Criminal Behavior A Psychological Approach 11th Edition

Criminal Behavior: A Psychological
Approach (11th Edition)

Visit to download the full and correct content document:
https://ebookmass.com/product/criminal-behavior-a-psychological-approach-11th-editi
on/
Contents 7
Lack of Empathy 68
Cognitive and Language Deficiencies 70
Intelligence and Delinquency 71
Attention Deficit Hyperactivity Disorder 73
■■Box 2-2: ADHD: Which Treatment to Use? 74
ADHD and Criminal Behavior 75
Conduct Disorder 76
Oppositional Defiant Disorder 77
Summary and Conclusions 78
Key Concepts 80 • Review Questions 80
Chapter 3 orIgIns of CrImInal BehavIor: BIologICal

faCtors 81
Chapter Objectives 81
Genetics and Antisocial Behavior 82
Behavior Genetics 82
Studies of Twins 83
The Twins’ Early Development Study 85
Twin Study of Child and Adolescent Development 86
Adoption Studies 86
Molecular Genetics 88
Psychophysiological Factors 88
Temperament 89
Environmental Risk Factors 92
Neurotoxins 92
Lead 93
Cadmium 94
Manganese 95
Mercury (Methlymercury) 95
Protective Properties of Micronutrients 96
Prenatal and Postnatal Malnutrition 97
■■Box 3-1: Malnutrition in Infants 97
Nicotine, Alcohol, and Drug Exposure 98
Traumatic Brain Injury 100
Brain Development Abnormalities 101
Hormones and Neurotransmitters 102
Neuropsychological Factors 102
Chapter 4 orIgIns of CrImInal BehavIor: learnIng

and sItuatIonal faCtors 105
Behaviorism 107
Skinner’s Theory of Behavior 108
8 Contents
Behaviorism as a Method of Science 108

Behaviorism as a Perspective of Human Nature 109
Skinnerian Concepts 109
Operant Learning and Crime 110
Social Learning 111
Expectancy Theory 112
Imitational Aspects of Social Learning 113
Differential Association-Reinforcement Theory 114
Frustration-Induced Criminality 116
The Socialized and Individual Offender 116
Frustration-Induced Riots 117
Frustration and Crime 118
Situational Instigators and Regulators of Criminal
Behavior 118
Authority as an Instigator of Criminal Behavior 119
■■Box 4-1: National Security Interrogations—Psychology’s Role 122
Deindividuation 123
The Stanford Prison Experiment 125
The BBC Prison Study 126
Deindividuation and Crowd Violence 127
The Bystander Effect 128
■■Box 4-2: Do Security Cameras Affect Bystander Apathy? 130
Moral Disengagement 131
Chapter 5 human aggressIon and vIolenCe 135

Defining Aggression 136
Hostile and Instrumental Aggression 137
■■Box 5-1: Aggression in Recent High Profile Cases 137
Interpretation by Victim 139
Theoretical Perspectives on Aggression 139
Psychoanalytical/Psychodynamic Viewpoint 140
Ethological Viewpoints 140
Frustration-Aggression Hypothesis 141
Weapons Effect 142
Cognitive-Neoassociation Model 143
Excitation Transfer Theory 143
Displaced Aggression Theory 144
Social Learning Factors in Aggression and Violence 144
Modeling 145
Observation Modeling 146
Contents 9
Cognitive Models of Aggression 147

Cognitive Scripts Model 147
Hostile Attribution Model 147
■■Box 5-2: Dealing With Anger—What Works and for Whom? 150
The General Aggression Model 151
I³ Theory 152
Overt and Covert Acts of Aggression 152
Reactive and Proactive Forms of Aggression 153
Gender Differences in Aggression 154
Effects of Media Violence 155
Copycat Crime or Contagion Effect 158
■■Box 5-3: Copycat Gamers 159
Chapter 6 JuvenIle delInquenCy 164

Definitions of Delinquency 165
Legal Definition 165
Social Definition 166
Psychological Definitions 166
Nature and Extent of Juvenile Offending 167
Status Offenses 169
The Serious Delinquent 170
Gender Differences in Juvenile Offending 170
Developmental Theories of Delinquency 173
Moffitt’s Developmental Theory 174
■■Box 6-1: Emerging Adulthood as a Developmental Stage 176
Steinberg’s Dual Systems Model 179
Coercion Developmental Theory 180
Callous-Unemotional Trait Theory 182
Prevention, Intervention, and Treatment of Juvenile
Offending 183
Treatment and Rehabilitation Strategies 183
Characteristics of Successful Programs 184
■■Box 6-2: Gender Responsive Programming 185
Classification of Prevention and Treatment Programs 187
Primary Prevention 189
Selective or Secondary Prevention 190
■■Box 6-3: The Fast Track Experiment 191
Treatment Approaches 192
10 Contents
Chapter 7 psyChopathy 200

What Is a Psychopath? 201
Antisocial Personality Disorder 201
Examples of Primary Psychopaths 202
Behavioral Descriptions 203
Behavioral Characteristics 204
Psychological Testing Differences 205
Psychopaths and Mental Disorders 205
Psychopaths and Suicide 205
Other Principal Traits 206
The Criminal Psychopath 207
Prevalence of Criminal Psychopathy 208
Offending Patterns of Criminal Psychopaths 208
Recidivism of Criminal Psychopaths 209
Psychological Measures of Psychopathy 209
The PCL-R 210
Criticisms of the PCL-R 211
■■Box 7-1: Corporate Psychopaths 211
Core Factors of Psychopathy 212
The Two-Factor Position 212
The Three-Factor Position 213
The Four-Factor Model 213
The Boldness Factor 213
The Meanness Factor 214
The Female Psychopath 214
Racial/Ethnic Differences 215
Juvenile Psychopathy 216
Can Juvenile Psychopathy Be Identified? 216
■■Box 7-2: Treating Adolescents with Psychopathic Features 217
Ethical Considerations 218
Measures of Juvenile Psychopathy 219
Neurobiological Factors and Psychopathy 220
Genetic Factors 220
Neuropsychology and Psychopathy 220
Central Nervous System Differences 221
Peripheral Nervous System (PNS) Research 224
Autonomic Nervous System Research 225
The Dual-Process Model of Psychopathy 228
Childhood of the Psychopath 229
Treatment of Criminal Psychopaths 230
Treatment of Children and Adolescents with Psychopathic
Features 231
Contents 11

Chapter 8 CrIme and mental dIsorders 235

Defining Mental Illness 238
The DSM 238
Schizophrenia Spectrum and Other Psychotic Disorders 239
Bipolar Disorder 240
Major Depressive Disorder 241
Antisocial Personality Disorder 241
■■Box 8-1: Does Serious Mental Disorder Cause Crime? 242
Competency and Criminal Responsibility 243
Incompetency to Stand Trial 243
Criminal Responsibility 246
Insanity Standards 249
Guilty but Mentally Ill 252
Unique Defenses and Conditions 253
Posttraumatic Stress Disorder 253
Dissociation 255
Dissociative Identity Disorder 256
Dissociative Amnesia 257
Mental Disorder and Violence 258
Research on the Violence of the Mentally Disordered 259
The MacArthur Research Network 260
Police and the Mentally Disordered 261
Mentally Disordered Inmates 261
Dangerousness and the Assessment of Risk 263
The Tarasoff Case 263
Violence Risk Factors and Measures 265
Chapter 9 homICIde, assault, and IntImate partner

and famIly vIolenCe 269
Definitions 271
Criminal Homicide 272
Aggravated Assault 273
Demographic and Other Factors of Homicide 273
Race/Ethnicity 274
Gender 274
Age 275
Socioeconomic Status 275
12 Contents
Circumstances 275
Weapons 275
■■Box 9-1: Guns, Crime, and Cumulative Risk 277
Psychological Aspects of Criminal Homicide 278
General Altercation Homicide 279
Felony Commission Homicides 280
Juvenile Homicide Offenders 281
■■Box 9-2: Boys, Girls, and Homicide: Why and How Do They Do It? 282
Psychological Characteristics of Juvenile Murderers 282
Treatment of Juveniles Who Kill 284
Intimate Partner Violence 284
IPV among Older Adults 286
IPV among Hispanics 286
Same Sex or Nonheterosexual IPV 287
IPV within Law Enforcement and Military Families 288
Psychological and Demographic Characteristics of Abusers 289
Family Violence 290
Prevalence 291
Victims 291
Child Maltreatment 293
Missing, Abducted, Runaway, and Thrownaway Children 295
Munchausen Syndrome by Proxy 296
Abusive Head Trauma 297
Infanticide 298
Neonaticide 298
Filicide 299
Elderly Abuse 300
Sibling-to-Sibling Violence 302
Child-to-Parent Violence 303
Multiassaultive Families 304
The Cycle of Violence 305
The Effects of Family Violence on Children 306
Chapter 10 multIple murder, sChool and WorkplaCe

vIolenCe 310
Investigative Psychology 311
Forms of Profiling 312
Psychological Profiling 312
Suspect-Based Profiling 313
Geographical Profiling 313
Contents 13
Crime Scene Profiling 314

Equivocal Death Analysis 319
Multiple Murders 320
Definitions 321
Serial Murders 322
Choice of Victims and Modus Operandi 323
Geographical Location of Serial Killing 324
Ethnic and Racial Characteristics 324
Risk Factors and Psychological Motives 325
Research on Backgrounds 325
Female Serial Killers 326
Juvenile Serial Killers 327
Mass Murderers 327
Public Mass Shootings 328
A Mass Murder Typology 330
School Violence 332
School Shootings 333
■■Box 10-1: Safety Drills in Schools: Unanticipated Consequences 334
Psychological Characteristics of School Shooters 336
Workplace Violence 337
Categories of Workplace Violence 338
Perpetrators of Workplace Violence 341
Chapter 11 psyChology of modern terrorIsm 345

Definitions and Examples 347
Classification of Terrorist Groups 350
A Terrorist Typology 352
Followers and Leaders: Who Joins and Who Leads 352
Why Do They Join? 353
Quest for Significance Theory 354
Terror Management Theory 355
Suicidal Terrorism 355
Becoming a Terrorist: The Process of Radicalization 356
Terrorist Leaders 357
Lone Wolf Terrorists 358
Boston Marathon Bombers 359
■■Box 11-1: The Marathon Bombing and Beyond 359
Fort Hood Shooter 360
The Times Square Bombing Attempt 360
The Psychosocial Context of Terrorism 362
14 Contents
Terrorist Motives and Justifications 363

Additional Disengagement Practices 364
Psychological Effects and Nature of Terrorism 365
Cognitive Restructuring 365
Moral Development 365
Chapter 12 sexual assault 370

Definitions and Statistics 371
Sexual Assault in Date and Acquaintance Relationships 373
■■Box 12-1: Campus Sexual Assault 374
Incidence and Prevalence of Rape 375
Impact of Sexual Assault on Survivors 376
Psychological Effects 376
Physical Injury 377
Sexual Assault Vulnerability Factors 378
Situational Factors 378
Location 378
Age of Victims 378
Relationship Factors 379
Consumption of Alcohol 379
History of Victimization 379
Risk Taking Behaviors 379
Characteristics of Sexual Offenders: Who Offends? 380
Ages of Sex Offenders 381
Recidivism and Offending History 381
Applying Crime Scene Analysis to Predictions of Recidivism 382
Attitudes and Myths That Support Rape and Other Sexual
Assaults 384
Cognitive-Perceptual Distortions in Communication 385
The Influence of Pornography 385
Classification of Rape Patterns 387
Massachusetts Treatment Center Classification System 388
■■Box 12-2: Sexual Burglary 390
The MTC:R3 390
MTC Version 4 392
The Groth Typology 393
Treatment of Sex Offenders 394
Contents 15
Chapter 13 sexual aBuse of ChIldren and youth 398

Incidence and Prevalence of Child Sex Abuse 400
■■Box 13-1: Sexual Abuse: The Shame of Juvenile Corrections 401
Situational and Victimization Characteristics 403
Incest 405
Types of Sexual Contact 405
Psychological Effects of Child Sexual Victimization 406
Characteristics of Child Sex Offenders 406
Age and Gender 407
Selection of Victims 408
Backgrounds 408
Interpersonal and Intimacy Deficits 409
Cognitive Distortions 410
Neurocognitive Functions 410
Recidivism and Risk Assessment 411
Risk Assessment 412
Classification of Male Child Sex Offender Patterns 413
The MTC:CM3 414
The Groth Classification Model 416
Female Sex Offender Typology 417
Internet-Facilitated Sexual Offending 418
Who Are the Offenders? 418
Who Are the Child Victims? 419
Online Sex Offenders Interested in Adolescents 420
Sex Trafficking 420
Treatment of Child Sex Offenders 421
Chapter 14 Burglary, home InvasIons, thefts,

and “WhIte-Collar” offenses 425
Burglary 427
Characteristics of Burglary 427
Who Commits Burglary? 428
Burglary Cues and Selected Targets 429
Burglar Cognitive Processes 430
Entry Strategies 431
How Far Do Burglars Travel? 432
Gender Differences in Methods and Patterns 432
Property Taken and Disposed 432
16 Contents
Motives 434
Burglar Typologies 435
Psychological Impact of Burglary 436
Home Invasions 437
Larceny and Motor Vehicle Theft 438
Motor Vehicle Theft 438
Fraud and Identity Theft 439
■■Box 14-1: Identity Theft—Anyone Can Be Victimized 440
Shoplifting 442
Who Shoplifts? 444
Motives 446
Shoplifting by Proxy 447
Shoplifting as an Occupation 447
Methods of Shoplifting 448
Kleptomania: Fact or Fiction? 448
White-Collar and Occupational Crime 449
Green’s Four Categories of Occupational Crime 450
■■Box 14-2: Political Crimes—Unexamined Issues 451
Prevalence and Incidence of Occupational Crime 452
Corporate Crime 452
Justifications and Neutralizations 454
Individual Occupational Crime 455
Employee Theft 455
Chapter 15 vIolent eConomIC CrIme, CyBerCrIme,

and CrImes of IntImIdatIon 459
Robbery 460
Bank Robbery 461
Amateurs and Professionals 462
Commercial Robbery 464
Street Robbery 464
Motives and Cultural Influences 465
Robbery by Groups 466
Cybercrime 467
■■Box 15-1: Cybercrime—Heists and Intrusions 468
Privacy Concerns and Cybercrime Laws 469
Psychological Characteristics of Cybercriminals 470
Stalking 471
Categories of Stalking 472
Cyberstalking 473
Cyberbullying 474
Contents 17
Hostage-Taking Offenses 476

