Norse colonization of North America

The Norse exploration of North America began in the late 10th century, when Norsemen
explored areas of the North Atlantic colonizing Greenland and creating a short term settlement
near the northern tip of Newfoundland. This is known now as L'Anse aux Meadows where the
remains of buildings were found in 1960 dating to approximately 1,000 years ago.[1][2][3] This
discovery helped reignite archaeological exploration for the Norse in the North Atlantic.[4] This
single settlement, located on the island of Newfoundland and not on the North American
mainland, was abruptly abandoned.

The Norse settlements on Greenland lasted for almost 500 years. L'Anse aux Meadows, the only
confirmed Norse site in present-day Canada,[5] was small and did not last as long. Other such
Norse voyages are likely to have occurred for some time, but there is no evidence of any Norse
settlement on mainland North America lasting beyond the 11th century.

The Norse exploration of North America has been subject to numerous controversies concerning
the European exploration and settlement of North America.[6] Pseudoscientific and pseudo-
historical theories have emerged since the public acknowledgment of these Norse expeditions and
settlements.[6]

Norse Greenland
According to the Sagas of Icelanders, Norsemen from Iceland
first settled Greenland in the 980s. There is no special reason
to doubt the authority of the information that the sagas supply
regarding the very beginning of the settlement, but they cannot
be treated as primary evidence for the history of Norse
Greenland because they embody the literary preoccupations of
writers and audiences in medieval Iceland that are not always
reliable.[7]

Erik the Red (Old Norse: Eiríkr rauði), having been banished
from Iceland for manslaughter, explored the uninhabited
southwestern coast of Greenland during the three years of his
banishment.[8][9] He made plans to entice settlers to the area,
naming it Greenland on the assumption that "people would be
more eager to go there because the land had a good name".[10]
The inner reaches of one long fjord, named Eiriksfjord after
him, was where he eventually established his estate Brattahlid.
He issued tracts of land to his followers.[11]
A map of the Eastern Settlement on
Greenland, covering approximately
the modern municipality of Kujalleq.
Eiriksfjord (Erik's fjord) and his farm
Brattahlid are shown, as is the
location of the bishopric at Gardar.

Norse Greenland consisted of two settlements. The Eastern was at the southwestern tip of
Greenland, while the Western Settlement was about 500 km up the west coast, inland from
present-day Nuuk. A smaller settlement near the Eastern Settlement is sometimes considered the
Middle Settlement. The combined population was around 2,000–3,000.[12] At least 400 farms
have been identified by archaeologists.[11] Norse Greenland had a bishopric (at Garðar) and
exported walrus ivory, furs, rope, sheep, whale and seal blubber, live animals such as polar bears,
supposed "unicorn horns" (in reality narwhal tusks), and cattle
hides. In 1126, the population requested a bishop
(headquartered at Garðar), and in 1261, they accepted the
overlordship of the Norwegian king. They continued to have
their own law and became almost completely politically
independent after 1349, the time of the Black Death. In 1380,
the Kingdom of Norway entered into a personal union with the
Kingdom of Denmark.[13]

Western trade and decline

There is evidence of Norse trade with the natives (called the

Skræling by the Norse). The Norse would have encountered Map showing the extent of the
both Native Americans (the Beothuk, related to the Algonquin) Norse world
and the Thule, the ancestors of the Inuit. The Dorset had
withdrawn from Greenland before the Norse settlement of the
island. Items such as comb fragments, pieces of iron cooking utensils and chisels, chess pieces,
ship rivets, carpenter's planes, and oaken ship fragments used in Inuit boats have been found far
beyond the traditional range of Norse colonization. A small ivory statue that appears to represent a
European has also been found among the ruins of an Inuit community house.[13]

The settlements began to decline in the 14th century. The

Western Settlement was abandoned around 1350, and the last
bishop at Garðar died in 1377.[13] After a marriage was
recorded in 1408, no written records mention the settlers. It is
probable that the Eastern Settlement was defunct by the late
15th century. The most recent radiocarbon date found in Norse
settlements as of 2002 was 1430 (±15 years).[14] Several
theories have been advanced to explain the decline.

