Professional Documents
Culture Documents
Vocal Music and Contemporary Identities (Christian Utz, Frederick Lau)
Vocal Music and Contemporary Identities (Christian Utz, Frederick Lau)
Vocal Music and Contemporary Identities (Christian Utz, Frederick Lau)
Christian Utz is Professor of music theory and music analysis at the Univer-
sity of Music and Dramatic Arts in Graz, Austria.
Typeset in Sabon
by IBT Global.
PART I
Global Perspectives on the Voice
PART II
Voices of/in Art Music
PART III
Voices of/in Popular Music and Media Art
Contributors 297
Index 303
Figures and Tables
FIGURES
TABLES
This book involves the scholarly knowledge, thoughtful efforts, and kind
support of many people. Several of its topics have fi rst been introduced dur-
ing the international conference “Unlimited Voices: Contemporary Vocal
Music in the Era of Globalization” from March 8 to 9, 2008 at the Uni-
versity of Tokyo (Institute for Interdisciplinary Cultural Studies, Komaba
campus), initiated and chaired by Christian Utz during his time as visit-
ing professor at the University’s Graduate Institute of Arts and Sciences.
Heartfelt thanks go to Hermann Gottschewski (The University of Tokyo)
for making this conference possible and for his invaluable assistance in
organizing and obtaining funding for it, as well as to Tae Yokoyu-Ota for
tirelessly and successfully working on the conference’s schedule and public
presentation.1 The conference was officially hosted by the research project
“The Role of Machines in Music Culture: Analysis of Historical and Cur-
rent Aspects and Perspectives,” directed by Gottschewski and funded by
the Japan Society for the Promotion of Science (JSPS). Additional support
for the conference was granted by the Piano Committee of the University of
Tokyo, the Musicological Society of Japan, Kanto Section, as well as by the
Goethe-Institut Japan in Tokyo. Our sincere thanks go to all participants of
this conference for their lively and reflexive contributions. Unfortunately it
was not possible to retain all papers presented during this conference in the
present book as its scope was extended to cover both art and popular music
as well as a more balanced coverage of East Asian and Western approaches.
We would therefore like to particularly acknowledge the rich perspectives
on our book’s theme developed by all those active conference participants
not included here: Seiji Chōki and Hermann Gottschewski (The University
of Tokyo), Harue Kondoh (Okinawa Prefectural University of Arts), Steven
G. Nelson (Hosei University, Tokyo), Steven Nuss (Colby College, Water-
ville, ME), Akeo Okada (Kyoto University), and Yūji Takahashi (Tokyo).
Special thanks go to the group of advanced graduate students that attended
Utz’s seminar on “Music and Globalization: A Critical Review of Schol-
arly Concepts and Musical Works” in Tokyo and presented the seminar’s
themes and results during the conference, namely Yōhei Yamakami, Jin
Nakamura, Ena Kajino, Stefan Menzel, and Fumito Shirai. Chapters of
xiv Acknowledgments
the present book that have been elaborated from conference papers include
the essays by Fuyuko Fukunaka, Heekyung Lee, Jörn Peter Hiekel, and by
both editors.
We would further like to cordially thank all those who have commented
on the initial book proposal and on the final manuscript and who helped
to constantly improve the book’s profi le and contents. Nicholas Cook has
incessantly accompanied the evolution of this project by commenting on
several versions of the proposal as well as on draft versions of individ-
ual essays. By agreeing to contribute an afterword and by commenting in
detail on the editors’ introduction, Cook has further prominently helped
to shape the book’s overall “voice.” Without his tireless and highly compe-
tent involvement this volume may have never reached its fi nal state. Three
anonymous reviewers, Hermann Gottschewski, as well as all authors also
contributed significantly to provide the book with a concise methodologi-
cal focus and an encompassing coverage of themes.
Many thanks to the Routledge editors, editorial board, and production
team, particularly to Elizabeth Levine, commissioning editor of Routledge
Research, for her trust in our project and for supporting all stages of its
transformation, and to Catherine Tung, editorial assistant, for her prompt
and precise support in all editorial questions as well as to Molly Coon for
her expertly copyediting and to Eleanor Chan and her team for creating
the attractive layout. Special thanks go to Dieter Kleinrath (University of
Music and Dramatic Arts Graz) who was of great help in compiling the
index. We also acknowledge the kind permission granted by the publishers
and composers from whose publications the score examples, graphics, and
images in this book are reproduced. The University of Music and Dramatic
Arts Graz kindly granted support for covering reproduction fees.
Not least warm thanks go to the authors of this book for the productive
dialogues that have developed out of the editorial revisions of their essays
and for their patience and endurance during the intricate editorial process.
We dearly hope that all of them fi nd the result inspiring for their further
research or artistic work.
* * *
This book and the conference from which it emerged are results of my
research project on the “Comparative Study of Conceptualizations of Vocal
Music in East Asian and Western Music Traditions and Their Relevance
for Contemporary Composers,” pursued from January to March 2008 at
the University of Tokyo, Graduate Institute of Arts and Sciences. Prelimi-
nary research was undertaken from September to December 2007 at the
National Chiao-Tung University Hsinchu, Taiwan. I heartily thank Her-
mann Gottschewski for inviting me to Tokyo as a visiting professor, and
thus providing me with a convenient time frame for the complex research
tasks that this topic involved. I also thank Hsing-Chwen Hsin, former direc-
tor of the Institute of Music at the National Chiao-Tung University, for her
Acknowledgments xv
invitation to Hsinchu. My research in Taiwan has been supported by the
National Science Council, Taiwan, as well as by UniNet Eurasia Pacific,
Austria. Finally, I am most grateful for the continuous support of my home
university, the University of Music and Dramatic Arts Graz, which granted
me a seven-months research leave for this particular type of “exploration
and development of the arts.”
Further discussions of my research on the voice were held during guest
lectures I presented at the University of Osaka and the Kyoto City Uni-
versity of Arts in 2008, and at the National Chiao-Tung University Hsin-
chu and the National Taiwan University in 2010. I am most indebted
to all colleagues with whom I was privileged to discuss issues of my
research during the last four years including Hermann Gottschewski,
Seiji Chōki, Kiichiro Oishi, and Karen Shimakawa (The University of
Tokyo), Akeo Okada (Kyoto University), Ayako Tatsumura and Toshie
Kakinuma (Kyoto City University of Arts), Nobuhiro Ito (University of
Osaka), as well as Ishikawa Kō, Mayumi Miyata, Yūji Takahashi, Aki
Takahashi, Hifumi Shimoyama, Yoko Nishi, Yumiko Tanaka, Huber-
tus Dreyer, and Mari Takano (Tokyo), Chao-Ming Tung, Lap Kwan
Kam, and Tzyee-Sheng Lee (National Chiao-Tung University Hsinchu),
Yingfen Wang, Yuwen Wang, and Chien-Chang Yang (National Taiwan
University), Chingwen Chao (National Taiwan Normal University), as
well as Luciana Galliano (Università Ca’Foscari di Venezia), Kyle Heide
(formerly at The University of Hong Kong), and Gerd Grupe and Peter
Revers (University of Music and Dramatic Arts Graz). Also I was highly
inspired by the discussions I had with the students participating in my
Tokyo seminar mentioned above including also Tomoko Takahashi and
Yukari Miyaki who were not able to participate in the presentation dur-
ing the conference.
Finally, cordial thanks go to Fred Lau for willingly offering to act as co-
editor to this time-consuming project and for his selfless dedication during
all stages of the editorial process despite his busy schedule. His perspectives
have substantially contributed to broadening the scope covered by the pres-
ent book and its overall coherence.
I wouldn’t have been able to complete this project without the enduring
love, understanding, and support of Wen-Tsien and Raffaela.
—Christian Utz
* * *
All scholarly projects are collaborative by nature. Their trajectories are often
as unpredictable and serendipitous as the discursive terrain they cover. My
venture into this project wouldn’t have happened without the stimulation,
critique, and encouragement of many friends and colleagues along my musi-
cal journey, both as a practicing musician and as a music scholar. Trained
as an instrumentalist, I hadn’t anticipated that voice would play such a
xvi Acknowledgments
prominent role in my life—singing in a rock band, a folk singing group, a
chorus, and eventually Chinese jingju, kunqu opera, Japanese nō-theater,
and even conducting a Chinese choir. My engagements with these vocal
genres have convinced me that no voice can exist beyond the interstices
where body, culture, emotion, aesthetic, and discourse meet. As the prod-
uct of these connections, the voice works collaboratively and interactively,
but always in the shadow of subtext and metanarrative. I have presented
some of my ideas about the voice at meetings and colloquiums. In par-
ticular, I would like to thank Rembrandt Wolpert and François Picard for
their thoughtful comments on my paper on vocality when I first presented
on this topic at the Paris-Sorbonne University. I am also grateful for the
comments I received for subsequent presentations at the University of Hong
Kong, National Taiwan University, National Singapore University, Soci-
ety for Ethnomusicology national meetings, and the Association for Asian
Studies national meetings. Finally, the 2008 conference at the University
of Tokyo gave me the opportunity to present my analysis about voice and
vocality in a themed context.
I want to thank Christian Utz and Hermann Gottschewski for inviting
me to this conference. It was here that I was exposed to new ways of think-
ing about the voice across cultures and disciplinary boundaries. It was my
honor that Christian later asked me to contribute a chapter and to co-edit
this book with him. Christian is the co-editor everyone would love to have.
He is efficient, thoughtful, thorough, and responsible. Needless to say, it is
a joy to work with him. He kept us going even when we were swept under
by the burden of our daily routine and administrative duties. Bravo Chris-
tian. Thanks also go to all contributors for their hard work and for being
good sports during the editing process. Lastly, my heartfelt gratitude goes
to my wife Heather Diamond, a scholar of expressive cultures and museum
studies. Her critique, wisdom, love, and humor are what sustained me in
the completion of this project.
—Frederick Lau
NOTES
* * *
* * *
The significance of the voice in the field of tension formed by intercultural iden-
tity discourses, according to a formulation in Nicholas Cook’s afterword, lies
in its potential to show “how traditional ethnic markers can be transformed
in light of new cultural and economic circumstances [ . . . ]. New identities
build on the past, but transform it in unpredictable ways” (286). Furthermore,
these identities are in many cases not a byproduct of vocal performance, but
consciously staged, enacted, or subversively dissolved: examples may be found
in all three parts of this book. “Reflexive globalization” in vocal music indeed
implies that most cases of such identity formation and rejection through the
vocal medium are conceived consciously and deliberately as reaction, objec-
tion, or amplification of globalized representations of “vocal authority.” As
all the chapters vividly demonstrate, however, it is not sufficient to conceive
of the voice simply as an “authentic” means of sustaining the affirmation of
personal or cultural identity. Rather, the voice’s entanglement in transforma-
tions of musical genres and styles, intimately cross-related to political, com-
mercial, or populist agendas, is multiply influencing the manner in which
voices articulate identity issues in musical contexts. Most notably in China,
but increasingly in other rapidly economizing societies of East Asia and the
West, uses of the voice that are independent of political and commercial pres-
sures are becoming increasingly marginalized. Indeed, as researchers in the
context of African art music have argued (Scherzinger 2004, 610–611), the
very concept of creating new art music in non-Western contexts can often be
read as a resistance against the commodification and reification of music in
commercialized, officially acclaimed, or conventionally established forms of
cultural representation.
The voice in globalized contemporary music, as Cook’s afterword puts
it, stands “like an earthquake belt at the junction between multiple tec-
tonic plates” (285). In musical contexts it reflects a century-long process of
domestication as a primary means of cultural expression and social empow-
erment, crystallized in the proliferation and transformation of vocal styles
and genres. But it also articulates a potential to transcend these limitations
Introduction 19
by affording moments of “unlimited” presence, a potential to transgress
personal and cultural boundaries. That is the potential which the contribu-
tors to this book aim to bring to light.
NOTES
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Part I
Global Perspectives
on the Voice
2 Presence and Ethicity of the Voice
1
Dieter Mersch
“INDEFINABLE” VOICES
From the Heliconian Muses let us begin to sing, who hold the great
and holy mount of Helicon, and dance on soft feet about the deep-blue
spring and the altar of the almighty son of Cronos, and, when they
have washed their tender bodies in Permessus or in the Horse’s Spring
or Olmeius, make their fair, lovely dances upon highest Helicon and
move with vigorous feet (Hesiod 1914, II, 1–8).
What one encounters fi rst in writing about the voice is its corporeality, its
physical presence—a physicality which in turn is not writing and cannot be
experienced through writing. To talk about voices therefore implies grasp-
ing onto an inalienable difference. It is difficult to set, because the voice is
incessantly superimposed by what it says: a meaning pushes its way in front
of the voice’s presence, disguising it and covering it. It therefore requires
special methods to bring the voice as such to light, to literally expose its
meaning. This is primarily and powerfully tangible where words turn out
to be distorted, namely in artistic practices in which the voice is turned into
material and its exterior is presented, e.g., in the Lautdichtungen (sound
poems) by Kurt Schwitters and Ernst Jandl or in John Cage’s late (language)
compositions (see Mersch 2000 and 2002a, 278–289). Without exception,
paradoxical maneuvers are involved, which serve to change the focus: series
of sounds, words, and syllables are continuously combined or cut up and
subject to contingencies, until, as in Cage’s Empty Words (1973–1976),
only meaningless vowels and consonants remain, which are nothing but
tones. Then that which is not meaning rises in the voice: the corporeality
of the sound.
As every verbal sound, but especially screams, sighs, or songs reveal,
not just the throat and the vocal folds participate in this physicality; the
entire body is literally absorbed. The body functions as a sounding board,
as a metronome. This also means that the body functions as the volume
and rhythm ascribed to the singularity of only one respective body and as
such is incorporated into language and its musicality. As a location for the
voice and language, the body can be understood as a medium. Nonethe-
less, the fi rst issue we will consider here is: how does this singularity of its
physicality relate to the mediality of the voice? This in turn corresponds to
Presence and Ethicity of the Voice 29
the question of the relation between phenomenality, medium, and articula-
tion. If the phenomenality of the voice refers especially to its materiality,
its body, then its mediality is relevant where it first produces language and
meaning. Consequently it enters into the function of articulation.
Articulation, however, is based on cuts and differentiations. In this
sense, every articulation, even in music, turns out to be discrete (and is,
thus, noticeable), which is why Ferdinand de Saussure generally defi ned
sound through the figure of the “slice” (1997, 355, 366, 393), 5 because as
he states, “A language does not present itself to us as a set of signs already
delimited, requiring us merely to study their meanings and organization. It
is an indistinct mass, in which attention and habit alone enable us to distin-
guish particular elements” (1986, 102). In particular, every cut constitutes
that which Saussure referred to as “signified/signifier” scheme, which can-
not itself be separated. Articulation thus turns the voice into an instrument
for sign production. It puts the voice in the service of language, which oscil-
lates between physicality and significance. For language, both moments are
relevant: whereas the body of the voice opens up the connection in that it
triggers an affection, the significance fi rst “gives” the meaning, while the
voice in music, particularly, offers a continuous interplay between both,
revealing one against the other.
A non-verbality thus creates the point from which sound and language
occur. In doing so the voice precedes language, insofar as it represents the
unobtainable condition, which precedes communication. To unwrap this
preceding means to free the voice’s presence from the non-presence of the
signs, just as on the other hand the pre-emption at the beginning point
means connecting speech to the experiences of a withdrawing present. It is
reminiscent of an existence. The voice corresponds then to the audible, the
face to the visual. It is non-interchangeable and unmistakable in the same
way as the face of the other which testifies to its extraordinary presentness.
The voice is the trace of this presence, just as the “nudity of the face” in the
sense of Emmanuel Lévinas’s “true representation” means the vulnerability
of the other (1986, 352). To the same degree, the voice refers to an endan-
gering, to a violability. This violability correlates to the voice’s exposure, to
its unveiling, in which the ambivalence is inherent right from the start—the
ambivalence to be as much a location of an “appeal” and an “appellation”
as to be overheard or rejected.
ARTICULATION
In no way whatsoever does the corporeality form only the passive sounding
board for the tone and intonation. Rather, it also describes an element that
can be made both modular and plastic, that both contributes to the training
and aestheticization of the voice and is destroyed by it. Thus, where such a
voice and body are conceived together—the unity understood as conjunc-
tion and disjunction, because the joined constantly includes the separated—
one is already dealing with two media: the mediality of the voice on the one
hand and that of the body on the other hand. Thus we are confronted with
an “intermediality” which produces its own interferences, oppositions, and
chiasms. In other words: voice and body can become opponents; they can
overlap with one another, strengthen each other, mutually slow another, or
thwart one another. Art acts as witness for that: when voice and body are
separated, their respective characteristics become visible, so that the mix of
media, their confl icts, and their inconsistencies can be promoted to means
of refraction and reflection, which unveil something other than the semiotic
character of the voice in the mode of its articulateness. In particular such a
32 Dieter Mersch
fracture subverts the dogmatic focus of supposed scripturality, because it is
able to dissolve the entwining of the voice and language and/or voice and
significance. Especially, the art of performance and theater as well as “new
music” have worked again and again with such strategies—Cathy Berbe-
rian’s Stripsody (1966) or György Ligeti’s Le Grand Macabre (1974–1977,
revised 1996) are perfect examples for that; also it brings to mind Antonin
Artaud’s excess of breath—“It wildly tramples rhythms underfoot” (Artaud
1958, 91): “But let there be the least return to the active, plastic, respiratory
sources of language, let words be joined again to the physical motions that
gave them birth, and let the discursive, logical aspect of language disappear
beneath its affective, physical side, i.e., let words be heard in their sonority”
(ibid., 119).
Artaud thus refers to the voice’s non-semiotic character, its power, inar-
ticulateness, richness, or urgency as well as its unwieldiness and force,
which does not express the violence of the signs, but on the contrary con-
veys their “intensity” or “nakedness.”7
What one could call the aesthetic of the voice then becomes obvious:
the voice proves to be a medium of representation, a product of multiple
adjustments and disciplinings as is demonstrated by rhetoric or musical
training—where volume, range, and repertoires need to be rehearsed and
trained. However, at the same time the medial limits are also made audible,
because something appears which exceeds the voice’s expressiveness and
expression just as it exceeds the word, language, or musicality, and remains
dissonant to any sound. To be more precise: there is no voice which is not
at the same time controlled, modulated, or trained, because the voice con-
stantly appears in public and stages itself and thus is displayed. Nonethe-
less, to the same extent there is also no voice which is fully performed or
stylized and even “stylizable”: in each tone a fragility or strain resonates,
in which resistances against the training emerge and express the voice’s
mortality, the possibilities of decline, pain, and future death. Certainly the
voice is not less superficial or mask-like than the face in which we display
our public presence—but just as the face shines through each of the differ-
ent faces and masks that we wear as a singular trace, an “aura” is inherent
in the voice, which, according to Emmanuel Lévinas, gives it a face-likeness.
It is therefore not so much the trace of a body as the trace of an otherness as
expressed in every single body.
This also means that the voice cannot be separated from its mediality, and
that it is also something other than a medium. If one assigns the mediality
of the voice its articulateness and dispositive performance, its non-articu-
lateness withdraws from an appropriate defi nition or adequate conceptu-
alization. Just as the medium is unable to obtain its own mediality or the
writing its structurality, the voice is unable to express its non-assimilability,
its uniqueness: it proves to be non-recordable remains, residuum, or perma-
nent reserves. At best, it can be defi ned negatively and thus the paradox of a
present non-presence is inherent in the voice. In this lies its indescribability.
Presence and Ethicity of the Voice 33
It opens the space of an indeterminability. Roland Barthes tried to explain
this space from the difference between articulation and pronunciation (Bar-
thes 1991c). The latter includes those “erotic” effects which again refer to
the incompliance of the body. It is—contra-intuitively—characterized as
the “moment of significance.” The expression is misleading insofar as it
recalls a significance, which the voice actually does not possess. We are
not dealing so much with a significant relation as with the moments of an
emergence. The pronunciation means this emergence. It signifies the con-
spicuous and can therefore be interpreted within the context of ecstasis:
the ecstasis of the voice in the sense of expositing itself. Here significance
is not meaning, but rather something that jumps out and appears. Perceiv-
able especially through disruptions such as stuttering or interruptions or,
according to Roland Barthes, the noise, its “grain,” its whistles, scratches,
or coarseness, the voice turns out to be a source of reflection, which not
only fi nds a negativity in the voice but also, on the contrary, a surplus,
which cannot be domesticated by any censure or production. The thesis is
that this intensity of surplus is the reason why the voice involves us and in
the moment of communication appeals to us and compels us to respond.
Similarly, it is this compelling that Roland Barthes tried to make conscious
in the imperative “listen to me” (Barthes 1991a, 246).
This imperative “listen to me” draws the other into the voice. There is no
cry, no monological speech, and no whispering to oneself without a social
addressing, without imploration or a relationship to the other. The voice
as a trace of the body, therefore, also marks the location of an “appella-
tion” that forces the response. Both “appeal” and “response” displace the
frame of scripturality and fall out of the repertoire of grammatology. Inas-
much as grammatology is based on the misjudgment of the spoken word
it fails to recognize the voice in its relationship to the other. This prompts
me to take up the critique of Derrida again, which I began elsewhere (see
Mersch 2006), this time by producing a metacritique of Derrida’s metac-
ritique of Plato’s critique of writing (see especially Derrida 1981b). At the
end of the dialogue in Phaedrus—after Socrates and Phaedrus have spoken
about Eros, the art of language, and the status of rhetoric in relation to
truth—Plato inserts a myth dealing with the notion of writing. The logical
location of this myth in the midst of all the different themes consists of the
question about the relationship between the living and constantly respond-
ing word and the silent writing, which can only be received as a monologue
(Plato 2007, 53–54). In doing so, Plato speaks of the old Egyptian deity
Theuth (or Thoth), who is ascribed the “gift” of wisdom and the sciences
of geometry, astronomy, and the game of dice. According to the tale, the
origins of writing and numbers can also be traced back to him. It should
34 Dieter Mersch
be added here that the same position in Greek mythology is taken up by
Prometheus, whom Aischylos ascribes in Prometheus Bound not only the
“gift” of fi re, but also the discovery of the crucial media writing and num-
bers: “Yea, and the art of number, arch-device, I founded, and the craft of
written words, the world’s recorder, mother of the Muse” (Aischylos 1995,
20). In Plato’s version of the myth of Theuth, writing is presented to King
Thamus for examination. King Thamus is supposed to be convinced of the
advantages of writing for remembering and commemorating. Instead, King
Thamus points to the difference between poiesis and reflection as well as to
the ambiguity of advantages and disadvantages that are inherent in every
discovery: “And in this instance, you who are the father of letters, from
a paternal love of your own children have been led to attribute to them a
quality which they cannot have; for this discovery of yours will create for-
getfulness“ (Plato 2007, 53).
In his metacritique of Plato’s analysis of writing, Derrida emphasized
this pharmakon of writing, which functions both as poison and remedy.
Nonetheless, this passage by Plato is noteworthy in the sense that it treats
writing as a technē, which, placed between art and technology, can be
questioned with regards to its use—and which, according to Plato, even
the inventor himself is unable to evaluate: the designer who only thinks in
terms of functions fails to see the consequences of a construction; technol-
ogy and reflection, as a result, obviously separate from one another. That
which the medium “writing” holds ready as an obvious advantage, namely
that it provides memory and is able to serve as a cultural technology for
recording and archiving, can only be judged in its full ambivalence by oth-
ers who are affected by it. In addition to hinting at the precariousness of
writing’s mediality, the passage thus also unveils the double-sidedness of
the technological, whose conflicting nature inscribes itself into the medium,
which in constituting deconstitutes as well. As Plato suspected, no technol-
ogy escapes this two-sidedness; its ambivalence lays not in using it wrongly
or rightly, rather it is inherent in the technology itself. There is no writing
which does not record and document how it in the same moment trans-
forms memory into another document or archive. It is there that Plato’s
analysis of writing has its deeper sense: It is not actually a critique of writ-
ing, but rather a critique of technology.
Derrida’s critique of Plato’s writing analysis in turn takes up the perspec-
tive of the double-sidedness through the figure of the pharmakon in order to
read the implicit gesture of a privileging of the spoken language before it is
fi xed in writing—thus missing the crucial point. Derrida is again concerned
with a reversal, demonstrating both that Plato always has to think from the
perspective of writing in order to distinguish language, as well as to assert
the indispensability of the sign’s (marque) non-presence, the fictionaliza-
tion of the supposed authenticity of the spoken word and the presence of
the voice. In a double move, Derrida proposes that (i) it is not the voice that
precedes the writing, but rather the writing that precedes the voice, and
Presence and Ethicity of the Voice 35
that (ii) the notion of presence, of the “present” that is given to itself does
not exist, and instead memory—with its play between remembering and
forgetting—is primary. In other words, for Derrida the medium of writing
is inevitable, because every recollection or forgetting as well as every per-
ception, experience, cognition, dialogue, living word, or communication is
indebted to the primacy of writing. This conclusion runs radically counter
to Plato, because Plato assigns the phoné, the present sound, its own weight
and indivisible dignity in that it is oriented on the other.
The link between philosophy, voice, and dialogue, which was obvious to
Greek thought, implied in particular that the speaker testified for what he
has said to others with his own voice. Consequently the voice advances to a
guarantor, who binds what was said to the speaker’s presence and corporeal-
ity. Reasoning and knowledge thus become, as Pierre Hadot also emphasized,
an “experience of a presence” (Hadot 2002, 70): for Plato, science is never
a theory, it is an activity, a form of life, in which the other, who speaks and
responds, takes on an outstanding place. In his study on rhetorical and discur-
sive traditions in antiquity, Jean-Pierre Vernant also insisted that, besides all
graphical representations, a general separation between the alethinos logos,
the faithful language, and the wonders (to mythodes) of verbal expression
was decisive to Greek thought. This is a difference which cannot be exhausted
by any theory of semata or grammata, because these apply to the impact
of the talk on the listener. Vernant argues that the power of the voice pos-
sesses an “other” intensity than the word and its written fixation, because the
voice belongs to sympatheia, and the written fixation to mimesis (see Vernant
1990). Reading offers the reader a critical analysis and a possibility to return
to the text again and again and thus demands more distanced attitude com-
pared to listening to an oral lecture. Greek rhetoric was fully conscious of
this: the speaker has to seduce his audience, in order to hold its attention. The
spoken word affects the listener like an invocation. Despite the legitimacy of
Derrida’s metacritique of Plato, his deconstruction misses this crucial distinc-
tion. The voice brings it into play in a way that cannot be eliminated, because
in connecting ego and alter there is a dimension inherent in it, which is dif-
ferent from writing. This can be understood as its genuine “ethicity.” Since
antiquity its first evidence has always been—music.