Instrumental and Expressive Hostage Taking 476
FBI Categories of Hostage Taking 476
Strategies for Dealing with Hostage Takers 478
The Stockholm Syndrome 479
Rules for Hostages to Follow 479
Arson 481
Incidence and Prevalence 481
Developmental Stages of Firesetting 482
Persistent and Repetitive Firesetting among Adults 483
Female Arsonists 484
Behavioral Typologies and Trajectories 485
Psychological Disorders 486
Chapter 16 suBstanCe aBuse and CrIme 489

Juvenile Drug Use 490
Who Is Selling to Juveniles? 492
Gender Differences in Juvenile Drug Use 493
Consistent Findings on Illict Drug Use 493
Tripartite Conceptual Model 496
Major Categories of Drugs 497
Tolerance and Dependence 498
The Hallucinogens 499
Marijuana 499
How Is Marijuana Prepared? 500
Synthetic Marijuana 501
Synthetic Cathinones 502
Salvia 502
Cannabis and Crime 502
Phencyclidine (PCP) 504
PCP and Crime 504
The Stimulants 504
Amphetamines 504
Methamphetamine 505
Other Stimulants with Similar Effects 505
Cocaine and Its Derivatives 506
Adverse Physical Effects 507
Stimulants and Crime 507
Crack Cocaine 508
18 Contents
Crack and Crime 509

MDMA (Ecstasy or Molly) 509
Narcotic Drugs 510
Heroin 510
■■Box 16-1: Prescription Medications: Fraudulent Distribution 511
Heroin and Crime 512
Fentanyl 513
Other Narcotic Drugs 513
OxyContin® and Vicodin® 513
OxyContin®, Vicodin®, and Crime 514
The Club Drugs: Sedative Hypnotic Compounds 514
Ketamine 515
Gamma Hydroxybutyrate (GHB) 515
Rohypnol 516
Alcohol 516
Alcohol, Crime, and Delinquency 518
Substance Abuse and Violence 519
Glossary 523
Cases Cited 536
References 537
Author Index 631
Subject Index 655
PrEFACE
In this text we focus on criminal behavior and antisocial behavior (because antisocial behavior
is not always criminal) from a psychological perspective. More specifically, adults and juveniles
who violate the law or who act antisocially are portrayed as embedded in and continually
influenced by multiple systems within the psychosocial environment. Meaningful theory, well-
executed research, and skillful application of knowledge to the “crime problem” require an
understanding of the many levels of events that influence a person’s life course—from the
individual to the individual’s family, peers, schools, neighborhoods, community, culture, and
society as a whole.
The psychological study of crime has taken a decidedly developmental approach, while
retaining its interest in cognitive-based explanations for antisocial behavior. Scholars from vari-
ous academic disciplines have engaged in pathways-to-crime research, for example. A very com-
mon conclusion is that there are multiple developmental pathways to criminal offending; some
begin to offend very early while others begin offending in adulthood. In addition, a variety of
risk factors enable antisocial behavior, and protective factors insulate the individual from such
behavior. The pathways approach does not always focus on psychological factors, but it coexists
very well with psychological theories of child and adolescent development. In addition to devel-
opmental and cognitive research, much contemporary work is focusing on biopsychology and
crime, or the way in which a range of genetic and biological factors may affect one’s behavior,
particularly aggressive behavior.
We do not consider all offenders psychologically flawed, and only some have diagnos-
able mental illnesses or disorders. Persons with serious mental disorders sometimes commit
crimes, but the vast majority do not, and crimes that are committed by the mentally disor-
dered are most typically minor offenses. The exceptional cases, such as some mass murders
or other particularly shocking crimes, attract media attention and lead many people to draw
unwarranted conclusions about the dangerousness of the mentally ill. Many offenders do have
substance abuse problems and these may co-occur with mental disorders. In addition, emo-
tionally healthy people break the law, and sometimes emotionally healthy people end up on
probation or in jails and prisons. Like the earlier editions of this book, the 11th edition views
the criminal offender as existing on a continuum, ranging from the occasional offender who
offends at some point during the life course, usually during adolescence, to the serious, repeti-
tive offender who usually begins his or her criminal career at a very early age, or the one-time,
serious offender.
The book reviews contemporary research, theory, and practice concerning the psychology of
crime as completely and accurately as possible. The very long list of references at the end of the
book should attest to its comprehensive nature. Nevertheless, it is impossible to do justice to the
wide swath of behavior that is defined as crime, nor to the many models and approaches used in
studying it. We have selected representative crimes and representative research. If your favorite
crime, theory, model, or prevention or treatment program is not found here, we hope you will still
appreciate what is offered.
An early chapter sets the stage by defining crime and describing how it is measured. It is
important to stress that crime rates in the United States have gone down for most serious offens-
es, something which rarely comes to public attention. Then, the book is organized from broad to
specific content. Early chapters discuss individual and social risk factors, developmental prin-
ciples, and the psychology of aggression, including its biological basis. We include a complete
chapter on psychopathy, because it remains arguably one of the most heavily researched topics in
the psychology of crime. The specific crimes covered in the latter part of the book are both very
common ones and crimes that are rare but attract media and research attention because of their
serious nature.
19
20 Preface
New to this editioN

The 11th edition was completed with the help of extensive reviews of the previous edition. The
most significant changes reflect recent theoretical developments and models in criminology as well
as ongoing psychological research on specific topics and offenses. Every chapter includes updated
citations and illustrations. We have retained the 16-chapter structure used in the past few editions.
However, some topics have been deleted and others added, as we explain below.
• We have provided more coverage of contemporary antisocial behavior, including crimes that
are facilitated by the Internet, such as cyberstalking and cyberbullying, as well as cybercrimes
like computer intrusions.
• Several changes in UCR definitions are relevant to the gathering of statistics and the measure-
ment of crime. They are indicated in the early chapters of the book.
• The chapter on individual risk factors includes information about specific environmental
toxins (e.g., lead, cadmium, mercury, manganese) that can negatively affect brain develop-
ment in young children.
• Two sex offending chapters have been revised extensively. This required the updating of
information on the dominant sex offender classification systems and addressing sex offender
typologies.
• All material relating to the DSM is updated to conform to its latest edition, the DSM-5. Di-
agnoses that are relevant to discussions of mental disorder and crime comport with diagnoses
listed in the DSM.
• Early in the book we discuss cumulative risk and developmental cascade models, and reiterate
throughout the book that risk factors for antisocial behavior both accumulate and interact with
one another in a dynamic fashion during the life course.
• Material on juveniles continues to form a separate chapter, but it is also interspersed through-
out the text in sections of many chapters (e.g., juvenile substance abuse, sex offenders, juve-
niles who kill).
• Intimate Partner Violence (IPV) is discussed in a separate section of the chapter that also in-
cludes family violence, to reflect increasing research interest in this area. This edition covers
IPV in specific populations, such as the elderly, non-heterosexual couples, and law enforce-
ment and military families.
• In addition to cumulative risk and dynamic cascade models, several other models are high-
lighted, including Steinberg’s dual systems model of adolescent brain development, the dual-
process model of psychopathy, and the three-path model of sexual offending. While new
general theories of criminal behavior have not been proposed, new models for illustrating
theoretical concepts have appeared and are recognized when relevant.
• New models of why people join terrorist groups and act as lone wolves are introduced in the
chapter on terrorism.
• Material on substance abuse and crime has been substantially updated to encompass ongoing
changes in substance use patterns and dangers therein.
• Every chapter includes at least one box, and most often two. Box topics were chosen the-
matically: the boxes either illustrate a contemporary issue (e.g., Internet-facilitated crime), a
research project (e.g., research on bystander apathy), or a program (e.g., treatment program
for juvenile sex offenders). As a pedagogical aid, boxes include questions for discussion.
In addition to the boxes, pedagogical materials include 68 tables, all of which are either
author-created or available from public documents, and 16 figures. As for other recent editions,
chapter objectives are listed at the beginning of each chapter, and key concepts and review questions
are included at the end.
The book includes updated examples and illustrations of the crimes and concepts being
discussed, but retains illustrations of some past events that reflect many of the psychological
Preface 21
concepts discussed (e.g., hostage taking, school shootings; sniper events). However, over half of
the examples used refer to significant recent events, such as cases involving the insanity defense,
mass murders, acts of terrorism, and corporate crime.
In addition to the above listed new features, the eleventh edition includes:
• More attention to female offending.

• More information on prescription drug abuse, especially among juveniles.
• Greater coverage of the role of neuropsychological factors in the development of antisocial
behavior.
• Better presentation of structured professional judgment in risk assessment approaches.
• More emphasis on the importance of pre-school experiences for preventing antisocial behavior.
Readers familiar with previous recent editions of the text also may want to take note of the
following:
As in the last two editions, there is less information on the juvenile justice process and the
history of juvenile justice, and there is little delinquency material in Chapter 1. As noted above,
however, a separate chapter is devoted to research on pathways to delinquency, and juvenile-related
material is found in many other chapters. We have removed sections on boot camps for juveniles in
favor of more coverage of evidence-based programs like Multisystemic Therapy, Functional Family
Therapy, and the closely watched Fast Track experiment.
Also as in the 10th edition, we did not discuss some sex offenses such as prostitution and ex-
hibitionism, nor did we cover in detail psychologically relevant issues relating to prisons and jails,
such as violence, the effects of overcrowding, or conditions of confinement. Likewise, little atten-
tion is given to political crimes committed by agents of government, although we have included a
box on this topic. Nevertheless, in light of their continued importance, we hope professors will find
a way to incorporate some of these topics in their course content.
Criminal Behavior is designed to be a core text in undergraduate and graduate courses in
criminal behavior, criminology, the psychology of crime, crime and delinquency, and forensic psy-
chology. The material contained in this book was classroom-tested for over 30 years. Its emphasis
on psychological theory and concepts makes it distinctive from other fine textbooks on crime, many
of which are more sociologically based. The book’s major goal is to encourage an appreciation of
the many complex issues surrounding criminal behavior by citing relevant, contemporary research.
Once again, we have benefited from the encouragement and help of many individuals in
completing this very long project. We cherish our main sources of emotional support—Gina, Ian,
Soraya, Jim, Kai, Maddie, Darya, and Shannon. They are always there for us, and we continue to
be awed by their goodness, their wit, their fun-loving spirit, the love they display, and their many
accomplishments in so many different realms.
On the professional side, we are most grateful to the management, production, and distribu-
tion staff at Pearson Education/Prentice Hall, particularly Executive Editor Gary Bauer and his
assistants Holly and Tara; Project Manager Susan Hannahs; Valerie Iglar-Mobley; Patricia Guti-
errez; Marketing Coordinator Elizabeth Mackenzie Lamb; and editorial assistant Lynda Cramer.
Philip Alexander and Sivakumar Krishnamoorthy, Project Managers at Integra Software Services
led us to the finish line in a patient and professional manner.
Finally, we wish to acknowledge the following professors and scholars who reviewed the
10th edition of the book and provided many helpful suggestions for improvement: Larry Bench,
University of Utah; Tomasina Cook, Erie Community College; Phyllis Gerstenfeld, California State
University—Stanislaus; Edward Keane, Housatonic Community College; Kelly Roth, McCann
School of Business & Technology; Christopher Salvatore, Montclair State University; Jeffrey
Segal, College of Saint Elizabeth; and Ben Stevenson, University of Maryland University College.
Our sincere thanks to all.
Curt R. Bartol
Anne M. Bartol
22 Preface
For their work on the Global Edition, Pearson would like to thank Bobby K. Cheon, Nanyang
Technological University; Bruce Gillmer, Northumberland Tyne & Wear NHS Foundation Trust;
Ashum Gupta; Pooja Thakur; and Manchong Limlunthang Zou, University of Delhi.
iNstRUCtoR sUPPLeMeNts
Instructor’s Manual with Test Bank. Includes content outlines for classroom discussion, teaching
suggestions, and answers to selected end-of-chapter questions from the text. This also contains a
Word document version of the test bank.
TestGen. This computerized test generation system gives you maximum flexibility in creating and
administering tests on paper, electronically, or online. It provides state-of-the-art features for view-
ing and editing test bank questions, dragging a selected question into a test you are creating, and
printing sleek, formatted tests in a variety of layouts. Select test items from test banks included
with TestGen for quick test creation, or write your own questions from scratch. TestGen’s random
generator provides the option to display different text or calculated number values each time ques-
tions are used.
PowerPoint Presentations. Our presentations offer clear, straightforward outlines and notes to use
for class lectures or study materials. Photos, illustrations, charts, and tables from the book are in-
cluded in the presentations when applicable.
To access supplementary materials online, instructors need to request an instructor access

code. Go to www.pearsonglobaleditions.com/bartol, where you can register for an instructor ac-
cess code. Within 48 hours after registering, you will receive a confirming email, including an
instructor access code. Once you have received your code, go to the site and log on for full instruc-
tions on downloading the materials you wish to use.
▪ ▪ ▪ ▪ ▪
1
Introduction to Criminal Behavior
Chapter ObjeCtives
■■ Emphasize that criminal behavior has multiple causes, manifestations,
and developmental pathways.
■■ Identify the different perspectives of human nature that underlie the theoretical development
and research of criminal behavior.