The Little Ice Age of this period would have made travel
between Greenland and Europe, as well as farming, more
difficult; although seal and other hunting provided a healthy
diet, there was more prestige in cattle farming, and there was
Map showing the expansion of the
increased availability of farms in Scandinavian countries
Thule people (900 to 1500)
depopulated by famine and plague epidemics.[15] In addition,
Greenlandic ivory may have been supplanted in European
markets by cheaper ivory from Africa.[16] Despite the loss of contact with the Greenlanders, the
Norwegian-Danish crown continued to consider Greenland a possession.

Not knowing whether the old Norse civilization remained in Greenland or not—and worried that if
it did, it would still be Catholic 200 years after the Scandinavian homelands had experienced the
Reformation—a joint merchant-clerical expedition led by the Norwegian missionary Hans Egede
was sent to Greenland in 1721.[17] Though this expedition found no surviving Europeans, it marked
the beginning of Denmark's re-assertion of sovereignty over the island.[18]

Climate and Norse Greenland

Norse Greenlanders were limited to scattered fjords on the island that provided a spot for their
animals (such as cattle, sheep, goats, dogs, and cats) to be kept and farms to be established.[19][20]
In these fjords, the farms depended upon stables (byres) to host their livestock in the winter, and
routinely culled their herds so that they could survive the season.[19][20][21] The coming warmer
seasons meant that livestock were taken from their byres to pasture, the most fertile being
controlled by the most powerful farms and the church.[20][21][22] What was produced by livestock
and farming was supplemented with subsistence hunting of mainly seal and caribou as well as
walrus for trade.[19][20][21] The Norse mainly relied on the Nordrsetur hunt, a communal hunt of
migratory harp seals that would take place during spring.[19][22]

Trade was highly important to the Greenland Norse and they relied on imports of lumber due to
the barrenness of Greenland. In turn they exported goods such as walrus ivory and hide, live polar
bears, and narwhal tusks.[21][22] Ultimately these setups were vulnerable as they relied on
migratory patterns created by climate as well as the viability of the few fjords on the island.[20][22]
A portion of the time the Greenland settlements existed was during the Little Ice Age and the
climate was, overall, becoming cooler and more humid.[19][20][21] As climate began to cool and
humidity began to increase, this brought more storms, longer winters and shorter springs, and
affected the migratory patterns of the harp seal.[19][20][21][22] Pasture space began to dwindle and
fodder yields for the winter became much smaller. This combined with regular herd culling made it
hard to maintain livestock, especially for the poorest of the Greenland Norse.[19] Closer to the
Eastern Settlement, temperatures remained stable but a prolonged drought reduced fodder
production.[23] In spring, the voyages to where migratory harp seals could be found became more
dangerous due to more frequent storms, and the lower population of harp seals meant that
Nordrsetur hunts became less successful, making subsistence hunting extremely difficult.[19][20]
The strain on resources made trade difficult, and as time went on, Greenland exports lost value in
the European market due to competing countries and the lack of interest in what was being
traded.[22] Trade in elephant ivory began competing with the trade in walrus tusks that provided
income to Greenland, and there is evidence that walrus over-hunting, particularly of the males
with larger tusks, led to walrus population declines.[24]

In addition, it seemed that the Norse were unwilling to integrate with the Thule people of
Greenland, either through marriage or culture. There is evidence of contact as seen through the
Thule archaeological record including ivory depictions of the Norse as well as bronze and steel
artifacts. In the 20th century, there was little evidence for Thule artifacts among Norse
habitations,[19] however it is now known that Thule artifacts are found among Norse habitations,
indicating both groups acquired material goods from each other.[25] The older research posited
that it was not climate change alone that led to Norse decline, but also their unwillingness to
adapt.[19] For example, if the Norse had decided to focus their subsistence hunting on the ringed
seal (which could be hunted year round, though individually), and decided to reduce or do away
with their communal hunts, food would have been much less scarce during the winter
season.[20][21][22][26] Also, had Norse individuals used skin instead of wool to produce their
clothing, they would have been able to fare better nearer to the coast, and wouldn't have been as
confined to the fjords.[20][21][22]

