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Adolescent Development For Educators 1st Edition Ebook PDF
Adolescent Development For Educators 1st Edition Ebook PDF
Adolescent Development For Educators 1st Edition Ebook PDF
Urdan Anderman
DEVELOPMENT
for Educators
Allison M. Ryan Timothy C. Urdan Eric M. Anderman
“This text conveys the experience of classroom teachers with many concrete examples,
realistic vignettes, and helpful guidelines for what educators can do. The content is
organized around many real-world issues and educational applications of the adolescent
experience. The research support is comprehensive and current. What Educators Can Do
sections are very practical and applicable. Students will enjoy this feature.”
—Lynda Randall, California State University, Fullerton
“The biggest strengths [of this text] are the focus on educators and how they can facilitate
growth and development and enhance learning among adolescents. I believe this is an
excellent text for educators. . . .”
—Farah Ibrahim, University of Colorado Denver
“I love the organization and the pull back to the classroom application, especially that it is
woven in versus saved for the end of each chapter. That is very appealing to me as it will
ADOLESCENT
be to any current teacher who feels that some books are too rooted in theory. . . . This is
much more accessible than most textbooks, and it has much more likelihood of being read
and read carefully by students in the class. It seems more practical and meaningful versus
a book that merely mentions the classroom applications.”
DEVELOPMENT
—Steve Kucinski, The Ohio State University & Otterbein University
“The key strengths of the chapters and the book overall is the focus on educators. . . . I like
the clear, consistent writing style throughout all of the chapters. . . . I would likely give
serious attention to adopting this text because of the attention to secondary educators. . . .”
—M. Cecil Smith, West Virginia University
for Educators
www.pearsonhighered.com
Allison M. Ryan Timothy C. Urdan Eric M. Anderman
Preface
vii
topics are applicable to future and practicing educators. In the first chapter, we
introduce some introductory and historical information about adolescence, and we
elaborate on how the study of adolescence can greatly benefit educators.
The second chapter focuses on physical development during adolescence.
Whereas some educators do not believe that effective instruction is related to their
students’ physiological development, much recent research indicates that student
learning is related to physical development. An understanding of the patterns and
types of changes that occur in the human body and brain during adolescence allows
educators to better understand their adolescent students’ behaviors and challenges
and to adapt instruction at times in order to facilitate teaching and learning. We fo-
cus in particular in this chapter on the implications of physiological development in
terms of adolescents’ self-perceptions, social interactions, cognitive development,
and overall health and well-being. We offer strategies for how educators can use
this information to enhance student learning and motivation.
In the third chapter, we examine various aspects of cognitive development.
Specifically, we emphasize that cognitive development is not always a linear, en-
tirely predictable process. Using recent research as well as more classical theoret-
ical perspectives (e.g., Piaget), we examine the ways in which cognitive processes
develop, focusing in particular on how instruction can be adapted in order to focus
on adolescents’ current abilities and strengths, and to facilitate cognitive growth.
The fourth chapter focuses on social and moral development. We examine in
detail how adolescents’ thinking about social and moral issues changes over time.
We also examine how adolescents’ ability to understand and appreciate diverse
perspectives develops. A section of this chapter is devoted to an examination of
service learning (volunteerism); service learning is growing in popularity in schools
serving adolescents. Nevertheless, in order for service learning to yield its intended
effects, it is essential for educators to understand how it functions within their stu-
dents’ levels of moral and social reasoning. Finally, we discuss academic cheating;
we examine its causes, as well as strategies aimed at prevention of cheating.
In the fifth chapter we examine identity and self-perceptions. Adolescents en-
gage in much exploration about “who they are” and “whom they want to be” as
adults. This period of exploration is influenced by peers, gender, family, ethnicity,
and numerous other variables. In addition to reviewing contemporary research on
this topic, we examine the ways in which educators can help adolescents to ne-
gotiate their struggles with identity, and to channel that energy into productive
learning in school.
In Chapter 6, we discuss families. Rather than thinking of adolescents’ families
as being removed from students’ experiences at school, we examine the current
status of family structures and family life, and focus in particular on how they are
related to students’ school experiences. Educators often complain that parents are
not involved enough in schools; we argue that with a more complete understand-
ing of family dynamics and family life, educators can more effectively work with
families as partners both inside and outside of the school.
