End of Roman rule in Britain

The end of Roman rule in Britain was the transition from

Roman Britain to post-Roman Britain. Roman rule ended in
different parts of Britain at different times, and under different
circumstances. In 383, the usurper Magnus Maximus withdrew
troops from northern and western Britain, probably leaving
local warlords in charge. In 407, usurper Constantine III took
the remaining mobile Roman soldiers to Gaul in response to
the crossing of the Rhine in late 406, leaving the island a victim
to barbarian attacks. Around 410, the Romano-British expelled
the Roman magistrates from Britain. Roman Emperor
Honorius replied to a request for assistance with the Rescript
of Honorius, telling the Roman cities to see to their own
defence, a tacit acceptance of temporary British self-
government. Honorius was fighting a large-scale war in Italy
against the Visigoths under their leader Alaric, with Rome itself
under siege. No forces could be spared to protect distant
Britain. Though it is likely that Honorius expected to regain
control over the provinces soon, by the mid-6th century
Procopius recognised that Roman control of Britannia was
entirely lost.

Background
By the early 5th century, the Roman Empire could no longer
defend itself against either internal rebellion or the external
threat posed by Germanic tribes expanding in Western Europe. The Eastern and Western Roman
This situation and its consequences governed the eventual Empire of Theodosius I in 395
permanent detachment of Britain from the rest of the Empire.
After a period of local self-rule the Anglo-Saxons came to
southern England in the 440s.

In the late 4th century, the Empire was controlled by members of a dynasty that included the
Emperor Theodosius I. This family retained political power within itself and formed alliances by
intermarriage with other dynasties, at the same time engaging in internecine power struggles and
fighting off outside contenders (called "usurpers") attempting to replace the ruling dynasty with
one of their own. These internal machinations drained the Empire of both military and civilian
resources. Many thousands of soldiers were lost in battling attempted coups by figures such as
Firmus, Magnus Maximus and Eugenius.

The Empire's historical relationship with Germanic tribes was sometimes hostile, at other times
cooperative, but ultimately fatal, as it was unable to prevent those tribes from assuming a
dominant role in the relationship. By the early 5th century, as a result of severe losses and depleted
tax income, the Western Roman Empire's military forces were dominated by Germanic troops, and
Romanised Germans played a significant role in the empire's internal politics. Various Germanic
and other tribes beyond the frontiers were able to take advantage of the Empire's weakened state,
both to expand into Roman territory and, in some cases, to move their entire populations into
lands once considered exclusively Roman, culminating in various successful migrations from 406
onwards. The crossing of the Rhine caused intense fear in Britannia, prone as it was to being cut
off from the Empire by raids on the primary communications route from Italy, to Trier to the
Channel coast. In the event, this was much more than just another raid.

Chronology

383–388

In 383, the Roman general then assigned to Britain, Magnus Maximus, launched his successful bid
for imperial power,[1] crossing to Gaul with his troops. He killed the Western Roman Emperor
Gratian and ruled Gaul and Britain as Caesar (i.e., as a "sub-emperor" under Theodosius I). 383 is
the last date for any evidence of a Roman presence in the north and west of Britain,[2] perhaps
excepting troop assignments at the tower on Holyhead Mountain in Anglesey and at western
coastal posts such as Lancaster. These outposts may have lasted into the 390s, but they were a very
minor presence.[3]

Coins dated later than 383 have been excavated along Hadrian's Wall, suggesting that troops were
not stripped from it, as once thought[4] or, if they were, they were quickly returned as soon as
Maximus had won his victory in Gaul. In the De Excidio et Conquestu Britanniae, written c. 540,
Gildas attributed an exodus of troops and senior administrators from Britain to Maximus, saying
that he left not only with all of its troops, but also with all of its armed bands, governors, and the
flower of its youth, never to return.[5]

Raids by Saxons, Picts, and the Scoti of Ireland had been ongoing in the late 4th century, but these
increased in the years after 383. There were also large-scale permanent Irish settlements made
along the coasts of Wales under circumstances that remain unclear.[6][7][8][9] Maximus
campaigned in Britain against both the Picts and Scoti,[10][11] with historians differing on whether
this was in the year 382 or 384 (i.e., whether the campaign was before or after he became Caesar).
Welsh legend relates that before launching his usurpation, Maximus made preparations for an
altered governmental and defence framework for the beleaguered provinces. Figures such as Coel
Hen were said to be placed into key positions to protect the island in Maximus's absence. As such
claims were designed to buttress Welsh genealogy and land claims, they should be viewed with
some scepticism.