The notion ethicity requires a few additional remarks. The ethicity of the
voice—which does not mean an ethic, but rather only its precondition or
prestructure—seems amalgamated with authenticity, since she who speaks
with her own voice speaks as author of her language and her thoughts, for
which she, as such, takes responsibility. However, Derrida correctly argued
that no authorship and thus also no authenticity can be ascribed to the voice,
because it does not create language, but rather, at best, delivers it. The ethical
36 Dieter Mersch
claim which the presence of the voice raises can therefore neither lie in the
authorship of the person, if this means being the origin or base of language,
nor in what is said by it. Similarly, the notion of authenticity proves to be dif-
ficult, ambiguous, and rebellious. Connoted with own, with the character of
originality, the notion seems once and for all to be related to appearance. The
word names the authentes, the “perpetrator,” a compound of autos, “self,”
and a-nyein, “accomplish.” As a consequence it describes those who accom-
plish something themselves, which is why the idea of the subject’s sovereignty
and the pathos of authenticity form a set. With the authentic as appearance,
the figures of sovereignty also become problematic, just as they have inhabited
modern thought since Descartes and have brought the freedom of “no,” i.e.,
a primary refusal, into language and its references. Right from the start they
destabilize the possibilities of the social through the negation and the dif-
ference which posit the individual. Accordingly, part of the basis of modern
philosophy is to oppose this double-sidedness with a norm, such as Kant tried
to establish it from the self-legislation of reason. Nonetheless, the crux of this
idea of self-legislation lies in a circular argument: in order to control its arbi-
trariness, it still has to assume the principle of sovereignty and therefore also
confirms that which it strives to limit. Therefore, the other is lost right from
the very beginning. To the same degree with which language and the social
are brought into play again—a process which in opposition to Kant began at
the latest with Herder, Johann Georg Hamann, and Wilhelm von Humboldt
and which reached its first peak with Marx’s social theory—the moment of
the necessity of alterity also comes back into view. Speech—in addition to
work—here turns into a place of power, whose historicity goes beyond sub-
jectivity and its freedom of “negation.” However, with that—and there once
again lies the limiting of this program—language is reduced exclusively to the
said, to the sense, and to the structures of signification, which result from its
internal differentiality.
The normativity of the social cannot be thus explained. It neither results
from the bonding power of language nor from the orders of the symbolic
alone; rather it requires the analysis of practices which obey categories other
than the syntax or semantics of language. It is not even a function of the rhet-
oric or the figuration, but rather at best a function of the performance, which
also sets the fact of language and the reality which is indicated in it at the
same time. Accordingly, one has derived the remaining obligation from the
pragmatic presumptions of language, the legally enforceable claims of valid-
ity representing the obligations of the speaker to both mean what she says as
well as to defend what she says with reasons. Thus, the promise to stay true
to language in the act of speaking is inherent in language, especially from the
perspective strongly supported by Jürgen Habermas. And it is this promise
that guarantees the relationship between language and truth (see Habermas
1984, 1979; for a critical view cf. Mersch 2003b, 2004). There are not only
promises that bind, rather language itself contains the promise of connection,
although this is created alone through the practical sense of speech. Despite
Presence and Ethicity of the Voice 37
all pragmatics, the semantic continues to dominate. Nevertheless, that which
I can say, have said, or possibly wanted to say, seems less decisive, as it is not
at all about supposed understandings and their justifications—which would
mean having to define the success of sociality exclusively from the rationality
of the interpretations. Instead, it is much more concerned with the anteced-
ence of the responsive which does not need a specific justification of the social.
In other words, with the first word language is coupled with the structure of
alterity and thus finds itself already in the social horizon, which remains as a
frame and therefore seems neither eligible nor deniable.
This implies the further consequence that speaking occurs nowhere fully
intentional, but rather continually already as an other, i.e., superimposed
and inspired by the voice of the other, even when there is no real counterpart
or when the other remains a stranger. As Vernant already suggested, refer-
ring to the classical understanding of the dialogical, each “speaking” occurs
mimetically and not because it emulates the others in what it expresses, but
rather because speaking takes in the other’s voice and lets it melt with its
own, resonating even where I no longer sense it. One knows the echo of the
voice that pierces deep into our ears and that occasionally continues to talk
much longer in one’s own speech. This is particularly obvious in a foreign
country, where voices remain incomprehensible. It then turns out that one’s
own speaking has literally been appropriated by the voice of the other—
speaking which I am not or which I do not represent and cannot represent,
but instead accept through others in that their voices speak through me and
alienate me from myself. In given moments of speaking, it is then often not
clear why I say or said it like that, so that both the performative status of
my speech as well as its reference remain undetermined, because there was
no specific addressee and no response possesses that from which it responds
(see Mersch 2008 for a more detailed discussion). In this sense, the subject
constitutes itself as the speaker through the response, which is always the
response to a stranger, because I can only ensure my own speech through
the complexity of the reponsivity’s structure: already its prestructure
retreats into the darkness of the moment, because it speaks itself. Conse-
quently, speaking does not mean producing language as a spontaneity, but
rather to let its possibilities fi rst of all occur through the structure of such
withdrawnness. The performativity of the response is a passivity, or rather
a passibilité. It opens up an interstice which constitutes both the realm of
meaning and of communication. This also applies when I have apparently
made the fi rst step, where I have broken the silence and raised my voice to
speak—and perhaps with futile efforts have fallen on deaf ears.
“ETHICITY” OF PRESENCE
Writing does not necessarily include parrhesia, on the contrary writing shifts
parrhesia’s performativity into the medial. Because the text cannot respond
40 Dieter Mersch
to the written discourse, it dictates, sets, and presents its knowledge without
being able to respond, replacing parrhesia through figuration. Accordingly,
extensive rhetoric or literary means are needed to restage parrhesia in the text,
in order to inscribe itself into the voice of the author and to throw its radical-
ness into the scales of circulating discourses. Parrhesia, hence, signifies the
traces of active self-positing into the social realm. It does not mean authentic-
ity, but engagement. The voice—also in its metaphorical meaning—is its sign.
Parrhesia, therefore, develops its function not with regards to the significance
of an enunciation, but rather specifically in looking at the social place of the
actor or speaker, the actor’s position in a public conflict or the speaker’s posi-
tion in a dialogue, in the power games in that she confronts himself with her
own voice, i.e., the actor or speaker pushes the vulnerability of his own body
into the ring of debate. Only the voice and its presence are then able to ade-
quately respond, as in turn it is only possible for voices and bodies to answer
appropriately to their violability. Answering here does not mean a discourse,
rather it means an act, a performance, a presentation. The presence of the
voice belongs to this “presentation.” Thus, the basic difference between voice
and writing lies not in the difference of the media and their formats, but rather
in the actual performance of the response.
This is Plato’s crucial insight. Philosophical language is the adventure of
candor and unreservedness. Consequently it does not primarily offer les-
sons, knowledge, or wisdom, but is instead based on the performativity of
a positioning, which requires the voice in order to manifest itself. It is this
concept of philosophy that underlies the dialogic structure of antique texts,
which, as one could say, keeps alive the memory of the continual mourn-
ing for the lost voice of Socrates. That is why Plato preferred dialogicity
compared to writing even when he—paradoxically enough—articulated
himself exclusively in the written medium. Nonetheless, the presence of the
voice is not so decisive in the dialogue or scene because I lend my word or
act the weight of my presence in this moment. Rather, what is fundamental
is the ethicity that is linked with the moment of connection and orienta-
tion to the other which consistently includes the possibility of responding
and is absorbed in the moment of the response. In other words: the extent
of its genuine sociality is crucial to the presence of the voice which presents
itself in society—a circumstance which Plato directly implemented in his
philosophy. In this sense philosophy generally constitutes a political act
that claims parrhesia as its own virtue.
One can thus say that the Platonic dialogue is rooted in such a relation
to the other, in the fact of a responding “responsibility.” By reading Plato
only in view of the medial intertwining of writing, logos, and memory,
Derrida disposes of the relevance of the element of parrhesia, the perfor-
mance of the voice and its introduction to the other, and thus of its genuine
ethicity. He completely shifts the power of parrhesia into the toneless cir-
culation of writing. In moving the reading and picking up of the sign, the
quote, the figures of repetition and their displacement into the center of his
Presence and Ethicity of the Voice 41
considerations, Derrida loses the equally corporeal and social dimension
of the voice which exposes itself to the other. Instead with my voice—and
this also means my acting out of the voice, its parrhesitic claim—I simul-
taneously manifest my position in the here and now, whether I argue in a
dispute or address my voice to a public audience, or present it to the open
space of the political. Such positioning then means taking a stand in an
ethical way. Greek antiquity had a deep sensibility for the ethical impact of
positing oneself and being part of political life.
Does this also hold for music? Obviously parrhesia has no immediate
relevance for musical sounds—the term is only reserved for rhemata, i.e.,
the way of expression in language. However, music played an important
role for the entire Greek culture, especially with respect to the preservation
of knowledge and the harmonic relationship between physis and polis, the
latter mirrored in the former. Any musical performance therefore was con-
sidered to be the highest fulfillment of this relation. Music, thus, appeared
to be in itself ethical. This ethical dimension of music also applied to the
presence of the gods as well as the co-presence of the audience in the the-
ater as a collective event of their occurrence. Ethics here is neither based
on a normative judgment, nor on the formulation or defending of a rule,
an imperative, or maxim, instead it is grounded on positing oneself sim-
ply as human, sometimes, as the myth of Antigone demonstrates, against
tradition and its political representation. The voice marks ethics’ corporal
actualization. In raising my voice in the public, in discussion, or in a dra-
matic clash, I consequently gain a social body. Similarly, singing the liturgy
without any instrumental aid turns the congregation into one single reli-
gious subject. Correspondingly, Gregorian monody means to participate
in a voice’s collective prayer. The voice forms its edifice. It approximates a
“communion” in which the absoluteness of social relationship is embodied.
Thus, the voice primarily is a social phenomenon—right from the very
moment of its first appearance on. Its sociality exists immediately in that it
enters the scene as a cry, a “call,” or an enunciation. This also implies that
we cannot hear a voice or its disrupted tone without responding to it, even
if the answer is the ignorance of a passing by, a weariness, or mere indif-
ference. In every case the voice penetrates me, even if I don’t understand. It
documents a genuine cathexis (allocation), a social “in-indifference,” which
Lévinas rightly referred to as “persecution.”
NOTES
1. Parts of this essay have been published in a German version as “Präsenz und
Ethizität der Stimme,” in Stimme: Annäherung an ein Phänomen, edited by
Doris Kolesch and Sybille Krämer (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp 2006), 211–236.
The present text is based on a translation of this German version by Rett
Rossi, but has been expanded and revised by the author to fit into the context
of this volume.
42 Dieter Mersch
2. Don’t we experience such a persecution as a real phenomenon when we are
captured by the voice of the other or when a musical tune, a sung melody
touches our “inner” ear over an entire day?
3. Yoko Tawada’s fi rst Tübingen lecture on poetics examines the comparison
of human voices to bird’s chirping and other animal voices (2001, 7–22). I
would like to express my gratitude to Daniela Dröscher for the information
on Yoko Tawada.
4. In the same sense Hélène Cixous also speaks of the voice as the “flesh of
language” (1981, 54).
5. Nelson Goodman’s general theory of symbols deals with a similar problem.
His solution is noticeably the same, freely formulated in the language of ana-
lytical order relations. Goodman differentiates between “references,” which
generally constitute the symbolic, and “notations,” which in turn enable the
construction of a symbolic system. The latter prompts the question of an
unambiguous determination of its elements, which are provided by inscrip-
tions based on an organization of classes (Goodman 1976, 127–174).
6. In his essay “Listening” Roland Barthes also draws attention to the iden-
tity of “announcing something” and “hearing oneself,” i.e., hearing oneself
speaking, which tears the voice as the carrier of meaning literally away from
itself and makes it reflexible (Barthes 1991a).
7. This is directed particularly at Derrida’s interpretation of Artaud (Derrida
1981a).
8. See Mersch 2003a for a discussion of defi ning the voice as an “occurrence of
positing.”
9. With regards to the meaning of an “ethic of existence” in later Foucault see
Ewald 1990, 1991, Deleuze 1991, and Hadot 1991.
10. Right from the very beginning Foucault brings parrhesia together with ethi-
cal dimensions (see Foucault 1983).
REFERENCES
Christian Utz
Due to its mythical and magical implications and due to its close relation to
speech and language, the human voice has always been a pivotal hinge between
musical and social, spiritual, religious experience. It has also been a medium of
sound that from the beginning was considered highly capable of communicat-
ing meanings, ideas, and ideologies. Researchers of evolutionary musicology
and linguistic anthropologists have suggested that human language originated
from symbolic patterns of vocalization and singing.2 Notwithstanding Jacques
Derrida’s counterargument that speech and song had “always again” begun
to separate (Derrida 1967, 199),3 a strong tendency of vocal music to convey
meaning, often in a “speech-like” manner, is obvious even in the most radi-
cally “desemanticized” forms of avant-garde vocalization. On the other hand,
all forms of speech, including highly “disembodied” forms such as the voices
of TV or radio newsreaders, retain levels of subversive sonorous autonomy,
which structurally and syntactically oriented linguistic theories tend to ignore.
In musical environments—that often tend to stress this autonomy of vocal
sonority—the voice is embedded in structural and cultural frameworks that
may both restrict and expand this sonorous presence and thus influence or
multiply its connotations. These frameworks or codes enable the musical voice
to convey a particularly rich spectrum of emotions and meanings—meanings
that are usually more ambiguous than in language, sometimes intention-
ally ambiguous. Within the process of musical globalization, understood as
an interaction of homogenization and diversification (cf. Hall 1992),4 vocal
music can play a particularly important role, since this versatility and ambigu-
ity in the construction of meaning allows for both cultural rapprochement or
hybridity as well as for the reinforcement of local, regional, national identities.
Furthermore, as a result of personality, musical training, traditional and con-
temporary singing styles, and many further factors, individual and collective
identities merge or conflict within a single voice to a degree that would make
any attempt to separate them neatly from one another seem absurd. Indeed,
mono-, cross-, or hyperculturally shaped vocal technique and expression
enable story-tellers, opera singers, actors, or avant-garde vocalists to switch
between a broad range of diverse characters or moods within short time spans.
46 Christian Utz
In contrast, a (depth-) psychologically grounded tendency to liberate the voice
from all technical and cultural restraints aims to overcome all vocal “role
play,” including the formalized manners and “masks” of the everyday use of
the voice—an approach which was particularly developed by the twentieth-
century voice-pioneers Alfred Wolfsohn and Roy Hart (cf. Peters 2008) and
which has been taken up repeatedly in new music since the 1960s.
It was the observation that vocal timbres and techniques, especially when
connected to a given text,5 were particularly imbued with historical and cul-
tural aesthetics of sound and the generation of meaning that lead many com-
posers in the twentieth century to either evade vocal writing almost entirely or
to conceive vocal parts as radical approximations to an instrumental idiom.
German composer Helmut Lachenmann has made this point very explicit:
The limitations of notation for vocal music are particularly obvious where
the multifold areas between speech and song are concerned, and they are
analogous to the problems of representing the pronunciation of unconven-
tional text or non-semantic phonetic material, for which even the means of
a highly refi ned system such as the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA)
are limited, e.g., where gradual changes between different types of pho-
netic articulation are concerned (cf. Gee 2007, 265). Such areas of transi-
tion between established voice types, vocal styles, and linguistic layers are,
however, crucial to an understanding of vocal music from different histori-
cal periods and cultural contexts. An intercultural music historiography
that aims to incorporate aspects of orality, performance, and perception
arguably has to specify the tensions resulting from such areas of transition
precisely. The following sections therefore explore changing boundaries
and transfers between speech and song in musical settings from different
cultural and historical contexts, suggesting “passages” (cf. Zenck 2009)8
and network-like trajectories between them, while respecting their partic-
ularity. The interpretations focus on structural and performance-related
dimensions of the music; they try to isolate compositional and performative
strategies of creating meaning in and through the medium of the voice.
This method presupposes a basic comparability of musical works from dif-
ferent cultural and historical spheres that are not connected via a linear his-
torical narrative. Such a presupposition, however, does not suggest a purely
functionalist notion of musical structure (in the sense that “all music” can
simply be conceived as a succession of more or less organized sounds). Rather
methodological rationality demands seeking a balance between a rigorous
culturalist relativism (that would exclude any possibility of comparative study)
and an emphatic, implicitly ethnocentric universalism (that would conceptual-
ize all individual phenomena as offsprings of a single referential concept). This
The Rediscovery of Presence 49
method is in many respects akin to Michael Tenzer’s approach to an “analysis
and theory of musics of the world,” though I do not share Tenzer’s optimism
that we are indeed heading towards a “world music theory” (Tenzer 2006,
32–35). What I share is Tenzer’s insight that “comparison across any bound-
ary requires reconsidering basic assumptions so that clear descriptive language
can emerge and lead not only to new categories of learning, but beyond them
to new experiences and construals of music” (Tenzer 2010, 517).
Such a method requires, fi rst of all, to conceive of composition, nota-
tion, oral/aural transmission, performance, and perception not as isolated
areas, but as correlated and interdependent. More specifically, I aim to
stress the interaction between what I call articulation and codification. The
term “articulation” here is not used only in a technical, linguistic, or pho-
netic sense, but understood as a metaphorical image for the way in which
a voice navigates in the area between speech and song, both physically and
structurally. This means that “articulation” here also signifies the role of
a singer’s voice as one among several “voices” on the one hand, and as an
autonomous psychophysical presence on the other: is a vocal “body” appro-
priated into the musical structure or does it rather break structural “rules”
and reveal its uncontrollable properties? By the same token, “codification”
is not only used to describe the encoding process of vocal or musical sounds
in written form, but also as a general term for those immanent (voice-spe-
cific, musical, symbolic) and discursive (verbal, paratextual) means that
help to constitute codes of (cultural or historical) particularity, hybridity,
or “non-reference.” Both types of codification are particularly pertinent to
a discussion of the voice in the context of musical globalization.
Presuming that the intermediate areas between speech and song indeed
take a crucial role in the way a voice articulates itself musically, a “techni-
cal” description, a “cartography” of these areas appears to be necessary
at the outset. In the tradition of comparative musicology, George List has
provided a “chart for classifying forms intermediate to speech and song”
(1963, 9) which is based on a broad number of examples from traditional
and contemporary vocal styles (represented in an adopted version together
with List’s main examples in Table 3.1). The examples include Western
Australian Nyangumarta wangka speech, Native American Hopi people’s
laváyi (speech), táwi (song), and tí:ngava (“announcing,” a chant on two
reference pitches), and the New Zealand Maori’s koorero (speech), karakia
(ritual chant), waiata (song), and haka (narrative form with mixed styles).
In addition, List discusses forms of heightened speech in “auctioneering,”
Western spoken drama, and jumping rope rhymes, forms of recitation
from Palau/Micronesia, Thailand, songs of black Americans, Schoenberg’s
Sprechstimme, and Chinese opera “recitative.” The presupposed possibility
of comparison within this very broad scope of course provokes the ques-
tion to what extent the “technical” aspects of these voices can be plausibly
isolated from their socio-cultural backgrounds and emic conceptualiza-
tions—a familiar argument from the broad criticism of comparative musi-
cology since the 1960s. This obvious shortcoming, however, should not
50 Christian Utz
deter us from reconsidering and making use of the map’s “technical” levels:
while in everyday speech pitches are rather unstable (top-center), the con-
tour of discrete pitches (and usually also the range) is increased in more
stylized forms of heightened speech or “semi-sung” styles such as Schoen-
berg’s Sprechstimme (middle-left), and reduced in forms of monotone reci-
tation (middle-right), often in ritual contexts. Repetitions of a single pitch
are common features in many recitation styles including the “parlando” in
opera buf a. Further increases in the stability of pitch (middle-right to bot-
tom-center) and the expansion of scalar structures (middle-left to bottom-
center) both lead to forms that are commonly described as “song.”
pitch: SPEECH
1
instability
[International
3
Recitation] [Recitation]
3
SPRECHSTIMME 5 4 MONOTONE
stability expansion of
\ofpitch scalar structure
6
Chant]
[International 7
Chant]
10
*) 9
stability
SONG
1: heightened speech (Western drama); 2: jumping rope rhymes (US); 3 : Palau women song
(Micronesia); 4: type of Thai Buddhist chant; 5: Schoenberg: Pierrot Lunaire; Maori: haka;
Chinese opera recitative (not specifi ed); 6: tobacco “auctioneering” (US); 7: Hopi people
(Arizona): announcement; 8: Australian aborigines (songs); 9: songs of black Americans; 10:
bi-, tri-, tetratonic chants (Vedda; children’s songs; folk songs).
The Rediscovery of Presence 51
Even on a purely technical level, however, List’s map provides only a
rather basic grid. Most vocal styles require more specific categories. In
the traditional vocal music of Japan, the area between speech and song
has received particular attention, and highly refi ned systems of different
vocal delivery styles in genres summarized as katarimono (literally “nar-
rative pieces”) have developed. Table 3.2 provides a summary of the most
important vocal styles in heikyoku (ancient narrative genre), gidayū-
bushi (performance type in bunraku puppet theater), nō (medieval music
drama), and shōmyō (Buddhist chant) according to a threefold categori-
zation developed by Japanese scholar Hirano Kenji (1990, 35–37): ginshō
(declamation close to spoken language), rōshō (syllabic recitation in regu-
lar time intervals with repeated notes on the same reference pitch(es)), and
eishō (recitation in changing time intervals including sustained notes and
pitch changes).
The performance styles listed here are far from complete, and their
order within the intermediate regions is to some degree arbitrary, espe-
cially in the cases of heikyoku and gidayū-bushi where performance
styles are huge in number and traditional terminology referring to
these styles often remains ambiguous and also depends on the diff er-
ent performance schools (Komoda 2008, Yamada 2008). The three
examples in Figure 3.1, showing the sections shirakoe (category ginshō),
kudoki (category rōshō), and sanjū (category eishō) from the heikyoku
piece Suzuki, arguably represent the three categories in a relatively
“pure” form.
These performance styles, generally referred to as kyokusetsu
(“melodic formula,” Komoda 2008, 84) in heikyoku and senritsukei
(“melodic type,” Yamada 2008, 205)9 in gidayū-bushi,10 usually indi-
cate a certain type of vocal delivery technique, but can equally refer
to certain melodic contours, lines, or even individual pitches. Gidayū-
bushi includes particularly numerous transitory styles that are used to
switch between the main styles kotoba (speech), iro (recitation), and ji
(chant), such as kotoba-nori, ji iro, or kakari. Cadential fi gures, melodic
patterns, and quotations of specifi c melodies are juxtaposed to these
main styles, resulting in a layered complexity that is inwardly connected
to the process of oral transmission (Ferranti 2003, 141).11
The overlaps between ginshō, rōshō, and eishō are of paramount
importance in performance. Hirano emphasizes the hybrid nature of
most of the listed vocal styles: a kotoba recitation in gidayū-bushi, for
example, might tend to stabilize pitches in rōshō-manner, depending on
the dramatic, phonetic, and symbolic situation, whereas hiroi in heikyoku
might extend both in the eishō and ginshō regions. Furthermore, as both
traditions are transmitted orally, performance styles specific to a certain
school and/or to individual performers might lead to substantially differ-
ent interpretations of the same technical terms. We can thus infer that
even the most refi ned typologies do not provide sufficient tools to grasp
the specific manners and criteria of transformation between speech and
52
Table 3.2 Classification of Intermediate Forms between Speech and Chant in Japanese Traditional Genres (adapted from Hirano 1990/2004)
Speech Song
ginsho t rosho eisho
Christian Utz
1 sanjii ZL
heikyoku yomimono konokoe \ hiroi shoju ~\ chuon origoe
(heikebiwa shirakoe kudoki sashigoe ko W-jo kudari
sage sage'uta age'uta (kami'uta)
gidayu-bushi kotoba (-^ first person) kotoba-nori iro (-> third person) Ijiai
naka jushi
(joruri i (sugatari kakari; jo no kotoba
ofbunraku
[shirakoe]
[kudoki]
[sanjū]
Figure 3.1 The three heikyoku styles shirakoe, kudoki, sanjū in a transcription of
Suzuki. (Interpreted by Imai Kengyō Tutomu. Transcription: Komoda 2003, 404–
417. Copyright © 2003 Haruko Komoda/Daiichi Shobō Tokyo.)
ANALYSES
KOTOBA KAKAWl
3
iNAGAJtHARUl |J HAWUl
M 0
I KAMI I
M ^3 0
Figure 3.2 Chikamatsu Hanji (1725–1783): Imoseyama onna teikin (“Mount Imo and Mount Se: A parable of female virtue,” 1771); sec
tion from the scene “Yama no dan” (Mountain scene), based on an interpretation by Takemoto Sumitayū, reciter, and Nozawa Kizaemon,
futozao shamisen (transcription: Malm 1990, 78–79). The transcription follows the convention to render the open strings of the futozao
The Rediscovery of Presence 55
shamisen as B-E'-B'. The 1976 recording of this scene on which the transcription is based (also included with Malm 1990) is about a minor
third lower, i.e., G#-C#'-G#'.12
56 Christian Utz
and narrative genres, although arguably few exhibit the same degree of
fragmentation as gidayū-bushi. Vocal parts in Beijing opera (jingju), for
example, usually summarized with the terms sangzi (voice) or changbai
(singing and reciting) also encompass numerous different formalized types
of voice, though in practice differences are minimized by conceiving of a
vocal continuum:
Because the same basic techniques of vocal production are used for all
types of vocal performance, there is no feeling that a character sud-
denly stops talking and starts singing, or stops singing and begins talk-
ing; “a very smooth transition from speech to song and vice versa [is
achieved], contributing to the unity of a whole play” (Wichmann 1991,
177; quotation from Hwang 1976, 220).
Along with the Chinese folk song type shan’ge (mountain songs), Dao-
ist ritual and shamanist music, and Schoenberg’s Sprechstimme, the
recitation styles of Beijing opera form a key element of the vocal style
developed by American Chinese composer Tan Dun (b. 1957). Similar to
many Chinese composers of his generation like Qu Xiaosong (b. 1952),
Wen Deqing (b. 1958), or Mo Wuping (1958–1993), Tan Dun has elabo-
rated this unique singing style primarily out of his own voice, frequently
acting as a vocal performer of his own works. Starting from the early Fu,
Fu, Fu (1982) to On Taoism (1985) and Nine Songs (1989), Tan devel-
oped his voice to increasingly stunning performative dimensions. Later
he taught this singing style to other singers who were usually Western-
trained, but also included Beijing opera singer and director Chen Shi-
Zheng (b. 1963). Tan thus established a small “oral tradition” of his
own. Singer-composer Susan Botti (b. 1962) worked together with Tan
Dun for a period around 1990. Silk Road (1989) for soprano and percus-
sion has been an important step in their collaboration.13 Figure 3.3 shows
a section from this work where the voice changes on almost every beat
between Tan’s register notation which is marked by a special clef, follow-
ing a model of Beijing opera vocal instruction experienced by Tan during
the 1970s (Utz 2002, 498), and a chromatically pitched Sprechstimme,
marked by a conventional soprano clef and crossed noteheads. The isola-
tion of syllables and phonemes is indebted to the Beijing opera practice
of “segmented pronunciation” (qieyin) which individualizes head (tou),
waist (fu), and tail (wei) of a pronounced word (ibid., 425f.; cf. Wich-
mann 1991, 193–196).
The segments in register notation connect individual syllables by minutely
prescribed contours, implying a continuous change between head and chest
voice characteristic for Beijing opera’s heightened stage speech yunbai, a
style that molds the Chinese tones into one melodic contour (Wichmann
1991, 204–211). Yunbai follows the tones of the artificial Zhongzhou-yun
pronunciation, based on a dialect from the Zhongzhou district in Henan
Figure 3.3 Silk Road by Tan Dun, Arthur Sze for soprano and percussion, p. 3, systems 1+2. (Copyright © 1989 by
G. Schirmer, Inc. [ASCAP]. International copyright secured. All rights reserved. Used by permission.)
The Rediscovery of Presence 57
58 Christian Utz
province from the tenth to fourteenth century (ibid., 204–207), rendering
it distinct from spoken dialogue in Beijing opera pronounced in Beijing
dialect (Mandarin). In Tan’s Silk Road the two types of stylized recitation,
yunbai and Sprechgesang, are combined to a simple type of hybrid timbre
that minimizes their conceptual difference not least by attributing them to
the same vocal performer implying a timbral continuity.