In the seventh chapter, we examine the roles of media and technology. We now
live in a world in which adolescents are constantly connected to their friends, their
families, and literally the entire world. Rather than seeing technology as an enemy
and a burden, we examine its role in the social and academic lives of adolescents.
We offer a realistic portrayal of ways in which educators can acknowledge and in-
corporate new technologies into academia (in a balanced way).
The eighth chapter is about peers and peer relationships. All educators of ad-
olescents acknowledge the tremendous influence of peers on virtually all aspects
of adolescent life. We focus first on helping educators to understand the com-
plexities of peer relationships and peer influences. We pay particular attention to
social-emotional learning (which is currently very popular among educators), and
to bullying and victimization. We again focus on what classroom teachers can do to
promote climates in their classrooms and schools that are conducive to the devel-
opment of positive peer relationships.
We devote the entire ninth chapter to the school experience. In the first half of
the chapter, we examine adolescent motivation in detail. We focus on motivation
because many of the behavioral problems that occur in schools serving adolescents
can be avoided if students are optimally engaged with their work. In addition, many
adolescents with the cognitive skills to succeed in school fail to do so because they
are not motivated to achieve. There are many urban myths about how to effectively
motivate students, so we focus in particular on research-based strategies. In the
second half of the chapter, we focus on other aspects of schools and classrooms that
affect learning (e.g., school size, school location, transitions into new schools, etc.).
When educators understand the research on how these variables affect learning,
they can adjust instructional practices and curriculum to meet the needs of their
students.
In Chapter 10, we turn to adolescent sexuality and romantic relationships. An
understanding of these issues can greatly aid educators in their interactions with
students. Sexuality and relationships are extraordinarily important parts of adoles-
cents’ lives, and when our students enter into our classrooms, we can’t just “turn off”
their thoughts, anxieties, and intentions with regard to sexuality. Rather, we need
to acknowledge students’ feelings and experiences, and help them as best we can
to negotiate these feelings and to balance this new part of their lives with their ac-
ademic learning. Moreover, there are many risks associated with dating and sexual
behaviors, and educators can help adolescents understand these risks and develop
strategies for avoiding them.
Concerns about the mental health and well-being of adolescents are growing.
Whereas some may argue that today’s adolescents are more troubled than adoles-
cents of the past, others would argue that our society is perhaps just more aware
of these issues, and more willing to acknowledge and discuss them. In Chapter 11,
we examine this in some detail. As educators, you will often be on the front lines
in terms of observing when your students are experiencing various problems. An
understanding of some of the mental health and substance abuse issues that arise
during adolescence is essential for educators, so that we can both help them to deal
more effectively with their studies, and so that we can refer them for support when
necessary.
The final chapter focuses on the transition from high school. We devote part
of this chapter to an examination of emerging adolescence (the period from about
the ages of 18 through 29). We also discuss the various transitions that adolescents
make after graduation. Whereas some do transition into four-year colleges, many
of our students choose other options (e.g., entering the workforce, the military, or
attending a community college). We examine these various choices, and discuss
strategies that educators can use to support their students as they consider options
for their futures.
Taken together, the chapters in this book cover the major developments of
adolescence and into early adulthood, ranging from physical changes to cognitive
growth and from social relationships to mental health challenges. The various
contexts of development are considered, including intra-individual, peer, fam-
ily, school, and the broader society. Perhaps most importantly, this book goes
beyond presenting information about adolescent development to consider how
educators can understand and use this information to help adolescents navigate
the challenges of this period of life and thrive, both in school and beyond school
walls. Adolescence is a truly dynamic period of life, and by understanding devel-
opment during this period, and the challenges and opportunities this develop-
ment provides, educators can improve their interactions with students and help
their students grow.
Ancillary Materials
The following resources are available for instructors to download on
www.pearsonhighered.com/educators. Instructors can enter the author or title of
this book, select this particular edition of the book, and then click on the “Resources”
tab to log in and download textbook supplements.
Test Bank. The test bank includes multiple choice and essay questions for each
of the chapters.
TestGen. TestGen is a powerful test generator that you install on your computer
and use in conjunction with the TestGen testbank file for your text. Assessments,
including equations, graphs, and scientific notation, may be created for both print
or testing online.