In 388, Maximus led his army across the Alps into Italy in an attempt to claim the purple. The
effort failed when he was defeated in Pannonia at the Battle of the Save (in modern Croatia) and at
the Battle of Poetovio (at Ptuj in modern Slovenia). He was then executed by Theodosius.[12]

389–406

With Maximus's death, Britain came back under the rule of Emperor Theodosius I until 392, when
the usurper Eugenius made a bid for imperial power in the Western Roman Empire until 394 when
he was defeated and killed by Theodosius. When Theodosius died in 395, his 10-year-old son
Honorius succeeded him as Western Roman Emperor. The real power behind the throne, however,
was Stilicho, the son-in-law of Theodosius' brother and the father-in-law of Honorius.

Britain was suffering raids by the Scoti, Saxons, and Picts and, sometime between 396 and 398,
Stilicho allegedly ordered a campaign against the Picts,[13] likely a naval campaign intended to end
their seaborne raids on the east coast of Britain.[14] He may also have ordered campaigns against
the Scoti and Saxons at the same time,[15] but either way this would be the last Roman campaign in
Britain of which there is any record.[16]
In 401 or 402 Stilicho faced wars with the Visigothic king Alaric and the Ostrogothic king
Radagaisus. Needing military manpower, he stripped Hadrian's Wall of troops for the final
time.[15][17][18] The year 402 is the last date of any Roman coinage found in large numbers in
Britain, suggesting either that Stilicho also stripped the remaining troops from Britain, or that the
Empire could no longer afford to pay the troops who were still there.[19] Meanwhile, the Picts,
Saxons and Scoti continued their raids, which may have increased in scope. In 405, for example,
Niall of the Nine Hostages is described as having raided along the southern coast of Britain.[20]

407–410

On the last day of December 406 (or, perhaps, 405[21]), the Alans, Vandals, and Suebi living east of
Gaul crossed the Rhine, possibly when it was frozen over, and began widespread
devastation.[20][22]

As there was no effective Roman response, the remaining Roman military in Britain feared that a
Germanic crossing of the Channel into Britain was next, and dispensed with imperial authority –
an action perhaps made easier by the high probability that the troops had not been paid for some
time.[3] Their intent was to choose a commander who would lead them in securing their future but
their first two choices, Marcus and Gratian, did not meet their expectations and were killed. Their
third choice was the soldier Constantine III.[23]

In 407, Constantine took charge of the

remaining troops in Britain, led them across the
Channel into Gaul, rallied support there, and
attempted to set himself up as Western Roman
Emperor.[20] Honorius' loyalist forces south of
the Alps were preoccupied with fending off the
Visigoths and were unable to put down the
rebellion swiftly, giving Constantine the
opportunity to extend his new empire to
Gold coin of Constantine III
include Hispania.[24][25]

In 409, Constantine's control of his empire fell

apart. Part of his military forces were in Hispania, making them unavailable for action in Gaul, and
some of those in Gaul were swayed against him by loyalist Roman generals. The Germans living
west of the Rhine River rose against him, perhaps encouraged by Roman loyalists,[26][27] and those
living east of the river crossed into Gaul.[28] Britain, now without any troops for protection and
having suffered particularly severe Saxon raids in 408 and 409, viewed the situation in Gaul with
renewed alarm. Perhaps feeling they had no hope of relief under Constantine, both the Romano-
Britons and some of the Gauls expelled Constantine's magistrates in 409 or 410.[29][30][31] The
Byzantine historian Zosimus (fl. 490s – 510s) directly blamed Constantine for the expulsion,
saying that he had allowed the Saxons to raid, and that the Britons and Gauls were reduced to such
straits that they revolted from the Roman Empire, 'rejected Roman law, reverted to their native
customs, and armed themselves to ensure their own safety'.[32]

An appeal for help by the British communities was, according to Zosimus, rejected by the Emperor
Honorius in 410 AD. In the text called the Rescript of Honorius of 411, the Western Emperor
Honorius tells the British civitates to look to their own defence as his regime was still fighting
usurpers in the south of Gaul and trying to deal with the Visigoths who were in the very south of
Italy. The first reference to this rescript is written by the sixth-century Byzantine scholar Zosimus
and is located randomly in the middle of a discussion of southern Italy; no further mention of
Britain is made, which has led some, though not all, modern academics to suggest that the rescript
does not apply to Britain, but to Bruttium in Italy.[33][34][35]
Historian Christopher Snyder wrote that protocol dictated that Honorius address his
correspondence to imperial officials, and the fact that he did not implies that the cities of Britain
were now the highest Roman authority remaining on the island.[36] The idea that there may have
been larger-scale political formations still intact on the island has not been completely discredited
however.