In his opera Marco Polo (1991–1995), Tan Dun has referred to the yun-
bai technique extensively and expanded the concept of stylistically hybrid
voices.14 The vocal part of the symbolic character “Water,” impersonated
by Susan Botti in the 1996 premiere, particularly explores this concept
of vocal-cultural hybridity. The character represents water as a “geo-
graphical” medium of transportation between cultures and as an agent
of “spiritual” and stylistic transformation. The section shown in Figure
3.4 integrates allusions to Beijing opera chant, heightened and colloquial
speech, the singing style of Chinese “mountain songs” (shan’ge), and the
delicacy of a high Western soprano register with controlled vibrato. The
vocal performer again lends a strong sense of timbral unity to this mosaic
structure—indeed Susan Botti’s singing technique here seems not to be
informed by Asian vocal technique, to the extent of making the notion of
hybridity contestable.15
At this point it is important to remember that vocal styles essential-
ized as “models” usually describe a montage of fragmented patterns in
themselves. This is true for the voice in Beijing opera, a hybrid form which
has emerged from a number of different local traditions,16 as well as for
Arnold Schoenberg’s Sprechstimme introduced in the monodramas of
Pierrot Lunaire (1912), one of the most influential and ambivalent vocal
concepts in the twentieth century. A conception of Schoenberg’s Sprech-
stimme as a “montage of fragments” might refer to the multiplicity of
potential styles that can be cited as Schoenberg’s models. This prehistory
of Sprechstimme includes post-Wagnerian styles of musical declamation,
namely in the songs of Hugo Wolf (Kravitt 1962) and in Engelbert Hump-
erdinck’s short-termed experiment with Sprechgesang, contemporary styles
of heightened speech in theater and recitation as performed by Karl Kraus
or the legendary Burgtheater actor Josef Kainz who significantly extended
the pitch range of speech in their public readings and performances (Cerha
2001, Nöther 2008), and, not least, the aesthetics of “tonal freedom” in
vocal articulation as documented in the 1920 treatise on “artistic speak-
ing and singing” by Albertine Zehme (1920) who commissioned and pre-
miered Pierrot in 1912 (see Brinkmann 1995, Stephan 1998, Meyer-Kalkus
2001, 299–318). It is obvious, however, that in Pierrot Schoenberg wanted
to go beyond a simple imitation of the fi n-de-siècle trend of “pathetic
speech” when in his 1914 preface to the study score he insisted that the
vocal performer “must always be on guard against falling into a ‘singing’
manner of speech” (translation quoted after Byron 2006, 2.6; cf. Nöther
2008, 131), and that he seems to have opposed the increasing extent of
Figure 3.4 Marco Polo by Tan Dun, Scene Sea, Part “Water,” mm. 35–70. (Copyright © 1997 by G. Schirmer, Inc.
[ASCAP]. International copyright secured. All rights reserved. Used by permission.)
The Rediscovery of Presence 59
60 Christian Utz
“tonal freedom” taken by Zehme in her Pierrot performances following the
premiere (Meyer-Kalkus 2001, 308–309).
The fragmentation of possible and actual sources of the vocal part in
Pierrot is analogous to its microstructural fragmentation. No. 3 , “Der
Dandy,” introduces six dif erent modes of vocal sound production in addi-
tion to the “ordinary” Sprechstimme within a short time span, including
the delivery techniques tonlos gefl üstert (whispered tonelessly), tonlos
(toneless), gesprochen (spoken), mit Ton gesprochen (spoken with tone),
halb gesungen (half sung), and gesungen (sung) (Figure 3.5). This broad
spectrum of delivery techniques prominently contributes to the “surreal”
atmosphere and eccentricity of the Pierrot in general and the “Dandy”
movement in particular.
Only fi ve further pieces of the cycle include similar instructions,
all of them only in one instance. 17 While this on the one hand surely
proves that the fanciness of this movement (and the portrayed charac-
ter) was of particular importance to Schoenberg, I would suggest that
rit.
6 fai'siiniri'n^l freiprochen)! Ktonloi gefliistcrt) unit Ton gesnrochen)!
9 langsam a
Kl
Kl
pp subito
18
mmolto rit.
last gesungen, mit etwas Ton, sehr gezogeiJ an die Klarinette anpassend
erleuch . tet der Mond die krvstall nen Fla > kons.
rasch
30 |(tonlo» geflii«tert)|
Figure 3.5 Dif erent performance instructions in the vocal part referring to vocal
articulation in Arnold Schoenberg: Pierrot Lunaire: Dreimal 7 Gedichte für eine
Sprechstimme und 5 Instrumentalisten, op. 21, no. 3: “Der Dandy,” mm. 6–11, 15–20,
30–31. (Copyright © 1914, 1941 by Universal Edition A.G., Wien/UE 5336.)
The Rediscovery of Presence 61
the continuous change between different nuances of Sprechstimme here
only prescribes a performance practice in particular detail that can (cau-
tiously) be transferred to the other movements as well. This kind of
constantly changing articulation suggests a highly fl exible, though by
no way arbitrary solution for the much-debated interpretation of the
vocal part. In this context it is highly relevant to observe that by notat-
ing exact pitches according to the chromatic scale for the vocal part
while obviously in practice accepting, sometimes maybe even prefer-
ring performances in which the sung pitches deviated signifi cantly from
the score (Byron 2006, 4.1–4.12), Schoenberg’s conception of Sprech-
stimme opened up—if unintentionally—a new space for a collaboration
between composer and vocal performer. His notation and preface lead
to a specifi c composer-performer constellation that should neither be
interpreted as a license for “musically over-ambitious reciters” nor as
an unambiguous product of a “radical aesthetic of the musical work”
(Meyer-Kalkus 2001, 309). Schoenberg’s concept of Sprechstimme ulti-
mately “resists the view of music as solely the composer’s sound which
needs to be reproduced by passive performers” (Byron 2006, 4.6), open-
ing a passage between notation and orality, compositional intention and
performative presence.
There are key moments in Pierrot Lunaire where the voice reaches out
into extreme registers as for example in some phrases of no. 8, “Nacht,”
where the lowest registers of the voice symbolize blackness, darkness, or
in no. 14, “Die Kreuze” (The crosses), where leaps of up to two octaves
are embedded in a musical cross-symbolism. In all these cases, the voice’s
ecstatic potential is fully manifest, it clearly reaches beyond the meaning
of the words and a mere rhythmical declamation of the text.18 In these
moments the presence of the vocal performance emerges most obviously,
while the diversity of delivery techniques is “fi ltered” into a timbral
coherence by the performer—similar to what has been said about the
gidayū-bushi reciter above. All examples discussed until now therefore
exhibit a tension between a tendency towards the particularity or even
disintegration of articulative components and their synthesis, their (re-)
enactment by a vocal performer.
[a]
[b]
[c]
Figure 3.6a Shimoyama Hifumi: Breath for three voices, two percussionists, and piano
(1971/1977),five types of vocal articulation [a–c] (p. 3, 13, 11, 2, 7). (Copyright © 1982 by
Hifumi Shimoyama, Tokyo.)
64 Christian Utz
[d]
[e]
Figure 3.6b Shimoyama Hifumi: Breath for three voices, two percussionists, and
piano (1971/1977),five types of vocal articulation [d–e] (p. 3, 13, 11, 2, 7). (Copyright
© 1982 by Hifumi Shimoyama, Tokyo.)
The vocal style of Takahashi Yūji’s Unebiyama (1992, Figure 3.7)19 for
a reconstructed fi ve-stringed zither and incantation is mainly derived from
vocal practices in shamanistic genres. In Japan, there are still active women
shamans (fujo, cf. Kawamura 2003). The vocal style of this piece, however,
is principally indebted to shamanistic music from Southeast Asia, “hidden
traditions” that are scarcely documented, although Takahashi has listened
to recordings. As one reference for the vocal style in Unebiyama, he men
tions shamanistic music of the Western Malaysian Temiar people (personal
communication, Tokyo, February 22, 2008) who belong to the Senoi group
of the Orang Asli aborigines (Roseman et al. 1998).
The voice takes up the pitches from thefive open strings; the indication
in the score instructs the performer to use a “muttering” (tsubuyaki) and
“whispering” (sasayaki) voice. The text is taken from the Japanese classical
The Rediscovery of Presence 65
Figure 3.7 Takahashi Yūji, Unebiyama (1992) for five-stringed zither and
incantation (from p. 1). (Copyright © 1992 by Yūji Takahashi, Tokyo.)
collection Kojiki (c. 712, compiled by Ō no Yasumaro). Its water and cloud
symbolism can be associated with the dragon iconography on the origi-
nal instrument (Takahashi 2000, 9–11). The text belongs to the category
of the wakauta, “songs which recorded the oracles of young virgins that
warned of political crises” (ibid., 11), and is attributed to Isukeyorihime,
the empress-consort of the mythical emperor Jinmu.20
The notation which Takahashi has developed in this piece (Figure 3.7) origi-
nates from reflections on the difference between instrumental notation and
vocal notation in Japanese traditional music. Whereas instrumental notation
normally uses a kind of tablature (indicating the position of hands, finger
holes, number of strings, etc.), complemented by fi xed instrumental patterns
learned through mnemonic techniques, vocal notation is mostly gestural as
in hakase (e.g., in shōmyō) or in gomaten (e.g., in nō) (ibid., 11 and personal
communication, Tokyo, February 22, 2008; cf. Malm 2000 for an overview
66 Christian Utz
on Japanese traditional musical notation). For Takahashi, this suggests a pre-
dominantly temporal characteristic of vocal music where sounds are
“stretched out continuously” in time, in contrast to the more spatial charac-
teristic of the (plucked, hit) instrumental sounds.
Shimoyama’s and Takahashi’s strategy to avoid fragmentation is the inten-
tional abandonment of a precise pitch organization. Pitches are reduced to
register notation or connected with pragmatic-acoustic properties such as the
tuning of the string instrument; they fluctuate within a rather narrow range—a
strategy that is closely connected with aura and rhythm of the phonetic mate-
rial. In a completely different historical and cultural context, the voice has
equally served as a platform for a liberation from rigid structural codification,
also concerning pitch organization in particular. In his preamble to Le musi-
che, sopra l’Euridice (1601) Jacopo Peri (1561–1633), singer, composer, and
key figure of the nuove musiche around 1600, refers to the antique distinction
between “diastematic” and “continuous” singing that can be traced back to
Boethius (who had already described a mixed type, used for the recitation of
“heroic poems”) and further to Aristoxenos’s Elementa Harmonica (Palisca
2001, 456–457). This distinction, mediated by Girolamo Mei and Vincenzo
Galilei, served Peri for his theory of Italian speech melody and intonation.
The “diastematic” principle was adapted for the stressed syllables, the “con-
tinuous” principle for the unstressed syllables. Whereas stressed syllables were
attributed a long note and usually a change of harmony, unstressed syllables
were allowed to move independently from the bass. An intercultural trajectory
can be traced by linking Takahashi’s spatial character of instrumental sounds
to Peri’s “diastematic” singing (where the changes of harmonies clearly mark
“spatial” segments of the music) and the temporal character of vocal sounds to
Peri’s “continuous” singing.
Peri, who just like his rival Giulio Caccini had been trained in strict
counterpoint, was much aware of the provocation of such a style, equally
documented in the contemporary controversy between Monteverdi and
Artusi (ibid., 54–87). In Daphne’s speech from Peri’s Le musiche, sopra
l’Euridice unconventional dissonances, however, were not only determined
by prosody, but also connected to “negative” affects expressed by the text
(they appear with text lines such as “Angue crudo e spietato,” “con si mali-
gno dente,” ibid., 460).
A flexible articulation of unstressed syllables was also fundamental to
Giulio Caccini’s theory of vocal style as documented in the dedication of his
L’Euridice (1600) and his collection Nuove Musiche (1602). Caccini used a
key concept of high renaissance to describe the lightness of these phrases,
sprezzatura ([noble] negligence): “In this manner of song, I used a certain neg-
ligence that I valued as having a noble quality, for it seemed to me that with it
I approached natural speech that much more” (L’Euridice composta in musica
in stile rappresentativo [1600], dedication to Giovanni Bardi, adapted from
ibid., 463).
One might argue that Peri’s and especially Caccini’s references to
everyday speech in the long run had the paradoxical effect to increasingly
The Rediscovery of Presence 67
emancipate singing from the rhythmical rigor of speech-like declama-
tion. Indeed, virtuosic, melismatic “fioraturi” and “passagi,” commonly
extended by improvisational practice, were soon to replace the ascetic early
syllabic style, and in 1614 Caccini’s term sprezzatura consequently refers
to passagi, rather than to speech-related forms of singing (ibid., 464–465).
Italian composer Salvatore Sciarrino (b. 1947) has described his vocal style
with the term sillabazione scivolata (gliding syllable articulation) and this style
can be interpreted as a kind of “shadow” of Peri’s recitative: Sciarrino’s vocal-
ization is equally indebted to spoken language and the composer emphasizes
that the “scioltezza” (lightness) of everyday speech should serve as a model for
the vocal performers. The contrast between long-held notes and succeeding
extremely short notes can clearly be related to Peri’s diastematic and continu-
ous modes. The basic model for this type of vocal articulation is a pitched note
held for a relatively long time followed by a fast sequence of very short notes,
usually in descending direction with the preceding pitch often retained as main
reference pitch in this closingfigure. According to Sciarrino, these short notes
need not be intoned precisely, but rather should be understood as “non-tem-
pered intervals as in common speech” (Sciarrino 1998, 37).
P
[a]
vi sono k spine
P- mp
[b] }- 7- 7- PP
vi so no le spi ne
PP PP pp. P
IcJ gliss.
Perche? Corneal
Si
cadaveri?
Figure 3.8 Salvatore Sciarrino, Luci mie traditrici (1996–1998), variants of sillaba-
zione scivolata: [a–c] Scene 1, Il Malaspina (baritone), mm. 15, 17, 29f.; [d, e] Scene
8, La Malaspina (soprano)/Il Malaspina (baritone), mm. 67–69, 8 3 . (Copyright ©
1998 by Universal Music Publishing Ricordi—Milan, Italy [NR 138034]. Repro-
duced by permission of MGB Hal Leonard, Italy.)
68 Christian Utz
Figure 3.8 shows increasingly modified variants of sillabazione scivolata
from Sciarrino’s opera Luci mie traditrici (1996–1998), including figures
where the intervallic structure is stylized and modified ([a, b]), fragmented
by rests (that serve as symbols for hesitation [b], fainting [c], death [e]),
and dissolved into falling glissandi ([b, c, e]) or into a monotonous speech
style ([d]). In fact, the opera can be described as a process of continuous
reduction of intonation until in the dark fi nal act all vocal types reappear in
nightmare-like reminiscences and sequences (see further Utz 2010).
CONCLUSION
Although it was a main objective of this text to show that vocal music of
diverse cultural and historical origin can be reasonably discussed within
a common methodological framework, this should not minimize the sub-
stantial technical, conceptual, and sociological differences that emerge
from and feed back into these styles, differences that ultimately cannot be
separated from their more “technical” aspects. The necessity to reconcile
a cross-cultural methodological framework with the acknowledgment of
such socio-cultural difference, however, can arguably best be realized by
continuously returning to those elements in the musical microstructure that
construct and trigger crucial components of musical meaning—a method
that characterized the main line of argument in this essay.
NOTES
1. This chapter has resulted from the research project “Comparative Study of
Conceptualizations of Vocal Music in East Asian and Western Music Tra-
ditions and Their Relevance for Contemporary Composers,” pursued from
January to March 2008 at the University of Tokyo, Graduate Institute of
70 Christian Utz
Arts and Sciences, with preliminary research from September to December
2007 at the National Chiao-Tung University Hsinchu, Taiwan. The research
project has been kindly supported by both universities and by the National
Science Council, Taiwan, as well as by UniNet Eurasia Pacific, Austria. A
preliminary German version of this text has been published in Utz 2009. I am
most grateful to Hermann Gottschewski, Frederick Lau, Nicholas Cook, and
an anonymous reviewer for commenting on earlier versions of this essay.
2. “Vocal music might have been the evolutionary laboratory in which early
humans developed complex syntactic patterns and a system of multifac-
eted discrete contrasts that allowed them to attach to these patterns their
preexisting symbolic abilities and thus to establish a stable speechlike sys-
tem” (Richmann 1980, 244). “Performative functions associated with oral
sound-making provided initial pressures for vocal communication by pro-
moting rank and relationships. These benefits, I suggest, facilitated confl ict
avoidance and resolution, collaboration, and reciprocal sharing of needed
resources” (Locke 2001, 37, Abstract).
3. This argument appears in Derrida’s deconstruction of Jean-Jacques Rous-
seau’s Essay on the Origins of Languages (Essai sur l’origine des langues,
fi rst published posthumously in 1781). Rousseau argues that speech and song
had a common origin in a primordial era and that both were “nothing but
language itself in those happy climates and those happy times” (2008, 15–16).
Rousseau’s ultimate intention here is to prove that melody, not harmony, pos-
sesses priority in music as it “imitates the accents of languages” and “it not
only imitates, it speaks, and its language, inarticulate but lively, ardent, pas-
sionate, has a hundred times more energy than speech itself” (ibid., 19).
4. For applications of this theory of globalization to music see Utz 2008.
5. This point is made explicit in a statement by Dieter Schnebel, quoted by
Erin Gee in her contribution to this volume: [in serial music] “vocal music
[ . . . ] was almost taboo, because vocal music always has a text, and the text
provides an emotional plan. The text has its own progression of sound, but
we wanted to compose the sounds themselves” (as quoted in Chapter 9, 180;
German version in Gee 2007, 281).
6. Quotations from German sources are translated by the author.
7. Pierrot Lunaire was likely first introduced to the young Chinese composers
by Alexander Goehr during his workshops in Beijing in 1980. See Utz 2002,
350–351.
8. In this encompassing essay, Martin Zenck develops a multifold theory of “pas-
sage,” drawing on topographic-cultural fields (passages between geographical
cultures or regions), cross-cultural fields (passages as interactions between cul-
tures), philosophical fields (passages between physical and metaphysical realms
and concepts), and aesthetical fields (passages as crossings of boundaries). These
fields are linked to more specific musical connotations of the term “passage”
(transitions as part of classical musical syntax and form, permanent transition
as a principle in new music, etc.). According to Zenck, passages might turn
into “‘transgressions’ that intentionally ignore rules and tear down borders in
order to break open the restrictions of systematized and totalized thought and
aesthetic practice” (English summary, Zenck 2009, 233).
9. Sometimes the term onsetsu (syllable) is used instead of kyokusetsu (Mayeda
2004, 174).
10. The usage of these terms is not always consistent among scholars and not
restricted to these two genres. Generally, the term kyokusetsu “tends to
indicate longer passages of section length, while [senritsukei] [ . . . ] refers to
shorter phrases” (Tokita and Hughes 2008, 24).
11. According to de Ferranti and other researchers, “All katarimono of pre-
modern provenance stem from oral practices in which text and music were
The Rediscovery of Presence 71
produced by techniques of oral composition. Evidence for oral composition
in such traditions is demonstrable through analyses developed from the prin-
ciples of oral-formulaic theory” (Ferranti 2003, 141, note 22).
12. From William P. Malm, “A Musical Analysis of ‘The Mountains Scene,’” in
Theater as Music: The Bunraku Play “Mt. Imo and Mt. Se: An Exemplary
Tale of Womanly Virtue”, edited by C. Andrew Gerstle, Kiyoshi Inobe, and
William P. Malm, Michigan Monograph Series in Japanese Studies 4 (Ann
Arbor: Center for Japanese Studies, University of Michigan, 1990), 78–79.
Copyright Center for Japanese Studies, The University of Michigan. All
rights reserved. Used with permission of the publisher.
13. A fi rst version of Silk Road was premiered by Joan La Barbara on April 1,
1989, but subsequently performed and recorded by Susan Botti in 1993 (Utz
2002, 397–398).
14. Cf. Utz 2002, 423–427 for a detailed discussion of Tan’s writing for voice until
1998, and Utz 2002, 460–474 for a comprehensive analysis of Marco Polo.
15. Cf. Tan Dun, Marco Polo, CD 1, Track 11.
16. The most important styles or musical systems preserved in Beijing opera are
xipi and erhuang, inherent to local opera genres in the Chinese provinces
Anhui und Hubei (cf. Li 2010, 18–24).
17. Four out of these five instances introduce a “sung” phrase, the end of which is
marked by the instruction gesprochen (spoken): no. 4 (“Eine blasse Wäscherin”),
mm. 14/15; no. 8 (“Die Nacht”), mm. 10/11; no. 9 (“Gebet an Pierrot”), mm.
13/14; no. 11 (“Rote Messe”), mm. 24/25. In no. 10 (“Raub”), mm. 9/10 intro-
duces a change between tonlos (“toneless,” which is indicated by special note-
heads that are repeatedly used without comment in later parts) and Ton (tone).
18. Some recent research (Rapoport 2006) has argued that the melodic design of
Schoenberg’s Sprechstimme was following the speech intonation of the Ger-
man text in a very literal manner, applying musical structural techniques like
inversion or octave transposition in order to “alienate” the musical result.
Although I doubt that Schoenberg’s melodic design for the voice in Pierrot
simply started from a declamation of the text, the relevance of speech intona-
tion is defi nitely relevant for the rhythmical design of the vocal part.
19. See Utz 2005, 53–54 and Utz 2012, 615–618 for more extensive analyses of
this piece. Utz 2005 and 2012 introduce Takahashi’s aesthetics and composi-
tions in detail.
20. There is no explicit reference, however, to the archaic recitation style usu-
ally associated with the Kojiki (712). This style was practiced by narrators
called kataribe and is regarded as the origin of Japanese katarimono. Hirano
1990/2004 connects this style with genres practiced by the Ainu (Yūkara)
and peoples in Okinawa (omoro).
21. Adapted from Takahashi 2000, 11 (Takahashi’s translation here is adapted
from A Waka Anthology, vol. 1, The Gem-Glistening Cup, translated by
Edwin A. Cranston [Stanford: Stanford University Press 1993]).
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DISCOGRAPHY
Wollen wir uns fi nden, so dürfen wir nicht in unser Inneres hinabstei-
gen: draussen sind wir zu fi nden, draussen (Hugo von Hofmannsthal,
Das Gespräch über Gedichte, 1903; Hofmannsthal 1976, 83).1
The attempt by Louis XI, the fi fteen-century king, to create a “pig organ”
may seem morally insensitive to us today. But even if the story is indeed
apocryphal, it perfectly speaks of the immense loss that comes as a collat-
eral in domesticating music: we instinctively “know” that an animal sound
should not be at our disposal just like that—and so it is with many other
sounds we habitually use in musicking.
Using a sound as a musical resource, abstracting and determining its
production in this story appears as what it always is: a violent act. The
metaphor of the blood-covered, screaming pigs can make us realize to what
extent brutality constitutes the unavoidable fl ipside of the otherwise so con-
venient act of sonic abstraction that we need to perform in order to make
music. Wrenching sounds out of context, in this perspective, derails our
sense of sonic balance—and leaves a wound in our relationship to the sonic
fabric of reality. Too much controlled sound, just as too much processed
food, causes us physical—and sometimes moral—discomfort. Making such
controlled music therefore makes us demand signs of redemption—and the
more control, the stronger the yearning.
78 Sandeep Bhagwati
II
III
is directly the cantor’s body, brought to your ears in one and the same
movement from deep down in the cavities, the muscles, the membranes,
the cartilages [ . . . ], as though a single skin lined the inner flesh of the
performer and the music he sings. The voice is not personal: it expresses
nothing of the cantor [ . . . ] and at the same time it is individual: it has
us hear a body [ . . . ]. The “grain” is that: the materiality of the body
speaking its mother tongue (Barthes 1977, 181–182).
IV
The pheno-song [ . . . ] covers all the phenomena, all the features which
belong to the structure of the language being sung, the rules of the
genre, the coded form of the melisma, the composer’s idiolect, the style
of interpretation: in short, everything in the performance which is in
the service of communication, representation, expression, [ . . . ] which
forms the tissue of cultural values (Barthes 1977, 182).
Even before I open my mouth to speak, the culture into which I have
been born has entered and suff used it. My place of birth and the coun-
try where I have been raised, along with my mother tongue, all help
regulate the setting of my jaw, the laxity of my lips, my most comfort-
able pitch [ . . . ]. I speak with my voice but my culture speaks through
me (Karpf 2006).12
84 Sandeep Bhagwati
The average speaking pitch of a voice usually is informed by a local lan-
guage convention—British-English voices are pitched higher on average
than German voices. In Japanese society, male voices and female voices
tend to accentuate gender difference by going to extremes of low (male) and
high (female) average pitch, whereas such gendered average speaking pitch
differences are less conspicuous with contemporary speakers in Scandina-
vian or North American societies (see also Giles 1979). While individuals
vary in their degree of conformity to a particular cultural voice norm, these
variances usually lie well within a narrow range of acceptable pitch areas.
In the context of immigration, successful social integration can also depend
on how well the learner picks up the pitch conventions of the new language.
The ear and the brain inform the aesthetics—and thus the sound—of an
individual’s voice more than any of her/his other organs.
Articulation and breathing, being muscular activities, must be trained,
consciously or involuntarily, even for speaking, especially if it is intended
as a communicative act. Singing, however, adds another level of necessary
training: most singing techniques, while making strong use of respiration
and articulation, also employ the other two factors of voice production in a
highly controlled fashion. While speech focuses mainly on formants and noise
production, i.e., elements of articulation, singing also tightly controls pitch
change and stability, as well as regulating different body resonances. To learn
singing, we need to learn to play with these resonances; to be a singer, we have
to learn how to control them effectively. All this does not come naturally, it
is a matter of exercise, training, practice, i.e., a result of the way we use our
body, our time, and our resources. And that, obviously, is a matter of cultural
preference and conditioning—or, as Peter Sloterdijk would call it, an example
of “anthropotechnics” (see below). When voices are described as “authentic,”
“beautiful,” “deep,” “granular,” or “raw” it is therefore not the actual sound
of the voice that is being described—these terms rather describe degrees of
conformity or divergence to a societal or cultural expectation of the listener.
Sloterdijk (2009, 2010) has recently (re)opened a discourse on what he
calls “Übung,” a word only inadequately translated with “practice,” “train-
ing,” or “exercise.” In this discourse, he examines what he calls anthropo-
technics, a specific aspect of human self-improvement. Anthropotechnic
activities, according to Sloterdijk, are compensatory “measures designed to
facilitate the self-modeling of the human individual and hence the overcom-
ing of a nature that is perceived as insufficient (whether as a consequence of
biology or of life circumstances)” (Hübl 2010). The desire for the “authen-
tic” voice may well stem from this rise of anthropotechnics in modern
and postmodern societies. Where “optimizing” the body becomes a social
imperative, Barthes’s distinction between pheno-song and geno-song must
become increasingly meaningless, as the imperfections associated with the
authenticity of geno-song are eliminated in the perfection-oriented model-
ing of vocal professionals. Non-Western singing, in turn, emerging from
societies considered by many as “premodern,” where anthropotechnics play
Imagining the Other’s Voice 85
a minor role, will almost by default accrue the cachet of being “authentic.”
It is, however, surely ironical that singers, of all people, are invoked to
represent the authentic: as if they were not, in any community, among the
very few and fi rst to actually use anthropotechnics in order to better adapt
their bodies and minds—in order to produce what their culture considers
a “beautiful” sound.
VI
It is very likely that similar assertions could be found in many vocal tradi-
tions; and even when Cohen-Levinas wants us to imagine a voice “beyond
singing,” the voice as an instrument, she nevertheless does not think of
it as an instrument among others: for unlike some instruments and their
repertoire, e.g., the arpeggione, the voice most likely will never fall into
plain disuse. Whatever we will do with our voices, if we do it in a musical
context, it will simply be considered a new way of—singing.