TestGen is available exclusively from Pearson Education publishers. You install
TestGen on your personal computer (Windows or Macintosh) and create your own
tests for classroom testing and for other specialized delivery options, such as over
a local area network or on the web. A test bank, which is also called a Test Item File
(TIF), typically contains a large set of test items, organized by chapter and ready for
your use in creating a test, based on the associated textbook material. The tests can
be downloaded in the following formats:
xiii
1 Introduction to Adolescence 2
2 Physical Development 14
6 Families 140
8 Peers 200
xv
1 Introduction to Adolescence
Introduction 3
2
Defining Adolescence 4
Cultural Variations 5
The Lives of Adolescents 6
Frameworks for Conceptualizing Adolescent Development 7
The Bio-Psycho-Social Model 8
Systems Theories 9
Framing of This Book 10
Why This Book? 11
Structure of the Book 11
Chapter 2: Physical Development 11
Chapter 3: Cognitive and Intellectual Development 11
Chapter 4: Social and Moral Development 12
Chapter 5: Identity and Self-Perceptions 12
Chapter 6: Families 12
Chapter 7: Technology and Media 12
Chapter 8: Peers 13
Chapter 9: Motivation, Classrooms, and Schools 13
Chapter 10: Sexuality and Romantic Relationships 13
Chapter 11: Mental Health, Coping Strategies, and Problems 13
Chapter 12: Moving into Adulthood 13
2 Physical Development
Introduction 15
14
xvii
6 Families 140
Introduction 141
Overview of the Chapter 142
Changing Circumstances of Adolescents and Families in Society 142
Adolescents and Divorce 143
8 Peers 200
Introduction 201
Overview of the Chapter 202
Friends 202
Changes in Friendship During Adolescence 204
Friendship Provisions and Friendship Quality 207
Cross-Ethnic and Same-Ethnic Friendships 209
What Educators Can Do 210
Peer Groups 211
Changes in Peer Groups in Adolescence 211
Peer Influence 213
Susceptibility to Peer Influence in Adolescence 214
Teachers’ Attunement to Peer Groups 215
What Educators Can Do 216
Crowds 217
Changes in Crowds During Adolescence 218
Popularity 219
Peer Acceptance 219
Popular Reputation 220
Changes in Characteristics Associated with Popularity
During Adolescence 222
What Educators Can Do 223
Bullying, Aggression, and Victimization 224
Changes in Bullying During Adolescence 226
What Educators Can Do 227
Conditions That Affect Bullying 227
Supporting Students’ Peer Relationships at School 229
Social-Emotional Learning Programs 229
The Emotionally Supportive Classroom 230
What Educators Can Do 232
Recommendations for Educators 234
Conclusion 235
Glossary 345
References 355
Name Index 397
Subject Index 407
Introduction to
Adolescence
Learning Outcomes
1.1 You will be able to trace the evolution of the devel- 1.3 You will be able to differentiate between bio-
opmental period known as adolescence. psycho-social theories and systems theories of ado-
1.2 You will be able to describe the changes inherent in lescent development.
adolescent development and the issues that many
adolescents face in contemporary society.
>>>
RALPH Ralph would see his freshman English teacher and think
Ralph was so proud of the B+ average he earned in wistfully of writing for the school newspaper. But Ralph
his first year in high school. He struggled a little with knew that writing for the paper was not in the cards for
algebra, but excelled in English. Ralph’s English teacher him. Indeed, Ralph could not manage just his classes in
recommended that he think about getting involved in combination with his work and family obligations. Ralph
the school newspaper the following year. At the end of didn’t return to high school his junior year.
his freshman year, Ralph was enthusiastic about school
and looking forward to his sophomore year. However, ANIKA
his positive attitude dissipated over the summer when Anika’s head hurts from studying. She didn’t get home
his family experienced a series of challenges that put in- from her away soccer game until 9:00 p.m. and got a
creasing pressure on Ralph to be a caretaker and contrib- late start on her homework. It is almost midnight, and
ute to family finances. His mom’s health declined as her she is exhausted. She is almost done with her biology
symptoms associated with multiple sclerosis worsened. lab report, but she still has to study for her Spanish test
His dad moved away, supposedly to take advantage of tomorrow. She had hoped to get through the extra-credit
better work opportunities in another city, but the checks problems for geometry tonight, but she decides to save
he sent home were few and far between. That summer, that work until tomorrow’s study hall. Her mother comes
Ralph assumed increasing responsibility for his 10-year- to her door and tells her she needs to go to sleep. Anika
old brother and for paying the bills. Ralph was able to is familiar with her mother’s lecture on the importance of
get a full-time job at the local supermarket, and when sleep, but she won’t go to bed until she gets her work
fall came around, his manager was able to switch him done. Despite what her mom says about sleep, she
to the late shift to accommodate his school schedule. knows her parents want her to keep up her straight A’s
Although Ralph continued to get B grades in his courses and get into a prestigious university. After all, it was her
during the first quarter of the academic year, he started parents who encouraged her to take so many honors and
to miss school fairly often because he was so exhausted. Advanced Placement classes. Anika can’t wait until the
His average fell to a low C by the middle of the year, school year is over. It is such a grind. She can’t remember
>>>
and he was failing several classes by April. Sometimes, the last time she just hung out with friends and had fun.