At the time that the Rescript was sent, Honorius was holed up in Ravenna by the Visigoths and was
unable to prevent their Sack of Rome (410).[36] He was certainly in no position to offer any relief to
anyone. As for Constantine III, he was not equal to the intrigues of imperial Rome and by 411 his
cause was spent. His son was killed along with those major supporters who had not turned against
him, and he himself was assassinated.[37]

Interpretative variations
There are various interpretations that characterise the events in a way that supports a particular
thesis without taking issue with the basic chronology.

The historian Theodor Mommsen (Britain, 1885) said that "It was not Britain that gave up Rome,
but Rome that gave up Britain ...", arguing that Roman needs and priorities lay elsewhere.[38] His
position has retained scholarly support over the passage of time.

Michael Jones (The End of Roman Britain, 1998) took the opposite view, saying that it was Britain
that left Rome, arguing that numerous usurpers based in Britain combined with poor
administration caused the Romano-Britons to revolt. Certain scholars such as J. B. Bury ("The
Notitia Dignitatum" 1920) and German historian Ralf Scharf, disagreed entirely with the standard
chronology. They argued that the evidence in fact supports later Roman involvement in Britain,
post 410.

Factual disputes
Regarding the events of 409 and 410 when the Romano-
Britons expelled Roman officials and sent a request for aid to
Honorius, Michael Jones (The End of Roman Britain, 1998)
offered a different chronology to the same end result: he
suggested that the Britons first appealed to Rome and when no
help was forthcoming, they expelled the Roman officials and
took charge of their own affairs.[39]

One theory that occurs in some modern histories concerns the

Rescript of Honorius, holding that it refers to the cities of the Romano-British or Anglo-Saxon belt
Bruttii (who lived at the "toe" of Italy in modern Calabria), fittings in the Quoit Brooch Style
rather than to the cities of the Britons.[40][41][42] The from the Mucking Anglo-Saxon
suggestion is based on the assumption that the source cemetery, early 5th century, using a
(Zosimus) or a copyist made an error and actually meant mainly Roman style for very early
Brettia when Brettania was written, and noting that the Anglo-Saxon clients
passage that contains the Rescript is otherwise concerned with
events in northern Italy.

Criticisms of the suggestion range from treating the passage in the way it was written by Zosimus
and ignoring the suggestion,[43] to simply noting its speculative nature,[44] to a discussion of
problems with the suggestion (e.g., 'why would Honorius write to the cities of the Bruttii rather
than to his own provincial governor for that region?', and 'why does far-off southern Italy belong in
a passage about northern Italy any more than far-off Britain?').[45][46] The theory also contradicts
the account of Gildas, who provides independent support that the reference is to Britain by
repeating the essence of Zosimus's account and clearly applying it to Britain.[47]

E. A. Thompson ("Britain, A.D. 406–410", in Britannia, 8 (1977), pp. 303–318) offered a more
provocative theory to explain the expulsion of officials and appeal for Roman aid. He suggested
that a revolt consisting of dissident peasants, not unlike the Bagaudae of Gaul, also existing in
Britain, and when they revolted and expelled the Roman officials, the landowning class then made
an appeal for Roman aid.[48] There is no direct textual statement of this, though it might be
plausible if the definition of 'bagaudae' is changed to fit the circumstances. There is no need to do
so, as any number of rational scenarios already fit the circumstances.[49] There is the possibility
that some form of bagaudae existed in Britain, but were not necessarily relevant to the events of
409 and 410. The alleged ubiquity of Pelagianism amongst the British population may have
contributed to such a movement if it had existed, not to mention large-scale purges amongst the
British elite over previous decades. Among the works that mention but skirt the issue is Koch's
Celtic Culture (2005), which cites Thompson's translation of Zosimus and goes on to say "The
revolt in Britain may have involved bacaudae or peasant rebels as was the case in Armorica, but
this is not certain."[50]