However, more recent research has shown that the Norse did try to adapt in their own ways. Some
of these attempts included increased subsistence hunting. A significant number of bones of marine
animals can be found at the settlements, suggesting increased hunting with the absence of farmed
food. In addition, pollen records show that the Norse didn't always devastate the small forests and
foliage as previously thought. Instead they ensured that overgrazed or overused sections were
given time to regrow and moved to other areas. Norse farmers also attempted to adapt. With the
increased need for winter fodder and smaller pastures, they would self-fertilize their lands in an
attempt to keep up with the new demands caused by the changing climate.[27] However, even with
these attempts, climate change was not the only thing putting pressure on the Greenland Norse.
The economy was changing, and the exports they relied on were losing value.[22] Current research
suggests that the Norse were unable to maintain their settlements because of economic and
climatic change happening at the same time.[27]
A 2022 study indicates that gravitational effects from a readvance of the Southern Greenland Ice
Sheet caused a relative sea level rise of "up to ~3.3 m outside the glaciation zone during Viking
settlement, producing shoreline retreat of hundreds of meters. Sea-level rise was progressive and
encompassed the entire Eastern Settlement. Moreover, pervasive flooding would have forced
abandonment of many coastal sites. These processes likely contributed to the suite of
vulnerabilities that led to Viking abandonment of Greenland. Sea-level change thus represents an
integral, missing element of the Viking story."[28]

Vinland
According to the Icelandic sagas—Saga of Erik the Red,[29]
plus chapters of the Hauksbók and the Flatey Book—the Norse
started to explore lands to the west of Greenland only a few
years after the Greenland settlements were established. In 985,
while sailing from Iceland to Greenland with a migration fleet
consisting of 400–700 settlers[11] and 25 other ships (14 of
which completed the journey), a merchant named Bjarni
Herjólfsson was blown off course, and after three days' sailing
Leiv Eirikson Discovering America
he sighted land west of the fleet. Bjarni was only interested in
(1893) by the Norwegian naturalist
finding his father's farm, but he described his findings to Leif
painter Christian Krohg
Erikson who explored the area in more detail and planted a
small settlement fifteen years later.[11]

The sagas describe three separate areas that were explored: Helluland, which means "land of the
flat stones"; Markland, "the land of forests", definitely of interest to settlers in Greenland where
there were few trees; and Vinland, "the land of wine", found somewhere south of Markland. It was
in Vinland that the settlement described in the sagas was founded.

Markland was first mentioned in the Mediterranean area in 1345 by the Milanese friar Galvaneus
Flamma. He probably derived it from oral sources in Genoa.[30]

Leif's winter camp

Using the routes, landmarks, currents, rocks, and winds that

Bjarni had described to him, Leif sailed from Greenland
westward across the Labrador Sea, with a crew of 35—sailing
the same knarr Bjarni had used to make the voyage. He
described Helluland as "level and wooded, with broad white
beaches wherever they went and a gently sloping shoreline."[11]
Leif and others had wanted his father, Erik the Red, to lead this
expedition and talked him into it. However, as Erik attempted Graphical description of the different
to join his son Leif on the voyage towards these new lands, he sailing routes to Greenland, Vinland
fell off his horse as it slipped on the wet rocks near the shore; (Newfoundland), Helluland, (Baffin
thus he was injured and stayed behind.[11] Island) and Markland (Labrador)
travelled by different characters in
Sometime around AD 1000, Leif spent the winter, probably the Icelandic Sagas, mainly Saga of
near Cape Bauld on the northern tip of Newfoundland, where Eric the Red and Saga of the
one day his foster father Tyrker was found drunk, on what the Greenlanders. Modern English
saga describes as "wine-berries." Squashberries, gooseberries, versions of the Norse names.
and cranberries all grew wild in the area. There are varying
explanations for Leif apparently describing fermented berries
as "wine."
Leif spent another winter at "Leifsbudir" without conflict, and sailed back to Brattahlíð in
Greenland to assume filial duties to his father.