Defining Adolescence
The definition and meaning of adolescence is something that varies considerably
by cultural context and by historical period. Although we generally think of ado-
lescence as a period of development that roughly covers the teenage years, it is
important to note that the concept of an adolescent period of development is a
social construction, and a fairly recent one. As such, it is a concept that is riddled
with contradictions. Does adolescence begin with the onset of the physical changes
associated with puberty? Some children experience these changes before their 10th
birthdays, and others not until well into their teenage years. The cognitive devel-
opment associated with the adolescent period continues well into the early 20s, yet
we rarely consider a 22- or 23-year-old an adolescent. In the United States, indi-
viduals are considered to be legal adults when they turn 18 years old, even though
many physical, cognitive, and social changes associated with adolescence are still
occurring at that age. So what is adolescence? And what are the forces that led to
the creation of the concept?
Although the odd period of development between childhood and adulthood
was discussed as far back as Plato’s days in ancient Greece, it was not commonly
recognized, or named, as a separate period of development until the industrializa-
tion of the Western world occurred. As work moved off the farm and into industrial
hubs (i.e., cities), a number of changes transformed the educational and working
lives of inhabitants. Some of these changes had the effect of creating a distinct
period of development between childhood and adulthood that came to be known
as adolescence.
One of the important changes that accompanied the Industrial Revolution at the
end of the 19th and beginning of the 20th centuries was the creation of child labor
laws (Tyack, 1990). Industrialists’ thirst for cheap and manageable labor (i.e., workers
who would not go on strike) led to the hiring and exploitation of many children and
early adolescents. In the United States, there were no federal laws regulating child
labor until 1916 (University of Iowa Labor Center and Center for Human Rights,
2015). Until then, states set their own child labor laws, and some states set few if any
restrictions on child labor well into the 20th century. But activists concerned with the
debilitating consequences of children working long hours for little pay in unhealthy
environments, such as mines and factories, began raising awareness of the issue.
Ultimately, this activism led to the passage of child labor laws restricting how many
hours children and adolescents could work, the kind of work they could do, and how
much they must be paid, at minimum. The first set of federal child labor laws to be
passed and not overturned as unconstitutional by the Supreme Court was the Fair
Labor Standards Act of 1938 (General Records of the United States Government,
1916). This act set curbs on the number of hours that early adolescents could work,
creating a distinct period of adolescent development in the eyes of labor laws.
A second, related development establishing adolescence was the expansion of
compulsory education. As the world became more technologically advanced during
the Industrial Revolution, more states began passing laws requiring students to stay
in school for more years (Tyack, 1990). This extended period of education, along with
child labor laws, created a more distinct period of development in which adolescents’
daily lives were less likely to be filled with adult-like roles of work or apprenticeship.
As adolescents (and adults) moved to cities for work, and as child labor laws
reduced the number of hours adolescents spent at work, there were more oppor-
tunities for adolescents to become involved in delinquent behaviors. These delin-
quent acts were a source of concern for many states, and the desire to curb them
was strong. However, there was also a growing recognition that adolescents—who
had always been treated like adults in criminal proceedings—were different from
adults. As this recognition grew, activists worked to create a juvenile justice system
that treated children and adolescents differently from adults. Juvenile courts were
established, as was juvenile hall as an alternative to prison for housing more serious
juvenile offenders.
