政治发声，还带我们到海拔完全
为什么／这么多的人 不同的风景中 ：昏暗矿坑，无尽的海洋，高 在寻找不同的宇宙观时，我们到底在寻
离开碧绿的田园／飘荡在无际的海洋 空中的鹰架。很难想像，短短三分钟的吟唱 找什么？一般性的文化研究思潮往往在关注
也是一种高度复杂的论述语言。它让人想到 少数群体的权利斗争时，难以同时关注少数
为什么／这么多的人 澳大利亚原住民的“歌之路”。在澳大利亚 文化对于其他学科层面的探索。而探索不同
离开碧绿的田园／走在最高的鹰架 188 原住民的歌之路传统中，找到回家方位的地
图就藏在原住民吟诵的歌曲里面。在胡德夫 189 宇宙观的重点，正是在于将权利意识、美学
意识等各个环节镶嵌在一起来看待。胡德夫
繁荣／啊／繁荣 这里，他用吟唱来导航，带我们去到底层原 的歌之路打开了一个契机 ：不必然有尖端科
为什么遗忘／灿烂的烟火 住民群体的工作场景。而这些可能只有无人 技知识的人们，也可以如媒体地质学的方式
机才有机会尽览的景象，居然是来自一群手 观看。
点点落成的角落里的我们 上最没有权力的族群之所见。

…… 我们可以在演唱影片的细节中发现，胡
他们编织出自己与土地此刻的
德夫披上母族排湾的一袭人形纹饰刺绣长
为什么／这么多的人 袍，只有祭祀时能穿着。他的唱词因此更像 连结， 他的歌声也再现了身
离开碧绿的田园／飘荡在都市的边缘 是巫言，胡德夫用最精美的中文——对他们
在不同海拔高度的同胞。
而言正是外来政权的语言——唱出当代原住
为什么／这么多的人 民的存有状态。这种吸取统治文化的实践，
他们的社会劣势迫使垂直的主权架构在这条
涌进昏暗的矿坑／呼吸着汗水和污气 像是巴西人类学家卡斯特罗（Viveiros de
歌之路里面被听见，也被看见，却不一定拥
Castro）说的“跨越式萨满”——后者讲
轰然／的巨响／堵住了所有的路 的是美洲印第安人巫术传统和天主教神学体
有媒体地质学所需要的科技及媒体知识。

汹涌的瓦斯／充满了整个阿美族的胸膛
为什么啊／为什么／走不回自己踏出的路／找不到留在家乡的门
——胡德夫，《为什么》，1984 年
系的融合，人类中心视角混合植物灵的力量。
而胡德夫组织的原权会，也系统性地借用了
基督教长老教会的城乡宣教训练做为抗争运
动的教材。
巫者的吟诵并不仅止于祭祀，巫的任务
还包括天与地之间的媒介。如果仔细再听一 胡德夫演唱《为什么》 ，台湾原住民族权利促进会五周年晚会，
1989 年 4 月 3 日
次歌曲，这条歌之路记录了一道路径，跨越
高低海拔，它所联系的事物座落在不同技术

陈玺安 环境之间 ：劳动者之于矿区的废气、劳动者

之于歌唱的呼吸、劳动者之于声带的震动、
FIELD MUSIC

Site of Guibog & ju’s performance

鬼大爷 & 巨的表演现场
AND
一个关于田野的
NON-MUSIC
FOR TIAN YE, 以《田野》为名，我邀请了不同创作背景的朋友们参与了这个
在线的音乐 / 非音乐合集，但作品不限于田野录音，可以延展
至与之相关的任何一处。
田野究竟是何含义？让我思考这个问题的契机，居然是给
Taking “tian ye—the field” as a theme, I invited friends
from different musical and artistic backgrounds to partic-
ipate in an online compilation. Their production methods
are not limited to field recordings, but can be expanded to
any related “field.”

音乐 / 非音乐合集
190
一位中文还不错的法国人解释这个词。在解释的过程中我把这
个词拆开。田 ：农村，乡下，耕种，被开垦过的土地，离开人
类很难在大自然中生存下来的农作物 ；野 ：荒野，野蛮，野兽，
191
What exactly does the Chinese word tian ye mean? I
only started to examine this question when I had to ex-
plain the word to a French person who spoke decent
Chinese. The first character tian denotes the country-

A COMPILATION
巨大的横亘，难以被征服的恐惧。野与田比邻而居，那么田野 side, rural areas, farming, cultivated land, and crops that
又是什么？或许它真正的含义是，那些在人类与劳动的旁边， struggle to survive without humans to take care of them.
The second character ye means wilderness, barbarism,
即将与我们发生联系，但又和我们保有距离的土地，植被，存
wild beasts, magnificent mountains, and the fears that
在方式……当然声音也是其中之一。 are difficult to overcome. What is tian ye when the field
在我的大多数工作与实践中，“田野录音”并非我的专注 and the wild are conjoined? Perhaps the characters’ real

AND
所在。不过我想我依然可以谈一谈自己的体会，就像外行也可 meaning lies in the land, the vegetation, and the forms of
existence, including sounds, that appear to be in the im-
以谈论电吉他。对我而言，田野录音其实更多像是电吉他那样
mediate vicinity of human labor, about to connect with us,
的工具，而不仅限于一个风格标签。 while still maintaining their distance.
不妨就来讲讲我的两次经历吧。一次是 2016 年的 7 月， As a musician, producer, and events organizer, I’m
在义乌的隔壁酒吧演出后的第二晚，在当地朋友的带领下，一 not an expert on field recordings or “field music.” To me,

REFLECTION
field recordings are more of a tool, like an electric guitar,
大群年轻人沿着国道走了很久，行至一片山边的水库。天黑黑 rather than a genre or a style. But I’d like to share two of
的，热，远处的虫子疯了一样地在叫。都是南方的虫子，它们 my experiences. One occurred on a night in July 2016,
的声音对我来说很陌生，让我想到了合成器——那些原始的振 after a performance at the Gebi Bar in Yiwu. Led by local
friends, a large group of young people to a long walk along
荡器，简洁的滤波与包络。无限重复又混杂着随机变化，还有
the highway to a reservoir by the mountains. It was dark
巨大的声场，我想，这真是模块合成器玩家的一个梦。 and muggy, and the insects were screaming in the dis-
另一次是今年春节，在北京郊外的一个农村。煤改电取暖 tance. They were all southern bugs, and their sounds
的房间里，安静下来可以听到暖气管道里的一个声音 ：在水流 were very unfamiliar to me, which reminded me of synthe-
sizers—those analogue oscillators with simple filters and
声之间，一个介于嘶哑的喉鸣与金属摩擦之间的声音，永不休
envelopes. The sound field was immense, with infinite rep-
止地往复呈现。没有人知道这个声音来自哪里，甚至可能根本 etition mixed with random alterations. I thought, this really
没有人留意过它。我把手机放在暖气的不同位置上来录音，试 was a dream for modular synthesizer players.
The other was during this year’s Spring Festival in

ZHU WENBO
图捕捉到它，可惜总不是那么成功。用手机录下的声音可以算

朱文博 做是田野录音吗？答案无需质疑，很多田野录音乐手的处理对
a village on the outskirts of Beijing. In a room where the
heating was converted from coal to electricity, one could
 象都是人造物，包括各种机械。那么它可以算是那种非常狭义 hear the sound from the pipes in quiet hours. It was some-
的田野录音吗——那种用非常专业的麦克风，在公园森林海边 where between the sound of flowing water, repeating end-
lessly, a hoarse throaty call and the sound of metal rubbing
录制的“大自然的声音”？我想，在这个经历过煤改电工程的
against metal. No one knew where this sound came from.
农村小屋，这个神秘的声音与土地的关联比我们想象的要更近。 Perhaps no one noticed it. I put my phone on different
这便是我对于“田野”中的音乐与声音的一些想法 ：相比 parts of the heater in an attempt to record the sound, but
起“城市”/“体系”/“标准化”等这样的词汇，它们更多源 without much success. So, can it be considered a field re-
cording in the narrow sense—like the “natural sounds”
自于“土地”/“自然”/“野生”。但它们依然是人造物，是田野， recorded on a mechanical device in the forest or by the
而非野。正是二者之间的距离让我发现了它们奇异的美——是 ocean? In this rural hut with its converted power source,
的，我用到了“美”这样的词汇，而不是什么“呈现事物的原貌”。 the connection between this mysterious sound and the
earth was much closer than I could have imagined.
然而，这仅仅是我个人的理解，参与合集的朋友们或许有
These are some of the thoughts I had about music
不同的意见。经过了疫情的爆发，也许有人对这个命题又有了 and sound in tian ye—the field. And while those thoughts
不一样的想法。从“田野”里到底会跑出什么？我想到了那头 left behind notions like “city,” “system,” and “standard-
在快车道上飞奔的野猪，它很美，但看到它的时候却并不感到 ization,” to drift towards the land, nature, and wildlife, the
sounds that I remember remain artificial: they come from
意外。
cultivated fields, not the real wilderness. It is in the dis-
tance between these two seemingly opposing notions that
合集曲目 ： I see the unique beauty of this music and these sounds.
保罗·盖巴·里瓦 However, this is only my personal understanding of
tian ye. After the coronavirus outbreak, it is likely that
《没有噪音污染的地方存在吗？》 some of us have considered the subject in a different light.
泰萨·泽泰尔 What could possibly come out of the field? I thought of the
《在蓝山追赶火积云》 wild boar running on the highway in Wuhan when the city
was locked down at the beginning of the outbreak, a video
李松
of which went viral in that peculiar time. There was some-
《节拍器 1》 thing beautiful about the boar, perhaps because we were
田上碧 not at all surprised to see it.
《清晨之火》
The playlist:
响
Paolo Gàiba Riva
《Flit》 Does a noise-pollution-free place exist?
阿科
《风车 - 汽车》 193 Tessa Zettel
Chasing Pyrocumulonimbus Clouds, Blue Mountains
Li Song
何悠 & 杨可儿 Metronome 1
《从一楼到六楼》 Aoi Tagami
鲁白 The Fire of New Morning
Xiang
《食为天》
Flit
沈帜 Ake
《达达萝卜》 Windmill-Car
何宣霓 He You & Yang Ke’er
From the First to the Sixth Floor
《癌细胞游行》
Lu Bai
鬼大爷 & 巨 Food Reigns Supreme
《0613_Yemare_e3》 Shen Zhi
Dada Turnip
He Xuanni
在线播放和下载地址 ： Cancer Cell Parade
www.leapleapleap.bandcamp.com Guibog & ju
0613_Yemare_e3
朱文博参与很多的音乐计划。他写作曲，也做即兴与乐队 ；组
Listen on www.leapleapleap.bandcamp.com
织活动，也做发行。致力于“不像音乐的音乐”。是磁带厂牌“燥
眠夜”的老板。 Zhu Wenbo is involved in various music projects, including
text-based compositions, improvisations, bands, events,
and publications, with a focus on “music that is unlike
music.” Zhu runs the cassette label Zoomin’ Night.