■■ Introduce various theories that may help explain crime.
■■ Describe the three major disciplines in criminology: sociological, psychological,
and psychiatric.
■■ Point out that the study of criminal behavior and delinquency, from a psychological perspective,
has shifted from a personality toward a more cognitive and developmental focus.
■■ Define criminal behavior and juvenile delinquency.
■■ Introduce the reader to the various measurements of criminal and delinquent behavior.
Crime intrigues people. Sometimes it attracts us, sometimes it repels us, and occasionally, it does both at
once. It can amuse, as when we read that two men dressed as “Spider-Man” and “Batman” were arrested
after a brawl in Times Square in 2014. Many people chuckled, as well, at a YouTube video of a burglar
who was sprawled and napping on a bed in the victims’ home, next to a bag containing jewelry he had
stolen. Presumably, no one was seriously injured by the conduct in either of these instances (though
some children may have been devastated that their heroes acted less than nobly), but the homeowners
likely suffered emotional distress and faced inconveniences that accompany being victims of a crime.
Although readers will cite some exceptions, you are likely to agree that most crime leaves victims in its
wake; most crime harms.
Crime can frighten, especially if we believe that what happened to one victim might happen to us
or those we love. News of a child abduction or even an attempted one places parents at heightened alert.
Crime can also anger, as when a beloved community member is brutally killed, a person or animal is
subjected to heinous abuse, or individuals have had their credit card data compromised or have been
deprived of their life savings by fraudulent schemes. Fatal accidents caused by inebriated drivers are
noteworthy for the anger they arouse—and the anger may be directed at the friends of the driver who did
not stop him from driving, as well as the driver himself.
What is crime? Legally, it is defined as conduct or failure to act in violation of the law forbidding
or commanding it, and for which a range of possible penalties exist upon conviction. Criminal behavior,
then, is behavior in violation of the criminal code. To be convicted of crime, a person must have acted
intentionally and without justification or excuse. For example, even an intentional killing may be justi-
fied under certain circumstances, as in defense of one’s life. Although there is a very narrow range of
23
24 Chapter 1 • Introduction to Criminal Behavior
offenses that do not require criminal intent (called strict liability offenses), the vast majority of
crime requires it. Obviously, this legal definition encompasses a great variety of acts, ranging from
murder to petty offenses.
While interest in crime has always been high, understanding why it occurs and what to do
about it has always been a problem. Public officials, politicians, various experts, and many people
in the general public continue to offer simple and incomplete solutions for obliterating crime, par-
ticularly violent and street crime: more police officers, video cameras and state-of-the-art surveil-
lance equipment, armed teachers and more guns, sturdy locks, self-defense classes, stiff penalties,
speedy imprisonment, or capital punishment. Some of these approaches may be effective in the
short term, but the overall problem of crime persists. Solutions that attack what are believed to be
root causes of crime—such as reducing economic inequality, improving educational opportunities,
or offering substance abuse treatment—have considerable merit, but they require public commit-
ment, energy, and financial resources.
Our inability to prevent crime is also partly because we have trouble understanding criminal
behavior and identifying and agreeing upon its many causes. Explanations of crime require compli-
cated, involved answers, and psychological research indicates that most people have limited toler-
ance for complexity and ambiguity. We apparently want simple, straightforward answers, no matter
how complex the issue. Parents become impatient when psychologists answer questions about child
rearing by saying, “It depends”—on the situation, on the parents’ reactions to it, or on any number
of possible influences. Today, the preference for simplicity is aided by the vast array of information
available in the media, including the Internet and social media. Search engines provide instant access
to a multitude of both reputable and questionable sources. Discerning students are well served by
this information explosion; they can find up-to-date research on virtually all topics covered in this
book, for example. However, many people acquire information—but not necessarily knowledge—
by clicking links, entering chat rooms, reading blogs and accompanying comments, and following
friends and “friends” and friends of friends who may or may not be providing legitimate data. Thus,
the selective and careful use of information technology is a crucial skill for all students to acquire.
Criminal behavior may be seen as a vastly complex, sometimes difficult-to-understand phe-
nomenon. Our focus is the psychological perspective, although other viewpoints are also described.
However, it is important to stress that there is no all-encompassing psychological explanation for
crime, any more than there is a sociological, anthropological, psychiatric, economic, or historic one.
In fact, it is unlikely that sociology, psychology, or any other discipline can formulate basic “truths”
about crime without help from other disciplines and well-designed research. Criminology—the
scientific study of crime—needs all the interdisciplinary help it can get to explain and control crim-
inal behavior. To review accurately and adequately the plethora of studies and theories from each
relevant discipline is far beyond the scope of this text, however. Our primary goal is to review and
integrate recent scholarship and research in the psychology of crime, compare it with traditional
approaches, and discuss strategies that have been offered to prevent and modify criminal behavior.
We cannot begin to accomplish this task without first calling attention to philosophical questions
that underlie any study of human behavior, including criminal behavior.
Theories of Crime
In everyday conversation, the term “theory” is used loosely. It may refer to personal experiences,
observations, traditional beliefs, a set of opinions, or a collection of abstract thoughts. Almost
everyone has personal theories about human behavior, and these extend to criminal behavior. To
illustrate, some people have a personal theory that the world is a just place, where one gets what
one deserves. “Just-worlders,” as they are called, believe that things do not happen to people with-
out a reason that is closely related to their own actions; for example, individuals who experience
financial difficulties probably brought these on themselves. In 2008–2009, when many homeown-
ers in the United States were facing foreclosure because they could not afford high mortgage pay-
ments, a just-worlder would be likely to say this was more their own fault than the fault of bank
officers who enticed them into paying high interest rates.
Chapter 1 • Introduction to Criminal Behavior 25
In reference to crime, just-worlders may believe both that a burglar deserved a severe penalty
and that the victims did not protect their property sufficiently. Because the world is a just place, the
battered spouse must have provoked a beating. The man who sent in a $500 deposit to claim his
million dollar prize should have known: if it’s too good to be true, it isn’t.
The above beliefs represent individual “theories” or assumptions about how the world works.
However, psychologists have also developed a somewhat more elaborate scientific theory based on
just-world ideas, and they have developed scales to measure one’s just-world orientation (Lerner,
1980; Lerner & Miller, 1978). A variety of hypotheses—sometimes discussed under the umbrella
term just-world hypothesis—have been proposed and tested. For example, people identified as
just-worlders on the basis of their scores on the scales have been shown to favor capital punishment
and to be nonsupportive of many social programs intended to reduce economic disparity between
social groups (Sutton & Douglas, 2005).
Interestingly, the most recent research on just-world theory has identified two tracks: belief
in a general just-world—described above—and belief in a personal just-world (Dalbert, 1999;
Sutton & Douglas, 2005). Belief in a personal just-world (“I usually get what I deserve”) is con-
sidered adaptive and helpful in coping with dire circumstances in one’s life. For example, Dalbert
and Filke (2007) found that prisoners with a high personal just-world orientation evaluated their
prison experiences more positively and reported better overall well-being than those without such
an orientation. Belief in a general just-world, however, seems to be far more problematic because
it is associated with less compassion for others and even a derogation of victims of crime.
Scientific theories like the above are based on logic and research, but they vary widely in
complexity. A scientific theory is “a set of interrelated constructs (concepts), definitions, and prop-
ositions that present a systematic view of phenomena by specifying relations among variables,
with the purpose of explaining and predicting the phenomena” (Kerlinger, 1973, p. 9). A scientific
theory of crime, therefore, should provide a general explanation that encompasses and systemati-
cally connects many different social, economic, and psychological variables to criminal behavior,
and it should be supported by well-executed research. Moreover, the terms in any scientific theory
must be as precise as possible, their meaning and usage clear and unambiguous, so that it can be
meaningfully tested by observation and analysis. The process of theory testing is called theory
verification. If the theory is not verified—indeed, if any of its propositions is not verified—the end
result is falsification (Popper, 1968). For example, a theory of child sexual abuse that includes the
proposition that all child sex offenders were sexually abused as children would be falsified as soon
as one nonabused offender was encountered.
The primary purpose of theories of crime is to identify the causes or precursors of criminal
behavior. Some theories are broad and encompassing, whereas others are narrow and specific.
Basically, theories of criminal behavior are summary statements of a collection of research find-
ings. Perhaps, more importantly, they provide direction for further research. If one component of a
theory is falsified or not supported, the theory is not necessarily rejected outright, however. It can
be modified and retested. In addition, each theory of crime has implications for policy or decisions
made by society to prevent crime.
Over the past few decades, many researchers have been interested in proposing models
to accompany various theories. A model is a graphic representation of a theory or a concept,
designed to enhance its understanding. Throughout the text, you will encounter different mod-
els pertaining to criminal and delinquent behavior.
Models are relatively new, but theories of crime have been around for centuries. During the
eighteenth century, the Italian philosopher Cesare Beccaria (1738–1794) developed a theory that
human behavior is fundamentally driven by a choice made by weighing the amount of pleasure
gained against the amount of pain or punishment expected. Beccaria argued that in order to
reduce or stop criminal offending in any given society, the punishment should be swift, certain,
and severe enough to deter people from the criminal (pleasure-seeking) act. If people realized
in advance that severe punishment would be forthcoming, and coming soon, regardless of their
social status or privileges, they would choose not to engage in illegal behavior. This theoretical
thinking, which emphasizes free will as the hallmark of human behavior, has become known as
classical theory. Both criminal and civil law are rooted in the belief that individuals are masters
of their fate, the possessors of free will and freedom of choice. Many of today’s approaches to
crime prevention are consistent with classical theory, which in its modern form is also known
as deterrence theory (Nagin, 2007). For example, surveillance cameras on the streets, shoulder
cameras on police officers, and harsh sentences assume that individuals choose to commit crime
but may be persuaded not to under the threat of being discovered or being punished with long
prison time. However, even if people are not deterred by the prospect of long sentences, they
must still be punished, because crime was an expression of their free will.
Another thread of theoretical thought originated with positivist theory, which is closely
aligned with the idea of determinism. From that view, free will cannot be the major explanation
for our behavior. Antecedents—prior experiences or influences—determine how we will act. The
earliest positive theories of crime considered biological antecedents, such as one’s sex, one’s race,
or even the size of one’s brain. An early theorist from the positivist perspective, Cesare Lombroso
(1876) conducted elaborate measurements on the skulls of both dead and live prisoners and drew
conclusions about their criminal tendencies. Later, positivists saw social antecedents, such as nega-
tive early life experiences or lack of educational opportunity, as the culprits. According to the
positivist school, human behavior is governed by causal laws, and free will is undermined. Many
contemporary theories of criminology are positivist because they search for causes beyond free
will. Furthermore, many approaches to crime prevention are consistent with a positivist orienta-
tion: They try to “fix” the antecedents of criminal activity, such as by providing support services for
youth believed to be at risk of engaging in crime.
In summary, the classical view of crime holds that the decision to violate the law is largely a
result of free will. The positivist or deterministic perspective argues that most criminal behavior is
a result of social, psychological, and even biological influences. It does not deny the importance of
free will, and it does not suggest that individuals should not be held responsible for their actions.
However, it maintains that these actions can be explained by more than “free will.” This latter per-
spective, then, seeks to identify causes, predict and prevent criminal behavior, and rehabilitate (or
habilitate) offenders.
TheoreTiCal PersPeCTives on human naTure