Thorvald's voyage

A couple of years later,[31] Leif's brother Thorvald Eiriksson sailed with a crew of 30 men to
Vinland and spent the following winter at Leif's camp. In the spring, Thorvald attacked nine of the
native people who were sleeping under three skin-covered canoes. The ninth victim escaped and
soon came back to the Norse camp with a force. Thorvald was killed by an arrow that succeeded in
passing through the barricade. Although brief hostilities ensued, the Norse explorers stayed
another winter and left the following spring. Subsequently, another of Leif's brothers, Thorstein,
sailed to the New World to retrieve his dead brother's body, but he died before leaving
Greenland.[11]

Karlsefni's expedition

A few years later,[31] Thorfinn Karlsefni, also known as

"Thorfinn the Valiant", supplied three ships with livestock and
160 men and women (although another source sets the number
of settlers at 250). After a cruel winter, he headed south and
landed at Straumfjörð.[32] He later moved to Straumsöy,
possibly because the current was stronger there. A sign of Summer in the Greenland coast
peaceful relations between the indigenous peoples and the circa year 1000 by Jens Erik Carl
Norsemen is noted here. The two sides bartered with furs and Rasmussen (1841–1893)
gray squirrel skins for milk and red cloth,[33] which the natives
tied around their heads as a sort of headdress.

There are conflicting stories but one account states that a bull belonging to Karlsefni came
storming out of the wood, so frightening the natives that they ran to their skin-boats and rowed
away. They returned three days later, in force. The natives used catapults, hoisting "a large sphere
on a pole; it was dark blue in color"[34] and about "the size of a sheep's stomach",[35] which flew
over the heads of the men and "made an ugly din when it struck the ground".[34]

The Norsemen retreated. Leif Erikson's half-sister Freydís Eiríksdóttir was pregnant and unable to
keep up with the retreating Norsemen. She called out to them to stop fleeing from "such pitiful
wretches", adding that if she had weapons, she could do better than that. Freydís seized the sword
belonging to a man who had been killed by the natives. She pulled one of her breasts out of her
bodice and slapped it with the sword, frightening the natives, who fled.[36][37]

Historiography
For centuries it remained unclear whether the Icelandic stories represented real voyages by the
Norse to North America. Although the idea of Norse voyages to, and a colony in, North America
was discussed by Swiss scholar Paul Henri Mallet in his book Northern Antiquities (English
translation 1770),[39] the sagas first gained widespread attention in 1837 when the Danish
antiquarian Carl Christian Rafn revived the idea of a Viking presence in North America.[40] North
America, by the name Winland, first appeared in written sources in a work by Adam of Bremen
from approximately 1075.[41] The most important works about North America and the early Norse
activities there, namely the Sagas of Icelanders, were recorded in the 13th and 14th centuries. In
1420, some Inuit captives and their kayaks were taken to
Scandinavia.[42][43] The Norse sites were depicted in the
Skálholt Map, made by an Icelandic teacher in 1570 and
depicting part of northeastern North America and mentioning
Helluland, Markland and Vinland.[44]