田上碧，《清晨之火》，2014 年，录像，1 小时 7 分
Aoi Tagami, The Fire of New Morning, 2014, video, 1 hr 7 min
 在古根海姆螺旋大厅的四层坡道上，一幅解释中国政府组织运

古根海姆美术馆，纽约

2.20.2020-8.14.2020
The Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York
作的图表以《治国之道》为题立于展墙，为观众理解中国新农
村建设提供背景，和转型制造家具的江苏东风淘宝村、以大规
模蔬菜产业闻名的山东寿光、集体经济发展典型的河南刘庄等
个案并置在一起。
“尽管中国的政治体系常被西方媒体视为一股整体统一的
强大势力，但细看之下就会发现，它其实是各种形式和级别的
政府之间一种更为复杂的相互作用”，配图说明这样写道。图
表详细罗列了自上而下的机构单位，小到街道办事处下设的城
市居民委员会，上至中央政治局常委会及其统管的三大板块 ：
国务院、全国人大、中共中央委员会。垂直结构层级明晰，但
COUNTRYSIDE, THE FUTURE
横向联动相对低效——这是图表带来的直观感受，也让人想到
疫情期间捐助物资不到位等现象背后的成因。
从某种程度来说，库哈斯的“乡村，即未来”所营造的正
是一种类似的困境 ：展览试图全景式地讨论乡村，在总体上划
分出休闲与逃避主义、政治之再设计、
（重塑）人口、自然 / 保护、
笛卡尔主义等五部分，不过，密集的图文信息只是广泛涉猎而
鲜少深入探究，并且展呈形式的尺幅巨大，图像、屏幕、文字
说明都大于人的身高尺寸，使观看者被话语和抽象的概念所包
围，犹如身处投影到物理空间的 PPT 讲演稿，甚至迷失于这
片景观性、拼贴式、碎片化的信息矩阵中。
库哈斯本人将展览描述为一张“点彩画派的肖像”，一份
事关“
‘乡村’现状的全球样本合集”。“乡村”，如他所述，是
一个“刺眼的、语焉不详的术语”，被用以指代占据了地球表
面 98% 的所有非城市地区，它的广阔所对应的却是不足全球
" 乡村，即未来 " 展览现场，古根海姆美术馆，纽约，2020 年
人口总数一半的居住率。这种悬殊凸显出城市生活的逼仄现实，

194 195
全文图片除特殊说明，鸣谢 AMO
但也像极了一份宏伟方案的开篇辞令，设计者要野心勃勃地带 All images: installation view of“Countryside, The Future,”
the Solomon R. Guggenheim Museum, New York, 2020
你遍历田地、山林、海洋。
Photo: Laurian Ghinitoiu. Courtesy AMO
展览让我们知道了古罗马人对田园生活的描述“otium”
可以对应到中文的“逍遥”。知道了德国建筑师赫尔曼·瑟格
尔 (Herman Sörgel) 在一百年前提出的亚特兰特罗帕 (At-
lantropa) 巨型工程，他想象将地中海降低 100 米，从而连
接非洲和欧洲大陆。知道了有三颗心脏、蓝色血液、八条触手 On the fourth gently sloping level of the Guggenheim ro- are relatively weak—this is the impression the chart gives
tunda, this wide-ranging exhibition, an attempt to “rectify” viewers, evoking the underlying causes of issues like do-
布满吸盘的章鱼，也许能像小狗一样，成为人类海洋中的宠
乡村，即未来

物。知道了内华达州的沙漠里的工业中心 TRIC，将建成占地
约 54 万平方米的特斯拉电池工厂，成为世界上占地面积最大
的建筑。知道了肯尼亚的农村，如何试图寻找不受殖民遗风也
不受中国投资过多干预的发展方式。知道了六七十年代美国嬉
皮士兴建的类公社性质的农场，有许多仍然存在，包括田纳西
的 The Farm（直译为农场）和加州的黑熊牧场。我们知道
了大猩猩在刚果与游客的互动 ；斯大林曾试图改变苏维埃河流
的走向 ；卡塔尔的乳制品产业几乎完成于一夜之间。还有西伯
利亚的冻土融化、日本的机器人生产……等等等等。
“乡村”是一具庞然大物，但展览只勾勒出它模棱两可的
面貌。案例被精简到三两个段落的描述，现象被压缩成图文搭
配美观的简报，思考则完全由标题和标语替代。于是观看就像
汪洋中的沉船打捞，收获的碎屑每一片在乍看之下都极其迷人，
但仅仅是无法复原全景的残骸。
记者出身的建筑师库哈斯，在工作方法上兼顾了一种置身
事外的中立和一种以图像为主导的思考。这也部分解释了展览
的风格 ：大标题和导语振奋诱人，图示注解和视觉元素醒目直
architecture’s total focus on the urban, turns to China.
A chart documenting Chinese governmental organiza-
tions and infrastructural projects occupies a section of
the wall. Visitors are offered a rudimentary introduction
to the latest in Chinese rural development, juxtaposing
the transformation of Dongfeng, Jiangsu, into a furni-
ture-manufacturing Taobao village, with massive green-
houses in Shouguang, Shandong, and collectivist eco-
nomic development taking place in Henan’s Liuzhuang.
Nearby, a wall-text informs us that “While China’s po-
litical system is often presented in Western media as a
monolithic stronghold, closer examination reveals a more
complex interplay of various forms and levels of govern-
ment at work.” The diagram (titled Statecraft: How the
Chinese Government Works) accompanying this caption
lists the organizational units of the Chinese government,
with Residential Committees under the Subdistrict offices
at the bottom, and the Standing Committee of the Polit-
buro and its three main governing bodies (State Council,
National People’s Congress, and Central Committee of
the Communist Party of China) at the top. The hierar-
chical structure is clearly defined, but lateral connections
nations failing to reach their recipients during the recent
epidemic in China.
To a certain extent “Countryside, The Future”, an
exhibition devised by architect Rem Koolhaas and his
research and design studio AMO, suffers from a similar
flaw: dense clusters of images and text offer no more than
a general overview that rarely drills down in depth. While
Koolhaas and his co-workers attempt to provide an over-
arching look at discussions involving the countryside by
splitting them into five sections—Leisure and Escapism,
Political Redesign, (Re-)Population, Nature/Preserva-
tion, and Cartesianism—the immense scale of the exhibi-
tion has images, screens, and wall-texts that tower over
viewers, besieging them with countless catchphrases and
abstract ideas. The whole is like a PowerPoint presen-
tation projected onto the museum walls. The landscape
here is a collaged matrix of fractured pieces of informa-
tion, and visitors are lost inside it.
Koolhaas has described the exhibition as a “pointillist
portrait,” “a global sampling” of “the current condition of
‘countryside.’” According to him, “countryside” is “a glar-
ingly inadequate term.” It is used to refer to the non-urban
观。与此同时，展览曝露出以研究型项目为主体的创意生产最值
得诟病的两个要害：一是，经过设计，任何繁杂议题都变得简易、
洁净的假象。库哈斯的“乡村”窗明几净，和他设立在古根海姆
门口的西红柿种植棚室一样，粉红色灯光透过玻璃从白盒子里散
出，远程调控的参数可以模拟最优化的自然种植条件，使之成为
无人、无菌、高效的示范，也成为路人自拍的景点。
亟待探索其崭新境况的“乡村”， 仍旧是
按照“城市”的逻辑与审美被理解和消化。
二是，提问的泛滥。（与展览标题不同，）以《乡村？一
份报告》为书名的画册在篇末列出了几百个问题 ：
“能否产生
新的无政府主义？”“对文化和自然的保护是否对两者产生了
相似的影响？”“如何思考非洲？”
“TED 演讲扼杀了创新
吗？”
“今天的自然是否生存于大学之中？”
“还有人喜欢城市
吗？”
“切尔诺贝利是一种原型吗？”
和库哈斯在展览中对议题、
案例、现象的罗列一致，这些问题遍布展厅并且蔓延到衍生品
上。出于好奇和质疑的提问大多可贵，但越来越多的展览停滞
于此，
越来越多的艺术在阐释中坦言创作“不
提供答案”， 像是某种免责声明。 库哈
斯的提问虽可见其洞察与思考， 但含糊、
囫囵， 诡谲地用一连串的提问代替思考
去回答上一个问题。
196
素材迷人、提问可贵，但展览像一堆散乱的线头。库哈斯
在五年的调研中，与 AMO 及数所大学合作，包括哈佛大学
设计研究生院、中央美院、荷兰瓦赫宁根大学、肯尼亚内罗毕
大学。每位参与者的名字都在致谢名单中。这个庞大的展览团
队，按所在机构区分，垂直层级明晰，但也许没有太多的横向
联动。
顾虔凡
顾虔凡是住在纽约的艺术评论家和作家。她也是弓出版的共同
创办人和出版人。
surface of the world, adding up to 98% of the whole,
which is nevertheless occupied by less than half of the
world’s population. This enormous disparity highlights the
crowded reality of urban life.
Yet these descriptors seem too
much like the kind of selling
points a travel agent (or an ar-
chitect) might offer you before a
journey through broad swaths of
land, forests, and seas.
What the exhibition does show us is how “otium,” which
the ancient Romans used to describe rural life, parallels the
Chinese word xiaoyao. That an octopus has three hearts,
blue blood, and eight arms covered with suckers, and might,
like dogs, become humanity’s aquatic pet. How within the
industrial park TRIC in the Nevada desert, Tesla is in the
process of constructing a 540,000-square-meter battery
factory, making it the largest building in the world. That vil-
lagers in Kenya are searching for development methods
that are not influenced by the legacy of colonialism, and the
excessive interference of Chinese investment. How Stalin
once attempted to change the direction of rivers in the
Soviet Union; and how Qatar’s dairy industry was practically
built overnight. There’s also Siberia’s melting permafrost,
Japan’s production of robots—the list goes on.
Perhaps under the influence from his pre-architec-
tural career in journalism and scriptwriting, Koolhaas
deploys methods that incorporate both detached neu-
trality and an image-based thought process. While this
197
may, superficially, make for an engaging display, it also
accounts for the exhibition’s two main flaws. First, the
exhibition design simplifies complex issues, glossing each
one under a false veneer:
Koolhaas’s countryside is bright
and clean, just like the industrial
tomato container he has placed
at the Guggenheim’s entrance,
with its pink lights refracted through the glass walls, and
scattered into the white interior. The remote-controlled con-
tainer can imitate optimal natural growing conditions, allow-
ing it to serve as an unmanned, sterile, and highly effective
display, as well as a place for passersby to take selfies.