All theories of crime have underlying assumptions about or perspectives on human nature. Three
major ones can be identified. The conformity perspective views humans as creatures of confor-
mity who want to do the “right” thing. To a large extent, this assumption represents the foundation
of the humanistic perspectives in psychology. Human beings are basically “good” people trying
to live to their fullest potential. Similarly, the branch of psychology called “positive psychology”
focuses on studying the individual characteristics that make life worth living, such as contentment
and intimacy (Peterson, 2006; Seligman & Csikszentmihalyi, 2000). Thus, positive psychology is
very much in tune with a conformity perspective.
An excellent example of the conformity perspective in criminology is strain theory, which
originated in the work of sociologist Robert K. Merton (1957) and continues today in the theory of
Robert Agnew (1992, 2006) and his followers. Merton’s original strain theory argued that humans
are fundamentally conforming beings who are strongly influenced by the values and attitudes of
the society in which they live. In short, most members of a given society desire what the other
members of the society desire. In many societies and cultures, the accumulation of wealth or status
is all important, representing symbols that all members should strive for. Unfortunately, access to
these goals is not equally available. While some have the education, social network, personal con-
tacts, and family influence to attain them, others are deprived of the opportunity. Thus, Merton’s
strain theory predicted that crime and delinquency would occur when there is a perceived discrep-
ancy between the materialistic values and goals cherished and held in high esteem by a society and
the availability of the legitimate means for reaching these goals. Under these conditions, a strain
between the goals of wealth and power and the means for reaching them develops. Groups and
individuals experiencing a high level of this strain are forced to decide whether to violate norms
and laws to attain some of this sought-after wealth or power, or give up on their dream and go
through the motions, withdraw, or rebel. Note that, although the original strain theory was formu-
lated on American society, it can be applied on a global basis.
Following Merton’s seminal work, other strain theorists emphasized that crimes of the rich and
powerful also can be explained by strain theory. Even though these individuals have greater access
to the legitimate means of reaching goals, they have a continuing need to accumulate even greater
wealth and power and maintain their privileged status in society (Messner & Rosenfeld, 1994).
In developing his General Strain Theory (Strain Theory, 1992), Agnew used the word “strain”
in a slightly different way, seeing strains as events and conditions that are disliked by individuals.
The inability to achieve one’s goals was only one such condition; others were losing something
of value, or being treated negatively by others (2006). General Strain Theory, which has attracted
much research and commentary, is continually being tested and evaluated and will be discussed
again in Chapter 5; the point we make here is that it remains under the umbrella of a strain theory,
representative of the conformity perspective on human nature.
A second perspective—the nonconformist perspective—assumes that human beings are
basically undisciplined creatures, who, without the constraints of the rules and regulations of a given
society, would flout society’s conventions and commit crime indiscriminately. This perspective sees
humans as fundamentally “unruly” and deviant, needing to be held in check. For example, the biologi-
cal and neurobiological theories discussed in Chapter 3 identify genetic or other biological features or
deficiencies in some individuals that predispose them to antisocial behavior, like aggressive actions. In
recent years, some criminologists have emphasized the importance of biological influences on behav-
ior, not as exclusive determinants of behavior but rather as factors that should be taken into consid-
eration (DeLisi, 2009). They may be present at birth or appear during one’s early formative years. It
is important to point out that a nonconformity perspective does not blame people for their deviance.
As readers will learn in Chapter 3, many theorists now believe that certain behaviors, such as aggres-
sive actions, have their genesis in malnutrition and exposure to harmful elements in the environment.
These are provocative claims that should ensure debate and discussion among readers.
Another good illustration of the nonconformist perspective is Travis Hirschi’s (1969) social
control theory. social control theory contends that crime and delinquency occur when an indi-
vidual’s ties to the conventional order or normative standards are weak or largely nonexistent. In
other words, the socialization that usually holds one’s basic human nature in check is incomplete
or faulty. This position perceives human nature as fundamentally “bad,” “antisocial,” or at least
“imperfect.” These innate tendencies must be controlled by society. Years after developing social
control theory, Hirschi teamed with Michael Gottfredson to develop a General theory of Crime
(GTC; Gottfredson & Hirschi, 1990). This theory, also referred to as self-control theory (sCt),
represents one of the more prominent perspectives in criminology today. It suggests that a deficit
of self-control or self-regulation is the key factor in explaining crime and delinquency. One con-
troversial aspect of the theory is its contention that self-control is a stable trait that is fully in place
in childhood, usually by the age of eight and is not likely to change thereafter. Many research-
ers have tested this aspect of SCT and have found that self-control can develop at later ages
(e.g., Arnett, 2000; Sweeten & Simons, 2014; Zimmermann & Iwanski, 2014).
The third perspective—the learning perspective—sees human beings as born neutral (nei-
ther inherently conforming nor unruly) and subject to developmental changes throughout the life
course. This perspective argues that humans learn virtually all their behavior, beliefs, and tenden-
cies from the social environment. The learning perspective is exemplified most comprehensively
by social learning theory, to be a main topic in Chapter 4, and the differential association theory
of sociologist Edwin H. Sutherland (1947). Social learning theory emphasizes such concepts as
imitation of models and reinforcements one gains from one’s behavior. According to differential
association theory, criminal behavior is learned, as is all social behavior, through social interactions
with other people. It is not the result of emotional disturbance, mental illness, or innate qualities of
“goodness” or “badness.” Rather, people learn to be criminal as a result of messages they get from
others who were also taught to be criminal. The conventional wisdom that bad company promotes
bad behavior, therefore, finds validity in this theory.
Table 1-1 Perspectives of Human Nature

Perspective of Behavior Theory Example Humans Are…
Conformity Strain theory (Merton) Basically good; strongly
perspective General strain (Agnew) influenced by the values
and attitudes of society
Nonconformist Social control theory (Hirschi) Basically undisciplined;
perspective Biological theories of crime individual’s ties to social order
General theory of crime/ are weak; innate tendencies
self-control theory must be controlled by society;
individual lack of self-control
Learning perspective Differential association theory Born neutral; behavior is
(Sutherland) learned through social
Social learning theory (Rotter, interactions with other people;
Bandura) changes over the life span
Developmental criminology affect behavior
From the mid-twentieth century to the present, many criminologists have embraced a devel-
opmental approach, viewing crime and other antisocial activity as behavior that begins in early
childhood and proceeds to and sometimes through one’s adult years. Developmental psycholo-
gists as a group identify periods in human development across the life course, sometimes con-
ceived of as stages. Those interested in the study of antisocial behavior often examine these stages
as they relate to crime. Over the past decade, emerging adulthood has been identified as a period
covering the time between adolescence and adulthood—roughly ages 18 to the late 20s, with a
particular focus on 18–25 (Arnett, 2000, 2014). Emerging adulthood is a time when people are
generally expected to be independent from parental and other institutional controls but are still
searching for self-identity. Thus, they may be carefree and exploring their options but also may be
struggling to achieve adult status. Many emerging adults have not yet settled on a career choice or
chosen a partner. As we discuss later in the book, emerging adulthood has prompted considerable
research relating to antisocial behavior.
Developmental criminologists also have studied the life paths or “pathways” people take that
lead to criminal behavior. For example, some begin antisocial activity at very early ages, while oth-
ers begin in adolescence or later. Developmental criminologists identify risk factors to be addressed
and protective factors to be encouraged. Some have learned that girls and women, as a group, take
pathways that are quite different from those taken by boys and men, as a group, though researchers
differ on the extent to which these differences occur. It is possible that cultural groups may differ in
the pathways to crime, though this is not as intensely studied as gender differences.
table 1-1 summarizes the three perspectives—conformity, noncomformist, and learning—
and provides illustrations of each. Developmental criminology cannot be placed firmly in any of
the three categories, although it would seem to be most at home in the learning perspective, so we
place it there. Nevertheless, aspects of each perspective can be detected in the research and writing
of developmental criminologists (e.g., Farrington, Ttofi, & Coid, 2009; Le Blanc & Loeber, 1998;
Moffitt, 1993a, 1993b; Odgers et al., 2008; Patterson, 1982). We discuss these theories in some
detail in Chapter 6.
DisCiPlinary PersPeCTives in Criminology

Criminology is the multidisciplinary study of crime. As noted above, several theories we cited
were framed by sociologists. Over the years, the study of crime has been dominated by sociol-
ogy, psychology, and psychiatry, but in recent years more disciplines and subdisciplines have been
involved. These include, but are not limited to, anthropology, biology, neurology, political science,
and economics.
Although our main concern in this text is with psychological principles, concepts, theory, and
research relevant to criminal behavior, considerable attention is placed on the research knowledge
of the other disciplines, particularly sociology, psychiatry, and biology. In fact, some psychologists
today have extensive backgrounds in biology and the workings of the brain, and many specialize in
the rapidly expanding fields of biopsychology and neuropsychology. It is not easy to make sharp
demarcations between disciplines, because they often overlap in focus and practice. It is fair to say
that all try to develop, examine, and evaluate strategies and interventions that have the potential to
prevent or reduce criminal and antisocial behavior.
In addition, what distinguishes a given theory as sociological, psychological, or psychiatric is
sometimes simply the stated professional affiliation of its proponent. Furthermore, alignments are
not clear cut, because theorists and researchers today often work hand in hand with those from other
disciplines: They obtain grants together, conduct studies, teach together, form consulting agencies,
and even write books together. Finally, condensing any major discipline into a few pages hardly does
it justice. To obtain a more adequate overview, the interested reader should consult texts and articles
within those disciplines. table 1-2 summarizes the three dominant disciplinary perspectives.
sociological Criminology
sociological criminology has a rich tradition in examining the relationships of demographic
and group variables to crime. Variables such as age, race, gender, socioeconomic status, and
ethnic-cultural affiliation have been shown to have significant relationships with certain catego-
ries and patterns of crimes. Sociological criminology, for example, has allowed us to conclude
that juveniles as a group are overrepresented in nonviolent property offenses. Young black males
from disadvantaged backgrounds are overrepresented as both perpetrators and victims of homi-
cide. White males are overrepresented in political and corporate crimes. The many reasons for
this are reflected in the various perspectives and research findings that are covered in the book.
Sociological criminology also probes the situational or environmental factors that are most con-
ducive to criminal action, such as the time, place, kind of weapons used, and the circumstances
surrounding the crime.
Many sociologists today are divided into structuralist and culturalist groups. With reference
to crime, structuralists are more likely to look at the underlying foundation of society, such as lack
of employment and educational activities or the quality of health services offered in a community.
Culturalists view the values and patterns of living within a given group of people. In recent years,
some dissension between the two groups has occurred, particularly relating to the issue of race in
American society (Sanneh, 2015).
Another major contribution of sociological criminology is the attention it directs to topics
that reflect unequal distribution of power in society. This often takes the form of examining how
crime is defined and how laws are enforced. The sale of “street” drugs has been monitored more
Table 1-2 The Three Major Disciplinary Perspectives in Criminology

Perspective Influence Focus
Sociological Sociology Examines relationships of demographic and group variables
criminology Anthropology to crime: focuses on the structure of society and the culture
of groups and how these influence criminal behavior
Psychological Psychology Focuses on individual criminal behavior; the science of the
criminology behavior, emotional, and mental processes of the criminal
Psychiatric Psychiatry The contemporary perspective examines the interplay
criminology between psychobiological determinants of behavior and
the social environment; traditional perspectives look for the
unconscious and biological determinates of criminal behavior
closely than the sale of “suite” drugs, although they may be equally potent. The actions of cor-
porate officials—for example, allowing environmental and workplace hazards that produce seri-
ous harm—are often not defined as crimes. Political crime, such as corruption, bribery, and abuse
of power, is studied by sociologists much more than by other disciplines, although psychologists
have begun to explore this area more in recent years. Sociological criminology also has a stronger
tradition of addressing the underlying social conditions that may encourage criminal behavior,
such as inequities in educational and employment opportunities. Conflict theories in sociology are
particularly influential in questioning how crime is defined, who is subject to punishment, and in
attempting to draw attention to the crimes of the rich and powerful.
Psychological Criminology
Psychology is the science of behavior and mental processes. psychological criminology, then, is
the science of the behavior and mental processes of the person who commits crime. While socio-
logical criminology focuses primarily on groups and society as a whole, and how they influence
criminal activity, psychological criminology focuses on individual criminal behavior—how it is
acquired, evoked, maintained, and modified.
In the psychology of crime, both social and personality influences on criminal behavior are
considered, along with the mental processes that mediate that behavior. Personality refers to all the
biological influences, psychological traits, and cognitive features of the human being that psycholo-
gists have identified as important in the mediation and control of behavior. Recently, although inter-
est in personality differences among offenders continues, psychological criminology has shifted its
focus in several ways. First, it has taken a more cognitive approach to studying criminal behavior.
Second, it has paid more attention to biological and neuropsychological factors. Third, it has adopted
a developmental approach to studying criminal behavior among both individuals and groups.
CogniTive aPProaCh. Cognitions refer to the attitudes, beliefs, values, and thoughts that
people hold about the social environment, interrelations, human nature, and themselves. In seri-
ous criminal offenders, these cognitions are often distorted. Beliefs that children must be severely
physically disciplined or that victims are not really hurt by fraud or burglary are good examples of
cognitions that may lead to criminal activity. Prejudice is also a cognition that involves distortions
of social reality. They include erroneous generalizations and oversimplification about others. Hate
or bias crimes—highlighted in box 1-1—are generally rooted in prejudice and cognitive distor-
tions held by perpetrators. Many serial rapists also distort social reality to the point where they may
Contemporary Issues
Box 1-1 Hate or Bias Crimes
Crimes committed against individuals out of bias, hatred, or characteristics such as gender, physical or mental disability,
racial, religious, and ethnic prejudice are nothing new; they are advanced age, and military status were added to the list of
well documented in the history of virtually every nation. What protected categories. Laws were passed requiring the gather-
is relatively new in the United States is the effort to keep track ing of statistics on these offenses and/or allowing enhanced
of such crimes and impose harsh penalties on those who com- sentences for someone convicted of a hate or bias crime. The
mit them. This has been done with varying degrees of success. first such federal law, the hate Crime statistics act of 1990,
Bias crimes are widely underreported, not often prosecuted, required the collection of data on violent attacks, intimida-
and seldom punished. tion, arson, or property damage that are directed at people
Nevertheless, toward the end of the twentieth century, because of their race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity.
Congress and many states began to address the crucial prob- The law was amended in 1994 to include crimes motivated
lem of crimes—especially violent crimes—committed out of by bias against persons with disabilities and in late 2009 to
hatred, prejudice, or bias against someone because of their include crimes of prejudice based on gender or gender iden-
race, religion, sexual orientation, or ethnicity. Eventually, tity (Langton & Planty, 2011).
(continued)
Recent official crime statistics (FBI, 2014a, reporting Langton and Planty (2011) analyzed hate crime victim-
on crimes in 2013), indicate that 49.3 percent of the victims izations from 2003 to 2009 derived from both official data and
of bias-motivated crimes were targeted because of their race, accounts of victims. Following are a few of their findings:
20.2 percent because of their sexual orientation, 16.9 percent
• More than four of five hate crime victimizations involved
because of their religion, and 11.4 percent because of their
violence; about 23 percent were serious violent crimes.
ethnicity. Percentages of other victims were below 2 percent.
• In about 37 percent of violent hate crimes, the offender
(See Figure 1-1 on page 35 for additional data.) More than
knew the victim; in violent nonhate crimes, half of all
half of the bias crime victims—61.2 percent—were victims
victims knew the offender.
of crimes against persons, specifically intimidation, assault,
• Eight hate crime homicides occurred in 2009. In 2013,
rape, and murder, in decreasing order.
five murders and 21 rapes were counted as hate crimes. It
Relatedly, the Southern Poverty Law Center (SPLC)
should be noted, as well, that the murders of the Emanuel
has reported significant increases in hate groups in the United
9 in Charleston were charged as federal hate crimes.
States. The SPLC identified 602 hate groups in the year 2000;
• Police were notified of fewer than half (45%) of all hate
in 2014, the number was placed at 939 (www.splcenter.org).
crime victimizations.
Known hate groups included neo-Nazis, Klansmen, white na-
• In 2009, 85.9 percent of the law enforcement agencies
tionalists, neo-confederatists, racist skinheads, black separat-
participating in the Hate Crime Statistics Program re-
ists, and border vigilantes, among others.
ported that no hate crimes occurred in their jurisdiction.
Hate groups are those whose beliefs or practices attack
or malign an entire class of people, such as members of a The last bullet point should lead readers to be very cau-
given race, ethnicity, or sexual orientation. The activities of tious in accepting uncritically official reports of hate crime.
hate groups are not necessarily criminal; in fact, they are Psychological concepts that might help us to understand why
more likely to involve rallies, marches, meetings, and dis- individuals would perpetrate these offenses are discussed in
tributing leaflets rather than perpetrating violence. However, Chapter 4.
people who commit hate crimes are sympathetic to their
message, even though they do not always belong to an or-
Questions for Discussion
ganized group. The man accused of killing nine people at a
prayer meeting at the historic Mother Emanuel AME church 1. It is not unusual for law enforcement agencies to report no
in Charleston, South Carolina, in June 2015 had made com- hate crime in their jurisdiction. As noted above, 85.9 per-
ments about wanting to start a race war. The gunman who cent of agencies in 2009 reported none. Why might this be?
opened fire in a Sikh Temple in Wisconsin in August 2012, 2. Victims of hate crimes, such as assaults, do not often
killing six people and wounding others, had ties to a neo- report their victimization to law enforcement. Discuss
Nazi skinhead group. reasons for this.
assault only victims who they perceive “deserve it.” Some sex offenders even persuade themselves
that they are not harming their victims, and white-collar offenders sometimes justify their crimes as
what they have to do in order to stay in business. The importance of offender cognitions in under-
standing criminal behavior will be stressed throughout the book.
BiologiCal or neurologiCal aPProaCh. Many criminologists who identify themselves as