Evidence of the Norse west of Greenland came in the 1960s

when archaeologist Anne Stine Ingstad and her husband,
outdoorsman and author Helge Ingstad, excavated a Norse site
at L'Anse aux Meadows in Newfoundland. They found a
bronze, ring-headed pin like those the Norse used to fasten
their cloaks inside the cooking pit of one of the larger
dwellings. A stone oil lamp and a small spindle whorl, used as
the flywheel of a handheld spindle, were found inside another
building. A fragment of a bone needle believed to have been The 1590 Skálholt Map showing
used for knitting was discovered in the firepit of a third Latinized Norse placenames in
dwelling. A small, decorated brass fragment, once gilded, was North America:[38]
also discovered. Much slag formed as a by-product from the • Land of the Risi (a mythical
smelting and working of iron was found on the site along with location)
many iron boat nails or rivets.[46] • Greenland
• Helluland (Baffin Island)
In 2012 Canadian researchers identified possible signs of Norse • Markland (the Labrador Peninsula)
outposts in Nanook at Tanfield Valley on Baffin Island, as well • Land of the Skræling (location
as on Nunguvik, Willows Island, and Avayalik.[47][48][49] undetermined)
Unusual fabric cordage found on Baffin Island in the 1980s and • Promontory of Vinland (the Great
stored at the Canadian Museum of Civilization was identified in Northern Peninsula)
1999 as possibly of Norse manufacture; that discovery led to
more comprehensive exploration of the Tanfield Valley
archaeological site for points of contact between Norse
Greenlanders and the indigenous Dorset people.[50][51]

In 2021 some wood from L'Anse aux Meadows that was

chopped by an axe was dated to 1021, thus providing for the
first time a certain date with regard to the Norse presence at
the site.[52]

Pseudohistory A reconstruction of Norse buildings

at the UNESCO listed L'Anse aux
Purported runestones have been found in North America, most Meadows site in Newfoundland,
famously the Kensington Runestone. These are generally Canada. Archaeological evidence
considered forgeries or misinterpretations of Native American demonstrates that iron working,
petroglyphs.[53] There are many claims of Norse colonization in carpentry, and boat repair were
New England, none well founded. conducted at the site.[45]

Gordon Campbell's book Norse America, published in 2021,

develops his thesis that the "fleeting and ill-documented" idea that Vikings "discovered America"
quickly seduced Americans of northern European Protestant descent, some of whom went on to
deliberately manufacture evidence to support it.[54] There is no generally accepted evidence of a
Norse presence in North America except for the far east of Canada, with many so-called
discoveries, mostly in the United States, being deliberately falsified or historically baseless, with
the goal to promote a political agenda.

Monuments claimed to be Norse include:[55]

 Stone Tower in Newport, Rhode Island
Viking Altar Rock
Spirit Pond runestones
AVM Runestone
Hammer of Thor (monument)
Bourne stone
Narragansett Runestone
Maine penny
Ulen sword
Beardmore Relics
Oklahoma runestones
The petroglyphs on Dighton Rock, from the Taunton River The location of L'Anse aux
in Massachusetts Meadows in Newfoundland

Kensington Runestone

In late 1898 Swedish immigrant Olof Öhman stated that he found this rune
in Kensington, Minnesota, while clearing land he had recently acquired.[56]
He stated that the rune was lying face down and tangled in various roots
near the crest of a small knoll within an area of wetlands. After Olaus J.
Breda (1853–1916), professor of Scandinavian Languages and Literature in
the Scandinavian Department at the University of Minnesota analyzed the
inscriptions, he declared the rune-stone to be a forgery and published a
discrediting article in Symra in 1910.[57] Breda also forwarded copies of the
inscription to various contemporary Scandinavian linguists and historians,
such as Oluf Rygh, Sophus Bugge, Gustav Storm, Magnus Olsen and Adolf
Noreen. They "unanimously pronounced the Kensington inscription a
fraud and forgery of recent date".[58]
The Kensington
Runestone on display
in the Alexandria
Horsford's Norumbega
Chamber of
Commerce and
The nineteenth-century Harvard chemist Eben Norton Horsford connected
Runestone Museum.
the Charles River Basin to places described in the Norse sagas and
elsewhere, notably Norumbega.[59] He published several books on the topic
and had plaques, monuments, and statues erected in honor of the Norse.[60] His work received
little support from mainstream historians and archeologists at the time, and even less
today.[61][62][63]