After a century of structural experimentation and sonic expansion in
eurological musicking, the human voice thus still resists the amalgama-
tion, reification, and instrumentalization that characterizes and defi nes its
instrumental partners in music. One of Dirk Baecker’s many definitions of
culture says: “‘Kultur’ ist das, was unvergleichbare Lebensweisen vergle-
ichbar macht” [“Culture” is what makes incomparable lifestyles compa-
rable] (Baecker 2001, 47). In this perspective, the patently so incompatible,
incomparable voice—its singing, whispering, croaking, hollering, crying,
humming, or speaking—sounding forth in the midst of one of humankind’s
most powerful cultural expressions, may in fact be our reminder of an
a-cultural mode of existence we all once shared: where the magical sound
of my own voice, enacting the memory of my mother’s voice, heard through
her body, is the beginning of my little, unique life. From my inside, my voice
calls the outside into being—and my fi rst song creates my world.
VII
All this could leave a composer voiceless, or make her prone to voicelessness
in creative work—and, for many composers in eurological art music, this
has indeed been the case: countless the scores that seem bent on toppling
the voice from its traditionally special status within the musical texture.21
88 Sandeep Bhagwati
Whole schools of acousmatic and other experimental music virtually seem
to shun the singing voice altogether (except if hacked into granules and
snippets, or otherwise disfigured into unrecognizability22). In intertradi-
tional musical experiments, too, can we discern a very gingerly approach
to heterogeneous and hybrid vocal sounds and vocal traditions:23 composi-
tions that amalgamate voice sounds and techniques, or attempt to write
in “the other’s” voice are rare—although in these contexts there seems
to be no inhibition to compose with “the other’s” instruments or musi-
cal ideas. Not even the most popular vocal alienation tool, the infamous
“Antares Auto-Tune”24 seems to have captured many “serious” composers’
imaginations. Alterity, conceptual thinking, and voice seem to be almost
incompatible with each other, for listeners apparently even more than for
composers. One voice, one meaning, one body, one tradition—thus goes
the consensus. 25
In my own creative engagement with the human voice, I have gone
through all the thoughts, questions, and doubts described above, through
all the cycles of attraction and skepticism towards the voice. In some works,
such as in my opera Ramanujan (1998), 26 I tried to transform instrumen-
tal sounds into a synthetic computer voice in real time, creating the voice
range and vocal behavior of the Indian goddess Namagiri, unattainable
for human singers, from the sound of a solo violin and, later on, turning a
churning orchestra sound into an agitated bodiless choir.
In other works, such as in the second and third movements of Limits
& Renewals for six singers and large orchestra (2011), 27 I tried to blur the
instrument/voice divide by de-individualizing natural voices through com-
posed desyncing: the singers rapidly weave in and out of pitch, timbre and
rhythm sync, in constantly varying directions. Inspired by Mike McNabb’s
1982 research into the confluence of vocal and instrumental timbre (an
effect he calls spectral fusion—where unrelated spectral components begin
to sound like a vocal timbre as soon as they all are subjected to a coor-
dinated vibrato—see Chowning et al. 1982, 11), I wanted to achieve the
opposite—desynchronize a vocal ensemble to the point where, despite their
obvious and strong vocal identities, the specific blend of their vocal sound
is perceived as an assemblage of instrumental sounds, and thus easily fuses
with the orchestral sonic environment. I employ this effect in many dif-
ferent ways that aim to focus and defocus the listener’s attention on the
presence of voices—although the six singers are singing almost at all times,
and can easily be heard if one expressly listens to them and watches them
intently. To a listener concentrating on the overall sound it may well seem
as if one voice with uncertain, alien timbre and a slightly unsymmetrical
gait sang along with the orchestra.
Finally, in works such as Atish-e-Zaban (2006), 28 I asked six a cappella
new music singers to reimagine voice sounds of Hindustani music, from the
bol-syllables used as oral notation by percussionists to the differentiated
meend-glissandi, and the taans (longer ornaments) and gamaks (shorter
AUSKLANQ
an "Ho" in demselben Atem
AUFGANG angehangt, wie auslaufend,
Liberamente, in beliebigem portamento, decrescendo
Tempo, auf "Gar" zislend, N.B.: Alle Noten im Refrain (auBer Aufgang und Ausklang) mit Mini-Glissando von oben Oder unten beginnen I
R stats glissandisrand. = 120
E
Gar mu-jhe is- ka ya-qin ho
F
R Gar mu-jhe is- ka ya-qin ho
A
I Gar mu-jhe is- ka ya-qin ho
D Na Na Na Na -3- 3 3
Oder: Dha Na Ga Na A4 94 C4 D4
Alle anderen Fragmente
U abwechslungsraich mit
folgenden Silben: Taan 2 (halbes Tempo] Taan 4 (halbes Tempo]
AS 95 C5 D5
Na, Ga, Dha,
N Tin, Ghe, Sa
-3 -3 -3 120
120
Imagining the Other’s Voice 89
Figure 4.1 Sandeep Bhagwati, Atish-e-Zaban (2006) for six solo voices, III: “Mere Hamdam Mere Dost” (from p. 1); the solo bass
voice sings “Refrain” and other elements not shown on this page, the otherfive singers sing the “Bordun” (drone). (Copyright ©
2006 by matramusic. Reprinted by permission.)
90 Sandeep Bhagwati
ornaments) of the North Indian khyal vocal tradition. 29 The vocal score of
Atish-e-Zaban represents a resolutely on-the-fence attitude to all the quan-
daries enumerated above. The example from the third movement shown in
Figure 4.1 provides many options and models which the singers can follow.
These models were developed from, but do not replicate Indian structural
music elements with the same names (taan, tihai, alankara, etc.). The nota-
tion is conceived for Western singers, but the voice quality and the musical
treatment of the models proposed in the score should ideally be that of
Indian singers. While Atish-e-Zaban was written for a specific ensemble
of Western-trained virtuoso singers—voices that are perfectly acceptable
to me with their specific eurological voice sounds—many elements in the
score, as well as the entire compositional realization of the piece would
also work well, perhaps even better, with trained khyal singers—were there
such a thing as a khyal ensemble.30
In a way, this comprovisation score tries to skirt and subvert the limi-
tations that both the concept of the geno-voice and that of the pheno-
voice have riddled us with—and in doing so it articulates, in writing and
in the sensual reality of music making, my aspirations and expectations for
a future possible cross-traditional amalgamation of embodied and experi-
mental voices: in Atish-e-Zaban, I have composed for six voices that I have
never really heard anywhere—Indian voices, but trained in all eurological
techniques and score reading. Imagining the other’s voice, always a utopian
proposition, has in this work mutated into a distinct hope—composing it
has expanded my personal sonic and musical imagination, and has made
me sensitive to the richness that the unknown sound of an other’s voice can
afford me—and how it can guide me through the many cultural layers of
my own musical imagination.
NOTES
1. “If we want to fi nd ourselves we must not descend into our inner world—
outside are we to be found, outside” (translated by the author).
2. A prominent example for an attempt at a reversal of these roles that remains
influential until the present is the idea of a “metaphysical” superiority of
instrumental over vocal music in early nineteenth-century music aesthet-
ics—an idea that had a deep impact on the codification of the Western
musical canon with its progressive marginalization of the voice in twentieth-
century music. One possible reason for this paradigm shift may lie in the fact
that the traditionally trained singing voice in European music, as it involves
a tightly focused remodeling of the very body of the singer, is much less ame-
nable to expanded, sonically flexible, and virtuosic sound production than
instruments can be (see further below).
3. Christopher Adler has introduced this term for the sound generated by Asian
music ensembles, where every instrument is assigned a specific function:
“The sonic result [ . . . ] is a highly consistent and distinctive textural identity,
which I propose may be understood as a normative sound: a sonic identity
characteristic of a type of ensemble, a body of repertoire, or an entire musical
tradition” (Adler 2007, 13).
Imagining the Other’s Voice 91
4. Fischer-Dieskau incidentally died during the writing of this text.
5. Obviously, for Barthes, his concept of graininess implies authenticity,
although he does not make this explicit.
6. “as if we had to rediscover the most fathomless, archaic, and obscure aspect
of our vocality” (translated by the author).
7. I employ this term, coined by George E. Lewis in reference to certain forms of
jazz practiced in Europe (Lewis 1996), to designate music practiced around the
world that is based on the European heritage of musicking, composition, and
discourse. I find it to be more adequate within a global perspective than the
terms more conventionally used, such as “Western Classical Music,” “Western
Art Music,” or the falsely universalist term used for this musical tradition by
most musicologists in Europe and North America, namely “music.”
8. And, indeed, they have even become the object of musical satire, as in Mau-
ricio Kagel’s Blue’s Blue (1981) where he, as one reviewer wrote, “invents a
turn-of-the-century New Orleans blues singer with the rawest voice you’ve
ever heard” (Swed 1998).
9. The most analytic (and therefore instrument-like) guide to vocal technique
(and “voice orchestration”) is indeed Edgerton’s handbook The 21st Century
Voice (Edgerton 2005). An example of his minutely parameterized approach
to vocal technique is provided by a score excerpt of Friedrich’s Comma acces-
sible online on the composer’s website (http://michaeledwardedgerton.fi les.
wordpress.com/2011/04/friedrichs-comma-p-1.jpg [accessed June 6, 2012]).
Another example for his approach to voice can be found in the above-men-
tioned book in a page from his 1997 score Taff y Twisters for solo voice and
percussion (Edgerton 2005, 50).
10. “Indeed, in the twentieth century, voice was snatched away from singing
[ . . . ], a voice of which we do not know whether it expresses a subject or
whether it is a technical artifact” (translated by the author).
11. The popular stereotype that East Asians cannot differentiate between the Euro-
pean letters L and R draws on this observation, as does the inability of most
European speakers to perceive the different nasal and aspirated consonants in
several Indian languages as semantically relevant. My father, whose native lan-
guage is Gujarati, when he came to study in Germany in the 1950s carefully
noted down, in Devanagari script, all the different consonant variants he heard
in the Goethe Institute language school—and yet to this day he is occasionally
confused by the nonchalance with which German speakers (including his chil-
dren) often substitute one consonant sound for another, without noticing they
are different from each other, even when he gently points it out to them.
12. One of the few vocal compositions that actually aims to exploit this fact as
a sonic and aesthetic resource seems to be Kagel’s Tower of Babel for solo
singer (2002) where the same biblical text is set in 18 different languages.
13. In its deliberate insouciance, Kagel’s Exotica (1972) seems to most demon-
stratively exemplify (and thereby almost caricaturize) this position.
14. The grain here is not the Barthesian grain: Barthes sees the grain as a pars-
pro-toto term for (agreeable) noise in a “rough” voice, Gabor, Xenakis, and
Roads merely as a neutral and meaning-free, small subunit that is part of a
longer sound and destined to be recontextualized in a mass phenomenon.
15. Of course, these terms address only one aspect of all three approaches
mentioned—each of them also is concerned with other issues: Schaeffer was
interested in abstracting sounds from their anecdotal origin, Lachenmann
questions what constitutes a playing technique, the “granularists” were look-
ing for a sonically richer and more effective sound synthesis method as an
alternative to additive synthesis sounds.
16. A rather paradoxical solution, tackling the vocal/instrumental divide
head-on, would combine voice and instrument into one body/instrument:
92 Sandeep Bhagwati
“In Voix Instrumentalisée (1973), [Vinko] Globokar asks the bass clarinet
player [ . . . ] to sing, speak and blow into the bass clarinet while changing
the fi ngering and adding special effects with the voice and keyclick sounds”
(Behringer 2011).
17. This kind of specialization prevailed despite many important works by semi-
nal composers such as Luigi Nono (e.g., Sara dolce tacere, 1960), Dieter
Schnebel (e.g., glossolalie, 1959/1960), Giacinto Scelsi (e.g., Canti del Capri-
corno, 1962–1972), Trevor Wishart (e.g., Red Bird, 1979–1987), and many
more. See Chapters 8 and 3, Jörn Peter Hiekel’s and Christian Utz’s contribu-
tions to this volume, for a discussion of Scelsi’s Canti and the impact of vocal
performer Hirayama Michiko on this work.
Some of these specialized vocal performers have been and still are, in
no particular order: Hirayama Michiko, Linda Hirst, Joan La Barbara,
Cathy Berberian, Nicolas Isherwood, the Neue Vocalsolisten Stuttgart,
Salome Kammer (there are, of course, more—but probably only a few dozen,
certainly not hundreds). Most other experimental singers also use a wide
range of such techniques, but not so much with the aim of singing music
conceived by others and potentially willing to use and master all known
and yet-to-be-discovered voice techniques—they rather tend to establish a
personal selection of some techniques as a sonic signature of their own cre-
ative work: these performers include David Moss, Diamanda Galas, Sainkho
Namchylak, Fatima Miranda, Meredith Monk, Shelley Hirsh, David Hykes,
Diamanda Galas, Laurie Anderson, Joane Hétu, db boyko, Jaap Blonk, etc.
Their approach resembles more that of the commercial singers discussed a
few lines below who create and market their own “special” voice sound.
18. I am aware that this list terribly dates me, the author—but any reader should
be able to easily supplant those names with more current extraordinary
voices in commercial music.
19. A borderline case may be Tan Dun’s A Sinking Love (1995) where he notates
tonal inflections of spoken classical Chinese—but where the actual voice
sounds are based on standard Western classical singing, not on the Chinese
opera voice. When he needs these sounds, such as in Marco Polo (1991–
1995), he, too, just asks for a Chinese opera singer.
20. This description mirrors the way Indian aesthetics views aesthetic commu-
nication in general (see Bhagwati 2012 on the concepts of bhava and rasa):
an inner thought or will arising from an individual soul (1), which leads to a
heightened state of awareness (2), then to the activation of an energy poten-
tial (3), and only then to a perceivable action (4). The point where instrumen-
tal music diverges from singing is in (3): the energy potential in instrumental
music must be activated in an outer action, not inside the body. This makes
the voice an intimate component of an inner (yogic) process connecting eter-
nal “space” (mind) to transient “earth” (material sound source)—whereas
the instrument can only mirror, mimic, or emulate this inner process.
21. Examples include the “egalitarian” orchestration principles that are a con-
sequence of dodecaphonic and serial composition techniques, to the quasi-
electronic use of singers in compositions like Ligeti’s Lux Aeterna for 16 solo
singers (1966) or Karin Rehnquist’s Davids nimm (1984), as well as Lachen-
mann’s complete integration of voice sounds into his sonic language in Les
Consolations for 16 voices and orchestra (1967–1968/1977–1978) (see also
Chapter 8, Jörn Peter Hiekel’s contribution to this volume).
22. It must be acknowledged though that Jean Baptiste Barrière’s experiments
in simulated voices (Chréode, 1983), or Paul Lansky’s granular voice experi-
ments in his Idle Chatter series (1994) have led to a distinct and new voice
aesthetic in electroacoustic music, and that many synthetic voice software
Imagining the Other’s Voice 93
tools developed by IRCAM developers for the reconstruction of a male
castrato singer’s voice for the soundtrack of the fi lm Farinelli (1994) have
become part of the standard toolkit. But still, the impact and immediacy
an actual singing voice affords often is regarded with respectful reticence in
electroacoustic contexts—not without some justification: voices do tend to
“hug” the sonic “stage”! (The author’s source for this particular observation
are many personal conversations with practitioners in this field.)
23. An interesting non-eurological example for this is Aneesh Pradhan’s composi-
tion Samagam (2003) for dhrupad singer, khyal singer, tabla, tanpura, and
Western chamber orchestra. Dhrupad and khyal are North Indian vocal styles,
but very different from each other in many respects. In order to compose for
them, Pradhan abstracted melodic figures that, within the two styles, have dif-
ferent musical functions but are similar in gesture and pitch sequence—and
asked the singers to sing them “out of context,” i.e., not where they would
usually “fit,” but where he wanted them to happen. As Pradhan’s orchestra
arranger, I was part of the collaborative creative process leading to this work
(together with Shubha Mudgal, khyal, and Uday Bhawalkar, dhrupad), and
can testify to the inordinate difficulties and negotiations that were necessary
to make Pradhan’s idea feasible for the singers without relinquishing the emo-
tional intensity of their individual voices. These difficulties are the most prob-
able reason for the cautious approach to intertraditional/intercultural voice
composition shown by many otherwise quite adventurous composers.
24. http://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Auto-Tune (accessed June 6, 2012).
25. My favorite, and highly successful, exception to this rule is Alejandro Viñao’s
composition Chant d’Ailleurs for soprano and computer (1992), a rich and
exhilarating ride through different degrees of vocal proximity, alterity, and
alienation, purporting to present three song-like chants from a fictional
culture.
26. First performed on April 17, 1998 at the Munich Biennale for Contemporary
Music Theatre, in collaboration with IRCAM Paris.
27. First performed on February 10, 2012 by the Neue Vocalsolisten Stuttgart
and the Radiosinfonieorchester Stuttgart conducted by Matthias Pintscher.
28. First performed on July 26, 2006 at the ISCM World New Music Festival by
Neue Vocalsolisten Stuttgart.
29. Bol-syllables are not only the mnemonic devices they are often made out
to be: the musicians actually use them to compose, remember, and modify
rhythmic compositions, and then to convey them to colleagues and students;
bols are a rare example of an oral form of musical notation (cf. Bhagwati
2008).
30. One of the great difficulties in putting such an ensemble together would be
that Indian music does not employ any kind of concert pitch. Instead, every
singer has his/her own central pitch, which does not need to coincide with
any Western scale step. This leads to a proliferation of central pitches, and
instruments are usually built to fit a specific singer’s central pitch.
REFERENCES
Frederick Lau
The human voice has been employed widely in rituals, chants, and musical per-
formances for centuries and in every culture. Its emotional quality, expressive
power, and evocative capability are perceived to be extraordinary and superior
to those of musical instruments, thus making it the medium of choice in many
secular and sacred musical genres (see for example McClary 2004, 6; Sundra
2008; Rose 2004). Notwithstanding the voice’s emotional and magical quali-
ties, it is often thought that lyrics, i.e., language, is what brings concrete mean-
ings to vocal music. In Roland Barthes’s concept of pheno-song, the structure
of the sung language and coded rules of the vocal medium help to communi-
cate and present emotions (Barthes 1977, 182). The voice, in this particular
formulation, is construed primarily as a sonic carrier mediating words and
language. According to Barthes, pheno-song is defined by “everything in the
performance which is in the service of communication, representation, expres-
sion, everything which it is customary to talk about, which forms the tissue of
cultural values (the matter of acknowledged tastes, of fashions, of critical com-
mentaries)” (ibid.). By introducing geno-song as a complementary concept,
Barthes makes clear that there are versatile and multiple ways in which voices
convey meanings, and that viewing voice merely as a sonic carrier subservient
to words is insufficient to grasp voice as an expressive means.
We hear voices everywhere in our daily life in all sorts of modality, tonality,
inflection, frequency, and density. People make themselves heard by voicing
their opinion and by means of various vocal gestures and intonations with or
without words. Voice is the embodiment of meaning, emotion, and intentional-
ity transmitted to the receiver in what Edward Hall calls “high-context” com-
munication (Hall 1990). Vocality, the quality of being vocal, is undoubtedly
endowed with significance above and beyond the meaning provided by words.
As a product of the human body and a communicative medium, voice consti-
tutes the social and is grounded in the way people make sense of the world.
In exploring the territory between music and language, Feld and Fox
insightfully suggest that the voice, with its grain, timbre, and texture,
often grants meanings to music that transcend the referentiality of lan-
guage (Feld and Fox 1994). Their approach is to investigate the voice both
as “the embodiment of spoken and sung performance,” and, in a more
metaphoric sense, “as a key representational trope for social position and
100 Frederick Lau
power” (ibid., 26). Along these lines, Middleton (2006) asks how music
voices people into existence, Groenewegen (2010) discusses how a voice
embodies a tradition, a nation, or a generation, and Weidman (2006)
examines the politics of singing in Carnatic music and how singing ties to
postcolonial national discourse and notions of “Indianness.”
Vocal music, more so than other musical forms, is generally seen as closely
tied to a specific culture because of its connection to language, location,
timbre, and body. Roland Barthes’s insights into the relationship between
language and voice focus on what he calls the “grain” of the voice, “the
materiality of the body speaking its mother tongue” (1977, 181). Barthes
defi nes “grain” as the encounter between a voice and language; or, more
precisely, the voice, as a product of corporality and materiality of the body,
is in a “dual position, a dual production”of language and of music (ibid.,
182). While Barthes’s concern is strictly with expressiveness confi ned to an
individual in his/her corporality, I argue that his concept of voice within a
voice beyond the structure of language is applicable to the study of voice
and culture because individuals and society share a common logic of signi-
fying processes and aesthetic dispositions within the same habitus. Inevita-
bly, the connection between vocality and culture has led to the belief that a
culture or a group of people “own” certain sounds and that the ethnicity of
vocal music is always easily identifiable (Bohlman and Randano 2000, 6).
However, simple associative connections of vocal quality to ethnicity come
into question when applied to contemporary compositions in which creativ-
ity and originality often motivate composers to go beyond conventions and
disrupt traditional practice and thinking. As a result, new compositional
strategies and techniques often mask issues of race, ethnicity, and colonial
history, and are justified in the name of art, originality, and innovation
(ibid., Olwage 2004). Vocal and cultural references in contemporary com-
positions that may seem obviously “ethnic” to listeners cannot be so eas-
ily essentialized. In the works of contemporary composers, they are often
part of complex sets of associations that are fi ltered through the politics of
sound and creative processes.
The voice is, therefore, a priori a product of a particular culture, con-
text, and group of people. The human voice, like music, is by nature
“racialized” (Bohlman and Randano 2000). Sentiments evoked in an Ital-
ian madrigal are intrinsically different from that of Japanese nō-theater
singing because voice, timbre, lyrics, articulation, and the overall sonic
aesthetic foundation are culturally defi ned and codified. Vocal strategies
in manipulating the tonal quality and the text such as layering, melisma,
text painting, and padding inadvertently and simultaneously accentuate
the voice’s ethnic underpinnings. A productive discussion of the voice
thus has to include viewing human beings as cultured bodies and social
agents. Vocalization, according to Steven Feld and Aaron Fox, is an
inherently social act insofar as vocal style and inflection serve as indices
of place, class, gender, religion, ethnicity, and identity (Feld and Fox
1994, 38–39).
Voice, Culture, and Ethnicity 101
This chapter focuses on the Chinese voice, in particular the adaptation,
utilization, and re-signification of Western vocal production in China. I
intend to reveal the complexity of the way musical and social voices are cre-
ated, heard, and interpreted in the twentieth-century Chinese context. My
assumption is that voice is more than just a carrier that is subordinated to
its referential content, meaning, and message. Using recent Chinese vocal
compositions that testify to a new aesthetics of voice as examples, I explore
the ways contemporary Chinese composers tackle this issue and make
social sense of vocal practice and production. I argue that using text and
language in music requires composers to employ strategies of intervention
that disrupt the linkages between voice, culture, and ethnicity, and assert
reinterpretations of tradition and language.
In many contemporary Western compositions, the use of extended vocal
technique often intentionally goes beyond everyday speech by includ-
ing vocables and unconventional utterances that are nonexistent in most
Western languages. While these special effects have provided endless cre-
ative possibilities for non-Asian composers, many of these sounds, includ-
ing tonal inflection, pitch bending, non-pitched aspiration, or heightened
speech, are culturally and semantically significant in many Asian languages
(see for example Yung 1983).
Considering language as a primary expression of cultural and ideologi-
cal difference makes clear that the use of text or vocality in a piece of
music inevitably inscribes a composition with ethnic identity. Is it possible,
then, for Asian composers to utilize the same vocal techniques employed
by Western composers without evoking the culture-specific Asian meanings
of these sounds? Do certain sounds or vocal utterances, such as height-
ened speech in Beijing opera and Chinese rituals or the drummers’ calls in
nō-theater, “belong” to specific cultures? In other words, to what extent
are vocal utterances already embodied in the social construction of ethnic-
ity? How can composers resolve the interrelationship of language, music,
and ethnicity?
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Figure 5.1 Part I. Chen Yi, Chinese Poems, I. “Up the Crane Tower,” mm. 1–12.
(Copyright © 2000 by Theodore Presser Company. International copyright
secured. All rights reserved. Used with permission.)
104 Frederick Lau
9
VI
IV
III
I+II
VI
P
Yu Xi
P
V
Dong Xi Lian Ye
You You You You
IV
III
I+II
Figure 5.1 Part II. Chen Yi, Chinese Poems, II. “Picking the Seedpods of the
Lotus,” mm. 9–12. (Copyright © 2000 by Theodore Presser Company. Interna-
tional copyright secured. All rights reserved. Used with permission.)
The third movement is based on the poem “Night Thoughts” (Ye si) by
Li Bo, the fourth movement (Chile ge) on an ancient folk song of the Chile
minority in Northern China (fifth to sixth century). Both movements are
dominated by pentatonicism, melismatic passages, often sung in unison with
the melody characterized by large leaps. Thefifth movement is based on “The
Cataract of Mount Lu” (Wang Lushan pubu) by Li Bo. The composer relied
on the rhythm of spoken words, whispers, whistles, and clapping to create an
accompaniment on which a repetitive melody unfolds, rather than referenc-
ing culture-specific timbral or vocal gestures. We hear a clear use of Chinese
speech tones, pentatonic melody, and a prominent use of glissando, elements
Voice, Culture, and Ethnicity 105
that are derived from the conventions of the tonal Chinese language but with-
out the specific linguistic and cultural implications of vocal timbre that were
alluded to in the preceding movements. The piece ends with another penta-
tonic melody followed by a short section of vocal whispers and utterances.
Chen Yi’s use of the voice in this piece demonstrates her ability to incorpo-
rate different conventions of reciting Chinese poetry and yet she transcends
these conventions in order to recast them in a contemporary context. On the
one hand, one can easily hear that the vocal pattern and design serve as a
sonic device for expressing the meaning of the words. On the other hand, the
voice is also being used as an expression of Chen’s positionality as a contem-
porary composer from China who has experienced many different folk songs
and regional instrumental styles firsthand and is able to utilize materials from
different aspects of Chinese culture in writing for a US group of vocal perform-
ers. Due to the use of the Chinese language, the total effect to a non-Chinese
speaker would remain mostly at a sonic level, without semantic reference and
without an understanding of the cultural and emotional meaning emanating
from the text. To someone who knows the language, however, this piece pres-
ents two distinct voices: an intercultural “Chinese” composition for a global
audience and the voice of a diasporic Chinese composer writing for a contem-
porary local (American) audience. The latter “voice” is only audible within
the specific cultural and political time frame of the late twentieth and early
twenty-first century marked by the rise and prominence of China on the global
political stage, coupled with the global popularity and widespread acceptance
of Chinese culture.
Similar to Chen Yi, Hong Kong-based composer Chan Hing-Yan also evokes
the power of centuries-old Chinese literary tradition in his composition Lach-
rimae Florarum (Si hua hai si fei hua, 2001). This choral piece is based on
the ci-poem “Willow Catkins” (Ci yun Zhang Zhifu yanghua ci) by the Song
dynasty poet Su Shi (Su Dongpo, 1037–1101) and the labeled tune (qupai)
shuilongyin (water dragon chant). Ci-poetry is a type of classical Chinese
poetry using patterns of fixed rhythm, fixed tone, and variable line-length (also
known as changduanqu, “long and short lines”), which were originally set to
a precomposed melody known as qupai. The structure and melodic content of
the qupai thus predetermined how the lines of the ci-poetry were composed
with regard to length, rhythm, and tonal inflection. In his piece, Chan reversed
this process by selecting the words of the ci-poetry and setting it to his own
compositional structure, rather than using the pre-existing qupai melody. His
musical writing is nevertheless highly suggestive of the traditional style of recit-
ing ci-poetry.