Koolhaas and co’s urgent call
to explore the changing coun-
tryside is still understood and
digested according to the logic
and aesthetics of the city.
Second, parts of the exhibition and its accom-
panying publication—“Countryside? A Report”— in
particular amount to little more than an accumulation
of questions: “Could there ever be a new anarchy?”
“Is the preservation of culture and of nature having
similar effects on both? “How to think about Africa?”
“Did TED kill innovation?” “Does nature now live in
universities?” “Does anyone still like cities? “Was
Chernobyl a prototype?” While such questions reveal
Koolhaas’s insights and thought processes, they are
often vague and left unanswered. Indeed, more often
than not, a chain of further questions is deployed as a
substitute for a single, thoughtful answer.
198
There is no doubt that the content is compelling,
and the questions posed worth asking. However, the
exhibition goes no further than an amalgamation of
scattered and incomplete lines of thought. During
the five years of research he conducted in prepara-
tion for the show, Koolhaas and AMO collaborated
with a number of universities, including the Harvard
Graduate School of Design, the Central Academy of
Fine Arts, Wageningen University and Research in
the Netherlands, and the University of Nairobi. Each
participant’s name is included in the list of acknowl-
edgements. But while this enormous team has a
clearly defined hierarchical structure, on the evi-
dence here, there is not much lateral connection.
GU QIANFAN
TRANSLATED FROM CHINESE BY DIANE AHN
Gu Qianfan is an art critic and writer based in New
York. She is a co-founder and publisher of Gong Press.
199
 前哨当代艺术中心，上海市崇明区
Qianshao Contemporary Art Center, Chongming Island, Shanghai
10.20.2019-3.31.2020
ADVENT: INVENTING LANDSCAPE,
降临 ：发明风景，制作大地
PRODUCING THE EARTH
在非高峰时间距上海市中心大约一个半小时车程的地方，崇明
岛和岛上的村落给我的第一印象是一个环保版的“社会主义新
农村建设”的模范村庄。位于南岸的风力涡轮机迎接着从长江
大桥来的访客 ；一幢幢房顶上装着太阳能电池板的农村常见的
折衷主义风格房屋，以及种着繁茂的蔬菜和树木的朴门永耕式
（permaculture）菜园，整齐排列在翻修一新的柏油马路边。
在二十年来的去工业化、减法开发，和保护自然资源生态的总
体规划下 1 ，崇明岛这座所谓的生态岛屿一直缺席着中国社会
经济飞速发展和城市结构大规模改造的叙事。
早在下放青年们徒手在崇明岛的湿地上开荒围堰建大坝之
前，这座冲积岛自六世纪就在移动、生长、分裂、聚集。而如
今，新的泥沙和淤泥仍然每天不断被冲刷上崇明岛的岸线。这
座岛屿投射出它自己不同于其所处的经济高速发展的长三角地
区的时间性。展览的学术顾问陆兴华将这股处于不可避免的全
球环境灾难这一方向中的微小逆流视作参观者得以生发出自我
的生态意识和行为的临时剧场，但这一因受到区域和国家层面
地缘经济治理而已然变得相当脆弱的愿景，是一次太过温和的
对于生态批判的尝试。展览松弛的美学在大部分情况下都没能
为人们提供就自身与有机和非有机体，以及和（其所处的）环
境的关系，创造非人类中心视角的理解和感受的提示。虽然策
展方借由在理论和实践意义上人类物种从地球的错位和重新降
临，提出了一个颇具野心的预想和视角转换，以此来认可人类
的集体生态难民状态并为此负责任地行动，
然而展览中的一些作品就像在离开地球
之 后 便 患 上 了 永 久 性 失 忆 症， 彻 底 忘
了曾经在地球上为人是何种感觉 ；而
其它一些作品则像压根没有离开过地球
一样。
1. 美丽中国先锋榜（1）｜上海崇明岛“+ 生态”到“生态 +”的规划建设创新实践 , 生
态环境部 , 2019.8.14
“降临”展览现场，前哨当代艺术中心，上海崇明，2019 年
全文图片鸣谢艺术家以及前哨当代艺术中心
All images are installation views of“Advent: Inventing Landscape, Producing the Earth,”
Qianshao Contemporary Art Center, Chongming Island, Shanghai, 2019
Courtesy the artists and QCAC
Approximately an-hour-and-a-half’s drive from downtown
201
an ambitious, speculative switch of perspective: using a
Shanghai during off-peak hours, Chongming Island and part-theoretical and part-actual dislocation of the human
its villages strike me as an eco-friendly version of a model species from Earth and its subsequent re-landing as a
village of the “new socialist countryside” plan. Wind tur- way to refigure the species as ecological refugees who
bines standing along the south bank greet visitors coming should now act responsibly. But
in from the Yangtze River Bridge. Townhouses in the
common eclectic style of rural residences, each topped
by a solar energy panel, and permaculture gardens with when it comes to the works on
clustering patches of vegetables and trees neatly line up
along the revamped asphalt roads. A so-called ecological show, some seem to have for-
island under two decades of central-planned industrial
underdevelopment, degrowth, and preservation of its nat-
gotten how it felt to be human on
ural reserves, it has been absent from the common story
of China’s soaring socioeconomic development and mas-
Earth (having, one presumes, suf-
sive transformation of the urban fabric. fered from permanent amnesia
The alluvial island has been moving, growing, split-
ting, and aggregating since the seventh century, long be- as a result of this voyage); others
fore sent-down youths built cofferdams on its wetlands
with their bare hands during the Cultural Revolution, and seem never to have left in the
new deposits of mud and silt still push onto its shores
first place.
every day. It projects its own temporality, one that’s dis-
tinct from the economically advanced Yangtze Delta, in
The outdoor installations situated along a freshly
which the island sits. Curator Lu Xinghua takes up this
micro countercurrent to the inevitable move towards laid track throughout the forest in Shuxin village look like
artwork containers dropped on a random patch of land,
global environmental disaster as a temporary theater in
which visitors can explore their own ecological awareness as if ready to be shipped to the next biennial. Taken as
seriously as one would in a white cube, with the deliber-
and projects. But such vision, already made vulnerable
ately laid cables and spot lamps enclosing each object,
by the island’s enmeshing within regional and national
geo-economic governance, is too mild an attempt at the works present themselves more like specimens il-
lustrating what quintessential contemporary art looks
eco-critique. The exhibition’s laidback aesthetics mostly
fail to offer cues for any non-anthropocentric understand- like to uninformed visitors. The surrounding unpruned
ings of the situation. The curatorial conceit itself proposes groves and hastily shoveled tracks ironically twist the
 穿过竖新村森林的一条步道刚刚铺好，沿途分布着户外
装置作品。这些户外装置作品看上去仿佛几箱原本运往一场
2010 年的双年展的作品被挪到了一片随机选择的土地上。它
们被以白盒子空间里展出的规格对待，比如特意布下的电缆和
包围着作品的聚光灯，这让它们看上去反倒像给不了解情况的
观众示意典型当代艺术的标本。作品周围未经修剪的树丛和匆
匆铲出来的小道讽刺地将艺术家陆平原、施勇、徐震还有商亮
的拟人化和具象的雕塑从后现代主义戏谑变幻成为一个街道公
园里真实的艺术模仿品。
“乡下”风景毫不客气地强行与膨胀的后
现代主义艺术的地方主义交了朋友。
尽管户外装置作品整体呈现着格格不入的气质，其中一些
作品仍然试图坚持它们的物性。汪建伟的大块坚实的金属体块
《镍，自然以及环境》（2019）实际上是由轻薄的不锈钢片细
腻地打造而成 ；在正午的阳光下，作品在村中的河边闪烁于物
质与非物质之间。抛光的波浪形表面似乎正永恒地融化进闪耀
的黑色奔流之中，但沉重的镍块却从混凝土底座中升起，中途
裂成了两半，仿佛刚从地下数千里的地方释放出来一样。物体
同时具有的强势的原始感和流动性让观众想起这一元素在地质
历史语境中的赤裸的物质性，以及它与人类工业文明的焊接中
呈现出的可塑性和普适性。
另一方面，展示在废弃水塔的混凝土塔身上的劳伦斯·
韦 纳 (Lawrence Weiner) 的 场 域 特 定 文 字《 浪 奔 浪 流 》
（2019），以其类似农村墙上常见的宣传标语的字体伪装隐藏
于田间地头。这件作品凭借它巧妙的中文翻译“浪奔浪流”表
达出一种诗意的双重含义。
“浪奔浪流”出自 1980 年的经典
华语电视剧《上海滩》的主题曲，在这里不仅指向一个巨大变
革的时代中势不可挡的剧变与更新，还暗示着永恒流动的波浪，
它使崇明岛得以成形，并持续塑造着这座岛屿。
在一座社会主义时期建造的车铃厂的朴素前院中拔地而起
的是徐震 ® 的巨型作品《进化—综合力量训练器》
，不间断地
量产着对具有男子气概的“阿尔法男性”身体的新自由主义式
迷恋，充斥着厌女气息；厂房里艺术家迈克尔·迪恩 (Michael
Dean)、关小和夏乔伊的雕塑作品难免让人觉得像是在喂给
本地观众一些第九届柏林双年展的回收品，尝起来像是加速主
义的后世界末日新世界里生产的兴奋剂。
所幸的是，展览中还有一些作品证明事物顺其自然的状态
也还行。马丁·克里德 (Martin Creed) 的《作品 No.587》
（2007）和刘建华的《人人都是小泥土》（2013-2014）都
是有着不同秩序的生命形态。克里德按高低依次排列的仙人掌
和刘建华用陶瓷制成的碎石块都呈现出透过时间体验和感知的
物体的不稳定、脆弱的知觉，唤起一种充满活力的嘈杂物性，
而这正是由于它们无常的生命，正如刘建华的作品介绍中援引
的那样 ：
“尘归尘，土归土。”
进一步扰乱着人的心智并激活非人类的存在，克里德的《作
品 No. 670，Orson & Sparky》（2017）风趣地揭露了当
人类与狗一起拍摄影片时片场的混乱。杨振中的《922 颗米》
（2000）也加入了动物的狂欢。在《922 颗米》中，两只鸡
anthropomorphic and figurative pop sculptures by artists
such as Lu Pingyuan, Shi Yong, Xu Zhen, and Shang Liang,
from postmodern parody to actual mock-art objects in a
neighborhood park.
It’s as if the provincial landscape
has unapologetically befriended
the provincialism of inflated post-
modern art against its will.
Despite the overall out-of-place quality of the out-
door installations, certain works attempt to assert their
objecthood anyway. The bulky chunks of metal of Wang
Jianwei’s Nickel, Nature and the Environment (2019),
which is in fact carefully forged from thin layers of stain-
less steel, flickers under the noon sun along the river that
runs through Shuxin Village. Its polished wavy surface ap-
pears to be dissolving eternally into the gleaming gush
of black water, while the weighty blocks of stainless steel
rise up from the concrete plinth on which it is placed, as
if freshly mined from underground. The object’s forceful
rawness evokes bare geological materiality and its plas-
ticity and versatility the recent soldering brought about by
the human industrial civilization. 远景右边 ：陆平原，《星期六—花脸雪糕》，2019 年
Lawrence Weiner’s site-specific text ATTACHED BY 玻璃钢、钢，650×345×81 厘米
EBB & FLOW (2019) on the concrete surface of an aban-
Far right: Lu Pingyuan, Saturday—Painted Face Gelato, 2019
Fiberglass and steel, 650 x 345 x 81 cm
doned water tower, on the other hand, camouflages it-
self in the farm fields with a typography reminiscent of
commonplace propaganda texts painted on walls in
rural areas. It works out a poetic equivocation through a
202 subtle Chinese translation taken from the 1980 Sinophone
classic The Bund drama series, indicating the inexorable 203
radical renewal in an epoch of great change, as well as the
eternal flow of tides that has brought the island into exis-
tence and continues to shape it.
From Xu Zhen’s gigantic, misogynistic exercise ma-
chine Evolution-Multi-functional trainer (2019), churning
out neoliberal fetish for the masculine alpha-body non-
stop, jutting out of the humble courtyard of a bell factory
from the socialist period, to several artists’ dystopic
mash-ups of any section of a tree and unrecyclable indus-
trial garbage and tech gadgets, sprayed with neon colors
and twisted into anthropomorphic forms, the display at
the largely unmodified factory feeds its viewers some
expired 9th Berlin Biennale recyclables that taste like
stimulants made in the accelerationist, post-apocalyptic
new world.
Thankfully, some works demonstrate that just let-
ting things be is also doable. Martin Creed’s Work No. 587
(2008) and Liu Jianhua’s Each is a Piece of the Continent
(2013-14) are life forms in different kinds of order. Creed’s
cacti lined up in order of height and Liu’s crumbled rocks
made of porcelain both present the unstable, vulnerable
sensibility of things experienced in time, evoking a vibrant,
bustling objecthood precisely because of their indetermi-
nate life, as referenced in Liu’s statement, “From dust we 汪建伟，《镍，自然以及环境》，2019 年
不锈钢，328×299×134 厘米
are born, and to dust we shall return.”
Wang Jianwei, Nickel, Nature and the Environment, 2019
Further destabilizing the human psyche and ac- Stainless steel, 328 x 299 x 134 cm
tivating nonhuman presence, Creed’s video Work No.
670, Orson & Sparky (2007) playfully reveals the chaos
on set when people shoot films with dogs. The video 922
 中 ：迈克尔·迪恩 ,《LoLLoL》，2018 年，综合媒介雕塑
Front: Michael Dean, LoLLoL, 2018, mixed media installation