Notes
1. Snyder 1998:13, An Age of Tyrants. Snyder cites Zosimus 4.35.2-6 and 37.1-3, and Orosius
(7.34.9-10), with the latter saying that Maximus was an unwilling usurper.
2. Frere 1987:354, Britannia, The End of Roman Britain. Specifically, Frere refers to Wales, the
western Pennines, and the fortress at Deva; he then goes on to suggest that the same was
true north of Hadrian's Wall, referring to the lands of the Damnonii, Votadini, and the Novantae.
3. Higham 1992:75, Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons, "Britain Without Rome".
4. Frere 1987:354, Britannia, The End of Roman Britain. Frere notes that excavation of coins
dated after 383 suggests that Maximus did not strip the Wall of troops.
5. Giles 1841:13, The Works of Gildas, The History, ch. 14 (https://books.google.com/books?id=3
R1mCE7p44MC&pg=PA13)
6. Laing 1975:93, Early Celtic Britain and Ireland, Wales and the Isle of Man.
7. Miller, Mollie (1977), "Date-Guessing and Dyfed", Studia Celtica, vol. 12, Cardiff: University of
Wales, pp. 33–61
8. Coplestone-Crow, Bruce (1981), "The Dual Nature of Irish Colonization of Dyfed in the Dark
Ages", Studia Celtica, vol. 16, Cardiff: University of Wales, pp. 1–24
9. Meyer, Kuno (1896), "Early Relations Between Gael and Brython" (https://books.google.com/b
ooks?id=m1kJAAAAIAAJ&pg=RA4-PA55), in Evans, E. Vincent (ed.), Transactions of the
Honourable Society of Cymmrodorion, Session 1895–1896, vol. I, London: Honourable Society
of Cymmrodorion, pp. 55–86
10. Mattingly 2006:232, An Imperial Possession. The Gallic Chronicle of 452 is cited as giving the
year 382/383.
11. Frere 1987:354, In "Britannia, The End of Roman Britain," Frere suggests that Maximus would
return to Britain in 384, after he became Augustus, to campaign against the Scoti and Picts.
12. Snyder 1998:13, Age of Tyrants. Snyder cites Sozomen 7.13, and Orosius 7.35.3-4.
13. Snyder 2003:62, The Britons. The date is given as 398. Stilicho himself was suppressing
revolts in Africa at the time.
14. Frere 1987:355, Britannia, "The End of Roman Britain".
15. Jones & Mattingly 1990:307, An Atlas of Roman Britain.
16. Mattingly 2006:238, An Imperial Possession.
17. Snyder 2003:62–63, The Britons. Stilicho had ordered measures for new fortifications in Britain
prior to removing the troops.
18. Snyder 1998:18, An Age of Tyrants. Snyder notes that the sometimes confused effort of Gildas
to relate history may contain references to Stilicho's actions in Britain. In De Excidio, ch. 16-18,
he talks of campaigns against the Scoti, Saxons and Picts, and then mistakenly says that that
is when Hadrian's Wall was built, followed by the removal of troops.
19. Snyder 1998:18, An Age of Tyrants.
20. Frere 1987:357, Britannia.
21. Michael Kulikowski, "Barbarians in Gaul, Usurpers in Britain" Britannia 31 (2000:325-345).
22. Snyder 1998:18, Age of Tyrants.
23. Snyder 1998:19, Age of Tyrants.
24. Frere 1987:358, Britannia.
25. Snyder 1998:19–20, Age of Tyrants.
26. Snyder 2003:79, The Britons.
27. Higham 1992:72, Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons, "Britain Without Rome".
28. Snyder 1998:20–21, Age of Tyrants.
29. Frere 1987:358–359, Britannia.
30. Snyder 1998:20, Age of Tyrants.
31. Higham 1992:71–72, Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons, "Britain Without Rome".
32. Snyder 1998:22, An Age of Tyrants.
33. Birley, Anthony Richard The Roman Government of Britain OUP Oxford (29 Sep 2005)
ISBN 978-0199252374 pp.461-463 [1] (https://books.google.com/books?id=izIMUEgzjm0C&dq
=bruttium+honorius&pg=PA461)
34. Halsall, Guy Barbarian Migrations and the Roman West, 376-568 Cambridge University Press;
illustrated edition (20 Dec 2007) ISBN 978-0521434911, pp. 217-18
35. Discussion in Martin Millett, The Romanization of Britain, (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1990) and in Philip Bartholomew 'Fifth-Century Facts' Britannia vol. 13, 1982, p. 260
36. Snyder 1998:21, Age of Tyrants.
37. Snyder 1998:21–22, Age of Tyrants.
38. Mommsen, Theodor (1885), "Britain" (https://books.google.com/books?id=_WAKAAAAIAAJ&p
g=PA211), The Provinces of the Roman Empire, vol. I, translated by Dickson, William P., New
York: Charles Scribner's Sons (published 1887), p. 211
39. Snyder 1998:25, Age of Tyrants.
40. Birley, Anthony (2005) The Roman Government of Britain. Oxford: Oxford University Press
ISBN 0-19-925237-8, pp. 461–463
41. Halsall, Guy Barbarian migrations and the Roman West, 376-568 Cambridge University Press;
illustrated edition (20 Dec 2007) ISBN 978-0-521-43491-1 pp.217-218
42. Discussion in Martin Millett, The Romanization of Britain, (Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press, 1990) and in Philip Bartholomew 'Fifth-Century Facts' Britannia vol. 13, 1982 p. 260
43. Frere 1987:359, Britannia, "The End of Roman Britain".
44. Higham 1992:73, Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons, "Britain Without Rome".
45. Snyder 1998:24, Age of Tyrants.
46. Woolf, Alex (2003), "The Britons: from Romans to Barbarians", in Goetz, Hans Werner; Jarnut,
Jörg; Pohl, Walter (eds.), Regna and Gentes, Brill, pp. 346–347, ISBN 90-04-12524-8. Woolf
cites the argument of E. A. Thompson but does not choose sides, saying that the issue is
neither provable nor disprovable.
47. Snyder 1998:18, Age of Tyrants. Gildas (De Excidio, 18.1) is quoted as saying "The Romans
therefore informed our country that they could not go on being bothered with such troublesome
expeditions. ... Rather, the British should stand alone, get used to arms, fight bravely, and
defend with all their powers their land."
48. Snyder 1998:22, Age of Tyrants.
49. Snyder 1998:23–24, Age of Tyrants.
50. Koch, John T., ed. (2005), "Civitas", Celtic Culture: A Historical Encyclopedia, ABL-CLIO
(published 2006), pp. 450–451, ISBN 978-1-85109-440-0