The piece is a one-movement choral setting scored for six voices (SATB
with the soprano and bass divided into two parts) and harp. It contains
seven sections which follow the grouping and paragraph breaks of the
106 Frederick Lau
poem. The sections are separated by pauses ranging from three to ten
seconds. The rhythmic design of the vocal parts is based on the meter of
the verses, while the melodic lines are derived from the composer’s own
recitation of the text, with special attention given to the speech tones
of standard Mandarin (putonghua) and the Cantonese dialect (personal
communication, Hong Kong, March 2007). Although rhyme and rhythm
of the lines provide a basic melodic and rhythmic framework, there is
still space for creative input from the perspective of the reciter/composer
concerning the performance of the text, depending on the interpretation
of the text and the specific tonal property of the dialect used in enunci-
ating the text, since the tonal property changes from dialect to dialect.
The melodic contour mostly is kept within a narrow range, resulting in a
frequent use of major and minor seconds. The constant meter change cre-
ates a sense of freedom that follows the grouping of words in the text. To
enhance his personal understanding of the emotional content of the text,
Chan incorporates a range of extended vocal techniques which include
unpitched recitation, monodic incantation, isolation of meaningless syl-
lables and phonemes, and whispers, along with vocal techniques such as
Sprechstimme, tonal inflection, glissando, toneless utterances, buzzing
of the lips, etc. Although isolated, non-lexical syllables in traditional
musical contexts are often considered rhythmic fi ller and semantically
ambiguous, they can sometimes be meaningful and symbolic. In Georgia,
for example, non-lexical vocables are associated with particular genres
such as the funeral lament, work songs, and the circle dance (Ninoshvili
2009, 409). In Chen’s piece non-lexical vocables are certainly meaning-
ful and they are used to establish specific atmospheres. In the passage
shown in Figure 5.2 the three female voices are re-creating the sound of
wind by repeating the vowels i-u-i-u-i in an non-metered passage juxta-
posed to the three male voices singing the syllables ha-ta-hu in 4/4-me-
ter. This creates a strong contrast between text-based and non-semantic
sections in the piece. In general, the coherence of the composition lies in
the recurring use of vocal devices that straddle traditional recitation of
Chinese ci-poems and a contemporary voice.
Chan’s vocal treatment reminds one of the use of the voice in works
such as George Crumb’s Ancient Voices of Children (1970) and Luciano
Berio’s Sequenza III for solo female voice (1966). In these works, the
composers intentionally disrupt the traditional role of the voice by using
it both as carrier of sound and carrier of meaning. They attempt to
decouple the voice from its conventional role of transmitting the mean-
ing of words and a text in a linear manner.
One of the most noticeable features in Chan’s treatment of the voice
is his design of spoken passages. Figure 5.3 shows an example of pitch-
less recitation of the text which functions as a recurring motif in the
piece. His way of recitation is creative in terms of its rhythmic arrange-
ment of the lyrics. One of the most conventional ways in reciting this
line, “si hua hai si fei hua,” is to put the fi rst two words si and hua
Voice, Culture, and Ethnicity 107
Wind-Sound (S.I, S.II & A.J: while producing a continents buzzing sound,
the lips form alternating vowel positions! Except for the entries, no need to coordinate!
>Pca : 112-120
F pp »f. .pp
\Keep repealing 1-measure "wind-sound" effect!\
S.I
i-u-i-u - i-u-i
zz
pp. ™f: pp
S.II \Keep repeating 1-mmsure "mnd-sound" effect !\
i-u-i-u-i-u-i
I
zz
T.
ta hu ta Hu
wp /
Bar.
[start rehearsal no. 4 after
5" of "wind-sound"]
ha
wp
B.
ha ta hu
Figure 5.2 Chan Hing-Yan, Lachrimae Florarum, at rehearsal no. 3 (p. 2). (Copy-
right © 2001 by Chan Hing-Yan.)
\whisper, breathy1\
T.
Figure 5.3 Chan Hing-Yan, Lachrimae Florarum, after rehearsal no. 6 (p. 4).
(Copyright © 2001 by Chan Hing-Yan.)
108 Frederick Lau
as close to each other as possible and to lengthen the words hua and
fei. Chen’s treatment, however, gives each word the same duration and
thus disrupts the expectation of the (Chinese) audience. In his work, he
thus not only makes tangential reference to the conventional manner
of reciting ci-poetry but also creatively alters the emotional impact of
the lyrics.
DISCUSSION
The two pieces discussed here share similar characteristics. Both were
written for a contemporary vocal ensemble exclusively trained in Western
vocal technique, and both are based largely on non-functional and non-
triadic harmony. The fact that both works are settings of ancient Chinese
poetry predominantly sung in putonghua (Mandarin), the official Chinese
language, inevitably brings up questions of history, culture, ethnicity, and
identity. The composers have incorporated Chinese vocal elements into
a Western frame and expressed Chinese sentiments in a chorus, a vocal
ensemble type originally imported from the West. It is likely that contem-
porary music audiences read this music as fusion, hybrid, or intercultural.
However, if we consider the voice both as a carrier of sounds and a carrier
of meaning, then we can assume that there is something more going on
in the music. In order to better understand the way these composers have
incorporated cultural or ethnic layers of vocality into their works as well
as how these are received, one needs to understand how vocal quality in
the Chinese context historically has been conceived and perceived. As
vocal music’s “poetic de-referentializing of language heightens the sym-
bolic efficacy of its affecting discourse,” it also becomes “a key resource
in both the construction and the critical inversion of social order” (Feld
and Fox 1994, 43). Read against the history of the reception of Western
vocal techniques in China, some vocal elements in Chen’s and Chan’s
pieces that may seem extremely innovative, and a radical break from
established vocal concepts and aesthetics, might in fact be considered
rather “traditional.”
In traditional Chinese music, vocal timbre is often associated with extra-
musical meanings rather than treated as mere sonic effect. This is perhaps
compounded by the fact that Chinese languages and dialects are tonal lan-
guages in which timbre and vocal quality are crucial markers of locale and
regions. Frith insightfully points out that a person’s voice is a signature that
enables listeners immediately to recognize who is speaking and from where
one is speaking (1998, 184). Apart from their function to heighten dramatic
effects and emotions, the qualities of voice and timbre thus serve as mark-
ers of social, ethnic, regional, and musical identity. In Chinese folk songs
(min’ge) timbre is generally characterized as cukuang (rough) and cucao
(rustic). These qualities are diametrically opposed to those found in elite
Voice, Culture, and Ethnicity 109
genres such as shuochang narrative, xiqu opera, si- or ci-poetry. As a mani-
festation of social class, vocal qualities in these literati genres are character-
ized as refi ned (xini), elegant (youya), and civil (wenya). Similarly, the open
vocal style and polyphony treatment of the Northwestern Chinese minority
Dong genre dage epitomizes the tendency to distinguish the uniqueness of
minority singing from that of the Han majority with its stylized, nasal, and
shrill vocal quality of Beijing opera and kunqu opera. All these cases sug-
gest that timbre and vocal quality function not only as “carriers of sounds”
but also as carriers of social meaning, as signifiers indexing class, status,
and ethnicity (Frith 1998, 184).
However, in recent years, this dual function of vocal quality and timbre
has been gradually eroded due to changes in vocal production. In China, the
early twentieth century ushered in a new age of singing brought on by the
introduction of “school songs” (xuetang yuege) and the emergence of a new
tradition of Chinese “art songs” (yishu gequ). Based on models borrowed
from Japanese school songs and European folk songs, xuetang yuege were
officially introduced in 1902 by the Chinese government as a compulsory sub-
ject in the newly implemented school system music curriculum. Using singing
as the primary musical activity, these early school songs were intended for the
cultivation of a modern personhood as part of the education reform spear-
headed by reformers such as Kang Youwei (1858–1927) and Liang Qichao
(1873–1929). In a proposal presented to the imperial Qing court, Kang and
Liang suggested that since schools in foreign countries all have singing classes,
a viable educational reform must include music as a major subject. Liang fur-
ther proposed that every class should have a singing class every day (Liu 2010,
30). As part of this reform, a large number of new school songs were com-
posed by a group of reformist composers who were trained in Japan, such
as Shen Xingong (1869–1947), Li Shutong (1880–1942), and Zeng Zhiwen
(1879–1929). These new songs were modeled on songs from Japan and Ger-
many (ibid., 33). The themes of these songs were didactic in nature, ranging
from anti-feudal slogans to promoting democracy, national unity, revival of
the Chinese nation, anti-superstition, civic responsibility, and promotion of
science (ibid., 44). As a new subject inspired by imported knowledge and prac-
tice, these songs required a kind of singing that was drastically different from
that of traditional vocal genres.
Xuetang yuege emphasized simple and uniform texts in a syllabic style
and in an easily comprehensible vernacular language. An example by Shen
Xingong shall demonstrate the simplistic approach to setting voice to mel-
ody in a syllabic style. The duple-metered song is entitled “Nan’er di yi zhi
qigao” (The most important thing for a young man is to have aspiration),
and was later renamed “Ticao” (“Physical exercise,” Figure 5.4). Composed
in 1902, it is Shen’s fi rst composition in this genre and the fi rst Chinese
school song ever written (Qian 2001, 1). It was a well-known song across
the country since it was promoted in all school music classes. Another pio-
neer of this genre, Li Shutong, reported in 1906 that even those students
110 Frederick Lau
who “didn’t know how to sing the scales” would be able to sing this song in
high spirit (ibid.). The language used was vernacular Mandarin rather than
classical Chinese. With the use of simple melody and harmonic progression,
the singing of xuetang yuege was determined as part of political reform to
“saving the nation” and the “construct of a modern personhood.” Singing
in groups and choral music quickly took root across the nation. This trend
also planted the seeds for the foundation for the rapid development of Chi-
nese choral music in the following decades.
A visible result alongside the popularization of xuetang yuege was the
emergence of group singing using a new kind of vocal production different
from that of traditional regional folk songs. This development has inad-
vertently altered the aesthetic preferences attributed to the Chinese voice.
Under the influence of xuetang yuege, vocal music became an important
genre in schools and in the May Fourth Movement, resulting in a large
number of new school songs as well as in the development of a new art
song tradition. Inspired by the European nineteenth-century art song tra-
dition, especially by the German Lied, composers such as Zhao Yuanren
(Chao Yuan Ren), Huang Zi, and Xian Xinghai began to compose solo
art songs in Chinese in the 1930s (Liu 2010, 185; Wang 2002, 113–134).
The Chinese art songs (yishu gequ) adopted the most prominent Western
vocal techniques, the German Lied style and the Italian operatic bel canto
style. Both are generically known by the Chinese name “beautiful sing-
ing method” (meisheng changfa) collectively. The reception of meisheng
changfa greatly altered vocal production and timbre in China.
Beginning in the 1920s, meisheng changfa was popularized in urban
areas and conservatories of China. Meisheng changfa stresses evenness and
Voice, Culture, and Ethnicity 111
extreme smoothness of vocal timbre. The voice quality is open and relies
on a head tone as opposed to traditional Chinese techniques that included
compressing the chest or throat. The voice quality produced by meisheng
changfa is resonant, pure, and contains a tremendously sweet timbre. In
contrast, traditional Chinese singing is nasal, throaty, and reliant on the
front part of the oral cavity for projection. In sum, bel canto singing is
antithetical to traditional Chinese vocal technique.
As a vocal technique introduced from Europe, bel canto was also nick-
named yangsangzi (foreign voice) in China. Like in similar expressions
used for most imported European concepts and practices, the prefi x yang
(foreign) connoted a sense of superiority, modernity, and sophistication.
Bel canto by many Chinese musicians was considered superior to the tra-
ditional Chinese voice and an icon of musical modernity. In the notes to
one of his most famous art songs “Jiao wo ruhe bu xiang ta” (How can I
not think of her), the composer Zhao Yuanren states that the singer has
to be emotionally immersed in singing the song (Liu 2010, 149). On the
technical side, Zhao expected the vocal sound to be round when singing
fast notes but to use vibrato when singing long notes (ibid.). The use of
vibrato and round tone, techniques from bel canto singing, are markers of
expressivity and represented newness and modernity. Shanghai-born and
now Hong Kong-based soprano Barbara Fei Mingyi (b. 1931) recounts
how in her early training under the famous composer and vocalist Zhao
Meibo (Chao Mei-Pa) she was criticized during her fi rst few lessons for
having no formal vocal training; subsequently she was introduced to West-
ern vocal techniques (Fei et al. 2008, 65). The preference and reverence for
a Western vocal sound was in vogue in cosmopolitan Shanghai and Hong
Kong music circles (Law and Yang 2009). As a result, traditional Chinese
singing style and method were often called tusangzi (earthbound voice) by
those trained in Western music, where the prefi x tu- implies backwardness
and unsophistication.
Bel canto was popularized mostly in urban areas while Chinese tradi-
tional singing continued to be performed and listened to in rural areas and
villages. Based on Western notions of modernity, Chinese intellectuals and
artists inserted vocal timbre into a hierarchical discourse of race and class.
As understood in the Chinese context, the term race refers to people of vari-
ous foreign countries. According to this thinking, the meisheng changfa
vocal quality, singing style, and timbre in China since the twentieth cen-
tury has been racialized and measured as a sign of progress and moder-
nity. Within the logic of the May Fourth Movement, meisheng changfa and
bel canto have been positioned as progressive anti-backwardness against
which traditional vocal quality is measured. It is via this modern-tradition-
al-binary that Chinese vocal timbre has been mapped onto a discourse of
ethnicity and authenticity.
Given the historical background of Chinese singing styles and their
changing significance since the early twentieth century, it is clear that the
112 Frederick Lau
Chinese voice and its political implications present a challenge for compos-
ers. The compositions by Chen Yi and Chan Hing-Yan I have described
above are particularly innovative in terms of their use of the voice as an
articulator of meaning. Rather than using vocal techniques from tradi-
tional Chinese vocal genres, these composers disrupt the traditional Chi-
nese use of language and timbre. Relying on a homogenized vocal timbre
they generate a clean slate where new meaning can be voiced into existence
and cultural memory minimized to the point where the composers are free
to manipulate the text in creative ways, such as taking fragments of text
and turning them into melodic and rhythmic motives. The melogenic treat-
ment of vocal sounds, which tends to obscure the meaning of the words,
blurs the boundaries between music and language and creates a new space
in which a new sense of “Chineseness” can be articulated.
The relationship between speech tone and meaning in traditional Chinese
music is of utmost importance. Bell Yung argues that in Cantonese opera
the treatment of text, the “text-setting,” hinges on paying close attention
to the relationship of speech tone and melody and is an essential aspect of
the creative process (Yung 1983, 297). By largely circumventing this unique
traditional compositional procedure and by creatively manipulating speech
tones, many contemporary Chinese composers extend musical signification
to all musical parameters rather than merely relying on timbral, tonal, or
rhythmic properties inherent to the lyrics. This also applies to the use of the
voice in Chinese popular music. With its strong resemblance to Western pop
music style, the originality and ethnic/national specificity of China’s popu-
lar music is often considered inseparable from a nationalist, state-governed
discourse (see Chapter 11, Andreas Steen’s contribution to this volume). In
a study of minority pop music from Inner Mongolia and China’s western
region Xinjiang, Nimrod Baranovitch argues that in China’s popular music
new voices and sounds are closely intertwined with politics, despite musical
innovations and expansions of vocal strategies: “For close to three decades
in China after 1949, one could hear in public a single voice, that of the
party-state” (Baranovitch 2003, 1).
In traditional Chinese music genres, sound quality is the most immediately
recognizable social marker. When Chinese musicians began to adopt Western
singing in the early twentieth century, a new identity marker was imposed on
the music, re- and displacing traditional Chinese vocal timbre. In the “moder-
nity” of the xuetang yuege, the signifier of ethnic specificity—the voice—was
filtered through a new vernacular baihua language, which was considered a
more elite, intellectualized, and formalized expression of culture rather than
the “backwardness” invoked by traditional timbre, sound, and vocalization.
The use of Chinese vernacular together with a new school song vocal qual-
ity has thus become the sonic marker of xuetang yuege and subsequently
altered and expanded the Chinese concept of vocal aesthetic. As Christine
Yano, Simon Frith, and others have argued, vocal technique and the aesthet-
ics of voice are culturally produced and can be associated with many types
Voice, Culture, and Ethnicity 113
of identity—national, gendered, instrumental, ethnic. The music of Japanese
enka, according to Yano, is more than a pop music genre but is imprinted
bodily on its listeners. This process establishes a set of familiar musical and
emotional expectations that function as a kind of musical habitus and allows
the listener to “consume the song at a primal level, through direct emotional,
even bodily, appeal” (Yano 2003, 91). If voice can create and bring out unspo-
ken but deeply felt sentiments that transcend the mundane and everyday life,
then it can be co-opted in the discourse of the nation and identity formation.
Amanda Weidman makes a poignant point in her provocative study of the
voice in Indian Carnatic music:
NOTES
REFERENCES
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der and Politics, 1978–1997, Berkeley: University of California Press.
Barthes, Roland. 1977. “The Grain of the Voice.” In Image Music Text, selected
and translated by Stephen Heath, London: Fontana Press, 179–189.
Bohlman, Philip and Ronald Radano, eds. 2000. Music and the Racial Imagina-
tion, Chicago: University of Chicago Press.
Cai, Zongqi. 2007. How to Read Chinese Poetry: A Guided Anthology, New York:
Columbia University Press.
Fei, Mingyi, Fanfu Zhou, and Suyan Zhu Xie. 2008. Lü Yun Fang Hua: Fei Min-
gyi De Gu Shi [The young girl in songs: The story of Barbara Fei], Hong Kong:
Joint Publishing.
Feld, Steven and Aaron A. Fox. 1994. “Music and Language.” Annual Review of
Anthropology 23: 25–53.
Frith, Simon. 1998. Performing Rites: On the Value of Popular Music, Cambridge,
MA: Harvard University Press.
Groenewegen, Jeroen. 2010. “Screaming and Crying Androids: Voice and Presence
in Chinese Popular Music.” Inter-Asia Cultural Studies 11/1: 108–114.
Hall, Edward T. 1990. The Hidden Dimension, New York: Anchor Books.
Law, Daniel and Han Lun Yang, eds. 2009. Shengyue Fazhan Yantaohui: Ershishiji
Xiabanye Shengyue Fazhan Gaifankuang Wenji [The development of symposium:
A survey of vocal music development in the second half of the twentieth century],
Hong Kong: Hong Kong Composers’ Guild and Hong Kong Choirs Association.
Liu Ching-Chih. 2010. A Critical History of New Music in China, translated by
Caroline Mason, Hong Kong: Chinese University Press.
McClary, Susan. 2004. Modal Subjectivities: Self-Fashioning in the Italian Madri-
gal, Berkeley: University of California Press.
Middleton, Richard. 2006. Voicing the Popular: On the Subjects of Popular Music,
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Ninoshvili, Lauren. 2009. “The Poetics of Pop Polyphony: Translating Georgian
Song for the World.” Popular Music and Society 32/3: 407–424.
Olwage, Grant. 2004. “The Class and Colour of Tone: An Essay on the Social His-
tory of Vocal Timbre.” Ethnomusicology Forum 13/2: 203–226.
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Cinema.” Meridians: Feminism, Race, Transnationalism 8/1: 144–179.
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Voice, Culture, and Ethnicity 115
Weidman, Amanda J. 2006. Singing the Classical, Voicing the Modern: The Postco-
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6 Narrative, Voice, and Reality in
the Operas by Hosokawa Toshio
and Mochizuki Misato
Fuyuko Fukunaka
My thoughts about opera did not change at all even after I saw the
production [of Puccini’s Madama Butterfly] indeed. We need to rid
operatic scores of anything unnatural. We need to present the world as
real as possible (Yamada 1930, 232, translated by the author).
The composer Shimizu Osamu (1911–1986) has often been credited with
having set the postwar Japanese trend of writing operas based on stories
of Japanese origin (often folktales) with his Shuzenji Monogatari (The tale
of Shuzenji, 1954), along with Dan Ikuma’s (1924–2001) Yūzuru (The eve-
ning crane, 1952). Shimizu’s concern stated in the fi rst quotation, part of
a 1958 round-table talk, may at fi rst seem to have little relevancy to the
second quotation, words from Yamada Kósçak (1886–1965). Studying in
Germany for four years in the early 1910s, Yamada made himself one of
the “fi rst” Japanese composers that fully assimilated the vocabulary of
Western art music. In particular, he ardently advocated the creation of real
“European” opera by Japanese composers, and in 1940 introduced a grand
opéra japonais with his Yoake—Kurofune (The dawn—the black ships),
which in many ways established an operatic prototype for Japan’s future
generations of composers.
During the round-table talk Shimizu and four other musicians—a critic,
two composers, and a singer—discussed “difficulties” facing modern-day
Japanese composers attempting to write “good” operas, and it is clear that
they believed what prevented composers from writing full-fledged stage
works was, primarily, an absence of experienced libretto writers. They
also suggested that what would amount to a good libretto comes from the
Narrative, Voice, and Reality in the Operas 117
amalgamation of plausible drama, well-portrayed characters, and a solid,
reasonable plot—in other words, characters who behave real on stage.
That this “reality” does not mean the sort of “realism” in, say, Arnold
Schoenberg’s Von heute auf morgen (1928–29), probably needs not be
emphasized. The word “real” here is instead to be interpreted as signifying
a dramatic framework that heavily draws upon the logic of causality—a
closed plot that unfolds in a syntactically continuous manner from scene
to scene. Yamada’s prewar claim lies in the same line of thought and is
particularly remarkable for using the words “unnatural” (fushizen) and
“real” (riaru) side by side. He seems to argue that the kind of causality as
observed in natural phenomena that call for explanation, not interpreta-
tion, would be essential for opera to take root in Japan’s music culture.
Indeed, his opera Yoake presents itself as a clear example of musical and
textual actions unfolding in a linear narrative, whereby characters would
appear reasonable, convincing, and (if necessary) sympathizable.
The pursuit of a narrative based on causality—often contextualized in
the larger framework of Operaturgie, a term that appeared repeatedly in
Japanese talks and essays of the 1950s and 1960s to round up the con-
ditions necessary for writing a good opera (Chōki 2010, 259)—may not
have appeared out of place back then, given that opera was still quite a
traditional (i.e., conservative) genre: the Brechtian Verfremdungseffekt,
for example, had not yet been added to the vocabulary of opera compos-
ers and librettists in Japan. However, how about Japanese composers of
the post-Staatstheater generations, who have witnessed and experienced,
fi rsthand, contemporary music, opera, and theater in Europe from the
1970s onwards? In a time of great suspicion against grand narratives and
of a search for “situated knowledges” (Haraway 1988), how would these
younger composers react to operas that drew on folktale (or similar) char-
acters that explain themselves, thus furnishing what Barthes calls the “illu-
sion of totality” (1971, 77)? It is in this light that this chapter takes a look
into the stage works of Hosokawa Toshio (b. 1955) and Mochizuki Misato
(b. 1969), both of whom have been highly visible in the music scenes in
Europe since the 1990s. My argument is that Hosokawa and Mochizuki,
aversive to linear narrativity as well as to the idea of onstage actors as
unified bodies, have renewed onstage physicality—focusing on a physical
presence that is disunity, rather than unity. Vague though it may be, this
“decentered” physicality—enacted by characters who accumulate con-
flicting images—may fi nd an adequate explanation in the “postscript” to
Umberto Eco’s The Name of the Rose (1980). There Eco refers to the Latin
hexameter he quoted on the last page of the novel:1 by stressing one of the
functions of name (and, by extension, language) that expresses “the nonex-
istent and destroyed” (Eco 1980, 505), Eco reminds us that what we believe
to be a totality may in fact embrace several different origins, as well as
different gestures and voices, just as Barthes observes three écritures—the
puppet, the manipulator, and the vociferator—in the presentation of the
118 Fuyuko Fukunaka
bunraku puppet theater (1971, 76). Moreover, Eco’s emphasis on memory
and recollection as perpetrators of disunity (“all these departed things leave
pure names behind them,” Eco 1980, 505) is relevant here, as they play an
important role in undermining the direct, fi rst-person indicative mode of
story-telling in Hosokawa’s and Mochizuki’s compositions. Below, follow-
ing a brief outline of the postwar opera making in Japan, we shall examine
how that decentered physicality manifests itself in their respective works
and what musical and textual strategies are found behind it.
That Japan did not have a state-run opera theater until 1998 (The New
National Theatre Tokyo)2 seems a paradox, given the large volume of new
operas composed following the end of World War II (one statistic puts the
number at ten per year at an average; see Sekine 1987, 33). Opera was
already a popular genre by that time: the “fi rst” opera production in Japan
had taken place at the Tokyo Music School (now Tokyo University of the
Arts) in 1903 with Gluck’s Orfeo ed Euridice, produced in Japanese, while
Japan’s fi rst opera company, the Fujiwara Opera Company, without its own
theater, had begun its activities in June 1934, with the production of La
Bohème in the original language. In the history of postwar Japanese opera,
the year 1952 should be noted: the aforementioned opera by Dan, Yūzuru,
was produced that year, 3 and it soon became a milestone in demonstrating
what “Japanese” opera would look like: source-text was sought in “Japa-
nese” classics, with much consideration given to establishing a linear nar-
rative; declamatory singing style was heavily preferred, as a way of treating
the sheer volume of the text, itself resulting from the sovereignty of the
original text; and “Japanese” colors, such as fragments of folk tunes or
“Eastern-flavored” modes, were heavily drawn upon in its music.
The motivation behind the high quantity of sōsaku operas (creation
operas)4 written in postwar Japan seems to have been rooted in a widely
shared consensus that virtually none of the prewar operatic works would be
worth performing, both musically and as drama. This qualitative “short-
age,” of course, resulted partly from a quantitative shortage: only a handful
of performable operas had been created during the period following the
“fi rst” Japanese opera, Hagoromo (1906), composed by Komatsu Kōsuke.5
Despite the increasing volume of newly composed operas in postwar Japan,
however, only a few of them have been added to today’s repertory; for
this, the long-time absence of an opera house may have been to blame.
Alternatively, though, it may simply indicate that at that time the pursuit of
quality did not really match that of quantity (Sekine 1995, 18). A criticism
along this line was indeed expressed by a well-known playwright, Waka-
bayashi Ichirō, who claimed that “postwar librettists and composers do
Narrative, Voice, and Reality in the Operas 119
not understand what opera is all about,” and bluntly stated that a national
opera theater, then still in its blueprint, would be a “waste of taxpayers’
money” (Wakabayashi 1985, 44, translated by the author).
Whether or not Wakabayashi’s criticism can be applied straight to all
postwar sōsaku operas, is questionable. It is, however, symptomatic of
“problems” that were aesthetic rather than pragmatic, that almost all of
them were set to Japanese-language libretti: while the trend had surely its
reasons on the practical side, it may also be understood as an end result
of the logocentricity pointed out above. Indeed, the operatic tradition that
Dan’s Yūzuru pioneered—a carefully constructed “plot” with a language
that reflects everyday (i.e., “realistic”) life on the one hand and textual and
musical narratives that serve to create a linear buildup of events on the
other—was never fully challenged during the fi rst postwar decades. This
perhaps had to do with the fact that younger composers that were eager
to absorb the latest compositional currents pursued in Europe and in the
United States (for example, those invariably associated with the famous
Sōgetsu Concert Series of 1960–1964 where John Cage was a central figure
in 1962) were uniformly absent from the genre prior to the 1980s.6 The
anti-opera sentiment of Europe’s leading composers, as illustrated by Pierre
Boulez’s “Let’s blow up the opera houses” (1967, 53), Karlheinz Stock-
hausen’s calling opera an “ugly, rotten corpse” (1963, 48), and Mauricio
Kagel’s 1971 Staatstheater, was therefore far detached from the reality of
opera making in Japan regardless of the story types—whether based on
folktales,7 on nō or kabuki classics,8, or on contemporary topics,9 or those
constituting the Japanese Literaturoper.10
In short, Japanese opera long strove to speak of one centralized “story.”