Rice Corns by Yang Zhenzhong (2000) joins the animal

204 205
仅仅以啄米的方式替人类计数。鸡啄米的动作指引着人类计数
的行为，与二战中的行为主义实验“鸽子项目”里以鸽子啄物 circus too, with two chickens filmed pecking on grains,
while human voices count the results. Pecking guides
的动作引导导弹运动方向同源。动物在啄食回放的人类实时回
the human counting action in a manner similar to that in
应的反馈机制中掌管“有机控制”的作用，开放了早期录像艺 which trained pigeons would peck at a targeting screen
术的自恋的、封闭的反馈回路。伴随着鸡对地上的米粒做出回 to control guided-missile movements in behaviorist B. F.
应，以及男声和女声随着鸡的动作报出数字，远至人类饲养驯 Johnson’s Project Pigeon experiments during the World
War II. Moreover, the process by which animals take “or-
化鸟类的历史以及人类与家禽共同生活的乡村日常，一种亲密 ganic control” of a feedback process opens up the his-
的跨物种关系从中生成 。 torically narcissistic, closed feedback-loop of early video
就像陆兴华为展览撰写的策展前言里自相矛盾地既让观众 art. An intimate interspecies relationship emerges as the
chickens’ reaction to the grains generates the male and
反思全球生态局势，又让观众去拥有和发明新景观一样，前哨
female voices, and from the human domestication of birds
当代艺术中心的“降临”传递了一条含混不明的讯息，试图通 and the everyday rural life cohabited with poultry.
过人类中心视角聚焦生态议题。然而如果其目的是为了逃离那 Like the self-conflicting call for viewers to rethink
些主导全球环境治理和危机的社会政治机制和体制，那离开之 global ecology and to own and invent new landscapes in
Lu Xinghua’s curatorial statement, “Advent” sends out
后再回到地球大概就不是一个选项了 ；如果艺术作品继续坚持
Lawrence Weiner, ATTACHED BY EBB & FLOW , 2019

an ambivalent message that tries to put ecological mat-

相对安全的再现和叙事模式，艺术也完全有可能成为流浪在宇 ters into focus through anthropocentric lenses. Although
宙中的人类文明样本。 returning after leaving Earth may not be an option if one
does so to leave behind the sociopolitical mechanisms
and institutions directing global environmental gover-
张植蕙 nance and crisis, art, as laid out, so safely and neatly here,
is little more than a sample of the human culture drifting
劳伦斯韦纳，《浪奔浪流》，2019 年

张植蕙，1994 年生于山东德州，现工作生活于北京。艺术史 in space.

研究者，作者，译者，现为中间美术馆访问策展人。
ZHANG ZHIHUI

Zhang Zhihui, born 1994 in Dezhou, Shandong, lives and

works in Beijing. She is an art history researcher, writer,
translator, and currently a visiting curator at the Beijing
Inside-Out Art Museum.
 在一个周边自 2017 年起土地纷争不断外来人口被驱逐的艺术

泰康空间，北京
Taikang Space, Beijing
12.13.2019-3.31.2020
空间里，杂乱无序的几何立方体，作为西三村高架桥边上的城
中村结构的微型模型，似乎在高架桥下被负空间分开，通向了
城中村自建房调查小组的《西三村高架桥空间调查》
（2017-
2019）里农村生活和城市设施之间自动交汇的蜿蜒边界。当人
穿行而过时，其中的隐喻意义不言自明，而在另一边，郝敬班
的《慢镜头》
（2018）里被驱逐的家庭在夜里搬运着生活用品，
仓皇下楼。
沿着散落在立方体上的从清代到当代中国的土地契约，
“饥
饿地理”最终将我们的注意力带回了土地——经过一波波的农
村文化改造和乡村合作艺术项目，中文题目里“饥饿”产生的
源头艰难浮现。展览的中文题目“饥饿地理”援引自巴西左翼
经济学家约绪·德·卡斯特罗的《饥饿的地缘政治学》，其更
多的含义不仅是食物的匮乏，还涉及到权利、机会、资源、空
间的不平等，从法律到建筑再到政治，全面加深了无处不在无
法逾越的不平等鸿沟。展览让我们直面中国大城市里介入社会
议题的艺术所忽略的那些，这种忽略也情有可原，因为这片土
地上的人也只能在毫无希望的夹缝中喘息，无处可逃，个人对
土地的合法所有权和使用权从未被保障过。
展览中的作品具有一种法律或考古上的调查和实证的倾
向。城中村建筑工地报告，2017 年北京大规模驱逐外来人口 论电影院，《中国农药简史—污染篇》，2019 年
的片段，多年来在乡下的可持续生活方式或在城市里发起种番 16 毫米胶片电影及其他相关文献
全文图片为泰康空间展览现场
薯运动的行为实验，反对水污染和教育不平等的新闻报道和社 On Kino, A brief history of Chinese pesticides, 2019
交媒体贴文，关于农药的影片片段和本地调查，有关政治行动 16mm film and archival materials
All images are installation views at Taikang Space, Beijing
的被审查的网络素材，政府无能，灾害事件等等，都形成了集
体记忆和抵抗的视觉与材料佐证。
OF RESISTANCE

206 以行动主义和对一切与政治有关的事
207
物的奥威尔式审查为形式的艺术， 承载
A GEOGRAPHY

In a gallery space not far from where land disputes and

着伦理重负， 这意味着但凡创作与政治
和社会有关的艺术， 都会陷入需要去证
实其真实性、 有效性和采取行动的尴尬
境地， 从而证明促使这一行为产生的原
因和采取行动的意义。
由于不得不通过被审查的活动和突出政治有效性而自证，艺术
饥饿地理
evictions of migrant residents have been ongoing since In short, this is an exhibition that
2017, the sprawling blocks that make up the miniature
models of an urban-village fabric along the Xisan Village
urges us to confront what socially
Overpass lead to renderings and graphs documenting the
organically negotiated zigzagging boundaries between
engaged art in the metropolises
village life and city infrastructure in Urban-Village Self-
Built Investigative Team’s installation Investigation on the
of China has self-consciously
Spatial Pattern of Xisan Village Overpass (2017—19). They neglected, perhaps because of
catch metaphoric implications as one pushes their way
through, while to one side, Hao Jingban’s Slow Motion the inescapable and paralyzing
(2018) depicts evicted families busy carrying essential
weight of the problem: without

作品为了记忆和批判，冒着更为犀利的风险。另一方面，像坚 possessions down flights of stairs in the night.