psychologists—and some who identify themselves as sociologists—are recognizing that advances
in the broad biological sciences are finding links between biology (including neuropsychology)
and human behavior (Wright & Boisvert, 2009). The biological approach often focuses on aggres-
sion and violent behavior. For example, neurologists interested in criminology study to what extent
damage, deficits, or abnormality of the brain may be related to antisocial behavior, particularly vio-
lent behavior. A traumatic brain injury (TBI), such as one that might occur in a traffic accident, may
produce personality changes, including increased aggressive behavior (Gurley & Marcus, 2008). In
early chapters of the book, we will learn that antisocial behavior can be reduced by practices and
programs designed to improve neuropsychological functioning and prevent neuropsychological
impairment early in life.
DeveloPmenTal aPProaCh. Learning how criminal behavior begins and progresses is

extremely important. A developmental approach examines the changes and influences across a
person’s lifetime that may contribute to the formation of antisocial and criminal behavior. These
are usually called “risk factors.” Examples are poor nutrition, the loss of a parent, early school
failure, or substandard housing. However, the developmental approach also searches for “protec-
tive factors,” or influences that provide individuals with a buffer against the risk factors. A caring
adult mentor and good social skills are examples of protective factors. If we are able to identify
those changes and influences that occur across the developmental pathways of life that divert a
person from becoming caring, sensitive, and prosocial, as well as those that steer a person away
from a life of persistent and serious antisocial behavior, we gain invaluable information about how
to prevent and change delinquent and criminal behavior.
TraiT aPProaCh. In the past, psychologists assumed that they could best understand human
behavior by searching for stable, consistent personality dispositions or traits that exerted widely
generalized effects on behavior. A trait or disposition is a relatively stable and enduring ten-
dency to behave in a particular way, and it distinguishes one person from another. For example,
one person may be extroverted and have a consistent tendency to socialize and meet others, while
another may be shy and introverted and demonstrate a tendency to socialize with only very close
friends. In recent years, researchers (e.g., Frick & White, 2008) have given considerable atten-
tion to some traits—collectively termed “callous-unemotional traits”—that are often associated
with psychopaths, individuals (see Chapter 7) who may (and may not) be responsible for many
serious crimes. Callous-unemotional traits are characterized by a lack of empathy and concern
for the welfare of others, and they often lead to a persistent and aggressive pattern of antisocial
behavior. As noted above, self-control is another trait that has received considerable attention in
the criminological world.
Trait theories hold that people show consistent behavior across time and place, and that these
behaviors characterize personality. Many psychologists studying crime, therefore, assumed they
should search for the personality traits or variables underlying criminal behavior. They paid less
attention to the person’s environment or situation. Presumably, once personality variables were
identified, it would be possible to determine and predict which individual was most likely to engage
in criminal behavior.
As you will learn, however, the search for any single personality type of the murderer, rapist,
abuser, or burglar has not been fruitful. Contemporary perspectives in the psychology of crime still
include personality or behavior traits in their explanations of crime, as we will see in our discussion
of callous-unemotional traits, but they also include cognitions, neuropsychology, and developmen-
tal factors in these explanations. Thus, while trait psychology standing alone has lost favor, some
aspects of this approach have survived.
Psychiatric Criminology
The terms “psychology” and “psychiatry” are often confused by the layperson and even by
professionals and scholars in other disciplines. Many psychiatrists, like psychologists, work in a
variety of settings that bring them into contact with persons accused of or convicted of crime. They
assess defendants, provide expert testimony in court, and offer treatment in the community or in
correctional facilities. Psychiatrists and psychologists who are closely associated with the courts
and other legal arenas are often referred to as forensic psychiatrists or forensic psychologists.
Psychiatric concepts and theories are often believed to be accepted tenets in the field of
psychology. However, the two professions often see things quite differently and approach expla-
nations of criminal behavior along a different course. Part of this difference is due to the dissimi-
larity in the educational requirements for the two professions. Unlike psychologists, who have
earned a PhD, a PsyD, or an EdD and who often complete specialized training in research and
some area of psychology, psychiatrists first earn a medical degree (MD or a DO) and complete a
medical internship, as other physicians do. Then, during an average four-year residency program
in psychiatry, they receive specific training in psychiatry, often focusing on the diagnosis and
treatment of individuals in forensic settings, such as court clinics or mental hospitals with special
units for mentally disordered individuals accused of crime. Understandably, this medical training
encourages a biochemical and neurological approach to explanations of human behavior, and this
is often reflected in the psychiatric theories of criminal behavior.
By contrast, psychologists who are interested in being certified and licensed as a clinical or
counseling psychologist receive a one-year internship focusing on clinical training which includes
methods and techniques for the diagnosis and treatment of various psychological disorders. This
clinical training is sometimes followed by a one- to three-year postdoctoral program—sometimes
longer—focusing on both research and practice. The emphasis of this training is usually far more
on the cognitive (thought processes), developmental, and learned behavior of human action and
less on the biochemical or neurological influences. As we saw above, however, biology is receiving
much more attention in the science of behavior, and increasingly more psychologists today pursue
training that is more biologically focused. Clinical neuropsychologists, for example, receive exten-
sive training in the neurological and cognitive aspects of injury and disease.
Psychiatrists are medical doctors and, by definition, are able to prescribe drugs, most often
psychoactive drugs. Psychoactive drugs represent a group of drugs that have significant effects
on psychological processes, such as emotions and mental states of well-being. Currently, a great
majority of states in the United States do not extend such prescription privileges to psychologists.
In 2002, New Mexico became the first state in the United States to allow psychologists with speci-
fied training to prescribe psychoactive drugs (drugs designed to treat psychological problems).
Louisiana became the second state, in 2004; those qualified to prescribe are called “medical psy-
chologists.” In 2014, Illinois became the third state to extend limited prescription privileges to
authorized clinical psychologists with advanced specialized training. The privileges are limited in
that they cannot prescribe to children, adolescents, or adults aged 66 or older, or to certain groups
of people, like pregnant women or persons with intellectual or developmental disabilities.
Psychologists in the military also have prescription privileges. Twelve states have rejected
such privileges, however, and at this point there appears to be a lull in additional efforts to gain
the privileges. The powerful medical establishment has often fought these prescription privileges,
saying they would lead to abuse and would decrease the quality of patient care. Even psychologists
themselves disagree on this issue, but surveys suggest that most are in favor of extending privileges
to those who want them and are suitably trained, particularly because this would increase the avail-
ability of mental health services for individuals who might not otherwise access them (Ax et al.,
2007; Baird, 2007). Nevertheless, some worry that this could lead to a heavier reliance on medica-
tion for the treatment of mental disorder than is warranted.
In past years, psychiatric criminology has traditionally followed the Freudian, psychoanalytic,
or psychodynamic tradition. The father of the psychoanalytical theory of human behavior was the
physician-neurologist Sigmund Freud (1856–1939), whose followers are called Freudians. Many
contemporary psychoanalysts subscribe to a modified version of the orthodox Freudian position and
are therefore called neo-Freudians. Still other psychoanalysts follow the tenets of Alfred Adler and
Carl Jung, who broke away from Freud and developed different theories about the human condi-
tion. A very influential psychoanalyst in more recent times is Erik Erikson, who developed a theory
of development that included eight sequential stages. According to Erikson, ego identity is gradu-
ally achieved by facing positive goals and negative risks during eight stages across the life span.
The degree of achievement in ego identity—or the progress one has made in reaching the various
stages—may influence the tendency to commit crime.
Contemporary psychiatrists interested in the study of criminal behavior are less likely to be
psychoanalytic in orientation, however. Many are research based and work in teams with psycholo-
gists and other mental health professionals. Psychiatrists, with some exceptions (e.g., Szasz, 1974,
and his followers), are heavily influenced by the medical model of mental illness. Most subscribe
to diagnostic categories outlined in the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders,
5th edition (DSM-5) (American Psychiatric Association, 2013) or a similar categorical scheme, the
International Classification of Disease (ICD), published by the World Health Organization. As we
will discuss in later chapters, some diagnoses are associated with specific types of crimes, but it
should not be presumed that persons with these mental disorders are more crime prone than those
not so diagnosed. Furthermore, when crime is committed by individuals with mental disorders, it is
likely that—for most—other risk factors such as substance abuse or past violent behavior prior to
mental disorder were present (Peterson, Skeem, Kennealy, Bray, & Zvonkovic, 2014). Researchers
have estimated that less than 10 percent of the crime committed by mentally disordered individuals
was a product of their illness (Peterson et al., 2014).
Defining anD measuring Crime

As defined at the beginning of the chapter, crime is intentional behavior that violates a criminal
code, intentional in that it did not occur accidentally or without justification or excuse. Since crime
encompasses so many types of behavior, should we restrict ourselves to a legal definition and study
only those individuals who have been convicted of behaviors legally defined as crime? Or should
we include individuals who indulge in antisocial behaviors but have not been detected by the crimi-
nal justice system? Perhaps our study should include persons predisposed to be criminal—if such
persons can be identified.
As a review of criminology textbooks and literature attests, there is no universal agreement
as to what group or groups should be targeted for study. If we abide strictly by the legal defini-
tion of crime and base research and discussion only on those people who have committed crimes,
do we consider only those who have been convicted and incarcerated or serving a sentence in the
community, or do we include those who may have broken the criminal law but were only arrested,
not convicted? While some of these individuals are “truly criminal,” an undetermined number of
others were arrested but were not truly guilty. And, as is becoming more apparent in recent years,
the innocent are sometimes convicted and sent to prison. On the basis of new DNA evidence, for
example, as of early 2014, 312 prisoners had been exonerated after being wrongfully convicted
(Innocence Project, 2014). Eighteen of these individuals had been sentenced to death. And, how
can we include individuals who violate the law but escape detection or those who come to the
attention of law enforcement officials but are never arrested or charged because they receive favor-
able treatment? Finally, many actions that qualify as crimes are not handled by the criminal justice
system for example, financial exploitation and even physical abuse of the elderly are often referred
to social service agencies rather than to police.
In sum, trying to study crime and criminal behavior presents many problems for social scien-
tists. The subjects of study are most typically captive, such as prisoners or delinquents in institu-
tions. They are not necessarily representative of the true criminal population. Likewise, the universe
of crime itself defies any attempt at determining “how much” occurs. As we see below, although
various methods have been used to do this, none provides sufficient and comprehensive information.
With respect to obtaining data on the incidence, prevalence, and characteristics of crime, there
are many pitfalls. Crime is usually measured in one of the following three ways, and none is perfect:
1. Official police reports of reported crime and arrests, such as those tabulated and forwarded
to the Federal Bureau of Investigation (FBI) for publication in its annual national statisti-
cal report on crime, the Uniform Crime reports (UCr) and its accompanying National
incident-based reporting system (Nibrs)
2. Self-report (SR) studies, whereby members of a sample population are asked what offenses
they have committed and how often
3. National or regional victimization studies, which sample a population of households or busi-
nesses asking respondents whether and how often they have been victims of specified crimes
We provide a brief review of each of these methods, along with their strengths and shortcomings,
below.
uniform Crime reporting system