There is not much conflict in interpreting what is presented on stage: the
audience hears the author’s (composer’s) voice dictating the story, linearly
and chronologically reconstituted. (One exception to this can be found in
Genji Monogatari (The tale of Genji), a mono-opera by Matsudaira Yorit-
sune premiered in 1995. The opera vaguely alludes, not to a story, but
to its contour, and the text’s intertextuality leads to images of multiple
love stories.) Equally symptomatic is that this monological presentation of
drama situates characters solidly on stage, thus the reality of their physical-
ity rarely presents challenges to the audience, in a manner similar to the
verismo opera.
However, it is not to say that the antidote to such a monologic operatic con-
ception would have to call for a denial of the physicality of voice. Indeed it
is with this respect that Hosokawa’s opera concerns us: Hosokawa’s music
demands listening to musical gestures, both real and imaginary, that bear
very much physical traces. It is hardly an overstatement that all his music,
120 Fuyuko Fukunaka
including purely instrumental works, essentially contains traces of the
“human voice.” This is not simply to say his music “speaks” or “sings.”
Nor do I mean his music, instrumental or vocal, presents a “narrative.”
Rather, what one may fi nd distinctive in both his instrumental and his
vocal/theatrical music is some primal energy, a still unrefi ned “body”—the
Barthesian “grain” perhaps. This character is well exemplified in his Sen I
(Line I) for flute solo (1984), where one is encouraged to hear not the mel-
ody per se but the physical mechanism that lets out the fragmentary, cha-
otic fluctuations of melodic contours whose asymmetrical movement turns
the abstract breath-work into a heavily bodily labor. Another example is
Danshō I (Fragment I) for shakuhachi, koto, and sangen (1988), in which
the sounds of the three instruments each present their own competing tan-
gibility and weight.
It is no surprise, then, that his operas (three so far: Vision of Lear, 1998;
Hanjo, 2002; and Matsukaze, 2011) present the voice and instruments as
a collection of sensual sonorous events that contain traces of “the articula-
tion of the body, of the tongue, not that of meaning, of language” (Bar-
thes 1975, 66–67). Fragmentary, tableau-like dramatic events in Lear, a
100-minute chamber opera commissioned by the Münchener Biennale and
premiered there in April 1998, are driven by sequences of melodic “ges-
tures,” both instrumental and vocal, even the briefest or airiest of which
drag themselves with a sense of weightiness. In Hanjo, too, the voices and
the instruments negotiate their ways with an equally conspicuous sense
of physicality and of enunciation, which invites one to imagine someone
“speaking” already in its brief instrumental prelude (Scene 1).11
While the musical texture of both works consists largely of isolated
pitches or gestures that together create an image of bodily movement, this
does not translate into the drama itself, however. True, these two operas
present stories that offer no moment of emotional relief: a king (Lear)
betrayed by his children, who dies in despair (with most of the other char-
acters also dead by the end12), and a beautiful geisha girl who keeps waiting
for her unfaithful lover (Hanjo). Yet the key concept of “insanity” (com-
mon to the protagonists of the two operas, King Lear and the geisha girl)
is deprived of its inherent cruelty, and instead reduces itself into a de facto
dramatic component that at times provides the onstage events with an oth-
erworldly atmosphere. Partly as a result, the two operas create the sensa-
tion as though nothing really “happens” on stage (this perhaps is what the
British critic John Warnaby captures in his expression “the ritual signifi-
cance” in his review of Hosokawa’s Lear; Warnaby 1998, 52).
How and why did Hosokawa follow this path? The reason is certainly
not that Hosokawa consciously pursued a musical translation of the “post-
dramatic theater” of the 1960s and 1970s, a theater that pulls away from
logocentricity and from the principle of linear narrative in an attempt to
engage in an alternative onstage reality (Lehmann 1999). Nor can we infer
Hosokawa’s emotional detachment from the tragic stories that offer almost
Narrative, Voice, and Reality in the Operas 121
no catharsis. Rather, the “ritualistic” presentation of stories, especially in
Hanjo, seems to result from the subtly balanced presence of reality and
non-reality or, put in another way, from a mixture of what is present (seen/
embodied) and what is imagined (unseen/disembodied). Of course, this is
not to deny that there is a clear story line to follow in Hanjo (as will be
introduced shortly), and Hosokawa does not exhibit strong inclinations
towards an anti-narrative, “avant-garde” approach to theatricality, as in
Helmut Lachenmann’s Das Mädchen mit den Schwefelhölzern (1991–
1997/2001). At the same time, the voice-like quality of the instruments, the
incomplete constellation of characters (one of the three protagonists does
not turn up until halfway into the work), and different modes of singing
(speaking, Sprechgesang, declamatory, and regular singing) seem to offer
multiple readings of the story in Hanjo, allowing for multiple voices which
may or may not originate in a single source (i.e., author/composer).
While Roland Barthes in “The Grain of the Voice” underlines the body
of the singing voice (Barthes 1985), its signifying mechanism may also be
extended to “voices,” both vocal and non-vocal, that participate in the tell-
ing of a plot, and this is the context within which I would like to focus
on Hosokawa’s Hanjo. Hanjo is the story of a beautiful mad woman who
awaits the return of her lover, who pledged to return, only to fail to do so
for three years. It originally was a classical nō-play attributed to Zeami
Motokiyo (1363?–1443?), the son of Kan’ami (1333?–1384?) who in the
region of Yamato (today’s Nara region) fi rmly established the Yusaki (now
called Kanze) school of sarugaku performers (actors who perform the nō,
a medieval theatrical genre that involves singing—in addition to dancing—
and the kyōgen, also a medieval theatrical genre that mainly uses speech,
rather than singing). Zeami is said to have written over 200 nō-pieces (today
at least 30-odd plays are attributable to him), and is credited with having
formalized the genre of mugen nō (as opposed to gendai nō), where the core
story is fi rst related by a local to a man on a journey (often a monk). After
a brief disappearance the local reappears on the scene again, this time as
one of the characters in the story he has just related to the traveler, and acts
it out, only disappearing again towards the end, prompting the traveler to
wake up from the “dream.”13 Zeami’s works still constitute a large part of
today’s repertoire, and among them Hanjo is one of the famous plays of his
kyōjo-mono (mad-woman prototype).
Hosokawa’s English libretto is fashioned after a modern adaptation by
Mishima Yukio, set in modern Japan and written in modern Japanese.
Mishima’s play was fi rst published in 1955 (reprinted in Mishima 2002,
131–150) and translated into English by Donald Keene two years later
(Mishima 1957, 174–198; Hosokawa referred to this translation for his
122 Fuyuko Fukunaka
libretto, with only a few alterations and deletions added). The opera, com-
posed in six scenes, follows Mishima’s story line:
The libretto incorporates the fi rst Attack into the middle of the second
Attack in a form of recollection by the opera’s protagonist Kuni, a
young man. As many of Murakami’s novels, the story goes back and
forth between the absurd and the mechanistically realistic. Kuni and
Miya, his young wife, wake up one night after feeling extremely hungry
Narrative, Voice, and Reality in the Operas 127
in sleep. They soon go back to sleep, only to wake up again, this time
with real, excruciating hunger. They dig into the kitchen, only to fi nd
nothing to eat. Kuni starts relating to Miya about the exactly same type
of hunger he had before: in flashback we learn that Kuni, still unmar-
ried then, and his roommate went out to “attack” a bakery to have
something to appease their hunger, but the bakery’s owner, without
showing the slightest agitation, offered them as much bread as they
would like, under one condition: to listen to Wagner (in Murakami’s
story, the overtures to Tannhäuser and The Flying Dutchman, but in
Kaldi’s libretto, the latter is replaced by the closing portion of Göt-
terdämmerung, both to be heard on tape on stage). Now Miya is con-
vinced that their hunger is a sort of Wagnerian curse and decides to
attack another bakery to dispel it. They go out as Miya insists to rob a
McDonald’s instead, get 32 Big Macs, and after consuming them, go to
sleep, content and satisfied.
The story is very absurd indeed, though in Murakami’s original the focus
is not so much on the nonsensical plot, as on Kuni’s psychological healing
process by way of Miya’s “heroic” love. At the outset, Kuni’s tormenting
hunger, a déjà vu, is represented in an image of the deep ocean with a vol-
cano at the unfathomable bottom. At the end, when Kuni “looks down”
into the ocean again, the volcano has disappeared, and he is finally able to
go to sleep in peace. In the opera, on the other hand, no spiritual redemp-
tion is emphasized and, as Mochizuki herself admits, the opera is inten-
tionally made “slapstick,” and the audience is supposed to witness a light,
guileless comedy that behaves as a comedy (ibid.).
Needless to say, this “comedy-like” character—perhaps not to be approved
by Murakami fanatics—is partly resulting from Kaldi’s libretto. For example,
after the couple goes to sleep following the first hunger-in-dream, the “Seven
Oriental Sages” (not in Murakami’s original) appear on stage and lecture on
the definition of hunger (“Hunger as concept is not only metabolic, meta-
physical, allegorical, symbolic, and so forth, and so forth. . .”15). The inten-
tion is clear: the interjecting “commentary” is supposed to remind us that the
people on stage are only actors acting out some deeds that need to be com-
mented on, thus securing the distance between the stage and the audience, a
role comparable to the choros of the Greek tragedy. The embedding of the
Wagnerian bakery episode (in the form of an acted-out quotation by Kuni) on
the couple’s nocturnal adventure (instead of presenting them chronologically)
further stresses story-telling instead of story, as we are continuously made
aware of who is speaking, rather than of what is being spoken of. Moreover,
by interpolating the curse motive from Wagner’s Ring into the nature of their
excruciating hunger, the opera creates an intertextuality that invites the audi-
ence to think and interpret, instead of feel and relate.
It would be easy to decide, therefore, that Mochizuki’s attempt was
to create a sort of modern, satirical, yet light-hearted, operetta and, by
128 Fuyuko Fukunaka
so doing, to expose the outdated dramatization of various tragic operas
in postwar Japan. It would also be easy, too, to assume that Mochizuki
intended this opera to be a “parody” by using a literary work that incor-
porates one of the “great masters” in the history of opera. However, to me,
her fundamental intention lies somewhere else, and to clarify this, I shall
quote part of an essay by Wolfgang Rihm (b. 1952) on his Musiktheater
composition Die Hamletmaschine (1986) and its text, originally by the
German playwright Heiner Müller. Rihm says: “As a result of Heiner Mül-
ler’s practical dramaturgy, one is freed from the theatrical delay caused by
long and broad clarifications. Action, scene, and sound create clarity of an
entirely different kind: light shines onto the object from many sides. Simul-
taneously” (Rihm 1997, 353, translation and emphasis by the author).16
To Rihm, a chain of logical developments, not dramatic content per se, is
to blame for an elongated dramaturgy in the genre of opera; as long as we
follow explanatory processes as in the natural sciences aiming at explicat-
ing “reality” (remember Yamada’s word quoted at the beginning of the
chapter), Rihm seems to argue, opera cannot speak for human processes of
understanding and interpreting in modern times.
Mochizuki’s fundamental concern, too, seems to have lain in realizing
an alternative stage presentation where each of the characters and actions
does not necessarily have equal physicality and reality, in order to avoid an
elongated (i.e., “delayed”) sense of time. The fact that she asked the original
English libretto to be translated into German supports this assumption.
According to Mochizuki, the German language, with its many plosive con-
sonances, was more suitable for the intended buffo character of the opera
as it has its own “idiosyncratic sense of tempo and of rhythm, compared
with the English language that flows” (Mochizuki 2010, translated by the
author). The sonorities of the German words have certainly contributed
to the agitated presentation of time throughout the Bäckereiattacke. This
agitation is even more urgently communicated to us when the background
pulse of the drums (mainly the high-hat cymbals), which continues elongat-
edly from Act 1, Scene 4 (where the couple tries to find food in the kitchen)
through Scene 5 (the encounter with the Wagnerian baker), is at times dia-
lectically interrupted by Miya’s highly self-conscious operatic singing or
by the eerily slow falsetto cantilena sung by Kuni in Scene 3 (where he is
haunted by the volcano image).
Mochizuki’s intention strongly echoes Rihm’s also in her attempt to pres-
ent onstage events and characters in an intentionally uneven, multifaceted
way (“light shines onto the object from many sides. Simultaneously”). Such
“inconsistency,” for example, manifests itself clearly in the use of different
vocal renditions: throughout the opera, much of the text is set to music in
such a manner that only exaggerated contour, not precise pitches, is defined
upon precisely notated rhythms. It is as though the voice’s performative ges-
tures—the performativity of the singers’ exaggerated “enunciations”—are
more important than the content of the text in delineating the onstage action.
Narrative, Voice, and Reality in the Operas 129
Occasionally, however, very expressive cantilenas interject (for example,
Kuni’s tormenting vision of the volcano in Scene 3 or Miya’s insistence on the
Wagnerian curse), which are equally performative and self-referential because
the characters seem to be singing while perfectly aware that they are singers.17
As a result, our distance to Kuni and Miya needs to be readjusted repeatedly,
and the idea of what they are is called into question—are they just agents of a
story about a bakery robbery or just singers who perform their roles operati-
cally, only insinuating the contour of the story?
Whether or not the libretto’s call for many levels of “quotation”18 matches
the Murakami world as envisioned by Mochizuki, the libretto and musi-
cal setting create, in the end, the effect as though all events and characters
were indirect, transient, and merely imaginary. Did Kuni and his room-
mate really attack the bakery (maybe it was only Kuni’s imagination with
which Miya has nothing to do)? Aren’t Kuni and Miya only dreaming? Is
the entire McDonald’s episode a mere symbol of the process by which the
couple undergoes mutual reconnection? Furthermore, by interjecting con-
textually contrasting music into what is going on (for example, the use of
an electric guitar in Act 1, Scene 6, against Miya’s prima-donna-like rendi-
tion of her plan to rob the bakery), the opera denies the idea of one unified
story being presented (whose voice really speaks through the rock ‘n’ roll
style?). In other words, if the essential lifeline of opera as a genre, Japanese
or non-Japanese, is sustained by its attempt to convince the audience into
thinking that it is about a story, then Mochizuki, we may claim, has suc-
cessfully dismantled such operatic condition.
In both Die große Bäckereiattacke and Hanjo, then, the simultaneous pres-
ence of multiple visions—voices—conditions the way the entire opera is
presented. This certainly echoes Hosokawa’s compositional creed, a com-
mitment to what is not visible (i.e., audible):
NOTES
1. The hexameter goes as follows: stat rosa pristina nomine, nomina nuda ten-
emus (the former rose endures in its name, we hold empty names).
2. The “original” National Theater of Japan, specializing in the production
of Japanese traditional theatrical genres, such as kabuki and bunraku, was
founded in 1966.
3. The opera had originally been conceived as incidental music for a theater
piece under the same title, itself inspired by a famous folktale.
4. The term sōsaku opera indicates operas written by Japanese composers (see
Nihon Sengo Ongakushi Kenkyūkai 2007, 277).
5. It should quickly be added that many alternatively regard Roei no Yume
(Dreams at a bivouac, 1905) by Kitamura Suehiro or Ochitaru Ten’nyo
(Fallen angel, 1912) by Yamada Kósçak to be the “fi rst” Japanese opera.
6. Mayuzumi Toshirō, who eclectically assimilated the contemporary composi-
tional trends abroad, especially during the 1950s and the 1960s, was rather
conservative when it came to opera, as testified to in his Golden Pavilion of
1976.
Narrative, Voice, and Reality in the Operas 131
7. Such as Sumiyaki-Hime (Coal princess) by Shimizu Osamu (1952) and
Amanjaku to Uriko-Hime (Amano-gnome and Princess Uriko) by Hayashi
Hikaru (1958).
8. Such as Sonezaki Shinjū (The double suicide at Sonezaki, 1977) by Irino
Yoshirō.
9. Such as Kurai Kagami (The dark mirror, 1960) by Akutagawa Yasushi, the
story of a Hiroshima atomic bomb survivor.
10. Such as Yōkihi (The Yōki princess, 1977) by Dan Ikuma.
11. Hanjo was commissioned by the Théâtre Royal de la Monnaie in Brussels,
and premiered at the Festival d’Aix-en-Provence in France in July 2004.
12. This ending of the original Shakespeare play is called into question in the
opera, due largely to the text and the production, both of which are created
by the renowned director Suzuki Tadashi. In the production, at the end of
the opera—that is, after Lear fi nds Cordelia dead, having failed to intercept
Edmund’s conspiracy—all the dead characters (Cordelia, Regan, Goneril,
the Duke of Cornwall, Earl of Gloucester, and Edmund) suddenly “come
back to life” and walk off stage, suggesting, perhaps, that all actions on
stage were illusionary visions of the “insane” Lear. His “insanity,” not as the
consequences of the plots, but as a condition that is already well established
from the start, is alluded to in this production where Lear is seen (although
not always) on a wheelchair in a place that reminds one of an isolated mental
institution or old people’s home.
13. A good introduction to the art of nō in English is Hare 1986.
14. For example, her initial wish to write an opera based on Murakami’s novels
Dance, Dance, Dance or A Wild Sheep Chase was overridden by a “group
of experts, with opera directors and dramaturgs from Vienna, London, and
Luzern,” and also as a result of several workshops with this group, with the
librettist and the conductor Johannes Kalitzke. Many aspects instructed in the
libretto, including the detail of the musical quotations and the instrumentation,
were closely followed during the compositional process (Mochizuki 2010).
15. “Hunger als Begriff ist nicht nur metabolisch, metaphysisch, allegorisch,
symbolisch und so fort und so fort. . .” (translated by author; the original
English libretto by Kaldi is not available).
16. “Hinzu kommt durch Heiner Müllers praktische Dramaturgie die Loslösung
von Aufenthalt durch lange und breite Erklärnisse. Szene-Bild-Klang schaffen
Klarheit ganz anderer Art. Von vielen Seiten fällt Licht auf den Gegenstand.
Gleichzeitig” (Rihm 1997, 353).
17. This strongly reminds of the closing music of Brünnhilde sung by the soprano
Luana DeVol in Götterdämmerung of the Stuttgart Ring in 2003, directed
by Peter Konwitschny, where Brünnhilde, dismissing the dead Siegfried and
everyone else from the stage, sings, not as Brünnhilde, but as a soprano
(Richard Wagner, Götterdämmerung, DVD, TDK/SWR/Opus Arte, 2004).
18. In addition to the Wagner episode, there are several other quotation-like
musical elements, such as reminiscences of Cole Porter numbers and the
stretta passages reminiscent of nineteenth-century Italian opera.
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7 Reconsidering Traditional Vocal
Practices in Contemporary
Korean Music
Heekyung Lee
In April 1997, the eminent Korean folk song vocalist Cho Kongnye (1930–
1997) passed away.1 While the death of the Pakistani singer Nusrat Fateh
Ali Kahn (1948–1997) in the same year received worldwide attention
(Schaefer 2000, 9), the demise of Cho went completely unnoticed except
in Korea. As with most traditional Korean musicians, her death was virtu-
ally ignored; short obituaries appeared in a small number of Korean news-
papers. This showed the unprivileged status of traditional Korean music
performers. Despite their huge contributions in transmitting traditional
music and developing individual artistic worlds, traditional Korean music
performers in general have been neglected not only internationally but also
by the Korean public in favor of artists who perform Western music. In the
development of contemporary Korean music, however, traditional music
still carries significant implications and potentials.
Traditional Korean vocal music encompasses a wide spectrum of the
human voice, from the highly refi ned singing style of chŏngga (the music of
courts and scholars) to the rich expressive quality of p’ansori (a dramatic
narrative form), and from Buddhist and shamanistic ritual music such as
pŏmp’ae and kut to the wide variety of folk songs whose singing styles and
idioms reflect diverse regional origins. Furthermore, each genre features
distinctive vocal techniques enabling singers to deliver a broad range of
musical expression. In contemporary Korean music, however, the human
voice has been explored only by a limited number of composers.
Since the early twentieth century influx of Western music into Korea,
European bel canto has become the standard vocal quality for most Korean
performers and audiences. The Korean art song (hanguk kagok) emerged
from this trend in the 1920s and flourished until the 1970s, while tradi-
tional music was excluded from mainstream Korean culture and its unique
values were ignored and forgotten during the modernization and Western-
ization of Korean society. The vocal styles of chŏngga and ch’ang (singing in
p’ansori style) and vocal genres such as kagok, p’ansori, kut, and pŏmp’ae
went unappreciated due to a Western-centric musical aesthetic incapable of
appreciating their idiosyncrasies. In this context, it is not surprising that,
until recently, Korean composers have shown little interest in traditional
134 Heekyung Lee
modes of vocality. Only in the last decade have composers embraced the
unlimited potential of traditional vocal practices.
This chapter examines how contemporary Korean music has appropri-
ated and transformed traditional vocal music idioms within the socio-
cultural context of Korea’s modernization in the twentieth century. The
experiments of various composers with Korean vocal traditions will be dis-
cussed in the context of Westernization/modernization, evocation of archaic
dimensions, imitation/appropriation, and assemblage in a new frame. This
analysis leads to my conclusion that the creative potential of performativity
and orality permeating traditional Korean vocal practices has not yet been
fully explored by contemporary composers.
pstr.
3
Reconsidering Traditional Vocal Practices
3
139
Figure 7.1 Kim Dong-Jin, a passage from Simch ng’s aria “Hyos ngiii Norae” in Simcbeongj n (1992, 229). (Copyright © KOMCA,
Korea Music Copyright Association.)
140 Heekyung Lee
Kim’s recognition of the depth and potentials of p’ansori as a contemporary
form and his attempt to use it as a compositional resource for the creation
of an expressive musical language within the Western musical system is
admirable. Nonetheless, Kim did not consider the originality of p’ansori
a positive representation of cultural difference, but rather as something
underdeveloped and less modernized. Furthermore, he considered p’ansori
vocal techniques based on the manipulation of vocal fold nodules “unsci-
entific” and therefore refused to use them in his music (ibid., 161).19 Rather
than utilizing p’ansori vocal techniques in his writing, he asked singers
with Westernized vocal training to sing p’ansori. This approach, related
to the “modernization” ideology of Park’s regime in the 1970s, claims the
preservation of tradition; however, this resulted in transforming tradition
into something Western, rather than accentuating the “essence” of the tra-
dition. Modernization in music at that time implied shaping traditional
music to predefi ned forms of Western music; in other words, the process
was one of Westernized standardization.20
To Kim Dong-Jin’s generation, p’ansori’s oral practice and performativity
was an unstable variable, and thus unsuited for a kind of music with fi xed
melody and structure, notated in staff, using Western vocalization tech-
niques. However, the singers who received Western musical training during
the 1970s were not versatile enough to perform in the style of sinch’angak.
Today, in contrast, certain singers with Western singing technique have
learned to render some of the particular rhythmic patterns or tonal modes
of traditional Korean music as well. Performances of lyric songs from
Yun Isang’s Collection of Early Songs (1950/1990) have demonstrated
the development of a singing style in which traditional musical gestures
or nuances can be presented by Western-trained singers with a substan-
tial understanding of traditional Korean musical practice. 21 Furthermore,
the piano accompaniment in such songs is sometimes replaced with tradi-
tional instrumental ensembles, and traditional p’ansori singers have also
performed these songs. 22 In each case, the vocalist’s gestural performative
presence plays an important role in bridging the gap between traditional
Korean and Western styles. Although Kim Dong-Jin’s sinch’angak modifies
tradition within the frame of Western tonal music, a performer’s personal
vocalization and expression has the potential to give further meaning to
these works. The vocalist’s performative act is crucial to a successful syn-
thesis between traditional and contemporary musical practices.
Voice
3
Se
Figure 7.2 Kang Sukhi, Buru (1976), mm. 50–56. (Copyright © 1978 Edition Modern [G. Ricordi & Co. Bühnen- und Musikverlag]. Repro-
duced by kind permission of MGB Hal Leonard, Italy.)
Heekyung Lee
165
=-3
Voice
U- A U - A U - A U - A U- A A
3 flüchtig 3 3 3 3 3
B.F1
flüchtig 3 3
Cl. ^
3
Perc. 1
(tarn.)
Perc. 2
(B.D.)
3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3 3
3
Piano
Figure 7.3 Kang Sukhi, Buru (1976), mm. 164–168. (Copyright © 1978 Edition Modern [G. Ricordi & Co. Bühnen- und Musikverlag].
Reproduced by kind permission of MGB Hal Leonard, Italy.)
Reconsidering Traditional Vocal Practices 143
and Buddhism remained deeply embedded in everyday life as cultural con-
texts rather than as religions per se. The use of this cultural background
in The Labyrinth and Buru reflects the 1970s status of those beliefs in
Korea; although composers were often Christian, they remained fascinated
by Buddhist temple ritual, with its characteristic gongs, and frequently
reflected that sonority in their work. Such shamanistic evocation appears
in Kang Joon-Il’s Man-ga (Funeral song) for voice, viola, cello, piano, and
percussion (1982). Sharing features with The Labyrinth and Buru, Man-ga
captures the gestures and nuances of Korean shamanistic music while pass-
ing over the techniques and expressiveness of traditional vocal music.26
Both The Labyrinth and Buru entrusted their respective premieres to the
unique performativity of Hong Sin-Cha (b. 1940), a choreographer, dancer,
and vocalist who regularly collaborated in experimental works with Hwang
and Kang at the Pan Music Festival in the 1970s. Neither a Korean tradi-
tional singer nor a Western-style singer, her role on stage is best expressed
as a “modern shaman” delivering incantations as performance art. These
works, which bring out the performativity of voice, were thus transitory
events, singularities in the musical styles of both composers; they cannot be
fully evaluated without taking into consideration Hong Sin-Cha’s remark-
able performative acting. An insightful artist who embodied the music
within herself, her unique vocal performance encapsulated the aesthetic
of nostalgia for the disappearing indigenous sound as reconstructed in a
modern musical framework. Although such performative experiments were
ephemeral, The Labyrinth and Buru thus successfully raise the question of
how composers can creatively use the performativity and orality of tradi-
tional Korean vocal practices as significant elements establishing their own
musical languages.
IMITATION/APPROPRIATION OR REINVENTION?
Since the outset of the twenty-fi rst century, Korean composers have been
actively collaborating with traditional vocalists. Traditional Korean music
survived through the turbulence of the 1980s, an era in which the demands
for democracy and national identity were hotly debated, as reflected in
the role of the samulnori. In the 1990s, the huge box-office success of
the fi lm Sŏp’yŭnje (1993) spurred recognition of the value of traditional
art; the fi lm was the fi rst in Korean history to reach one million view-
ers, attracting audiences with p’ansori and other features of traditional
culture. Indeed, the Korean government designated 1994 “The Year of
Traditional Korean Music.” Such government support for music conspicu-
ously mirrored the increasingly exalted social status of traditional music;
as traditional vocalists and vocal genres gained recognition, composers
began to seek out the potential for new music through close relationships
with traditional vocalists.
144 Heekyung Lee
In the new millennium, the singing style of chŏngga has intrigued many
Korean composers. Chŏngga, which includes kagok and sijo, is characterized
by its slow tempo and refined vocal timbres and techniques. Its unique beauty
is created through long melismatic phrases using both the chest voice and
the head voice with narrow vibrato,27 while the subtle gradation of dynamics
provides tension. The result is a microscopic world of delicate vocal colors
that sounds remarkably modern. In addition, the singing style of chŏngga
does not require the harsh and tedious vocal training of p’ansori singers, and
thus can be incorporated in the lives of “here and now” (Park Mikyung 2003,
191–192). Although it is difficult to precisely convey the music in Western
staff notation, the manner of musical expression in chŏngga has enormous
flexibility, and modern Korean poems—beyond the traditional sijo—can be
used as text. Thus the genre has great potential for modernization.