果兄弟的跨媒介作品《深圳娃娃》和《带盐计划》所呈现的，
由于挽救我们的记忆迫在眉睫，证据和事实被简单地罗列了
出来。
同样是田间劳作，劳丽丽的《寂静春天来临前 - 序曲》
（2010-2019）和社会主义艺术作品里常见的农民劳作的典
型场景不同的是，劳丽丽的作品拍摄了她和伙伴们在租借的田
地里耕作的时光，捕捉了工具、庄稼、蔬菜和树的镜头。这些
图像很直白，拍得甚至有些仓促，色调明亮，但是又不同于《人
民画报》上那种喜气洋洋的劳动场景，其中的精神基调是一种
轻松的带着自给自足的满足感。
In this way, alongside scattered copies of land deeds
dating from the Qing dynasty through to today’s China, “A
the possibility of structural
Geography of Resistance” returns our attention to the real-
ities on the ground. It’s here that we see how the “hunger”
change, one is left with a hope-
in its Chinese title— “Geopolitics of Hunger”—began, after lessly thin space in which to
waves of cultural-rural revitalization and collaborative ar-
tistic projects in the rural area barely scratched its surface. work. Life on this land is still sub-
That Chinese exhibition title refers to Josué de Castro’s
1952 treatise The Geopolitics of Hunger and more: not just stantially restricted by the nonex-
the scarcity of food, but of rights, of access, of resources,
and eventually a pervasive, insurmountable lack of life,
istence of legal rights governing
undergirded by the inequality of space, in its full legal, ar-
chitectural, and political connotations.
individual use and ownership.
 曾宏，《金色的田野》，2019 年
装置 ：水泥板、水泥、钢丝、高尔夫球、探照灯，尺寸可变
Zeng Hong, The Fields of Gold, 2019
Installation: concrete slabs, cement, steel wires, golf balls, searchlight, dimensions variable

208
A tendency towards forensic or archeological
investigation and testimony prevails. An architec-
tural field-report of an urban village, clips of the 2017
mass-eviction in Beijing, live samples from years-long
rural sustainable living or urban yam-planting as social
activism, news reports and social-media posts of protests
against water pollution and education discrimination,
collected filmstrips and local surveys on pesticide, and
censored internet footage of political action and state
failure and disasters form a display of visual and material
evidence of collective memory and situated resistance.
The ethical problem for art in the form of activism in
the face of Orwellian state-censorship of anything polit-
ical lies in the dilemma that making art that is politically
or socially engaged in any way forces its maker to testify
to the authenticity, efficacy, and dedication of political
action, while simultaneously negotiating the censored
evidence of the causes of that action. As a result of the
latter, many artworks risk becoming more about acti-
vating memories than offering critique. Such is the case
with the multimedia presentations by Nut Brother: Shen-
zhen Dolls (2019) and Nongfu Project (2018).
At the other end of the scale, The Days Before Silent
Spring—Prelude (2010–19), a documentary filmed by
城中村自建房调查小组 Natalie Lo Lai Lai, proves that ethical convictions can be
《西三村高架桥下平面图》，2017 年 easily destabilized and invalidated when an artwork priv-
彩铅和铅笔素描，3 × 1.5 米
ileges its aesthetic and formal capacities, and a desire
Urban-Village Self-built House Investigative Team
The floor plan of Xisan village overpass, 2017 to prove its efficacy. Far from the emblematic image of
Color pencil and pencil sketch, 3 x 1.5 m
209
peasants in the field that is the bedrock of socialist visual
conventions, Lo’s mixed-media display contains candid
shots that contextualize their work on rented farmland:
their tools, crops, vegetables, or random trees in their sur-
roundings, as if to show that she actually worked in person
in the field. The images are straightforward, even casual,
and especially brightly lit—not in the uncannily brightened
manner of a peasant’s workday of the kind published
in People’s Pictorial, but as a result of an unburdened,
do-it-yourself spirit.
The carefree representation of Lo’s labor (the end
goal of which was to practice sustainable living) unset-
tled me in conflicting ways. I felt both disregarded and
liberated seeing rural life through her images: the hard-
ship, starvation, poverty, blood, and sweat often auto-
matically associated with such imagery (and validated for
me beyond mere propaganda or documentary photog-
raphy through my family’s experience as peasants in the
rural north) is nowhere to be found. At one point in front
of the monitor, unable to relate to Lo’s image of work, I
even thought that such an inconsiderate representation
of farming is both ignorant and dismissive of the lives of
actual peasants still suffering from social inequality in my
family’s villages. As I looked at the pickles amateurishly
made by Lo, pickles that have already gone bad and would
never have passed muster in any of my aunts’ homes, it
was as if my familial and regional history was being ridi-
culed and written over by this amateurism.
 劳丽丽作品对于为了可持续发展而务农的表达方式，令我
的观感很矛盾。看到她拍摄的乡下生活，我既无动于衷，又仿
佛从沉重中解脱。因为体力劳动饱含的艰辛、饥饿、血泪，总
是自动和这种描述连在一起，加上我的祖辈们在北方农村世代
务农的经验所致，主流宣传或纪实摄影里的那种表达似乎更符
合认知，而这些在眼前的作品里根本看不到。在屏幕前，因无
法对他们的劳动场面产生共鸣，我甚至认为这种对田间劳动的
片面再现十分苍白，忽略了农民们的真实境遇。在农村老家，
人们依然还过着面朝黄土背朝天的苦日子，忍受着社会不公带
来的种种盘剥。看到劳丽丽为此次展览所做的泡菜已经发霉，
而这些菜在我乡下的阿姨家都不合格，那种感觉好比我的家族
历史正在被不够严肃的劳动行为改写，难免令人感到荒唐。
作品在这个危机依然持续的特殊时期
于草场地的城中村展出， 此前一系列的
警钟已打破了“低端人口”即使没有福利
保障也能正常生活的幻觉， 那些看上去
赏心悦目的图片里并没有深重苦难， 这
似乎和我们当下面临的环境格格不入，
靠土地为生的人， 已经习惯了在政治上
失语、 被体制粗暴剥削的现实。
这些图片和泡菜罐也很难充分体现出艺术家的模糊身份，她在
农田里工作生活了十年，艺术和社会行动化为日常 ；和美术馆
人员制作泡菜的集体行为，也是让日益低迷的北京艺术圈团结
起来的可贵行为，而这些在图片里并未得到应有的体现。
缺乏明显的有效性有时能将作品免于伦理或政治诉求。实
际上，随意拍摄的日常劳动场景，确实难以证实作者作为农民
的专业性和真实身份，劳丽丽的作品，却恰恰因其真诚的态度
和对讴歌农民生活困苦和牺牲的主流叙事的挑战，令人卸下重
负。尽管对于政治真实和有效性的诉求并未实现，基于创作者
自身的体验，它还是表现了一种主观性事实，好比农民们发表
在快手上的无数短视频。
问题在于，在长期存在的危机里，连对危机的基本记录都
无处存放，此刻的艺术创作是否应放下美学考虑，先将当下的
危机和被影响的群体记录下来？非官方的私人美术馆，是否应
运用展览去为当下所发生的一切提供展示的空间，承担起本应
是公众或国家机构所为之事，将集体创伤最重要的记录文献归
档保存下来，而非仅仅关注艺术？在打捞被官方叙事和记录不
断抹除的被遗忘的历史和人群时，非官方美术馆的作用究竟是
什么？当事实面临被威胁的险境，驱逐本身被驱逐在讨论之外，
艺术又该如何讲述事实？
张植蕙
由王丹华译自英文
Shown on the site of the
urban-village in Caochangdi, after
a series of wakeup-calls have
forced us out of the illusion that
life can simply go on without the
welfare of the poorest elements of
the population ensured, the eye-
pleasing, suffering-free images
appear totally unconnected to
the context of the violently depo-
liticized, normalized systemic
exploitation of the lives of those
whose livelihood depends on
the land.
The photographs and jars of pickles also fail to do justice
to the artist’s own ambiguous status, as art and activism
坚果兄弟，《深圳娃娃》（2019 年至今）和《带盐计划 》（2018 年至今）
持续社会性项目
collapsed into everyday life while she worked and lived Nut Brother, Shenzhen Dolls (2019—) and Nongfu Project (2018—)
Ongoing socially engaged art projects
on the farmland for a decade. Nor do the objects on dis-
play do justice to the behind-the-scenes collective activity
of making the pickles in collaboration with the museum’s
staff, a precious act of bonding and solidarity in the context
210 of the increasingly distressed art community of Beijing.
And yet the lack of visual efficacy also has the ef-
211
fect of freeing the work from its ethical or political call.
In this sense, Lo’s work, or episodes from her life, has
turned out to be refreshingly liberating for its honesty and
its challenge to the dominant narrative of a peasantry
characterized only by their suffering and victimization.
It even delivers a type of subjective truth that might find
a parallel in the numerous candid videos created by the
peasants and posted on the video-sharing app Kuaishou.
The desire for political truthfulness and efficacy, how-
ever, remains unfulfilled.
This takes us back to where we started: should art at
this moment sacrifice aesthetics to prioritize witnessing,
to acknowledge the existence of crises and the people
they affect? And should unofficial, private art museums,
instead of dedicating their spaces to the presentation
of art only, use their exhibitions to sanction and provide
a space for the display of facts and testimony, taking
up what should have been done by public, state institu-
tions—archiving and preserving the primary documents
of collective trauma? What is an unofficial art museum’s
role in rescuing a history that is constantly being erased,
not just from official discourse and documentation, but
from memory itself? And how may art tell truth, when
facts are threatened and marginalization is itself ex- 劳丽丽，《寂静春天来临前—序曲》，2010-2019 年
cluded from discussion? 录像装置 ：纸本摄影、防虫网、竹、农作物、酵母、微生物 ；高清录像 ：4 分 16 秒
Natalie Lo Lai Lai, The Days Before Silent Spring—Prelude, 2010-2019
Video Installation: paper photography, fly nets, bamboos, crops, yeasts,
ZHANG ZHIHUI microbes; HD video: 4 min 16 sec
 近年来，讨论“人类世”困境的展览近乎泛滥，