The FBI’s UCR compiled since 1930 is the most cited source of U.S. crime statistics. The UCR
program publishes an annual document containing accounts of crimes known to police and infor-
mation on arrests received on a voluntary basis from local and state law enforcement agencies
Another random document with
no related content on Scribd:
DANCE ON STILTS AT THE GIRLS’ UNYAGO, NIUCHI
Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

the Newala of to-day does; there was once another Newala in a lovely
valley at the foot of the plateau. I visited it and found scarcely a trace
of houses, only a Christian cemetery, with the graves of several
missionaries and their converts, remaining as a monument of its
former glories. But the surroundings are wonderfully beautiful. A
thick grove of splendid mango-trees closes in the weather-worn
crosses and headstones; behind them, combining the useful and the
agreeable, is a whole plantation of lemon-trees covered with ripe
fruit; not the small African kind, but a much larger and also juicier
imported variety, which drops into the hands of the passing traveller,
without calling for any exertion on his part. Old Newala is now under
the jurisdiction of the native pastor, Daudi, at Chingulungulu, who,
as I am on very friendly terms with him, allows me, as a matter of
course, the use of this lemon-grove during my stay at Newala.
FEET MUTILATED BY THE RAVAGES OF THE “JIGGER”
(Sarcopsylla penetrans)
The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

some 1,600 feet lower down. The way is not only long and fatiguing,
but the water, when we get it, is thoroughly bad. We are suffering not
only from this, but from the fact that the arrangements at Newala are
nothing short of luxurious. We have a separate kitchen—a hut built
against the boma palisade on the right of the baraza, the interior of
which is not visible from our usual position. Our two cooks were not
long in finding this out, and they consequently do—or rather neglect
to do—what they please. In any case they do not seem to be very
particular about the boiling of our drinking-water—at least I can
attribute to no other cause certain attacks of a dysenteric nature,
from which both Knudsen and I have suffered for some time. If a
man like Omari has to be left unwatched for a moment, he is capable
of anything. Besides this complaint, we are inconvenienced by the
state of our nails, which have become as hard as glass, and crack on
the slightest provocation, and I have the additional infliction of
pimples all over me. As if all this were not enough, we have also, for
the last week been waging war against the jigger, who has found his
Eldorado in the hot sand of the Makonde plateau. Our men are seen
all day long—whenever their chronic colds and the dysentery likewise
raging among them permit—occupied in removing this scourge of
Africa from their feet and trying to prevent the disastrous
consequences of its presence. It is quite common to see natives of
this place with one or two toes missing; many have lost all their toes,
or even the whole front part of the foot, so that a well-formed leg
ends in a shapeless stump. These ravages are caused by the female of
Sarcopsylla penetrans, which bores its way under the skin and there
develops an egg-sac the size of a pea. In all books on the subject, it is
stated that one’s attention is called to the presence of this parasite by
an intolerable itching. This agrees very well with my experience, so
far as the softer parts of the sole, the spaces between and under the
toes, and the side of the foot are concerned, but if the creature
penetrates through the harder parts of the heel or ball of the foot, it
may escape even the most careful search till it has reached maturity.
Then there is no time to be lost, if the horrible ulceration, of which
we see cases by the dozen every day, is to be prevented. It is much
easier, by the way, to discover the insect on the white skin of a
European than on that of a native, on which the dark speck scarcely
shows. The four or five jiggers which, in spite of the fact that I
constantly wore high laced boots, chose my feet to settle in, were
taken out for me by the all-accomplished Knudsen, after which I
thought it advisable to wash out the cavities with corrosive
sublimate. The natives have a different sort of disinfectant—they fill
the hole with scraped roots. In a tiny Makua village on the slope of
the plateau south of Newala, we saw an old woman who had filled all
the spaces under her toe-nails with powdered roots by way of
prophylactic treatment. What will be the result, if any, who can say?
The rest of the many trifling ills which trouble our existence are
really more comic than serious. In the absence of anything else to
smoke, Knudsen and I at last opened a box of cigars procured from
the Indian store-keeper at Lindi, and tried them, with the most
distressing results. Whether they contain opium or some other
narcotic, neither of us can say, but after the tenth puff we were both
“off,” three-quarters stupefied and unspeakably wretched. Slowly we
recovered—and what happened next? Half-an-hour later we were
once more smoking these poisonous concoctions—so insatiable is the
craving for tobacco in the tropics.
Even my present attacks of fever scarcely deserve to be taken
seriously. I have had no less than three here at Newala, all of which
have run their course in an incredibly short time. In the early
afternoon, I am busy with my old natives, asking questions and
making notes. The strong midday coffee has stimulated my spirits to
an extraordinary degree, the brain is active and vigorous, and work
progresses rapidly, while a pleasant warmth pervades the whole
body. Suddenly this gives place to a violent chill, forcing me to put on
my overcoat, though it is only half-past three and the afternoon sun
is at its hottest. Now the brain no longer works with such acuteness
and logical precision; more especially does it fail me in trying to
establish the syntax of the difficult Makua language on which I have
ventured, as if I had not enough to do without it. Under the
circumstances it seems advisable to take my temperature, and I do
so, to save trouble, without leaving my seat, and while going on with
my work. On examination, I find it to be 101·48°. My tutors are
abruptly dismissed and my bed set up in the baraza; a few minutes
later I am in it and treating myself internally with hot water and
lemon-juice.
Three hours later, the thermometer marks nearly 104°, and I make
them carry me back into the tent, bed and all, as I am now perspiring
heavily, and exposure to the cold wind just beginning to blow might
mean a fatal chill. I lie still for a little while, and then find, to my
great relief, that the temperature is not rising, but rather falling. This
is about 7.30 p.m. At 8 p.m. I find, to my unbounded astonishment,
that it has fallen below 98·6°, and I feel perfectly well. I read for an
hour or two, and could very well enjoy a smoke, if I had the
wherewithal—Indian cigars being out of the question.
Having no medical training, I am at a loss to account for this state
of things. It is impossible that these transitory attacks of high fever
should be malarial; it seems more probable that they are due to a
kind of sunstroke. On consulting my note-book, I become more and
more inclined to think this is the case, for these attacks regularly
follow extreme fatigue and long exposure to strong sunshine. They at
least have the advantage of being only short interruptions to my
work, as on the following morning I am always quite fresh and fit.
My treasure of a cook is suffering from an enormous hydrocele which
makes it difficult for him to get up, and Moritz is obliged to keep in
the dark on account of his inflamed eyes. Knudsen’s cook, a raw boy
from somewhere in the bush, knows still less of cooking than Omari;
consequently Nils Knudsen himself has been promoted to the vacant
post. Finding that we had come to the end of our supplies, he began
by sending to Chingulungulu for the four sucking-pigs which we had
bought from Matola and temporarily left in his charge; and when
they came up, neatly packed in a large crate, he callously slaughtered
the biggest of them. The first joint we were thoughtless enough to
entrust for roasting to Knudsen’s mshenzi cook, and it was
consequently uneatable; but we made the rest of the animal into a
jelly which we ate with great relish after weeks of underfeeding,
consuming incredible helpings of it at both midday and evening
meals. The only drawback is a certain want of variety in the tinned
vegetables. Dr. Jäger, to whom the Geographical Commission
entrusted the provisioning of the expeditions—mine as well as his
own—because he had more time on his hands than the rest of us,
seems to have laid in a huge stock of Teltow turnips,[46] an article of
food which is all very well for occasional use, but which quickly palls
when set before one every day; and we seem to have no other tins
left. There is no help for it—we must put up with the turnips; but I
am certain that, once I am home again, I shall not touch them for ten
years to come.
Amid all these minor evils, which, after all, go to make up the
genuine flavour of Africa, there is at least one cheering touch:
Knudsen has, with the dexterity of a skilled mechanic, repaired my 9
× 12 cm. camera, at least so far that I can use it with a little care.
How, in the absence of finger-nails, he was able to accomplish such a
ticklish piece of work, having no tool but a clumsy screw-driver for
taking to pieces and putting together again the complicated
mechanism of the instantaneous shutter, is still a mystery to me; but
he did it successfully. The loss of his finger-nails shows him in a light
contrasting curiously enough with the intelligence evinced by the
above operation; though, after all, it is scarcely surprising after his
ten years’ residence in the bush. One day, at Lindi, he had occasion
to wash a dog, which must have been in need of very thorough
cleansing, for the bottle handed to our friend for the purpose had an
extremely strong smell. Having performed his task in the most
conscientious manner, he perceived with some surprise that the dog
did not appear much the better for it, and was further surprised by
finding his own nails ulcerating away in the course of the next few
days. “How was I to know that carbolic acid has to be diluted?” he
mutters indignantly, from time to time, with a troubled gaze at his
mutilated finger-tips.
Since we came to Newala we have been making excursions in all
directions through the surrounding country, in accordance with old
habit, and also because the akida Sefu did not get together the tribal
elders from whom I wanted information so speedily as he had
promised. There is, however, no harm done, as, even if seen only
from the outside, the country and people are interesting enough.
The Makonde plateau is like a large rectangular table rounded off
at the corners. Measured from the Indian Ocean to Newala, it is
about seventy-five miles long, and between the Rovuma and the
Lukuledi it averages fifty miles in breadth, so that its superficial area
is about two-thirds of that of the kingdom of Saxony. The surface,
however, is not level, but uniformly inclined from its south-western
edge to the ocean. From the upper edge, on which Newala lies, the
eye ranges for many miles east and north-east, without encountering
any obstacle, over the Makonde bush. It is a green sea, from which
here and there thick clouds of smoke rise, to show that it, too, is
inhabited by men who carry on their tillage like so many other
primitive peoples, by cutting down and burning the bush, and
manuring with the ashes. Even in the radiant light of a tropical day
such a fire is a grand sight.
Much less effective is the impression produced just now by the
great western plain as seen from the edge of the plateau. As often as
time permits, I stroll along this edge, sometimes in one direction,
sometimes in another, in the hope of finding the air clear enough to
let me enjoy the view; but I have always been disappointed.
Wherever one looks, clouds of smoke rise from the burning bush,
and the air is full of smoke and vapour. It is a pity, for under more
favourable circumstances the panorama of the whole country up to
the distant Majeje hills must be truly magnificent. It is of little use
taking photographs now, and an outline sketch gives a very poor idea
of the scenery. In one of these excursions I went out of my way to
make a personal attempt on the Makonde bush. The present edge of
the plateau is the result of a far-reaching process of destruction
through erosion and denudation. The Makonde strata are
everywhere cut into by ravines, which, though short, are hundreds of
yards in depth. In consequence of the loose stratification of these
beds, not only are the walls of these ravines nearly vertical, but their
upper end is closed by an equally steep escarpment, so that the
western edge of the Makonde plateau is hemmed in by a series of
deep, basin-like valleys. In order to get from one side of such a ravine
to the other, I cut my way through the bush with a dozen of my men.
It was a very open part, with more grass than scrub, but even so the
short stretch of less than two hundred yards was very hard work; at
the end of it the men’s calicoes were in rags and they themselves
bleeding from hundreds of scratches, while even our strong khaki
suits had not escaped scatheless.
NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAHUTA
I see increasing reason to believe that the view formed some time
back as to the origin of the Makonde bush is the correct one. I have
no doubt that it is not a natural product, but the result of human
occupation. Those parts of the high country where man—as a very
slight amount of practice enables the eye to perceive at once—has not
yet penetrated with axe and hoe, are still occupied by a splendid
timber forest quite able to sustain a comparison with our mixed
forests in Germany. But wherever man has once built his hut or tilled
his field, this horrible bush springs up. Every phase of this process
may be seen in the course of a couple of hours’ walk along the main
road. From the bush to right or left, one hears the sound of the axe—
not from one spot only, but from several directions at once. A few
steps further on, we can see what is taking place. The brush has been
cut down and piled up in heaps to the height of a yard or more,
between which the trunks of the large trees stand up like the last
pillars of a magnificent ruined building. These, too, present a
melancholy spectacle: the destructive Makonde have ringed them—
cut a broad strip of bark all round to ensure their dying off—and also
piled up pyramids of brush round them. Father and son, mother and
son-in-law, are chopping away perseveringly in the background—too
busy, almost, to look round at the white stranger, who usually excites
so much interest. If you pass by the same place a week later, the piles
of brushwood have disappeared and a thick layer of ashes has taken
the place of the green forest. The large trees stretch their
smouldering trunks and branches in dumb accusation to heaven—if
they have not already fallen and been more or less reduced to ashes,
perhaps only showing as a white stripe on the dark ground.
This work of destruction is carried out by the Makonde alike on the
virgin forest and on the bush which has sprung up on sites already
cultivated and deserted. In the second case they are saved the trouble
of burning the large trees, these being entirely absent in the
secondary bush.
After burning this piece of forest ground and loosening it with the
hoe, the native sows his corn and plants his vegetables. All over the
country, he goes in for bed-culture, which requires, and, in fact,
receives, the most careful attention. Weeds are nowhere tolerated in
the south of German East Africa. The crops may fail on the plains,
where droughts are frequent, but never on the plateau with its
abundant rains and heavy dews. Its fortunate inhabitants even have
the satisfaction of seeing the proud Wayao and Wamakua working
for them as labourers, driven by hunger to serve where they were
accustomed to rule.
But the light, sandy soil is soon exhausted, and would yield no
harvest the second year if cultivated twice running. This fact has
been familiar to the native for ages; consequently he provides in
time, and, while his crop is growing, prepares the next plot with axe
and firebrand. Next year he plants this with his various crops and
lets the first piece lie fallow. For a short time it remains waste and
desolate; then nature steps in to repair the destruction wrought by
man; a thousand new growths spring out of the exhausted soil, and
even the old stumps put forth fresh shoots. Next year the new growth
is up to one’s knees, and in a few years more it is that terrible,
impenetrable bush, which maintains its position till the black
occupier of the land has made the round of all the available sites and
come back to his starting point.
The Makonde are, body and soul, so to speak, one with this bush.
According to my Yao informants, indeed, their name means nothing
else but “bush people.” Their own tradition says that they have been
settled up here for a very long time, but to my surprise they laid great
stress on an original immigration. Their old homes were in the
south-east, near Mikindani and the mouth of the Rovuma, whence
their peaceful forefathers were driven by the continual raids of the
Sakalavas from Madagascar and the warlike Shirazis[47] of the coast,
to take refuge on the almost inaccessible plateau. I have studied
African ethnology for twenty years, but the fact that changes of
population in this apparently quiet and peaceable corner of the earth
could have been occasioned by outside enterprises taking place on
the high seas, was completely new to me. It is, no doubt, however,
correct.
The charming tribal legend of the Makonde—besides informing us
of other interesting matters—explains why they have to live in the
thickest of the bush and a long way from the edge of the plateau,
instead of making their permanent homes beside the purling brooks
and springs of the low country.
“The place where the tribe originated is Mahuta, on the southern
side of the plateau towards the Rovuma, where of old time there was
nothing but thick bush. Out of this bush came a man who never
washed himself or shaved his head, and who ate and drank but little.
He went out and made a human figure from the wood of a tree
growing in the open country, which he took home to his abode in the
bush and there set it upright. In the night this image came to life and
was a woman. The man and woman went down together to the
Rovuma to wash themselves. Here the woman gave birth to a still-
born child. They left that place and passed over the high land into the
valley of the Mbemkuru, where the woman had another child, which
was also born dead. Then they returned to the high bush country of
Mahuta, where the third child was born, which lived and grew up. In
course of time, the couple had many more children, and called
themselves Wamatanda. These were the ancestral stock of the
Makonde, also called Wamakonde,[48] i.e., aborigines. Their
forefather, the man from the bush, gave his children the command to
bury their dead upright, in memory of the mother of their race who
was cut out of wood and awoke to life when standing upright. He also
warned them against settling in the valleys and near large streams,
for sickness and death dwelt there. They were to make it a rule to
have their huts at least an hour’s walk from the nearest watering-
place; then their children would thrive and escape illness.”
The explanation of the name Makonde given by my informants is
somewhat different from that contained in the above legend, which I
extract from a little book (small, but packed with information), by
Pater Adams, entitled Lindi und sein Hinterland. Otherwise, my
results agree exactly with the statements of the legend. Washing?
Hapana—there is no such thing. Why should they do so? As it is, the
supply of water scarcely suffices for cooking and drinking; other
people do not wash, so why should the Makonde distinguish himself
by such needless eccentricity? As for shaving the head, the short,
woolly crop scarcely needs it,[49] so the second ancestral precept is
likewise easy enough to follow. Beyond this, however, there is
nothing ridiculous in the ancestor’s advice. I have obtained from
various local artists a fairly large number of figures carved in wood,
ranging from fifteen to twenty-three inches in height, and
representing women belonging to the great group of the Mavia,
Makonde, and Matambwe tribes. The carving is remarkably well
done and renders the female type with great accuracy, especially the
keloid ornamentation, to be described later on. As to the object and
meaning of their works the sculptors either could or (more probably)
would tell me nothing, and I was forced to content myself with the
scanty information vouchsafed by one man, who said that the figures
were merely intended to represent the nembo—the artificial
deformations of pelele, ear-discs, and keloids. The legend recorded
by Pater Adams places these figures in a new light. They must surely
be more than mere dolls; and we may even venture to assume that
they are—though the majority of present-day Makonde are probably
unaware of the fact—representations of the tribal ancestress.
The references in the legend to the descent from Mahuta to the
Rovuma, and to a journey across the highlands into the Mbekuru
valley, undoubtedly indicate the previous history of the tribe, the
travels of the ancestral pair typifying the migrations of their
descendants. The descent to the neighbouring Rovuma valley, with
its extraordinary fertility and great abundance of game, is intelligible
at a glance—but the crossing of the Lukuledi depression, the ascent
to the Rondo Plateau and the descent to the Mbemkuru, also lie
within the bounds of probability, for all these districts have exactly
the same character as the extreme south. Now, however, comes a
point of especial interest for our bacteriological age. The primitive
Makonde did not enjoy their lives in the marshy river-valleys.
Disease raged among them, and many died. It was only after they
had returned to their original home near Mahuta, that the health
conditions of these people improved. We are very apt to think of the
African as a stupid person whose ignorance of nature is only equalled
by his fear of it, and who looks on all mishaps as caused by evil
spirits and malignant natural powers. It is much more correct to
assume in this case that the people very early learnt to distinguish
districts infested with malaria from those where it is absent.
This knowledge is crystallized in the
ancestral warning against settling in the
valleys and near the great waters, the
dwelling-places of disease and death. At the
same time, for security against the hostile
Mavia south of the Rovuma, it was enacted
that every settlement must be not less than a
certain distance from the southern edge of the
plateau. Such in fact is their mode of life at the
present day. It is not such a bad one, and
certainly they are both safer and more
comfortable than the Makua, the recent
intruders from the south, who have made USUAL METHOD OF
good their footing on the western edge of the CLOSING HUT-DOOR
plateau, extending over a fairly wide belt of
country. Neither Makua nor Makonde show in their dwellings
anything of the size and comeliness of the Yao houses in the plain,
especially at Masasi, Chingulungulu and Zuza’s. Jumbe Chauro, a
Makonde hamlet not far from Newala, on the road to Mahuta, is the
most important settlement of the tribe I have yet seen, and has fairly
spacious huts. But how slovenly is their construction compared with
the palatial residences of the elephant-hunters living in the plain.
The roofs are still more untidy than in the general run of huts during
the dry season, the walls show here and there the scanty beginnings
or the lamentable remains of the mud plastering, and the interior is a
veritable dog-kennel; dirt, dust and disorder everywhere. A few huts
only show any attempt at division into rooms, and this consists
merely of very roughly-made bamboo partitions. In one point alone
have I noticed any indication of progress—in the method of fastening
the door. Houses all over the south are secured in a simple but
ingenious manner. The door consists of a set of stout pieces of wood
or bamboo, tied with bark-string to two cross-pieces, and moving in
two grooves round one of the door-posts, so as to open inwards. If
the owner wishes to leave home, he takes two logs as thick as a man’s
upper arm and about a yard long. One of these is placed obliquely
against the middle of the door from the inside, so as to form an angle
of from 60° to 75° with the ground. He then places the second piece
horizontally across the first, pressing it downward with all his might.
It is kept in place by two strong posts planted in the ground a few
inches inside the door. This fastening is absolutely safe, but of course
cannot be applied to both doors at once, otherwise how could the
owner leave or enter his house? I have not yet succeeded in finding
out how the back door is fastened.
MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