Part of the reason for the increasing awareness of adolescence as a period
of development that is distinct from childhood and adulthood was the work of
scholars conducting research on adolescent populations around the beginning of
the 20th century. The most notable of these was G. Stanley Hall, widely consid-
ered the father of the study of adolescence. In 1904 Hall published a two-volume
book about adolescent development. In this book, he described the physiological,
romantic, educational, and criminological development particular to the adolescent
period (Hall, 1904). Many of the ideas first presented in this book are still being
discussed and studied today, such as the link between adolescent impulsivity and
crime, and whether adolescence is a biologically based period of heightened stress
and emotionality (i.e., the storm-and-stress view). Although Hall had some inter-
esting ideas that have since been discredited (e.g., he seemed to be quite interested
in the evils of masturbation), his work and ideas were an important reason that
adolescence became recognized as a distinct period of development.
Cultural Variations
In the majority culture in the United States, there are few clear markers of the tran-
sition from childhood to adolescence, or from adolescence to adulthood. There are
certain transitions built into social structures and laws (e.g., starting middle school,
graduating from high school, turning 18, turning 21), but for the most part the entry
and exit into and out of adolescence is nebulous. But in many cultures, including
some within the United States, there are rituals designed specifically to mark the
end of childhood and the beginning of adolescence or adulthood. For example,
in many tribal societies there are rituals that involve acts of strength or courage,
body piercings or markings, celebrations, and the adolescent moving out of the
childhood home. In the United States, different cultures mark the end of childhood
and the beginning of adolescence/adulthood with religious rituals (e.g., bar mitz-
vah or bat mitzvah in the Jewish tradition, confirmation in the Catholic tradition),
or with rituals designed to present adolescent girls as ready for the broader roles
of early adulthood (e.g., a quinceañera for 15-year-old girls from families of Latin
MyEdLab Self-Check 1.1 American descent, a debutante ball for wealthy or aristocratic teenage girls, a sweet
MyEdLab 16 party for whomever wants one). Most of these traditions date back to the days
Application Exercise 1.1 before adolescence was truly considered a separate period, and marked the age
Theories of Adolescent that children were now deemed ready to take on more adult roles, such as getting
Development Consider how the married (for the girls) or becoming full-fledged members of religious communities.
bio-psycho-social model and
systems theories of development
As modern society and globalization have extended the period between the end
can help to explain this adoles- of childhood and the beginning of adulthood, many of these rituals are considered
cent boy’s thoughts, feelings, more as celebratory markers of growing up than as indicators of adolescents’ read-
and behaviors. iness to assume adult roles.
Health Of adolescents aged 12–17, 6.6% smoked cigarettes in past month. Centers for Disease Control (2014)
Almost 1 out of 4 high school seniors drank some alcohol during U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
the past month. (2015)
Nutrition Of individuals with an eating disorder, 95% are between the ages National Association of Anorexia Nervosa and
of 12 and 25.8. Associated Disorders (2015)
Of adolescents aged 12–19, 18.4% are obese. Centers for Disease Control (2015)
Poverty In 2013, 20% of children lived in families with incomes below the Child Trends (2014)
poverty line.
Adolescents from low-income households are more likely to U.S. Department of Health and Human Services
engage in risky behaviors and to have sex before the age of 16 than (2009)
are adolescents from middle-income households.
understand that human development and behavior are more complex than that.
From a less scientific and more person-oriented perspective, these explanations of
Anika’s, Ralph’s and John’s behaviors are unsatisfying because they reduce these
behaviors to simple cause-and-effect, mechanistic outcomes.
Psychologists have produced numerous theoretical frameworks for interpret-
ing and understanding developmental processes. In this book, we employ two of
them: The bio-psycho-social model and systems theories.
doing to his career and earning potential by dropping out of school at age 16. Indeed,
hanging out with coworkers who are older may get Ralph involved in drinking alco-
hol and experimenting with drugs, and these may actually impair the development of
his brain and weaken his capacity for planning and foresight.
Each piece of the bio-psycho-social model has multiple components, and each
piece of the model influences, and is influenced by, the other pieces. In the social part
of the model, for example, there are friends, family, teachers, messages in the larger
society, and cultural influences. This model emphasizes the major areas of develop-
ment and reminds those who study adolescent development that that major areas of
development are in constant interaction with one another and influence one another
in direct and reciprocal ways. As teachers, we need to remember that physiological,
psychological, and social variables all contribute to our students’ complex lives.