THE STRANGERS FROM BEYOND

国立台湾美术馆，台中
National Taiwan Museum of Fine Arts, Taichung
10.05.2019-02.09.2020
但“来自山与海的异人”却以种种方式令人
耳目一新。它并不采取激进主义者的立场来
强调意识的提高——这是不到一年前举办的
台北双年展使用过的策略，相反，

此次亚洲艺术双年展为自己定
下了更为深沉且或许更加包罗

THE MOUNTAIN AND THE SEA

万象的基调 ：它通过亚洲的
哲学思考来反思整个亚洲未完
成的去殖民课题， 这其中也

2019 ASIAN ART BIENNIAL

包括新的团结方式的可能性、
人与非人之间的联结。 展览
有着稠密的理论探讨， 但同
时也充满民俗魅力（ 就像展 田村友一郎，《背叛的海》，2016 年
2019 亚洲艺术双年展

综合媒介装置（录像、水泥雕塑、有绢印桌布的台球桌、拾得物）
尺寸依场地而异、录像影片长度各异
览标题显现的那样）， 给人一 Yuichiro Tamura, Milky Bay, 2016
Mixed media installation with videos, concrete sculptures, silkscreened billiard

种内容充实又极具亲和力的观 tables and found objects. Dimensions variable; various video durations
Courtesy the artist and Yuka Tsuruno Gallery

展体验。
新加坡艺术家何子彦和来自台湾的艺术 Amidst the plethora of exhibitions addressing the pre- is a regional sea lying between the Pacific Ocean and the

213
dicaments of the Anthropocene in recent years, “The South China Sea, bordered by the Philippines, Indonesia
家许家维组成的策展人双人组一齐策划了这
Strangers from Beyond the Mountain and the Sea” is and Malaysia. Both localities are notorious for anarchist
场展览，在展览所围绕的核心概念蓝图中， uniquely refreshing. Instead of taking an activist position and illegal activities including drug trafficking and piracy—
来自山与海的异人

赞米亚高原地区与苏禄海（也就是标题所指 focused on awareness-raising—the tactic employed, less making them extrajudicial, stateless terrains marked by a
的山与海）共同构成了一条轴线。“赞米亚” than a year ago, by the Taipei Biennial—this edition of the parasitical/dialectical relationship with flatland empires.
Asian Art Biennial sets itself a more contemplative and
指的是东南亚和南亚的一片广阔区域，跨越
perhaps all-encompassing task:
缅甸和泰国的部分地区以及中国西南部的四 This geographical grounding
个省，从特征上看，该区域的人口历来故意
借助崎岖的地势，以逃脱民族国家的掌控。
to rethink the unfinished decolo- lends the exhibition a distinct,
苏禄海则是一片区域性海洋，位处太平洋与 nization project across Asia, with dynamic regional specificity.
中国南海之间，被菲律宾、印度尼西亚和马
its possibilities of new allegiances Another vertical axis in the dia-
来西亚三面环绕。这两个地方都因无政府主
义的非法活动而臭名昭著，譬如毒品贩运和 and its human–nonhuman entan- gram stretches from clouds, both
盗版复刻，这就让它们成为了无国籍的法外 glements, as well as through liquid and digital, to a mineral
之地，与平原帝国们形成了一种寄居的辩证
关系。
Asian philosophical thought. firmament, setting the stage
It is theoretically dense, but also displays a folkloric flair
for a host of actors—the titular
这样的地理背景赋予了展览 (as evidenced in its title), ensuring a substantial yet wel-
coming experience.
strangers—involved in a complex
鲜 明 而 动 态 的 区 域 性 特 色。 The artist-cum-curator duo Ho Tzu-Nyen (Singapore)
and Hsu Chia-Wei (Taiwan) have organized the exhibition
mesh of human interests and
概念蓝图当中的另一条轴线 around a central diagram, of which the Zomia highland re- nonhuman forces.
gion and the Sulu Sea (the titular mountain and sea) con-
从“ 云 端 ”（或液态或数字 stitute the vertical axis. The notion of Zomia has been best
expounded by American anthropologist James C. Scott as
This edition of the biennial is smaller in scale than
past iterations, as more production budget has been allo-
态） 纵伸到矿物， 为一群行 a vast area of Southeast and East Asia, historically charac- cated to new commissions (nine out of the 30 works here).
terized by populations deliberately escaping the control of Among these, installed on the museum’s ground floor,
动者——也就是展览题目中的 nation-states with the aid of the rugged terrain. The Sulu is the multimedia installation Friction Current: Magic
 Mountain Project (2019) by Bangkok-based artist duo ji-
“异人”， 搭建好了舞台， 他们从由人类利 andyin (Jiradej and Pornpilai Meemalai). Informed by their
extensive research into the illicit mining of Burmese jade
益和非人力量交织而成的复杂情境之中逐 (jirade) and the trafficking of methamphetamine produced
一登场。 in the highlands of Zomia to other parts of Asia, such as
Taiwan, the artists have sourced large quantities of urine
containing the latter substance from that collected by
与往届相比，此次的双年展规模稍小，因为更大部分的生 Thai police, with which they run a fountain installed in the
产预算被用在了新作品的委任创作上，30 个作品中有 9 个是 middle of an exhibition room. The stream of liquid keeps
a jade ball spinning endlessly—a powerful gesture, going
新作。其中，常驻曼谷的艺术二人组 jiandyin（成员包括朋
beyond mere illustration of the production and consump-
琵莱·明玛莱和纪拉德·明玛莱）创作的多媒体装置《摩擦流 tion of these two materials by intervening doubly into the
动 ：魔幻之山计划》（2019）尤其引人注目。他们对缅甸玉石 material flows themselves.
的非法开采进行过广泛的研究，同样引起他们关注的，还有将 Elsewhere on the ground floor, Liu Chuang’s ground-
breaking 2018 three-channel video Bitcoin Mining and
赞米亚高原出产的甲基苯丙胺 运送到其他亚洲地区（如台湾） Field Recordings of Ethnic Minorities (now famous, having
的毒品贩运，后者相对更为廉价。艺术家们在其展厅中央设置 been well received by biennials and group presentations
了一汪喷泉，喷泉里涌动的，是他们从泰国警方那里获得的大 across Asia) depicts the metamorphosis of Zomia into
its present-day form—Zomia 2.0, as it were—where bit-
量毒瘾者尿液。尿液的流动使得喷泉中心的一颗翡翠球不停地
coin miners have taken up the anarchist tradition of the
转动，它呈现出了一个强有力的姿态，所指向的不仅仅是这两 hill peoples, clandestinely employing hydroelectric power
种材料的生产和消费，还有物质流本身。 stations to mint a decentralized currency. With precipi-
在一楼的另外一个展厅里，是刘窗 2018 年开创性的三屏 tation as the primary component of the water cycle, this
evolution from atmospheric precipitation to hydropower
录像作品《比特币矿和少数民族田野录音》（在受到众多亚洲
to digital cloud, made possible by novel technologies,
的双年展及群展的一致好评后，此作品现在已相当出名）。它 exemplifies contemporary human intervention into the
讲述的是赞米亚形变至“赞米亚 2.0”的故事 ：比特币矿工们 elemental realm—the new cosmology. The power of the
沿袭了山地居民的无政府传统，秘密调用水电站能量来铸造一 sea and its mediation of enigmatic linkages are explored
by Japanese artist Yuichiro Tamura in the mixed-media
种去中心化的货币。降水是水循环过程的主要部分，而从大气 installation Milky Bay (2016). Turning the exhibition room
降水到水力发电、再到数字云端，这一仰赖新科技的转换过程 into an unoccupied pub where a group of athletic, half-
例证着当代人类是如何介入到了基础物质界，从而揭示出一种 naked men play snooker on looped video and sculptures
of masculine torsos stand in the corner, and with a narra-
全新的宇宙观。日本艺术家田村友一郎则在他的混合媒介装置

214 《背叛的海》里探索了海洋的力量，以及它在一系列的神秘联
系中起到的媒介作用。艺术家把展厅变成了一间空荡的酒吧，
215 tive voice reminiscent of controversial Japanese author
Yukio Mishima, the work subtly entices the audience to
draw links between the bodybuilding culture of the US mil-
循环播放的录像带里，一群身材健硕的半裸男人正打着斯诺克， itary (brought to Japan over the Pacific Ocean), Mishima’s
queer fascination with Greek figurative sculptures, and

JIANDYIN（朋琵莱·明玛莱 & 纪拉德·明玛莱），《磨擦流动 ：魔幻之山计划》，2019 年

单频道录像、钠铝矽酸盐粉末、C10H15N 人类尿液、冷藏柜、玉石、大理石球体喷泉、防水接触式麦克风、录音介面、控制器、
扩音喇叭、画作、纪录文件、1990 年中国人民币百元纸钞、壁画
2019 亚洲艺术双年展委任新作
JIANDYIN (Jiradej MEEMALAI and Pornpilai MEEMALAI ), Friction Current: Magic Mountain Project, 2019
Single-channel video, NaAlSi2O6 powder, C10H15N human urine, jadeite sphere water fountain, refriger-
ated cabinet, immersion sturgeon waterproof contact microphone, USB audio interface, controller, sound
speakers, painting, documentation, 100 Yuan-1990 China banknote, mural paint
Commissioned by 2019 Asian Art Biennial. Courtesy the artist