This is the general way of closing a house. The Makonde at Jumbe
Chauro, however, have a much more complicated, solid and original
one. Here, too, the door is as already described, except that there is
only one post on the inside, standing by itself about six inches from
one side of the doorway. Opposite this post is a hole in the wall just
large enough to admit a man’s arm. The door is closed inside by a
large wooden bolt passing through a hole in this post and pressing
with its free end against the door. The other end has three holes into
which fit three pegs running in vertical grooves inside the post. The
door is opened with a wooden key about a foot long, somewhat
curved and sloped off at the butt; the other end has three pegs
corresponding to the holes, in the bolt, so that, when it is thrust
through the hole in the wall and inserted into the rectangular
opening in the post, the pegs can be lifted and the bolt drawn out.[50]
MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY
With no small pride first one householder and then a second

showed me on the spot the action of this greatest invention of the
Makonde Highlands. To both with an admiring exclamation of
“Vizuri sana!” (“Very fine!”). I expressed the wish to take back these
marvels with me to Ulaya, to show the Wazungu what clever fellows
the Makonde are. Scarcely five minutes after my return to camp at
Newala, the two men came up sweating under the weight of two
heavy logs which they laid down at my feet, handing over at the same
time the keys of the fallen fortress. Arguing, logically enough, that if
the key was wanted, the lock would be wanted with it, they had taken
their axes and chopped down the posts—as it never occurred to them
to dig them out of the ground and so bring them intact. Thus I have
two badly damaged specimens, and the owners, instead of praise,
come in for a blowing-up.
The Makua huts in the environs of Newala are especially
miserable; their more than slovenly construction reminds one of the
temporary erections of the Makua at Hatia’s, though the people here
have not been concerned in a war. It must therefore be due to
congenital idleness, or else to the absence of a powerful chief. Even
the baraza at Mlipa’s, a short hour’s walk south-east of Newala,
shares in this general neglect. While public buildings in this country
are usually looked after more or less carefully, this is in evident
danger of being blown over by the first strong easterly gale. The only
attractive object in this whole district is the grave of the late chief
Mlipa. I visited it in the morning, while the sun was still trying with
partial success to break through the rolling mists, and the circular
grove of tall euphorbias, which, with a broken pot, is all that marks
the old king’s resting-place, impressed one with a touch of pathos.
Even my very materially-minded carriers seemed to feel something
of the sort, for instead of their usual ribald songs, they chanted
solemnly, as we marched on through the dense green of the Makonde
bush:—
“We shall arrive with the great master; we stand in a row and have
no fear about getting our food and our money from the Serkali (the
Government). We are not afraid; we are going along with the great
master, the lion; we are going down to the coast and back.”
With regard to the characteristic features of the various tribes here
on the western edge of the plateau, I can arrive at no other
conclusion than the one already come to in the plain, viz., that it is
impossible for anyone but a trained anthropologist to assign any
given individual at once to his proper tribe. In fact, I think that even
an anthropological specialist, after the most careful examination,
might find it a difficult task to decide. The whole congeries of peoples
collected in the region bounded on the west by the great Central
African rift, Tanganyika and Nyasa, and on the east by the Indian
Ocean, are closely related to each other—some of their languages are
only distinguished from one another as dialects of the same speech,
and no doubt all the tribes present the same shape of skull and
structure of skeleton. Thus, surely, there can be no very striking
differences in outward appearance.
Even did such exist, I should have no time
to concern myself with them, for day after day,
I have to see or hear, as the case may be—in
any case to grasp and record—an
extraordinary number of ethnographic
phenomena. I am almost disposed to think it
fortunate that some departments of inquiry, at
least, are barred by external circumstances.
Chief among these is the subject of iron-
working. We are apt to think of Africa as a
country where iron ore is everywhere, so to
speak, to be picked up by the roadside, and
where it would be quite surprising if the
inhabitants had not learnt to smelt the
material ready to their hand. In fact, the
knowledge of this art ranges all over the
continent, from the Kabyles in the north to the
Kafirs in the south. Here between the Rovuma
and the Lukuledi the conditions are not so
favourable. According to the statements of the
Makonde, neither ironstone nor any other
form of iron ore is known to them. They have
not therefore advanced to the art of smelting
the metal, but have hitherto bought all their
THE ANCESTRESS OF
THE MAKONDE
iron implements from neighbouring tribes.
Even in the plain the inhabitants are not much
better off. Only one man now living is said to
understand the art of smelting iron. This old fundi lives close to
Huwe, that isolated, steep-sided block of granite which rises out of
the green solitude between Masasi and Chingulungulu, and whose
jagged and splintered top meets the traveller’s eye everywhere. While
still at Masasi I wished to see this man at work, but was told that,
frightened by the rising, he had retired across the Rovuma, though
he would soon return. All subsequent inquiries as to whether the
fundi had come back met with the genuine African answer, “Bado”
(“Not yet”).
BRAZIER
Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

came across in the bush near Akundonde’s. This man is the favourite
of women, and therefore no doubt of the gods; he welds the glittering
brass rods purchased at the coast into those massive, heavy rings
which, on the wrists and ankles of the local fair ones, continually give
me fresh food for admiration. Like every decent master-craftsman he
had all his tools with him, consisting of a pair of bellows, three
crucibles and a hammer—nothing more, apparently. He was quite
willing to show his skill, and in a twinkling had fixed his bellows on
the ground. They are simply two goat-skins, taken off whole, the four
legs being closed by knots, while the upper opening, intended to
admit the air, is kept stretched by two pieces of wood. At the lower
end of the skin a smaller opening is left into which a wooden tube is
stuck. The fundi has quickly borrowed a heap of wood-embers from
the nearest hut; he then fixes the free ends of the two tubes into an
earthen pipe, and clamps them to the ground by means of a bent
piece of wood. Now he fills one of his small clay crucibles, the dross
on which shows that they have been long in use, with the yellow
material, places it in the midst of the embers, which, at present are
only faintly glimmering, and begins his work. In quick alternation
the smith’s two hands move up and down with the open ends of the
bellows; as he raises his hand he holds the slit wide open, so as to let
the air enter the skin bag unhindered. In pressing it down he closes
the bag, and the air puffs through the bamboo tube and clay pipe into
the fire, which quickly burns up. The smith, however, does not keep
on with this work, but beckons to another man, who relieves him at
the bellows, while he takes some more tools out of a large skin pouch
carried on his back. I look on in wonder as, with a smooth round
stick about the thickness of a finger, he bores a few vertical holes into
the clean sand of the soil. This should not be difficult, yet the man
seems to be taking great pains over it. Then he fastens down to the
ground, with a couple of wooden clamps, a neat little trough made by
splitting a joint of bamboo in half, so that the ends are closed by the
two knots. At last the yellow metal has attained the right consistency,
and the fundi lifts the crucible from the fire by means of two sticks
split at the end to serve as tongs. A short swift turn to the left—a
tilting of the crucible—and the molten brass, hissing and giving forth
clouds of smoke, flows first into the bamboo mould and then into the
holes in the ground.
The technique of this backwoods craftsman may not be very far
advanced, but it cannot be denied that he knows how to obtain an
adequate result by the simplest means. The ladies of highest rank in
this country—that is to say, those who can afford it, wear two kinds
of these massive brass rings, one cylindrical, the other semicircular
in section. The latter are cast in the most ingenious way in the
bamboo mould, the former in the circular hole in the sand. It is quite
a simple matter for the fundi to fit these bars to the limbs of his fair
customers; with a few light strokes of his hammer he bends the
pliable brass round arm or ankle without further inconvenience to
the wearer.
SHAPING THE POT
SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB
CUTTING THE EDGE

FINISHING THE BOTTOM
LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

BURNING
FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

LIGHTING THE FARTHER SIDE OF
THE PILE
TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL
NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