Hyungsan for traditional voice and electronic sound (2000) by Hwang
Sung-Ho (b. 1955) revives the multifarious acoustical qualities of chŏngga.
Hwang added electronic sounds to traditional kagok vocals in setting the
eighteenth-century text of “Pakok [a natural jade] from Mount Hyungsan,”
a sijo from the late Chosŏn period. According to the composer, the piece’s
“strong timbral features, characteristic of traditional Korean vocal music
which places importance on rhythm and breathing techniques,” come from
the dismantled, prolonged, and stretched phrasing of kagok vocalization;
this is “realized using manipulation of computer and electronic sound pro-
cessing methods” (Hwang 2000). Thus, while maintaining the characteris-
tics of traditional vocal music, Hwang modernized the genres, dubbing his
style “imagery-kagok.”
Similarly, Chung Hyun-Sue (b. 1967) sets texts from the Chosŏn period
and adheres to the characteristic chŏngga singing style. However, while
Hwang’s work relies heavily on the performance practice of the traditional
kagok vocalist, Chung’s artistic goal was a new representation of the genre
itself in her series Sich’ang (Poem song): Lotus Song (2007), Gong Yang
(2008), and Cold Rain Song (2009). As shown below, she used chŏngganbo
(Korean traditional mensural notation) to notate her composition, instead
of Western staff notation (Figure 7.4).
Traditionally, Korean vocal music was conceived as a form of sponta-
neous musical entertainment via an artistically elevated spirit; p’ungnyu
was the process of adding naturally springing melody to poetry. 28
Although this improvisational nature was the essence of p’ungnyu, over
time a number of melodies sedimented and were transmitted as fossils
of traditional music. Chung sought to revive the spirit of p’ungnyu by
encompassing the vocalization of sŏdo sori (a vocal style in Northwest-
ern Korean provinces) and subtle sigimsae through chŏngganbo nota-
tion, leaving it up to the vocalist to set a natural rhythm for the poetic
text. The choice of the accompanying bamboo flutes tanso (small vertical
bamboo flute), taegŭm (long transverse bamboo flute), or t’ungso (long
vertical bamboo flute) was based on the tone color and register of the
vocal performer.
Reconsidering Traditional Vocal Practices 145
Figure 7.4 Chung Hyun-Sue, Lotus Song (2007), first phrase. (Copyright © Chung
Hyun-Sue.)
P’ansori, with its solid musical structure and variety of expressive ges-
tures, has also received a revival in more recent contemporary Korean
music. To Hwang Seong for p’ansori and chamber ensemble (2001) by Lee
Chan-Hae (b. 1945) is a transformation of the traditional p’ansori based
on an arrangement of a traditional p’ansori performance. Using a section
of the traditional p’ansori Simch’ŏngga and arranging it for p’ansori singer,
percussions, trombone, and strings, Lee retains most of the vocal line and
rhythmic patterns in the voice and percussion, but gives the strings and
trombone a harmonically and contrapuntally supporting role, sometimes
using them for expressively elaborated passages. Lee continued this proce-
dure for the P’ansori Remix series (2005–2009), arranging famous scenes
from the traditional “Five P’ansori Narratives” (P’ansori obat’ang) for
Western instruments. In these works, Lee aimed to create new sound quali-
ties derived directly from elements inherent in the traditional genre.
Such attempts raise the question of the ability of composers to fashion
“integrated” music from heterogeneous elements. For instance, the different
tonal system on which Western instruments are based potentially creates
discord or simply fails to capture the unique texture and color of p’ansori.
The dependence of composers on the vocal practices of traditional singers
to restore traditional music idioms further reflects this incomplete mar-
riage of genres and styles; rather than exploring new musical directions,
146 Heekyung Lee
composers and musicians are still working out how to fully exploit the
expressive possibilities of traditional music’s frameworks in conjunction
with contemporary aesthetics. This can be read as a transitional phenom-
enon: composers collaborating with traditional vocalists need to continue
learning the old genres. When they have fully internalized the style, there
may be a stronger push towards truly new versions of those genres.
The works of Yi Man-Bang and Kang Joon-Il, composers who have long
pondered how to approach traditional Korean music as a compositional
resource, showcase the development of unique adaptations of traditional
vocal practices. Yi Man-Bang began to learn kagok singing in 1983, after
fi nishing his studies in Germany and returning to Korea. Knowledgeable
about the possibilities underlying traditional Korean music—the delicate
expressivity of sigimsae and subtle nuances derived from tones and tim-
bres—Yi attempted to re-create the traditional vocal style into an “art
song of our times” in such works as the Akjang series (2001–2003), his
version of chŏngga. Yi’s series referred to the vocal idioms of kagok to
provide new possibilities for the Korean art song, which had never really
escaped the musical idioms based on Western harmonization. The Akjang
series—the term refers to the vocal parts in the Korean Royal Ancestral
Shrine Ritual Music (chongmyo cheryeak)—aims to capture the essence
of the chŏngga vocal style where the “grain of the voice” (Barthes 1977)
reflects the inner state of the text within a simple and serenely flowing
melody (Figure 7.5).
The conventionally notated score provides only a pitch skeleton for
the vocal performer, as the delivery of the delicate intonation, of timbres
and sound gestures, remains unnotated; this is a reference to the Akjang
series’ dedicatee, Yi’s daughter A-Mi, herself a chŏngga vocalist. However,
Yi allows for the possibility of a performance by Western singers as well,
rather than restricting performers to traditional vocal practitioners (Choi
2005, 161). Even if this piece is performed by a singer who does not know
much about chŏngga vocalization, the focus will necessarily be on the per-
former and her/his strategy to bring this seemingly monotonous tune alive.
Yi attempts to overcome the dichotomy between Western and traditional
music in Korea in the hopes of establishing a new mode of vocality.
Kang Joon-Il also pursued the expressive potential of the human voice
in his search for the sonic essence of Korean traditional folk music. He
fi rst considered the musical element kuŭm (mouth music); 29 in his series
Sori-Tarae for Kuŭm (Sound-bunch for kuŭm) (Figure 7.6), he explored
how Western-style singers might approach Korean traditional sounds,
suggesting kuŭm as a vehicle for bridging the gap. The vocal line is word-
less: the composer allows the singer maximum individualized expression
through the choice of syllables (Figure 7.6).
Andante (J ca. 58-60)
21
-3- -_3z
Female
Voice
p
pp
Piano
pp
26
Female
Voice
Pno.
Reconsidering Traditional Vocal Practices
147
Figure 7.5 Yi Man-Bang, Akjang II for female voice and piano (2002), mm. 21–30. (Copyright © Yi Man-Bang.)
6
mp
Voice
148
Viola
sf p
Heekyung
cresc.
Lee
p
Piano
cresc. - / mf
11 sf
if
Voice
3 9
Vla
mf- sf
*r
Pno mf
sf
Figure 7.6 Kang Joon-Il, Sori-Tarae for Kuŭ rn I for voice, viola, and piano (1998), third movement, mm. 6-15.
(Copyright © Kang Joon-Il.)
Reconsidering Traditional Vocal Practices 149
Using kuŭm-derived Korean folk song melodies, Sori-Tarae for Kuŭm
I conveys the mindfulness and aloofness which come with abandoning
regret. The piano takes not only a melodic and harmonic role, but also
that of a p’ansori drummer (kosu); the viola supports the voice and the
interaction between the voice and the piano. Yet it is the singer performing
kuŭm who has the most important role. Kang’s motivation for composing
this piece was a commission by the soprano Kim Kyung-Hee (b. 1961),
who, after studying in Italy, was strongly interested in developing a genuine
mode of Korean vocalization beyond Western vocal practices. In perform-
ing works such as Kang’s, Kim developed a vocal identity capable of ren-
dering the subtle gestures of traditional vocal music, successfully creating
new expressive interpretations of traditional Korean music through non-
Western vocalization. This is most notable in Kang’s Sori-Tarae for Kuŭm
III for voice, haegŭm (two-stringed vertical fiddle), and piano (2003). Here,
the concept of kuŭm is characterized by the interaction of voice and instru-
ments: the singer is constantly conscious of and influenced by the sound
quality of the haegŭm.
Kang continued his efforts toward mining the expressive potential of tra-
ditional music as he became acquainted with the traditional singer Chŏng
Hoe-Sŏk (b. 1963).30 He fi rst embarked on projects including transcribing
and arranging the twentieth-century p’ansori pieces Simch’ŏngga and Sug-
ungga by Chŏng Kwon-Jin (1927–1986, a member of the third generation of
the Chŏng family of p’ansori performers). His arrangements (2005–2007)
added the haegŭm and a Western string ensemble to the p’ansori sonority.
By placing the p’ansori singer in the new context of the ensemble’s two het-
erogeneous tonal systems, Kang questions the feelings evoked by p’ansori
without sacrificing the distinct characteristics of either musical system.
During the 1980s and 1990s, Kang explored the use of traditional folk
music gestures through Western musical instruments; in the new millen-
nium, he has focused on the encounters and coexistence of those two musi-
cal worlds as they are.31 Sin Hyangga (New hyangga) for soprano, p’ansori
singer, cello, haegŭm, and strings (2007) creates a musical space through
the juxtaposition of heterogeneous musical elements: p’ansori singer and
soprano, haegŭm and cello do not overshadow each other, but rather pro-
duce a tension between equal counterparts (Figure 7.7).
The musical gestures of Western instruments in Figure 7.7 reflect the figu-
rations of traditional Korean music. Over a piano part, featuring frequent use
of fourth intervals in chords and ornamentations, haegŭm, cello, and soprano
are woven contrapuntally, beginning with imitative passages, followed by the
entrance of the p’ansori singer. As the music proceeds, the parts take on a
shifting texture, sometimes fiercely conflicting, sometimes unified in a single
flow. The originality of this piece thus lies in the meeting of two different
worlds, with a dynamic heightened by the active role of the performers as
participants in the process of moving beyond conventional performance prac-
tices.32 Western instrumental ensemble works by Kang Joon-Il are developed
150 Heekyung Lee
56 1Kp-
Soprano
g
P'ansori
singer g
Haegum
1
7Kp~ mf
1Kp-
Cello
g
vf ¥
g
p
Piano vf
Figure 7.7 Kang Joon-Il, H nbwaga (Of ering fl owers) from Sin Hyangga, mm.
1-10. (Copyright © Kang Joon-Il.)
NOTES
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and translated by Stephen Heath, London: Fontana Press, 179–189.
Choi Ae-Kyung. 2005. “Yi Man-Bang ŭi Chakp’um Segye e taehan Yŏngu” [Study
on the work of Yi Man-Bang]. Ŭm Ak Hak 12: 131–170.
. 2006. “‘Eine kosmische Klangwelt’ für Lebende und Tote: Isang Yuns Epi-
log (1994).” In Isang Yun’s Musical World and the East-Asian Culture, edited
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Chun Chungim. 2005. “Chakgokga Ahn Ki-Young ŭi Hyangt’o Kagŭk Yŏngu”
[Study on the composer Ahn Ki-Young and Hyangt’o Kagŭk]. Ŭmak kwa Min-
jok 30: 167–196.
Han Myung-Hee, Song Hye-Jin, and Yun Chung-Gang. 2001. Uri Kugak 100 nyŏn
[100 years of our traditional music], Seoul: Hyŏnamsa.
Hwang Byungki. 1979. “Chŏnt’ong ŭmak kwa Hyŏndai ŭmak” [Traditional music
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Hyŏndaisŏng [Korean national culture: Its tradition and modernity], edited
by Hanguk Chŏngsin Munhwa Yŏnguwon (The Academy of Korean Studies),
Sŏngnam: The Academy of Korean Studies, 202–222.
Hwang Sung-Ho. 2000. Hyungsan for traditional voice and electronic sound,
program notes for “Computer Music from Korea: Fall 2000 Concert,” Stan-
ford Center for Computer Research in Music & Acoustics (CCRMA),
https://ccrma.stanford.edu/events/concerts/20001127.html (accessed on Sep-
tember 10, 2011).
Jeon Jiyoung. 2005. Kŭndaisŏng ŭi Ch’imryak kwa 20segi Hanguk Ŭmak [Aggres-
sion of modernity and Korean music in the twentieth century], Seoul: Book Korea.
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world contemporary music], Seoul: Koryŏwon.
. 1992. “Contemporary Music Skyrocketing in Vigor.” Koreana 6/1: 9–16.
Reconsidering Traditional Vocal Practices 157
Kim Dong-Jin. 1992. “Hanguk Chŏngsinŭmak Sinch’angak” [Korean spirit music
Sinch’angak]. Yesul Nonmunjip 31: 143–253.
Kim Hyung Tae. 2007. Voice Odyssey: Moksori e Sumgyŏjin Pimil ŭl Ch’ajasŏ
[Voice odyssey: In search of the hidden secret in voice], Seoul: Book road.
Kim Ik Doo. 2010. Cho Yong Pil ŭi Ŭmaksegye: Chŏnghan ŭi Norae, Minjok ŭi
Norae [Cho Yong Pil’s music world: The song of Korean sentiment, the song for
nation], Seoul: P’yŏngminsa.
Kim Jin-Hyun. 2003. “Die Singstimme als Ausdruckszeichen: Zur medialen Funk-
tion der Stimme in der Musik.” In Medien/Stimmen, edited by Cornelia Epping-
Jäger & Erika Linz, Cologne: DuMont, 250–266.
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[Tradition without composition, composition without tradition]. Madang 32:
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and Huh Young-Han. 1992. “Che Sam Sedai ŭi Chinro wa Hanguk Ŭmak”
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of four composers born in the 1940s]. Ŭm Ak Hak 15: 67–104.
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of Tradition and Modernity.” Asian Theatre Journal 25/1: 24–57.
8 Escaped from Paradise?
Construction of Identity and Elements
of Ritual in Vocal Works by Helmut
1
Lachenmann and Giacinto Scelsi
Jörn Peter Hiekel
Figure 8.1 Helmut Lachenmann, temA (1968), mm. 64. (Copyright © 1971 by
Musikverlage Hans Gerig, Köln, 1980, assigned to Breitkopf & Härtel, Wiesbaden.)
Two kinds of tremolo are called for when inhaling:
1. by snoring, 2. by a rattling pressure in the back of the throat (which is
also possible when exhaling and is also required there). They are indic-
ated as follows:
Snoring: Rattling:
CH
kurz gestoQener
,-Pfiff"
dolce gliss. v
m
Figure 8.2 Helmut Lachenmann, temA (1968), performance instructions/vocal part (top); score, mm. 114–117
(bottom). (Copyright © 1971 by Musikverlage Hans Gerig, Köln, 1980, assigned to Breitkopf & Härtel, Wiesbaden.)
Escaped from Paradise? 171
172 Jörn Peter Hiekel
In respect of this textual component, it remains important to point
out that temA also contains a few lighthearted moments—more so than
the other works discussed above. It is, of course, a rather relaxed, alto-
gether unforced form of lightheartedness, not at all comparable with the
stridently grotesque speech-compositions that are familiar to us courtesy
of composers such as Ligeti. The serenity involved in this approach is
particularly significant here, as it seems that the aforementioned “ritual-
istic” side of temA is intrinsically related to this quality. Already at this
early point, it seems, the experience of a music that knows the “paradise
of happy intactness” has found its way into Lachenmann’s music. And
of course it is equipped with that “broken magic” so crucial to Helmut
Lachenmann and his music—a music which has escaped from paradise
consciously and deliberately.
NOTES
1. Translated from the German by Christian Utz. Some sections of this trans-
lation have been adapted from an English translation of a previous version
of this essay by Alwyn Westbrooke. Quotations from German sources have
been translated into English.
2. Matuschek (1991, 121–122) has demonstrated that Leonardo “devotes him-
self curiously to the charms of the world” where Petrarca still “remorsefully
returns to divine devotion.”
3. Translated by John Tyler Tuttle (CD-booklet, Helmut Lachenmann, Mouve-
ment (–vor der Erstarrung) and other works, Kairos, 0012202KAI, 2001, p.
11). This translation obviously was created from the Italian original, while
the German version, to which the piece is set, is based on a translation by
Kurt Gerstenberg which is less literal, most notably in the phrase that became
the title of the work: “zwei Gefühle” (two sentiments) is Gerstenberg’s/
Lachenmann’s chosen wording for Leonardo’s “due cose” (two things).
4. Ibid.
REFERENCES
In this chapter I examine the way in which Dieter Schnebel, Brian Fer-
neyhough, and Georges Aperghis develop “non-semantic” vocal music,
its consequences for vocal performance, and its implications for the per-
ception of the singer’s identity on stage. Dieter Schnebel and Brian Fer-
neyhough have used the symbols of the International Phonetic Alphabet
(IPA) as a means of codifying parts of vocal sounds in their pieces. By
using non-semantic text material, these composers were able to main-
tain flexibility and control over the vocal sound organization in their
compositions to a higher extent than with a prewritten libretto. The
IPA also gave them specifi c control over the individual vocal articula-
tors, signifi cantly increasing the number of vocal sounds at their dis-
posal, but also changing their approach to the human voice from a fi xed
sound source or human “character” to a disassembled machine with
a huge range of combinatorial properties. However, Ferneyhough and
Schnebel approach non-semantic vocal music from fundamentally dif-
ferent angles.
Aperghis uses non-semantic vocal structures to layer identity, to blur the
boundaries of a specific language, and to add multiple subtexts to a vocal-
ist’s line. He chooses not to use the IPA, and although this limits the speci-
ficity with which he can notate the vocal score, it also supports his desire
to build layered identities. The stratified “personae” in his vocal works
often have some link to a language (usually French) and their obscured
relationship to this language heightens the effect of their “otherworldli-
ness.” Isolated “human” sounds, such as a quiet sob, also appear in the
context of non-semantic vocal sounds, calling into question both the emo-
tion attached to the “vocalization” of a sob and the lack of semantic mean-
ing in the surrounding vocal sounds. This might motivate the audience to
look for non-meaning in the “sob” (“Was it just a ‘sound’ or did it contain
sadness?”) and, conversely, to search for underlying emotional meaning in
the non-semantic text.
176 Erin Gee
The notational choices that a composer makes, i.e., whether or not to
use the IPA and to what degree of specificity, usually stems from a precom-
positional aesthetics concerning the voice. Although the IPA is designed as
a universal method for transcribing vocal utterances, its use in a musical
context is still influenced by the “identity” within which composer and
performer are working. What kind of personal identity is expressed by
the performer on stage? How is this identity influenced by the composer’s
approach to non-semantic music?
Expressed and hidden identities manifest themselves, among others, in
the degree of control left up to the performer, in the choices the performer
makes within this realm of flexibility, and in “cultural clues” inherent
in the resulting vocal sounds. The decision whether to use the IPA sig-
nificantly influences the variety and number of interpretations that are
possible. Performance-related choices in non-semantic music are myriad
and not necessarily linked to the expression of a personal experience. The
audience thus is faced with a number of questions about the performer,
the fi rst of which may be, “Is it human?” or “Is this voice meant to be
linked to a person?”
Since all parts of the vocal tract can be specified with the tools of the
IPA, its use allows a composer to manipulate a singer’s vocal technique far
beyond classical Western vocal training. Furthermore, the sounds from all
known languages can be systemically notated and composers are able to
access sounds outside of their own culture, or any culture that they have
come into contact with. They are also able to use sounds about whose
original place or use in a language they often have no information. Devoid
of a semantic text and a classical Western vocal timbre, how do composers
conceptualize the role or purpose of the voice? What is the role of these
non-semantic vocal utterances once they have been removed from a seman-
tic and cultural context?
The following paragraph further explains the theory behind the IPA and
the intrinsic relationship between representation and analysis:
6
frequency (kHz)
0
0.1 6.2 0.3 0.4
P 6.6 0.7 time (s)
11 i sh
s o
t I q
Figure 9.1 Spectrogram of the word sleeting illustrating the complex relationship
between acoustic patterns and phonemic segmentation (International Phonetic Asso-
ciation 1999, 35). (Copyright © 1999 by The International Phonetic Association.
Reprinted with permission of Cambridge University Press.)
The Notation and Use of the Voice in Non-semantic Contexts 179
Martin J. Ball and Nicole Müller further illustrate this point:
The Handbook of the IPA succinctly sets forth the problems of transform-
ing the continuous motion of the mouth into a series of discrete symbols:
“Users of the IPA should be aware that the analysis of speech in terms of
segments does involve an analytic assumption and that tensions between
the analysis and the data will arise from time to time” (International Pho-
netic Association 1999, 36). The very act of segmentation of a vocal sound
by the transcriber is, in itself, an act of analysis.
In non-semantic vocal music, notation of vocal sounds cannot rely on a
phonological system of meaning and therefore must constantly make nota-
tional decisions based on the musical context. Consideration of the priority
of some vocal sounds over others can be important for clear and efficient
notation. For example, if a large puff of air after one single [s] within a row
of fast syllables is vital to the vocal sound, then this of course should be
notated. But it has to be decided whether this extreme aspiration is merely
an accent, a fast transformation between the [s] and a voiceless fricative
(without stopping the airflow), or a separate identifiable air sound after the
[s]. In the fi rst case there is no segmentation, in the second there is a transi-
tion, and in the third there are two distinct sound segments. If merely the
accent is important then perhaps a musical symbol will suffice, and the rest
can be left to performer interpretation.
Dieter Schnebel wrote several pieces that were strongly influenced by pho-
netic research including Maulwerke (1968–1974), written for “organs of
articulation” and “machines of reproduction.”2 Für Stimmen (. . . missa est)
:! (Madrasha II) (1958, 1967–1968, henceforth Für Stimmen III), was written
for three choir groups (SSAABB; SAATTB; SSTTBB) and tape ad lib. and is
the third part of the group of works Für Stimmen (. . . missa est).3 In Für Stim-
men III Schnebel organized the individual phonemes and symbols with the
help of the IPA to create shifting non-semantic vocal textures. Schnebel was
highly inspired by the IPA as an impetus for new compositional directions. In
particular, he was interested in using a greater number of vocal sounds and
in being able to define more exact phonetic variations than would have been
possible with the Roman alphabet. Schnebel described the music historical
situation that preceded full implementation of the IPA in detail:
180 Erin Gee
Serial music was conceived as an abstract music, like abstract paint-
ing, nonrepresentational painting. We [the composers] also worked
toward this. There were constructions and certain forms that we sim-
ply rejected. We didn’t want to write symphonies. We didn’t want to
write operas. Vocal music also was almost taboo, because vocal music
always has a text, and the text provides an emotional plan. The text
has its own progression of sound, but we wanted to compose the
sounds themselves. For this reason we turned to the phonetic script,
because we had the possibility to notate minute differentiations within
the [vocal] sounds (Schnebel, personal communication, May 25, 2006,
in Gee 2007, 281;4 translated by the author).
Notation with the IPA gave Schnebel the structuralist freedom that he desired.
His three main goals in using the IPA were (1) the increase in the number
of possible vocal sounds, (2) the ability to have maximum control over the
sound result, and (3) the possibility to notate minute phonetic variations.
Für Stimmen III marks the peak of Schnebel’s involvement with the
IPA and the score includes extensive performance instructions regarding
its use (Schnebel 1973). In many cases, the legend resembles a phonetics
textbook and there are several quotes from Sprachen (Wendt 1961), a stan-
dard book on linguistics and phonetics at the time. A fairly comprehensive
understanding of the IPA was essential to Schnebel and is necessary for the
performance of the work. Schnebel also worked with the booklet The Prin-
ciples of the International Phonetic Association, which was fi rst published
in 1949 and reprinted in 1975 (International Phonetic Association 1949).5
The score contains only relative pitch indications up to page 12, where
a mixture of relative and exact pitch notation is introduced. Where only
a relative pitch staff is used, three spaces (inside four staff lines) indicate
“high,” “middle,” and “low” register.6 Slight variations on this relative
pitch staff occur throughout the work. Dynamic indications are shown
graphically as bending lines above the staff. The score also indicates group
movements on stage at different points. These are notated in block and
show a bird’s eye view of the performers’ formation onstage and where they
should move. At irregular intervals, recorded sounds of animals are played
over loudspeakers.
In Für Stimmen III, Schnebel describes one performance practice to be
used throughout: the performers are instructed to use a large breath for
every passage consistently (Schnebel 1973, 8). Changes in dynamics are
always connected to the vocal register, the length of the phrase, or to other
necessary vocal considerations. All sounds of the IPA are placed under this
“umbrella” performance practice. This is an important clue to how Sch-
nebel approaches the human vocal apparatus. To some extent, it determines
the emotional tone of the piece by explicitly connecting the vocal perfor-
mance with physical breath limitations. All vocal music must deal with the
limitations of breath, but traditional performance practice requires that
these limitations do not affect emotional expression. Evenness of tone is
The Notation and Use of the Voice in Non-semantic Contexts 181
desired, regardless of register or length of phrase and tiredness should be
masked. In Schnebel’s work, however, the physical properties and limita-
tions of the breath are part of the expressive foundation of the piece, and
tiredness is a vital dynamic determinant.
In forming these groups of phonemes, Schnebel most often defi nes pho-
nemes by the part of the vocal tract that moves or where the articulation
takes place (method 1 above). Using this method, transitions between
sounds (methods 2–4 above) can be made smoothly and quickly, which is
an important aspect to the piece.
Schnebel approaches vowel sounds as “vowel processes,” and describes
ways to gradually change or transform them. For example, the legend
describes “tongue movements,” instead of merely “tongue positions” (Sch-
nebel 1973, 5). He diagrams the forward and backward motion of the
tongue on the x-axis and the up- and downward motion of the tongue on
the y-axis. Again, Schnebel addresses the intrinsic qualities of the vocal
apparatus, its natural qualities and limitations. Speech and vocal sounds
are always created in a fluid manner, and the tongue is constantly in motion
as it moves through different points of articulation. This aptly captures the
movements of the vocal tract and Schnebel embraces this trait in the struc-
ture of the work.
In many cases in Für Stimmen III, Schnebel used the organization of
the IPA chart as a means to organize vocal sound progressions. He chose
vowel sounds with reference to their placement on the vowel diagram in the
IPA chart. For example, fricatives were often grouped with other fricatives
that had a neighboring place of articulation. One example of the use of the
pre-existing order found in the IPA chart can be seen on page 1 of the score
(Figure 9.2).
182 Erin Gee
This progression of voiced fricatives can be found in the same order in the
pulmonic consonants sections of the IPA chart (cf. International Phonetic
Association 2005). Although Schnebel is not interested in the exclusive use
of the organization provided by the IPA chart, these examples show that
Schnebel was conscious of the IPA organization and amenable to its use as
a precompositional means of linking phonemes within his work.
or (lip actions)
(o, s, f qf x : are the most important types of articulation)
s
s s ss s s
s
Figure 9.4 Dieter Schnebel, Für Stimmen (. . . missa est) :! (Madrasha
II), Alto 1, m. 18 (p. 5): progression of fricatives; the line above the
staff represents dynamics. (Copyright © SCHOTT MUSIC, Mainz—
Germany. Used with permission.)
184 Erin Gee
vocal sound. By such processes of transformation, Schnebel groups
sounds by linking them in a chain of minimal changes. Each sound
within such a chain is closely related to the sound that comes before
and after.
These transformations do not apply solely to vowels, and vowels can
be transformed into fricatives or other kinds of sustained sounds (“Fric-
ativisation,” Schnebel 1973, 6). In each case, there is a transformation
from a vowel into a sustained fricative or vibrant (r-sounds) that keeps
the mouth shape or coloring of the original vowel. These transitions or
transformations always refl ect changes in the physical fi lters of the fre-
quency spectrum of the sound. The fi rst page of the score introduces a
sequence of five very closely related nasal sounds. Schnebel here uses the
“nasal” quality of the voice to link the sounds together as he shifts from
nasal stops to nasalized vowels to regular vowels.
fit:
J)
%F I601
A
TB
TB
TB
TB
TB
TB
TB
TB
cntert
87 88 89 90
Figure 9.5 Dieter Schnebel, Für Stimmen (. . . missa est), :! (Madrasha II) (p. 19):
transfer of similar phonetic material (marked by arrows). (Copyright © SCHOTT
MUSIC, Mainz—Germany. Used with permission.)