安塔日沙，《共同资产 #4》，2019 年，感光性墨水、纸（A4 大小，数量依现场空间而定）

2019 亚洲艺术双年展委任新作
Antariksa, Co-Prosperity #4, 2019, UV-sensitive ink on paper. A4 size, copies (Amounts variable), UV light.
Commissioned by 2019 Asian Art Biennial. Courtesy the artist
 酒吧角落里伫立着一些男性躯干塑像。这个作品的叙事让人想
起备受争议的日本作家三岛由纪夫，它用一种微妙的方式引导
观众在三种元素间建立联想 ：美军的健美文化（也曾跨过太平
洋被带到了日本）、三岛对古希腊人物雕像的酷儿式迷恋、在
横滨海湾留下零碎人体部件的战争之残酷。在这里，事实的片
段与虚构的历史混杂在一起，织成了一张不连贯的网，正像是
汹涌而无常的海域。
此次双年展最具原创性的章节是位于二楼的第四区，探讨
战时的亚洲知识分子运动，以及它们为克服（西方）现代性曾
做过的反复试验，这部分延伸了展览对物质材料的调研，将本
就是重要文化课题的知性思考纳入到了自身范畴。“空无”是
这部分的核心概念，被策展人从阿兰·巴迪欧那里借来，替代
通常情况下“主题”的位置，并将其与许多亚洲思想体系中心
的“空性”两相对照。正是这种“空性”的极大可塑性让它拥
有了无限潜力，使其容易受到京都学派大思想家们的操纵，于
是在二战期间，京都学派将禅宗塑造成了为全面战争和暴力服
务的学说。其中，一些作品勾勒出了日本思想史、民族主义和
帝国战争机器之间的纠葛。首当其冲的是“物派”大师李禹焕，
他将日本禅宗与西方的现代主义抽象实践进行嫁接，但他使用
的原材料却又指涉着这两种思想范式里物质性的那一面。安塔
里克萨对物质也有着类似的敏感，他的图腾柱状纸堆被堆放在
一个点着昏暗荧光灯的暗房里。伴随作品呈现的，还有一些精
朴赞景，
《京都学派》，2017 年，双频道图像投影、书（大卫·威廉姆斯著《日本战时抵抗活动的哲学思想：阅读与评论，
选的传记性叙述，它们来自战时从日本帝国被派遣到东南亚地
京都学派“世界历史观点与日本”》)，尺寸依场地而异
Park Chan-Kyong, Kyoto School, 2017, two-channel photography projection, and book (The 区进行宣传或报道的艺术家。何锐安的新作《学子们》则将这
Philosophy of Japanese Wartime Resistance: A Reading, with Commentary, of the Complete Texts
条线索推到了更远处 ：自日本首次接触西方列强以来，学生们
of the Kyoto School Discussions of “The Standpoint of World History and Japan” by David Wil-
liams). Dimensions variable. Courtesy the artist 的身影就从它长长的历史轨迹中凸现出来，并持续活跃——他
们以轰轰烈烈的群众运动抵抗现代性，而后却又退缩成为了新
自由主义治下的技术官僚。最后，朴赞景的《京都学派》对日
本思想史上的腐败时刻进行了关键意象的筛选，在作品聚焦的
那几年里，日本的民族军国主义挟持了所有关于崇高性问题的
探讨。
这次双年展从社会政治、环境与精神的角度对当前的时代
困境进行了成功的梳理。在落笔成文的此时此刻，
在 2020 年的春天， 在不断升级的地缘
政治紧张局势之下， 展览对一种新型的
泛亚洲的团结方式的呼吁显得尤具先见之
明——这不仅关乎东西方之间， 也关乎
不同民族国家之间、 及其各自内部不同
力量间的角逐。
李佳桓
何锐安，《学子们》，2019 年，高清有声单频录像，26 分 30 秒
Ho Rui An, Student Bodies, 2019, HD video, 26 min 30 sec. Courtesy the artist
由王紫薇译自英文
李佳桓是居于上海的作者和策展人。
the brutality of a war that culminated in an array of human
body parts strewn across the bay of Yokohama. Here,
factual fragments and fictions of history mingle in an inco-
herent mesh like undulating, capricious waters.
The most original pillar of the biennial lies in its fourth
zone, on the second floor, exploring wartime Asian intel-
lectual movements and their trial-and-error struggle to
overcome (western) modernity, expanding the exhibition’s
materialist investigation to incorporate flows of intellec-
tual thought that are themselves cultural matter. Lying at
the heart of the central diagram is The Void, a notion the
curators have borrowed from Alain Badiou to stand in for
the subject, and with which they draw a parallel to the con-
cepts of nothingness at the heart of many Asian thought
systems. It was the very malleable nature of this nothing-
ness, with its infinite potentiality, that made it vulnerable
to manipulation by the thinkers of the Kyoto School, who
molded Zen into a doctrine for total war and violence
during World War II. On the second floor, several works
trace the entanglements of Japanese intellectual history,
the nationalism and war machine of empires, starting with
Mono-ha guru Lee Ufan’s sterile transplantation of Jap-
anese Zen and western modernist abstraction, whose
raw materials connote the materialist aspects of this in-
tellectual paradigm. With a similarly material sensibility,
Indonesian artist Antariksa’s totem pole-like paper piles
are stacked in a dark room under a dim fluorescent light.
Select biographical accounts are also provided, from war-
time artists dispatched by the Japanese Empire into the
Southeast Asian regions for propaganda or reportage. Ho
Rui An’s latest film, Student Bodies (2019), pushes this av-
enue of speculation further: what stood out and was active
behind the long trajectory of Japanese history, ever since
217 Japan first exposed itself to western powers, is the figure
of pupils—those who rejected modernity with roaring
mass movement and regressed as technocratic agents of
neoliberal governance. Park Chan-kyong’s Kyoto School
(2017) selects decisive imagery from this corrupted mo-
ment of Japanese intellectual history, when in a few years’
time questions of the sublime were married to national-
istic militarism.
This biennial does an impressive job of teasing out
the sociopolitical, environmental, and spiritual implica-
tions of the present predicament. At the time of writing,
in the spring of 2020, its call for
a new Pan-Asian allegiance feels
particularly prescient in light of
escalating geopolitical tensions—
not only those between east and
west, but along internal lines
of force and between different
nation-states as well.
ALVIN LI
Alvin Li is a writer and curator based in Shanghai.
 In the build-up to the 2019 Singapore Biennale, its Ma-
在 2019 年新加坡双年展的规划过程中，常
be forgiven for thinking that the

多个展场，新加坡
Various venues, Singapore
11.22.2019-03.22.2020
居马尼拉的艺术总监帕特里克·D·弗洛斯 nila-based artistic director, Patrick D. Flores, described his

(Patrick D. Flores) 曾表示，他希望通过此

desire to use the exhibition to recover the diverse ecology
of Southeast Asian art from the homogenizing effects of
only baggage you’d need to bring
次展览来尝试恢复东南亚艺术的多样化生态。 western-influenced cultural institutions that have begun to
dominate the region’s artistic landscape, and the related
to this event was a keen sense
academic structures they bring with them. The region’s re- of irony. Just four years earlier,
这 一 宣 称 有 其 潜 在 的 背 景， colonization, if you like, by global contemporary art. All the
while knowing that, with the biennial’s traditional host-in- after all, Singapore had been
即自从一些深受西方影响的文 stitution, the Singapore Art Museum, closed for extensive
renovation, the primary venue for this edition was to be celebrating 50 years of indepen-
化机构开始携带着特定学术框 the National Gallery Singapore (NGS). His biennial was not
going to be a form of institutional critique, he announced dence from Malaya.
架居于主导以来， 这片区域 diplomatically, rather a restatement of the regional ge-
ography in terms of poetics rather than politics, and an Such complications color the biennial’s title itself:
SINGAPORE BIENNALE 2019:
的艺术景观就面临着同质化的 acceptance of the informal alongside the formal. (Besides Every Step in the Right Direction. For Flores it unequivo-
artworks, the biennial’s exhibits include a circus, walking cally derives from the words of Filipina freedom-fighter
危机——或者换句话说， 面

IN THE RIGHT DIRECTION

tours, film screenings, and theater workshops.) Salud Algabre, who figured prominently in a failed 1935
peasant revolt, leading to her arrest. Reflecting on this
临着被所谓“全球当代艺术” moment some 30 years later she would assert that no

的再殖民化。 Coming in the year in which revolution can fail; every uprising is a step in the right di-
rection. For the visitor unacquainted with the history of the
Singapore celebrated the bicen- Philippines, however, the phrase is likely more instantly
evocative of deterministic and authoritarian ideas of
与此同时，由于双年展历来的主办机构新加
tennial of its “discovery” by Sir progress. Of the kind of self-justifying statement that the
坡美术馆因大规模翻修而临时关闭，本届展
Stamford Raffles and subsequent
“正确方向的每一步”

Singapore government might issue. And the very ideas of

览的主展场换成了新加坡国家美术馆。弗洛 modernity that many of the works on show seek to chal-
斯几乎是以外交的口吻宣布，他的双年展不 occupation by the British, you’d lenge. Context is everything.
会采取机构批判的形式，而是从诗学（而非
政治）的角度重述区域地缘，并欢迎一切
2019 新加坡双年展 :

正式和非正式内容的出现，于是除了艺术作
品以外，这次双年展还囊括了马戏团、徒步
旅行、电影放映和戏剧工作坊。同样也是在
这一年，新加坡迎来了被来福士爵士 (Sir 219
Stamford Raffles)“发现”（随后被英国
占领）200 周年的纪念。因此，如果你带着
某种强烈的讽刺意味前来观展，也完全是情
EVERY STEP