Other nineteenth-century writers, such as Horsford's friend Thomas Gold Appleton, in his A Sheaf
of Papers (1875), and George Perkins Marsh, in his The Goths in New England, seized upon such
false notions of Viking expansion history also to promote the superiority of white people (as well as
to oppose the Catholic Church). Such misuse of Viking history and imagery reemerged in the
twentieth century among some groups promoting white supremacy.[64]

Vinland Map

During the mid-1960's Yale University announced the acquisition of a map purportedly drawn
around 1440 that showed Vinland and a legend concerning Norse voyages to the region.[65]
However certain experts doubted the authenticity of the map, based on linguistic and cartographic
inconsistencies. Chemical analysis of the map's ink later shed
further doubts on its authenticity. Scientific debate continued
until in 2021 the university finally acknowledged that the
Vinland Map is a forgery.[66]

Misattributed archeological findings

Archeological findings in 2015 at Point Rosee,[67][68] on the

southwest coast of Newfoundland, were originally thought to Vinland map
reveal evidence of a turf wall and the roasting of bog iron ore,
and therefore a possible 10th century Norse settlement in
Canada.[69] Findings from the 2016 excavation suggest the turf wall and the roasted bog iron ore
discovered in 2015 were the result of natural processes.[70] The possible settlement was initially
discovered through satellite imagery in 2014,[71] and archaeologists excavated the area in 2015 and
2016.[71][69] Birgitta Linderoth Wallace, one of the leading experts of Norse archaeology in North
America and an expert on the Norse site at L'Anse aux Meadows, is unsure of the identification of
Point Rosee as a Norse site.[72] Archaeologist Karen Milek was a member of the 2016 Point Rosee
excavation and is a Norse expert. She also expressed doubt that Point Rosee was a Norse site as
there are no good landing sites for their boats and there are steep cliffs between the shoreline and
the excavation site.[73] In their 8 November 2017, report[74] Sarah Parcak and Gregory Mumford,
co-directors of the excavation, wrote that they "found no evidence whatsoever for either a Norse
presence or human activity at Point Rosee prior to the historic period"[68] and that "none of the
team members, including the Norse specialists, deemed this area as having any traces of human
activity."[67]

Duration of Norse contact

Settlements in continental North America aimed to exploit natural resources such as furs and in
particular lumber, which was in short supply in Greenland.[75] It is unclear why the short-term
settlements did not become permanent, though it was likely in part because of hostile relations
with the indigenous peoples, referred to as the Skræling by the Norse.[76] Nevertheless, it appears
that sporadic voyages to Markland for forages, timber, and trade with the locals could have lasted
as long as 400 years.[77][78]

James Watson Curran writes:

From 985 to 1410, Greenland was in touch with the world. Then silence. In 1492 the
Vatican noted that no news of that country "at the end of the world" had been received
for 80 years, and the bishopric of the colony was offered to a certain ecclesiastic if he
would go and "restore Christianity" there. He didn't go.[79]

See also
Pre-Columbian trans-oceanic contact theories
Vestri Obygdir
History of Greenland
Gunnbjörn's skerries
History of Nunavut
History of Newfoundland
 Danish-Norwegian colonization of the Americas
Leif Erikson Day
Akilineq
Waquoit Bay
Wonderstrands
Vinland flag
White Amazonian Indians

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External links
L'Anse aux Meadows National Historic Site (https://parks.canada.ca/lhn-nhs/nl/meadows),
Parks Canada website
The Norse in the North Atlantic (http://www.heritage.nf.ca/articles/exploration/norse-north-atlant
ic.php), Newfoundland and Labrador Heritage website
Freda Harold Research Papers (https://archives-manuscripts.dartmouth.edu/repositories/2/res
ources/1123) at Dartmouth College Library

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