References
Frere, Sheppard Sunderland (1987), Britannia: A History of Roman Britain (3rd, revised ed.),
London: Routledge & Kegan Paul, ISBN 0-7102-1215-1
Giles, John Allen, ed. (1841), "The Works of Gildas" (https://books.google.com/books?id=3R1
mCE7p44MC&pg=PA1), The Works of Gildas and Nennius, London: James Bohn
Higham, Nicholas (1992), Rome, Britain and the Anglo-Saxons, London: B. A. Seaby, ISBN 1-
85264-022-7
Jones, Barri; Mattingly, David (1990), An Atlas of Roman Britain, Cambridge: Blackwell
Publishers (published 2007), ISBN 978-1-84217-067-0
Laing, Lloyd (1975), The Archaeology of Late Celtic Britain and Ireland, c. 400–1200 AD,
Frome: Book Club Associates (published 1977)
Mattingly, David (2006), An Imperial Possession: Britain in the Roman Empire, London:
Penguin Books (published 2007), ISBN 978-0-14-014822-0
Snyder, Christopher A. (1998), An Age of Tyrants: Britain and the Britons A.D. 400–600,
University Park: Pennsylvania State University Press, ISBN 0-271-01780-5
Snyder, Christopher A. (2003), The Britons, Malden: Blackwell Publishing, ISBN 978-0-631-
22260-6

Further reading
Esmonde Cleary, A. S. (1991). The Ending of Roman Britain. Routledge.
ISBN 9780415238984.
Gerrard, James (2013). The Ruin of Roman Britain An Archaeological Perspective. Cambridge
University Press. ISBN 9781107038639.
Halsall, Guy (2013). Worlds of Arthur Facts & Fictions of the Dark Ages. Oxford University
Press. ISBN 9780199658176.
Speed, Gavin (2014). Towns in the dark? : urban transformations from late Roman Britain to
Anglo-Saxon England. Oxford, UK: Archaeopress Archaeology. ISBN 9781784910044.

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