有可原的。毕竟，新加坡举办从马来亚独立
的 50 周年庆典，仅仅不过是四年前的事。
如此这般的复杂背景让双年展的题目显
得意味深长 ：
“正确方向的每一步。
”对于弗
洛斯来说，这句话无疑出自菲律宾自由战士
萨卢德·阿尔加布雷 (Salud Algabre) 之口，
她是 1935 年一场农民起义的重要人物，随
后因行动失败而被捕。30 年之后的今天，回
想当初，她一定会坚称没有任何革命是真正
失败的，每次起义都是朝正确方向迈出的一
步。不过，
对于不了解菲律宾历史的观众而言，
该标题或许会立刻唤起一种专断的进步主义
论调，让人想起新加坡政府发表的那类自证
清白的声明，或是本次展览许多作品所试图
挑战的“现代性”本身。语境才是一切。
这显然是拉萨尔艺术学院展场的展览
部分，也是整个双年展最强有力的部分所
要传达的讯息。其中，
《米美图瓦·索伯项
东帝汶马克斯·斯塔尔视听中心 (CAMSTL)，
《（一个国家的）诞生》，2019 年，七频视频装置，1 小时
目》
（2019）以社会学博士米美图瓦·索伯
CAMSTL, Birth (of a Nation), 2019, 7-channel video installation, 1 hr
(Mamitua Sauber，1921—1992) 对棉兰 All images courtesy the artist
 老岛的公民和文化生活的研究为起点，展开了一系列雄心勃勃
的“平行策展”(paracuratorial) 实践，其中呈现的是三个委
任项目。来自日惹的食物研究团队巴库潘 (Bakudapan) 成员
全部为女性，她们从索伯的田野调查中获取线索，凭借对食物
文化的研究（形式包括气味、类似卡通的描述性插图、手绘地
图和捡来的陶器）来探索有关印度尼西亚的摩罗泰岛的社会议
题。常驻北京的 **PROPAGANDA DEPARTMENT（直译
为宣传部门）的项目甚至更为粗略，他们做了一个令人困惑但
也算得上有趣的小册子，以及一个动态雕塑，来探索女性和语
言在越北和广西省的跨文化交流中所扮演的角色。最后，来自
奎松市的马克·桑切斯 (Mark Sanchez) 回应了索伯的蓝图
中“边缘领导者”这一概念。桑切斯的作品探讨权力的不均，
除了在插图上方潦草地标记注释之外（例如“半封建半殖民地
国家”
），现场还呈现了一个看起来浩如烟海，包含文本、照片
和剪报的资料库，这些资料都与民众抗议、富人的财产侵吞以
及穷人的挣扎相关。所有这些内容被分类收集在一堆让人眼花
缭乱的棕色文件夹里，虽然艺术家在地板和墙上贴了许多箭头
作为图示，以期给观众提供某种彬彬有礼的引导，你仍然可能
在这堆材料里迷失好几个小时。
总的来说， 这些异质性项目的工作范围
都在艺术、 教学、 档案和某种形式的准
科学田野调查的边缘地带， 它们正是那
田中功起，《抽象 / 家庭》，2019 年，单频录像装置，1 小时 42 分 种超出美术馆范畴的艺术活动， 也是弗
221
Koki Tanaka, Abstracted/Family, 2019, single-channel video installation, 1 hr 42 min
洛斯宣称的希望探索的艺术的模糊疆界。
除了上述作品外，同属这一行列的还包括普拉帕·瓦朗桑
(Prapat Jiwarangsan) 的《 美 学 101》（2019）， 该 作
品探索了常驻清迈的艺术理论家松吉亚·汤纳摩 (Somkiat
Tangnamo) 的档案，以重建其 1990 年代以来的课程 ；以
及东帝汶马克斯·斯塔尔视听中心 (CAMSTL) 的《（一个国
家的）诞生》（2019），它通过七频道视频装置中呈现的档案
片段记录了东帝汶的民主斗争和民族形成过程。
在吉尔曼军营艺术区的展场，此前的异质性主题变为了本
地与全球之间的对话。张恩满的新委任创作
《蜗牛乐园》
（2019）
描绘了非洲大蜗牛从东非到斯里兰卡、新加坡，再到她的家乡
台湾的迁徙过程，在日本殖民期间，台湾民众将这种蜗牛作为
食物进行养殖。作品还包含了一些当地的蜗牛菜谱。在田中功
起的录像《抽象 / 家庭》
（2019）中，四位同在日本长大，却
有着不同种族背景的主角聚在一起组成了一个家庭，该作品在
质疑“纯种族”这一概念的同时，也挑战了传统的自然和文化
根基观。而哈菲兹·兰卡贾莱 (Hafiz Rancajale) 的装置《社
会有机体》
（2017-18）则记录了自身在印度尼西亚的社会发
展和后改革斗争的语境中的实践轨迹。说到底，这一展览章节
法尔，《马德望马戏团，蓬风格》，2005/2019 年，表演
讲述的就是 ：艺术与社会生活的诗学是紧密相连的。
Phare, The Battambang Circus, Phum Style, 2015/2019, performance 照理说，所有这些内容应该在此次双年展最大的展场，新
加坡国家美术馆，汇聚成一个高潮，但事实却是，一切都在那
里乱了阵脚。例如，
《蓬风格》(Phum Style, 2005/2019) 这
That’s certainly the message in the strongest sec-
tion of the biennial, housed at the LASALLE College of the
Arts. Here, The Mamitua Saber Project (2019) takes the
work of sociologist Dr. Mamitua Saber (1921—92) in the
development of civic and cultural life in Mindanao (Phil-
ippines) as the jumping-off point for an ambitious and
complex ‘paracuratorial’ display featuring three commis-
sioned projects. Yogyakarta’s all-female Bakudapan Food
Study Group, taking its cue from Saber’s fieldwork, uses a
study of food culture (scents, cartoon-like descriptive il-
lustrations, hand-drawn maps, found crockery) to explore
social issues on the island of Morotai (Indonesia). Bei-
jing-based **PROPAGANDA DEPARTMENT offers an even
more sketchy exploration (including a baffling but enter-
taining printed pamphlet and a kinetic sculpture) of the
role of women and language in cross-cultural exchange in
northern Vietnam and China’s southern Guangxi province.
While Quezon City-based Mark Sanchez’s response to
Saber’s diagram of “the marginal leader,” which explores
power imbalances via annotations (SEMI-FEUDAL & SEMI
COLONIAL STATE, for example) scrawled over the top of
the illustration, alongside a seemingly vast archive of ma-
terials (texts, photographs, clippings) relating to protest,
the appropriations of the rich, and the struggles of the
poor, classified and collected in a sometimes bewildering
array of brown folders, is a work in which you can get lost
for hours. Despite the artist having drawn his own dia-
grammatic series of arrows across the floor and walls as a
form of gentle guidance.
Collectively the heterogeneous
project operates on the edge of
art, pedagogy, archiving, and
some form of quasi-scientific
fieldwork—precisely the kind
of blurred boundaries of art’s
activity and agency in a field
beyond the museum that Flores
stated he wished to explore.
It’s complemented by works including Prapat Jiwarang-
san’s Aesthetics 101 (2019), which explores the archives
of Chiang Mai-based art theorist (and dean of the Faculty
of Fine Arts at the city’s university) Somkiat Tangnamo in
order to reconstruct his curriculum from the 1990s, and
Centro Audiovisual Max Stahl Timor-Leste’s Birth (of a
Nation) (2019), which documents the country’s democracy
struggles and nation-formation via archival clips pre-
sented in a seven-channel video installation.
The theme of heterogeneity morphs into a dialogue
between the local and the global at Gillman Barracks.
Here Chang En-Man’s new commission Snail Paradise
(2019) charts the migration of the giant African land snail
from East Africa to Sri Lanka, Singapore, and then her
native Taiwan, where it was farmed for food during its col-
onization by Japan. (Some local recipes are included.) In
Koki Tanaka’s videowork Abstracted/Family (2019), four
 件装置作品记录着一个名叫法尔 (Phare) 的马德望马戏团的 protagonists of mixed-ethnic backgrounds, but raised in
表演（这个马戏团由 9 名柬埔寨男性在 1994 年组成，他们从 Japan, are brought together as a “family” in a work that
questions notions of “pure” racial and traditional concep-
难民营逃回马德望并成立马戏团，只为了讲述祖国的故事和历
tions of natural and cultural roots. While Hafiz Rancajale’s
史）
，但作品本身却只不过是对热血往事的苍白消遣。展览对菲 installation Social Organism (2017–18) documents the tra-
律宾裔美国艺术家卡洛斯·维拉 (Carlos Villa) 作品的小型调 jectory of the artist’s practice in the context of Indonesia’s
查回顾还算有趣，但这组作品应该以更大的体量出现在别的地 social development and post-Reformasi struggles. Ham-
mering home the point, if you like, that art is intimately
方。另外，万迪·拉塔纳 (Vandy Rattana) 的《自白三部曲》 connected to the poetics of social life.
原本是一系列动人的影像，研究了艺术家的故乡柬埔寨的风景、 You’d expect all of this to reach a crescendo at the
记忆、创伤，以及这些主题与艺术之间的关系，但它却彻底被 biennial’s largest display, at the NGS. But it’s there that
direction seems lost. Phum Style (2005/2019), an instal-
拉 里· 阿 奇 蓬 (Larry Achiampong) 的《 遗 迹 3》
（2019）
lation documenting a performance by Phare, the Bat-
的声轨所淹没。同样的，当你试图欣赏冯·帕潘尼特 (Vong tambang Circus (formed in 1994 by nine Cambodian men
Phaophanit) 和克莱尔·奥布西耶 (Claire Oboussier) 的《从 who had returned to Battambang from a refugee camp in
不是真正的历史学家，总是更像诗人》(2019) 时，你耳朵里听 order to tell their country’s stories and histories), comes
across as a pale recreation of the real thing. A micro-
到的却是 titre provisoire（直译为“暂定名”
）的《在旋转，
survey of the work of Filipino-American artist Carlos Villa
静止和方向改变之间》
（2019）
，然而鉴于展览的主题，前者理 is intriguing but looks like something that should have
应是一件关键作品。最终，由于太多的作品（总共 34 件，大 happened on a grander scale somewhere else. Vandy
多数是录像或各类装置）被挤在了过分狭小的空间里， Rattana’s “MONOLOGUE Trilogy,” a moving series of vid-
eoworks that collectively investigate landscape, memory,
trauma, and their relationships to art in the artist’s native
Cambodia, is drowned out by the soundtrack to Larry
“异质性”被刺耳的嘈杂所取代。 当然， Achiampong’s Relic 3 (2019). As you watch Vong Phaop-
巴库潘食物研究小组，《Moro Moro》
（装置细节），插图 ：Prihatmoki
Bakudapan Food Study Group, Moro Moro (installation detail); illustration: Prihatmoki 你也可以说或许这才是东南亚最准确的肖 hanit and Claire Oboussier’s Never real historians, always
near poets (2019)—presumably a key work, given the bien-
像——哪怕失败也是成功 ；每前进两步， nial’s thematics—you’re hearing titre provisoire’s Between
spins, stops and change of directions (2019).
必后退一步。
Heterogeneity is replaced by
马克·莱珀特
cacophony as too many artworks
222 由王紫薇译自英文
223 (34 all told, the majority video
or various types of installation)
compete for attention in too little
space. You could argue, of course,
that this might be the most accu-
rate portrait of Southeast Asia of
all. That even failure is success.
But it’s still two steps forwards,
one step back.
MARK RAPPOLT

万迪·拉塔纳，《独白》，2015 年
单频录像，19 分 3 秒
Vandy Rattana, MONOLOGUE, 2015
Single-channel video, 19 min 3 sec
 在希望的田野上
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