Systems Theories
Systems theories are similar to the bio-psycho-social model in that they recognize
development and behavior as being influenced by several factors at once, and rec-
ognize that those factors influence one another. Systems theories assume that ado-
lescents are part of a complex system, and that each part of the system can influence
other parts in the system. In addition, each context in which the adolescent operates
is, itself, a system. For example, the family an adolescent lives with is a system. If the
parents in the system have an argument and are angry with each other, they may
be short-tempered with their children and snap at them. This may cause the chil-
dren to argue with each other, and their bickering may further enrage their parents.
In addition to the reciprocal influences within a subsystem such as the family, the MyEdLab
subsystems in the adolescent’s life can affect one another. Suppose the adolescent’s Video Example 1.2
mother gets a nice raise at work, comes home feeling happy, and takes the rest of the Subsystems are contexts in
family out to dinner to celebrate, causing everyone’s mood to improve and resulting which an adolescent lives.
Family, friends, and community
in harmony among the siblings, at least for a night.
are subsystems in this boy’s
Bronfenbrenner proposed an ecological model of a system focused on how indi- environment.
viduals develop within a multilayered social and environmental system (Bronfen-
brenner and Morris, 2006). He called his model a bioecological model (a revision of
his earlier ecological systems theory model; Bronfenbrenner, 1989), and the levels
of the model include the individual; close social systems within which the individual
operates, such as family, school, and close friends (the microsystem); linkages and
processes that take place between two or more microsystems (the mesosystem); a
larger social system that includes extended family, the neighborhood, and commu-
nity organizations (the exosystem); and the larger society and culture in which one
lives (the macrosystem). This model is presented in Figure 1.2.
Another systems approach, dynamic systems theory, emphasizes the
ever-changing nature of the system within which adolescents operate, and the
adjustments that individuals make to adapt to the changing system (Fischer &
Bidell, 2006; Fogel & Garvey, 2007). Dynamic systems theorists argue that the sys-
tem is constantly changing and adapting as those within it change. For example,
when an adolescent gets his driver’s license, he may gain a sense of independence
that changes his perception of how much autonomy his parents should grant him.
His parents, however, may respond to his new license with apprehension, because
a new danger (their son driving) has been introduced. The parents’ fear causes them
to impose new restrictions on him (e.g., a strict curfew, location monitoring through
his cell phone, etc.), causing conflict between the adolescent and his parents. With
the family system now out of balance, all the members of the system will have to
adapt so that the system can reorganize and function smoothly.
Let’s consider how we might apply systems theories to the story of Anika that
appeared at the beginning of the chapter. She is working herself to the point of exhaus-
tion in her quest to excel in school and gain entry into a top college. How might we
understand this behavior from a systems perspective? First, we might note the salient
FIGURE 1.2
Bronfenbrenner’s
Bioecological Model
Macrosystem:
Attitudes and ideologies of
Source: Based on Bronfenbren- the culture
ner, U., & Morris, P. A. (2006). The
bioecological model of human
development. In R. M. Lerner (Ed.), Exosystem:
Handbook of Child Psychology, Parent work, social services, mass
Vol. 1: Theoretical Models of media, local police, neighbors
Human Development (6th ed.,
pp. 793–828). Hoboken, NJ: Wiley.
Mesosystem:
Associations among the
microsystems
Microsystem:
Family, peers, school, church,
health services, etc.
Individual:
Sex, age, health, genes,
personality
subsystems within which Anika operates. These include her intrapsychic life (i.e., her
goals, her personality, her identity), her family, her peer network, and her school system,
among others. In her family system, Anika’s role may be that of super-academic-
achiever, perhaps because she showed great promise as a child and perhaps because her
older siblings had already taken the roles of great athlete and temperamental artist, for
example. Striving to make her own mark, and with the encouragement/pressure of her
parents, Anika may have developed personal goals and an identity consistent with those
of an academic star. At school, Anika has always received good grades and recognition
for her academic accomplishments. These accomplishments in her school system have
reinforced her identity as academically oriented and her family’s perceptions of her as
an academic star. When these subsystems are considered within a larger societal sys-
tem that places tremendous pressure on adolescents to be super-achievers who should
accept nothing less than admission to an Ivy League school, Anika feels compelled to
push herself to the brink of exhaustion. Teachers who are aware of the multiple systems
that are influencing students’ daily lives can be more supportive of students like Anika.
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.