Pottery is an art which must always and everywhere excite the
interest of the student, just because it is so intimately connected with
the development of human culture, and because its relics are one of
the principal factors in the reconstruction of our own condition in
prehistoric times. I shall always remember with pleasure the two or
three afternoons at Masasi when Salim Matola’s mother, a slightly-
built, graceful, pleasant-looking woman, explained to me with
touching patience, by means of concrete illustrations, the ceramic art
of her people. The only implements for this primitive process were a
lump of clay in her left hand, and in the right a calabash containing
the following valuables: the fragment of a maize-cob stripped of all
its grains, a smooth, oval pebble, about the size of a pigeon’s egg, a
few chips of gourd-shell, a bamboo splinter about the length of one’s
hand, a small shell, and a bunch of some herb resembling spinach.
Nothing more. The woman scraped with the
shell a round, shallow hole in the soft, fine
sand of the soil, and, when an active young
girl had filled the calabash with water for her,
she began to knead the clay. As if by magic it
gradually assumed the shape of a rough but
already well-shaped vessel, which only wanted
a little touching up with the instruments
before mentioned. I looked out with the
MAKUA WOMAN closest attention for any indication of the use
MAKING A POT. of the potter’s wheel, in however rudimentary
SHOWS THE a form, but no—hapana (there is none). The
BEGINNINGS OF THE embryo pot stood firmly in its little
POTTER’S WHEEL
depression, and the woman walked round it in
a stooping posture, whether she was removing
small stones or similar foreign bodies with the maize-cob, smoothing
the inner or outer surface with the splinter of bamboo, or later, after
letting it dry for a day, pricking in the ornamentation with a pointed
bit of gourd-shell, or working out the bottom, or cutting the edge
with a sharp bamboo knife, or giving the last touches to the finished
vessel. This occupation of the women is infinitely toilsome, but it is
without doubt an accurate reproduction of the process in use among
our ancestors of the Neolithic and Bronze ages.
There is no doubt that the invention of pottery, an item in human
progress whose importance cannot be over-estimated, is due to
women. Rough, coarse and unfeeling, the men of the horde range
over the countryside. When the united cunning of the hunters has
succeeded in killing the game; not one of them thinks of carrying
home the spoil. A bright fire, kindled by a vigorous wielding of the
drill, is crackling beside them; the animal has been cleaned and cut
up secundum artem, and, after a slight singeing, will soon disappear
under their sharp teeth; no one all this time giving a single thought
to wife or child.
To what shifts, on the other hand, the primitive wife, and still more
the primitive mother, was put! Not even prehistoric stomachs could
endure an unvarying diet of raw food. Something or other suggested
the beneficial effect of hot water on the majority of approved but
indigestible dishes. Perhaps a neighbour had tried holding the hard
roots or tubers over the fire in a calabash filled with water—or maybe
an ostrich-egg-shell, or a hastily improvised vessel of bark. They
became much softer and more palatable than they had previously
been; but, unfortunately, the vessel could not stand the fire and got
charred on the outside. That can be remedied, thought our
ancestress, and plastered a layer of wet clay round a similar vessel.
This is an improvement; the cooking utensil remains uninjured, but
the heat of the fire has shrunk it, so that it is loose in its shell. The
next step is to detach it, so, with a firm grip and a jerk, shell and
kernel are separated, and pottery is invented. Perhaps, however, the
discovery which led to an intelligent use of the burnt-clay shell, was
made in a slightly different way. Ostrich-eggs and calabashes are not
to be found in every part of the world, but everywhere mankind has
arrived at the art of making baskets out of pliant materials, such as
bark, bast, strips of palm-leaf, supple twigs, etc. Our inventor has no
water-tight vessel provided by nature. “Never mind, let us line the
basket with clay.” This answers the purpose, but alas! the basket gets
burnt over the blazing fire, the woman watches the process of
cooking with increasing uneasiness, fearing a leak, but no leak
appears. The food, done to a turn, is eaten with peculiar relish; and
the cooking-vessel is examined, half in curiosity, half in satisfaction
at the result. The plastic clay is now hard as stone, and at the same
time looks exceedingly well, for the neat plaiting of the burnt basket
is traced all over it in a pretty pattern. Thus, simultaneously with
pottery, its ornamentation was invented.
Primitive woman has another claim to respect. It was the man,
roving abroad, who invented the art of producing fire at will, but the
woman, unable to imitate him in this, has been a Vestal from the
earliest times. Nothing gives so much trouble as the keeping alight of
the smouldering brand, and, above all, when all the men are absent
from the camp. Heavy rain-clouds gather, already the first large
drops are falling, the first gusts of the storm rage over the plain. The
little flame, a greater anxiety to the woman than her own children,
flickers unsteadily in the blast. What is to be done? A sudden thought
occurs to her, and in an instant she has constructed a primitive hut
out of strips of bark, to protect the flame against rain and wind.
This, or something very like it, was the way in which the principle
of the house was discovered; and even the most hardened misogynist
cannot fairly refuse a woman the credit of it. The protection of the
hearth-fire from the weather is the germ from which the human
dwelling was evolved. Men had little, if any share, in this forward
step, and that only at a late stage. Even at the present day, the
plastering of the housewall with clay and the manufacture of pottery
are exclusively the women’s business. These are two very significant
survivals. Our European kitchen-garden, too, is originally a woman’s
invention, and the hoe, the primitive instrument of agriculture, is,
characteristically enough, still used in this department. But the
noblest achievement which we owe to the other sex is unquestionably
the art of cookery. Roasting alone—the oldest process—is one for
which men took the hint (a very obvious one) from nature. It must
have been suggested by the scorched carcase of some animal
overtaken by the destructive forest-fires. But boiling—the process of
improving organic substances by the help of water heated to boiling-
point—is a much later discovery. It is so recent that it has not even
yet penetrated to all parts of the world. The Polynesians understand
how to steam food, that is, to cook it, neatly wrapped in leaves, in a
hole in the earth between hot stones, the air being excluded, and
(sometimes) a few drops of water sprinkled on the stones; but they
do not understand boiling.
To come back from this digression, we find that the slender Nyasa
woman has, after once more carefully examining the finished pot,
put it aside in the shade to dry. On the following day she sends me
word by her son, Salim Matola, who is always on hand, that she is
going to do the burning, and, on coming out of my house, I find her
already hard at work. She has spread on the ground a layer of very
dry sticks, about as thick as one’s thumb, has laid the pot (now of a
yellowish-grey colour) on them, and is piling brushwood round it.
My faithful Pesa mbili, the mnyampara, who has been standing by,
most obligingly, with a lighted stick, now hands it to her. Both of
them, blowing steadily, light the pile on the lee side, and, when the
flame begins to catch, on the weather side also. Soon the whole is in a
blaze, but the dry fuel is quickly consumed and the fire dies down, so
that we see the red-hot vessel rising from the ashes. The woman
turns it continually with a long stick, sometimes one way and
sometimes another, so that it may be evenly heated all over. In
twenty minutes she rolls it out of the ash-heap, takes up the bundle
of spinach, which has been lying for two days in a jar of water, and
sprinkles the red-hot clay with it. The places where the drops fall are
marked by black spots on the uniform reddish-brown surface. With a
sigh of relief, and with visible satisfaction, the woman rises to an
erect position; she is standing just in a line between me and the fire,
from which a cloud of smoke is just rising: I press the ball of my
camera, the shutter clicks—the apotheosis is achieved! Like a
priestess, representative of her inventive sex, the graceful woman
stands: at her feet the hearth-fire she has given us beside her the
invention she has devised for us, in the background the home she has
built for us.
At Newala, also, I have had the manufacture of pottery carried on
in my presence. Technically the process is better than that already
described, for here we find the beginnings of the potter’s wheel,
which does not seem to exist in the plains; at least I have seen
nothing of the sort. The artist, a frightfully stupid Makua woman, did
not make a depression in the ground to receive the pot she was about
to shape, but used instead a large potsherd. Otherwise, she went to
work in much the same way as Salim’s mother, except that she saved
herself the trouble of walking round and round her work by squatting
at her ease and letting the pot and potsherd rotate round her; this is
surely the first step towards a machine. But it does not follow that
the pot was improved by the process. It is true that it was beautifully
rounded and presented a very creditable appearance when finished,
but the numerous large and small vessels which I have seen, and, in
part, collected, in the “less advanced” districts, are no less so. We
moderns imagine that instruments of precision are necessary to
produce excellent results. Go to the prehistoric collections of our
museums and look at the pots, urns and bowls of our ancestors in the
dim ages of the past, and you will at once perceive your error.
MAKING LONGITUDINAL CUT IN
BARK
DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG
REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

BEATING THE BARK
WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

SOFT
MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

To-day, nearly the whole population of German East Africa is
clothed in imported calico. This was not always the case; even now in
some parts of the north dressed skins are still the prevailing wear,
and in the north-western districts—east and north of Lake
Tanganyika—lies a zone where bark-cloth has not yet been
superseded. Probably not many generations have passed since such
bark fabrics and kilts of skins were the only clothing even in the
south. Even to-day, large quantities of this bright-red or drab
material are still to be found; but if we wish to see it, we must look in
the granaries and on the drying stages inside the native huts, where
it serves less ambitious uses as wrappings for those seeds and fruits
which require to be packed with special care. The salt produced at
Masasi, too, is packed for transport to a distance in large sheets of
bark-cloth. Wherever I found it in any degree possible, I studied the
process of making this cloth. The native requisitioned for the
purpose arrived, carrying a log between two and three yards long and
as thick as his thigh, and nothing else except a curiously-shaped
mallet and the usual long, sharp and pointed knife which all men and
boys wear in a belt at their backs without a sheath—horribile dictu!
[51]
Silently he squats down before me, and with two rapid cuts has
drawn a couple of circles round the log some two yards apart, and
slits the bark lengthwise between them with the point of his knife.
With evident care, he then scrapes off the outer rind all round the
log, so that in a quarter of an hour the inner red layer of the bark
shows up brightly-coloured between the two untouched ends. With
some trouble and much caution, he now loosens the bark at one end,
and opens the cylinder. He then stands up, takes hold of the free
edge with both hands, and turning it inside out, slowly but steadily
pulls it off in one piece. Now comes the troublesome work of
scraping all superfluous particles of outer bark from the outside of
the long, narrow piece of material, while the inner side is carefully
scrutinised for defective spots. At last it is ready for beating. Having
signalled to a friend, who immediately places a bowl of water beside
him, the artificer damps his sheet of bark all over, seizes his mallet,
lays one end of the stuff on the smoothest spot of the log, and
hammers away slowly but continuously. “Very simple!” I think to
myself. “Why, I could do that, too!”—but I am forced to change my
opinions a little later on; for the beating is quite an art, if the fabric is
not to be beaten to pieces. To prevent the breaking of the fibres, the
stuff is several times folded across, so as to interpose several
thicknesses between the mallet and the block. At last the required
state is reached, and the fundi seizes the sheet, still folded, by both
ends, and wrings it out, or calls an assistant to take one end while he
holds the other. The cloth produced in this way is not nearly so fine
and uniform in texture as the famous Uganda bark-cloth, but it is
quite soft, and, above all, cheap.
Now, too, I examine the mallet. My craftsman has been using the
simpler but better form of this implement, a conical block of some
hard wood, its base—the striking surface—being scored across and
across with more or less deeply-cut grooves, and the handle stuck
into a hole in the middle. The other and earlier form of mallet is
shaped in the same way, but the head is fastened by an ingenious
network of bark strips into the split bamboo serving as a handle. The
observation so often made, that ancient customs persist longest in
connection with religious ceremonies and in the life of children, here
finds confirmation. As we shall soon see, bark-cloth is still worn
during the unyago,[52] having been prepared with special solemn
ceremonies; and many a mother, if she has no other garment handy,
will still put her little one into a kilt of bark-cloth, which, after all,
looks better, besides being more in keeping with its African
surroundings, than the ridiculous bit of print from Ulaya.
MAKUA WOMEN

Criminal Behavior A Psychological Approach 11th Edition

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

You might also like

Criminal Behavior A Psychological Approach 11th Edition

Uploaded by

Document Information

Original Title

Copyright

Available Formats

Share this document

Share or Embed Document

Sharing Options

Did you find this document useful?

Is this content inappropriate?

Copyright:

Available Formats

Criminal Behavior A Psychological Approach 11th Edition

Uploaded by

Copyright:

Available Formats

Criminal Behavior: A Psychological

Approach (11th Edition)

Chapter 3 orIgIns of CrImInal BehavIor: BIologICal

Chapter 4 orIgIns of CrImInal BehavIor: learnIng

Behaviorism as a Method of Science 108

Chapter 5 human aggressIon and vIolenCe 135

Cognitive Models of Aggression 147

Chapter 6 JuvenIle delInquenCy 164

Chapter 7 psyChopathy 200

Summary and Conclusions 232

Chapter 8 CrIme and mental dIsorders 235

Chapter 9 homICIde, assault, and IntImate partner

Chapter 10 multIple murder, sChool and WorkplaCe

Crime Scene Profiling 314

Chapter 11 psyChology of modern terrorIsm 345

Terrorist Motives and Justifications 363

Chapter 12 sexual assault 370

Chapter 13 sexual aBuse of ChIldren and youth 398

Chapter 14 Burglary, home InvasIons, thefts,

Chapter 15 vIolent eConomIC CrIme, CyBerCrIme,

Hostage-Taking Offenses 476

Chapter 16 suBstanCe aBuse and CrIme 489

Crack and Crime 509

New to this editioN

• More attention to female offending.

To access supplementary materials online, instructors need to request an instructor access

and research of criminal behavior.

■■ Describe the three major disciplines in criminology: sociological, psychological,

TheoreTiCal PersPeCTives on human naTure

Table 1-1 Perspectives of Human Nature

DisCiPlinary PersPeCTives in Criminology

Table 1-2 The Three Major Disciplinary Perspectives in Criminology

BiologiCal or neurologiCal aPProaCh. Many criminologists who identify themselves as

DeveloPmenTal aPProaCh. Learning how criminal behavior begins and progresses is

Defining anD measuring Crime

uniform Crime reporting system

Newala, too, suffers from the distance of its water-supply—at least

The water-supply of New Newala is in the bottom of the valley,

NATIVE PATH THROUGH THE MAKONDE BUSH, NEAR

MAKONDE LOCK AND KEY AT JUMBE CHAURO

MODE OF INSERTING THE KEY

With no small pride first one householder and then a second

Some consolation was afforded me by a brassfounder, whom I

SMOOTHING WITH MAIZE-COB

CUTTING THE EDGE

LAST SMOOTHING BEFORE

FIRING THE BRUSH-PILE

TURNING THE RED-HOT VESSEL

NYASA WOMAN MAKING POTS AT MASASI

DRAWING THE BARK OFF THE LOG

REMOVING THE OUTER BARK

WORKING THE BARK-CLOTH AFTER BEATING, TO MAKE IT

MANUFACTURE OF BARK-CLOTH AT NEWALA

You might also like