The Notation and Use of the Voice in Non-semantic Contexts 187
Brian Ferneyhough’s Time and Motion Study III is written for 16 voices
with amplification and percussion, and was premiered at the Donauesch-
inger Musiktage in 1975 by the Schola Cantorum Stuttgart, conducted by
Clytus Gottwald. The 16 voices are split into four groups, ideally spaced
in the four corners of a performance space. The loudspeakers are set up
quadrophonically, one per group, so that the corresponding loudspeaker is
placed opposite the group that it amplifies with the sound directed towards
the singers. The balance of the amplification is controlled live during the
performance. Live recording and playback is also incorporated into the
concluding section of the work. The percussion instruments are distributed
throughout the ensemble and are to be played by the vocal performers.
Time and Motion Study III is the third part of a trilogy written between
1970 and 1977, the fi rst part is scored for solo bass clarinet (1970–1977),
the second part for vocalizing cellist and live electronics (1973–1976). All
three pieces require a high level of performer expertise and are based on
high compositional density, two facets of the same approach to composi-
tional structure (Ferneyhough 1987, 112).
In the industrial workplace, a “time and motion study” would determine
the efficiency of a given tool in completing a task. This study would often
be linked to tool placement and examine if the tool increased productivity
enough to justify its purchase. In early sketches for the piece, Ferneyhough
used this defi nition: “Time and motion study—a term signifying the inves-
tigation of conditions for optimal coordination between workforce and
machines. A mutual adaptation. Not determined: the efficiency of the art-
work” (ibid., 115). This defi nition is important as it belies Ferneyhough’s
attention to the “machine” (see below).
On many levels, the IPA provided a perfect means for Ferneyhough to
incorporate aesthetic principles into the fabric of this dense vocal work.
It is a flexible system, yet specific enough for the precision and rigor that
Ferneyhough demands of his performers. The conductor of the premiere,
Clytus Gottwald, emphasizes the importance of the minute aspects of the
piece: “The coherent sum of the entire piece can only be achieved through
the meticulous attention to detail” (Gottwald 1977, 299; translated by
the author).10
Despite the huge number of complicated vocal sounds that make up this
approximately 22-minute piece, it is necessary for each separate sound to
be thoroughly understood and accurately portrayed in order to function
as a delicate expression of the whole: “For my part, I’m convinced that the
most straightforward manner of notating a given action does not necessar-
ily produce anything like the effect which a more detailed, deconstructive,
analytical image can achieve. It has to do, I think, with aura, presence”
(Ferneyhough 1988, 321).
188 Erin Gee
Throughout this piece, Ferneyhough uses a range of different staff s.
Exact pitches are notated on the standard five-line staff. Three-line
staff s are also used and have different defi nitions at different points in
the piece. In one instance where three staff lines are given, perform-
ers should choose three specifi c pitches from their high, middle, and
low registers to correspond to each staff line; notes slightly above or
below these lines indicate pitches that are one half-step above or below.
Another kind of staff indicates the interval space within which all of the
notated vocal actions should take place. Voiceless sounds are most often
notated in a relative “high” or “low” position within a space with no
staff lines.
The different forms of vocal articulation are notated by a large number
of altered noteheads, the text is rendered in IPA symbols. By using both
altered noteheads, which most often indicate voice quality, and the IPA
symbols, Ferneyhough is able to control the different parts of the mouth
(e.g., throat tension, lip position, and tongue position) separately. Note-
heads are sometimes combined to indicate simultaneous action in two parts
of the mouth.
The phonetic material for the singers is made entirely of disjointed
vocal utterances; Ferneyhough has eradicated all traces of semantic
meaning in the text. The IPA was essential both aesthetically and for the
practical notation of the work, as its structure and implementation paral-
lel Ferneyhough’s ideas on compositional and performative aesthetics.
The textual substratum of the work deals with diverse aspects of the
armor-plated myth of technology. At the same time, it offers oppor-
tunity for a number of deformations of sensation and signifi cance.
Since the texts are, on the one hand, not audible as such; on the
other, serve as points of departure for many methodological excur-
sions, they exist basically as background matrix, thereby outlining
a myth whose meaning is, by nature, purely intrinsic to the work
(Ferneyhough 1987, 115).
The juxtaposition of vocal utterances in Time and Motion Study III and
the original texts highlight a splitting at a deeper level: a non-seman-
tic, yet structured ordering of vocal sounds is set against the eradicated
identity and silenced meaning of the original texts. Through a shift in
notation from alphabetic symbols to the IPA, the vocal segments of the
original texts have also changed their function. Due to their phonetic
restructuring and independence, these sounds gain new levels of extra-
musical meaning, located on the surface of a taciturn patchwork of
semantic phrases.
The fi rst method deals exclusively with mutation and diminution, but not
recombination. This would imply that Ferneyhough changed individual
vocal segments or phonemes in order to render words or sentences unrec-
ognizable. One possible transformative method involves changing the ratio
of the components involved in producing the sound. Since each phoneme
is made up of a number of parameters, distortion would require keeping
some parameters, while changing others, depending on the desired degree
of distortion.
The sound [s] shall serve as an example. This is a voiceless alveolar fric-
ative triggered by a pulmonic egressive airflow.11 Maintaining the place
of articulation, the alveolar ridge, distortion can occur on every other
level of the sound. The manner of articulation could change to a voiceless
alveolar plosive triggered by a pulmonic egressive airflow, making it now
a [t]. The airflow of the [t] sound could also change to glottalic egressive,
instead of pulmonic egressive, making the sound an ejective [t']. These
examples demonstrate how the IPA allows for a precise and systematic
method of distortion. This is due to the fact that every vocal parameter of
each sound has been separated and defi ned.
Though it would be difficult to fi nd such a clear example in Fern-
eyhough’s work, consonant transformation between phonemes can be
found frequently, as shown in Figure 9.6. In this passage there are three
types of dental-alveolar sounds, progressing from trill (“rr”), to stop
(“tpk”) and fricative (“θ”). A comparison can also be made between the
fi rst sound in this passage (“p-rr”) to the last (“f → θ”). In both sound
combinations Ferneyhough maintains the combination of a “labial” fi rst
segment ([p] is bilabial and [f] is labiodental) and a dental-alveolar sec-
ond segment ([rr] and [θ]).
The second method of text manipulation that Ferneyhough describes
is the “generation of texts according to a priori rules.” This method
provides evidence for the microcosm-macrocosm approach that Fern-
eyhough has used to build this piece. It remains clear that while the
actual relationship between the transformation of the text and the struc-
ture of the entire piece is not immediately comprehensible, it is vital
to understand that the phonetic construction of the individual vocal
parts maintains a close link to the underlying musical ideas. All indi-
vidual parts thus refl ect the musical aesthetics of juxtaposition and
splitting that characterize Ferneyhough’s Time and Motion Study III as
a whole.
192 Erin Gee
Figure 9.6 Brian Ferneyhough, Time and Motion Study III (1974), rehearsal no. G, Soprano 2 (p. 5). (Copyright © 1974 by Hinrichsen,
Peters Edition Ltd., London. Edition Peters no. 7148.)
The Notation and Use of the Voice in Non-semantic Contexts 193
Georges Aperghis wrote Récitations for solo voice in 1978 using and recom-
bining syllables and phonemes from the French language. Each of 14 short
pieces, entitled Récitations 1–14, uses a different process of deconstruction,
mutation, or recombination of French words and vocal sounds. The pieces do
not use the International Phonetic Alphabet (IPA), but continue to use letters
from the French alphabet (including letters with French diacritical marks) even
when the relationship of the sounds to the French language becomes more and
more abstract. Each piece is between one and four minutes long, although the
time can vary depending on certain performance decisions.
A more comprehensive look at how Aperghis approaches the voice must
include his fascination with the actual sounds of languages, apart from
their content. In Récitations, words from the French language are often
used for their sound quality rather than as carriers of meaning. Because of
this, Aperghis’s music is strongly connected to the individual sound seg-
ments that constitute the French language: the syllable and the phoneme.
Through the tools provided by phonemic segmentation, Aperghis arrives at
the vocal sounds explored during the composition of Récitations:
This piece therefore does not fall into either the “semantic” or “non-semantic”
category. The French language exists on both intelligible and unintelligible
levels within the work. Syllables from the French language are recombined to
create French-sounding words with no meaning (for example in Récitations 1
and 5), and French words are spoken with sudden breaks of intonation within
the word (for example in Récitations 4) rendering them useless as meaning-
carriers within a normal sentence. Many pieces also link a specific pitch to a
certain vocal sound for the duration of the piece, consciously subverting any
sense of familiar speech melody (Récitations 5, 6, 7, 12, and 13).
Récitations 4
Récitations 4 is the most abstract piece of Aperghis’s cycle and has the least
connection to the French language; many single, isolated phonemes are
placed next to each other. In the score, no full French words can be identi-
fied. The score is organized in 56 short episodes or measures. According to
the performance instructions in the score, each measure is meant to have a
mean duration of about 30 seconds, although Donatienne Michel-Dansac,
196 Erin Gee
who has closely cooperated with the composer, performs each “measure”
for only about seven seconds in her recording of Récitations (see Discog-
raphy). There are vocal sound segments indicated above and below each
measure. The sounds written below are held for the entire duration of the
episode, while the sounds written above may be inserted at the beginning,
middle, or end of the episode. The performer should interject the sounds
written above the staff into the held sounds, which are written below. The
decision of when to switch from the sounds below the staff to the ones
above, and when to switch back again to the sounds written below, is left
up to the performer. Additional instructions that accompany each episode
refer to the interpretation and the choice of timbre (active, passive, hot,
cold, proximal, distant, etc.).
From the fifth episode onwards, the German word ich [I] repeatedly
occurs above the staff in many phonetic transformations. Of course we can
infer from Aperghis’s remarks about the relevance of the French language
that Récitations must also be accessible for people who do not understand
any German. However, I do think that it is important that the performer
recognizes the word ich and its meaning. In fact, this word is a further clue
that Récitations can be understood as a personal narrative about the vocal
performer. The ways in which the word appears and is changed, mutated,
or deconstructed, is analogous to psychological processes of the identity of
the “story-teller,” the performer. The composer’s instructions surrounding
the mutations of the word ich become humorous and story-like: the word
is used to conjure up the sound of a beating heart, a knock on a door, the
sound of a boxer fighting, etc.
Michel-Dansac’s recording of the piece creates another level of com-
plexity (see Gee 2007, 176–178 for a comprehensive phonetic transcrip-
tion of this recording). She constantly varies the pronunciation of the /ch/
and the /R/ sounds. The /ch/ is pronounced alternately as [ ʃ], [ʒ], [ç], and
[χ]. These different pronunciations seem to intentionally obscure most, if
not all reference to the German word ich. This is an interpretative choice
that is defi nitely within the realm of the notated score. The /R/ sound is
pronounced as the normal French r, as well as a uvular trill. The sounds
written above the staff are sometimes pronounced with full voice, some-
times voicelessly. Through these performance decisions, reference to the
languages German and French are hinted at, then hidden, as the per-
former adds and removes the sound qualities that act as cultural triggers.
This choice helps to focus the attention on the individual, the psychologi-
cal world of the performer.
Each individual episode in Récitations 4 provides a broad number of
possibilities for interpretation and performative choices. The ambiguity of
phonetic pronunciation and articulation and the playful associations with
(and masking of) language- or culture-specific pronunciation and meaning
form the most vital part of this performative variety.
The Notation and Use of the Voice in Non-semantic Contexts 197
CONCLUSION
NOTES
1. Throughout this text I will be using the standard means of phonetic tran-
scription where the phonetic transcription of sheer sounds are enclosed
in square brackets [p] and the phonemes in a particular language are put
between slanting brackets /p/.
2. Maulwerke was strongly influenced by illustrations from publications on
extended linguistic and anatomical research including Jörgen Forchham-
mer’s Allgemeine Sprechkunde (Forchhammer 1951). Forchhammer’s illus-
trations showed visual depictions of the physical processes of the vocal tract
that take place during the production of different vocal sounds.
198 Erin Gee
3. The piece received its premiere by the Schola Cantorum Stuttgart, conducted
by Clytus Gottwald, in 1968 at the Tage Pro Musica Nova Festival in Bre-
men. The two other works sharing the same title are entitled Für Stimmen
(. . . missa est) dt 31,6 for 12 vocal groups (1956–1958), and Für Stimmen
(. . . missa est) amn for seven vocal groups (1958, 1966–1967).
4. “Die serielle Musik sollte eine abstrakte Musik sein, wie abstrakte Malerei,
gegenstandslose Malerei. Und das haben wir auch angestrebt. Es gab Konstruk-
tionen und bestimmte Formen, die wir einfach abgelehnt haben. Wir wollten
keine Symphonien schreiben. Wir wollten keine Opern schreiben. Vokalmusik
war auch fast verpönt. Weil Vokalmusik ist ja immer mit Text, und der Text
liefert einen emotionalen Ablauf. Der Text hat auch selber einen Klangablauf,
aber wir wollten die Klänge selber komponieren. Deswegen sind wir auch auf
die phonetische Schrift gekommen, weil wir da die Möglichkeit hatten, die
Klänge sehr differenziert zu notieren” (Schnebel in Gee 2007, 281).
5. This publication contained all charts of phonetic symbols for consonants
and vowels which were later modified and reprinted in The Handbook of the
International Phonetic Association, published in 1999.
6. These lines are marked with “h” for high, “m” for middle, and “t” for low
(tief in German).
7. In the English sound /f/ the lower lip is the active articulator. In /s/ it is the
tongue.
8. A fricative is a consonant which is produced by forcing breath through a
constricted passageway in the mouth. In the English fricative /f/ air is forced
through a small passage between the lower lip and the upper front teeth.
9. “Laterals” are consonants (in particular [l], a lateral approximant), in
which the airstream is forced along the sides of the tongue making use of
two parallel resonance chambers there.
10. “Daß die Subtilität der Partitur nicht über die Interpretation sich handfest
dem Hörer mitteile, kann—zumindest zu gewissen Teilen—an der Interpre-
tation liegen, die vergröbernd dem Ungefähr der großen Linien nachhorcht,
wohl vergessend, daß das große Ganze zuweilen in der akribischen Beach-
tung des Details nur zu haben ist” (Gottwald 1977, 299).
11. Alveolar fricatives are consonants produced by forcing air through the nar-
row channel between tongue and alveolar ridge.
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Ferneyhough, Brian. 1976. “Epicycle, Missa Brevis, Time and Motion Study III
(1976).” In Collected Writings, edited by James Boros and Richard Toop,
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. 1988. “Interview with Philippe Albèra (1988).” In Collected Writings,
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Universitätsverlag.
Gee, Erin. 2007. “The Relationship of Non-semantic Vocal Music to the Inter-
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Ferneyhough, Georges Aperghis and Dieter Schnebel,” PhD diss., University of
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Melos/NZ 3/4: 299–308.
International Phonetic Association 1949. The Principles of the International
Phonetic Association, London: Department of Phonetics, University College
London.
. 1999. Handbook of the International Phonetic Association, Cambridge:
Cambridge University Press (for audio recordings cf. http://web.uvic.ca/ling/
resources/ipa/handbook.htm; accessed May 1, 2012).
. 2002. extIPA Symbols for Disordered Speech (revised 2002), http://www.
langsci.ucl.ac.uk/ipa/ExtIPAChart02.pdf (accessed May 1, 2012).
. 2005. The International Phonetic Alphabet (revised 2005), http://www.
langsci.ucl.ac.uk/ipa/IPA_chart_(C)2005.pdf (accessed May 3, 2012).
Laver, John. 1994. Principles of Phonetics, Cambridge: Cambridge University
Press.
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of Art History, New York: The Metropolitan Museum of Art. http://www.met-
museum.org/toah/hd/duch/hd_duch.htm (accessed May 1, 2012).
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(Madrasha II), Mainz: Schott, 5–12.
Wendt, Heinz F. 1961. Sprachen (Das Fischer-Lexikon 25), Frankfurt: Fischer.
DISCOGRAPHY
As a Hong Kong Chinese Australian who has lived the majority of his life
outside of China, I have many tales of the lived interiority of ethnicity to
tell. The vast majority of these tales recount the dynamics between my
ethnic body on the margin and the institutions of whiteness at the center,
but one such tale that involved my grandmother reveals the possibility of
an opposite structure. Multiculturalism and the policy of assimilation were
fi rmly on the social agenda in Australia of the 1990s. At the high school
I went to, Asians who only made friends with other Asians were frowned
upon as self-segregating and unwilling to blend into local culture, so I made
quite a conscious effort to befriend a roughly equal number of white Aus-
tralian and Asian Australian friends. My grandmother on the other hand
lived happily in Australia for over a decade not speaking or knowing a
word of English. She did all her grocery shopping in Chinatown, socialized
with Chinese-speaking friends, watched Chinese language-drama on TV,
and got around town on the train by memorizing the color of each station’s
platform. One afternoon, my grandmother fl ipped through my yearbook
and tried to name all of my friends by their faces. She had a recollection of
all Asian faces, but failed to recognize any of my white Australian friends.
I reminded her that many of these white Australian friends actually came
around to the house frequently, to which she replied, “but I cannot tell them
apart, their faces are the same, and their voices sound the same to me!”
The face is among the most commonly referred to features of the stereo-
typical Chinese body on the school playground and elsewhere—the slanted
eyes, the wide cheekbones, and the flatter facial features. While the face
carries physiological features that mark one’s ethnicity, the voice suggests
ethnicity through invisible mechanics such as subtleties of accent, word
choice consistent with dialects, and tonal inflection. The derogatory term of
“Ching Chong Chinaman” for instance refers explicitly to the sound of the
Chinese language. There is evidence suggesting that the voice as a marker
of identity operates outside of language and speech. A number of studies
propose that the formant structures in the voices of English speakers of
204 Samson Young
different racial backgrounds may be distinguishably different (Walton and
Orlikoff 1994, 738; Purnell et al. 1999; Thomas and Reaser 2004), although
one study from the University of Florida suggested the contrary (Sapienza
1997, 410). In any case, the face and the voice remain highly charged ter-
ritories in racial politics, so much so that the mere mentioning of them
might offend many. In 2011, Australia cable network anchor John Mangos
made international headlines with explicit descriptions of a Chinese man’s
facial features. Mangos reported on a Chinese lottery winner who wore a
Spiderman mask to conceal his identity while collecting his reward. Man-
gos remarked that he did not understand why the man bothered to wear
a mask, as his “straight black hair [ . . . ], squinty eyes and yellow skin”
clearly betrayed his Chinese identity (Ramadge 2011). In the news footage
the lottery winner’s eyes were not visible, so there was no way of telling
whether his eyes were in fact slanted. In any case, for a news story that took
place in mainland China, Mangos’s comments were redundant to say the
least. Mangos’s remarks triggered an immediate public outcry, which led to
an official apology from the network on the next day, and Mangos’s even-
tual dismissal from the station soon after. Another tale involves American
conservative radio personality Rush Limbaugh, who imitated a speech in
Chinese given by the Chinese President Hu Jintao at the White House in a
childish manner that resembled the “Ching Chong Chinaman” stereotype
(Khan 2011). Limbaugh’s actions were swiftly denounced by a number of
politicians of Chinese ancestry, including House Representative David Wu,
and California State Senator Leland Yee.
The two tales demonstrate the significance of the face and the voice as
sites where collectivity, individuality, and anonymity are constantly negoti-
ated. In the fi rst tale, the Chinese lottery winner might have succeeded in
masking his individuality, but as a result of the act of masking, his ethnicity
became the primary instrument of identification; his face was both physi-
cally and metaphorically “lost.” In the Chinese language, the face also car-
ries a socio-psychological dimension. Gei mianzi (literally “giving face”)
is to show respect, and to willingly subsume oneself under another in the
social hierarchy. Shi mianzi (literally “losing face”) on the other hand refers
to lost honor, damaged reputation, or public humiliation. The Chinese
socio-psychological face is a commodity that can be gained, lost, or oper-
ated upon like a tangible object.1 In the words of famed Chinese intellectual
and scholar Lin Yutang, “[The Chinese face] can be ‘granted’ and ‘lost’ and
‘fought for’ and ‘presented as a gift.’ [ . . . ] It is the most delicate standard
by which Chinese social intercourse is regulated” (Lin 1935, 199–200).
If identity may also be operated upon like commodities, what is at stake
and what is gained when it is masked, downplayed, or conveniently for-
gotten? The face and the voice are important instruments for personal
identification, but also political minefields. That much acknowledged, by
concealing distinct faces do ethnic bodies on the margin then become inte-
grated, easily tolerated or domesticated by the institutions of whiteness at
A “Digital Opera” at the Boundaries of Transnationalism 205
the center? What hidden power structure does the act of masking reveal?
These are some of the issues surrounding my analysis of Hong Kong mul-
timedia troupe Zuni Icosahedron’s multimedia opera The Memory Palace
of Matteo Ricci (2010). The purpose of this article is to deconstruct the
various ways by which the identities of the characters in this opera are
obscured. By doing so, I hope to confront a problem in the recent studies of
contemporary Chinese music, namely, an overtly optimistic celebration of
transnational impulses that run the risk of neglecting hidden power struc-
tures and oversimplifying the music.
In an interview by local press, Steve Hui spoke of his vision for the opera
and a creative space that exists beyond the boundaries of classical and non-
classical, Western and non-Western:
As explained above, Ricci’s voice, sung by Tian Hao Jiang, is the only
human voice in the entire production and the other vocal parts are “sung”
by Yamaha’s Vocaloid voice synthesis technology. The use of Vocaloid is
central to the claim of the production being a “digital opera.” Vocaloid
was jointly developed by Pompeu Fabra University (Barcelona, Spain)
and the Yamaha Corporation in 2005. To synthesize singing, the user
enters the lyrics and the corresponding pitches into a piano-roll-style
editor that is typical of software music sequencers. 5 Score information
is passed into a synthesis engine, which will then select the appropriate
singer library for voice generation (Kenmochi and Ohshima 2007).
The resulting sound is reminiscent of the human voice, and at times
the realism is uncanny. The synthesized voice certainly takes on an eerily
cyborg quality, but in Hui’s digital opera its pure tone and lack of vibrato
also provided an intriguing contrast to Tian Hao Jiang’s more typical oper-
atic singing. The Vocaloid makes its fi rst appearance in the opera in the
fi rst scene. Here, the synthesized voice of a character named “the mother”
is doubled by the solo viola and answered by the sheng, against a drone-like
ostinato provided by the piano (Figure 10.1.).
The personal identity of the mother is uncertain at this point. The char-
acter could be at once referring to the Virgin Mary, Ricci’s mother, or sim-
ply a pacifying and nurturing spiritual presence. We are also unsure of her
ethnic background. She is devoid of a body, and the computer-generated
singing voice possesses a generic English accent. On stage she is represented
by a large computer-generated talking head, which has facial features that
could be Asian or Western. The use of the synthesized voice also renders the
character somewhat sexually ambiguous. The Vocaloid software provides
a number of parameters for vocal quality adjustment including “breathi-
ness,” which controls the amount of artificial breathing heard in the voice,
and timbral parameters such as “brightness” and “opening.” One of the
more interesting parameters, however, is the “gender factor.” The higher the
gender factor, the more masculine the synthesized voice would supposedly
210 Samson Young
30
3
Tape
3
-3- 3
Up and down high and low. One fine day we'll ar
30
Sheng
30
Vla.
3 3
3 3
30
Pno.
Figure 10.1 The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, Scene 1, mm. 30–34. (Copyright
© Steve Hui Ngo-shan. Used with permission.)
become. That said, it is sometimes unclear to the ear at which point does the
voice cross over from the female range into the male range, particularly at
the extreme ends of the pitch spectrum. This confi guration presents gender
not as a binary, but as a continuum. As a character, the mother is deprived
of personal characteristics and her identity is deliberately masked. The act
of masking provides the basis of the reimagination and reconfi guration of
identity later in the scene. In the next section, the mother’s lullaby breaks
into a primal, rhythmic, and highly syncopated dance that is reminiscent of
Stravinsky’s orchestral music (Scene 1, mm. 69–128). The synthesized voice
soon enters again, this time to represent a fellow priest who brings the news
of King Sebastian’s demise (Figure 10.2). 6
F [Priest]
Tape
^ ^
Bad news, Bro - thers! Our pa - tron King Se - bas ti-am of Por tu-gal,
129
^ ^
Pno. f
^ ^
129
Perc. ^ ^
f
Tape
tea - ry m o-ther in Mo - zam-bique! Let me die in peace, like so ma-ny be-fore me.
167
Sheng
167
Vla.
167
Pno.
167
Perc.
171
Tape
Sheng
171
Vla.
171
Pno.
171
Perc.
of the Mechanical Age (1995) in which she discusses the new forms of
identity that emerge from complex human-machine interactions. Cyber-
spaces, according to Stone, can be thought of as social spaces inhabited
by “refi gured humans” (Stone 1995, 34). The original bodies of these
refigured humans are parked in the normal physical space. The interac-
tions between persons and their refi gured identities in cyberspaces are
A “Digital Opera” at the Boundaries of Transnationalism 213
disruptive of traditional attempts at categorization and identifi cation.
Specifi cally, identities that emerge from these interactions are decen-
tered and pluralistic:
While face-to-face meetings (in which the body is in plain sight) and
telephone conversations involuntarily reveal aspects of identities such
as gender, age, and ethnicity, virtual identities allow for simultaneous
presences in multiple contexts. The reproduction of the self in the tech-
no-social space is devoid of a body, and affords the new possibility of
continuous reinvention. The reconfigured body maintains an abstracted
distance from the physical body. Subjectivity is decentered, and fluidity
is foregrounded. The Vocaloid-synthesized voices and the computer-gen-
erated talking heads in The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci also afford
this possibility of identity reinvention and reimagination. Here, identity
markers are acknowledged only as nodes of contradictions, and authen-
ticity is no longer held to the highest esteem: “Complex virtual identities
are real and productive interventions into our cultural belief that the
unmarked social unit, besides being white and male, is a single self in a
single body” (Stone 1995, 75).7
In this sense, the metaphysical and musical “losing” of faces and voices
in The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci are necessary steps in redefi ning
the operatic stage as a space where fantasies in ethnicity, gender, centrality,
and marginality are played out. In this space of sanctioned fantasy, unequal
powers collide on equal footings. Virtual characters embody multiple per-
sonalities, to challenge the notion that there is an unproblematic and singu-
lar “I” within each of us.
The lone human voice of Ricci’s explicitly sympathizes with this
notion of identity reimagination in the third scene. In one of the most
lyrical passages in the opera, Ricci sings a duet with a synthesized voice
that represents a woman of the Hui ethnic minority in China.8 Ricci
introduced her as “a Christian, a Jew and a Muslim [ . . . ] all in one”
(Scene 3, mm. 29–35). Historically, the people of the Han majority in
China made little distinction between foreigners of diff erent geo-po-
litical origins. The synthesized voice addresses Ricci also as a “fellow
foreigner” (Scene 3, mm. 59–60) against a background of constantly
sliding tones of the viola and a tonally ambiguous ostinato in the piano
(Figure 10.4).
While the synthesized voice is often rendered to perform humanly
impossible leaps or angular vocal lines elsewhere in the opera, the
214 Samson Young
54
Bar.
^ ^
Tao-ist? To the Chi-nese I am what they see a Hui-hui!
54
Tape
^ ^ ^
Do
54
Sheng
^ ^ ^
p f
54
^ ^ ^
Mrb.
^ ^ ^
pp
f
E 105
Tape
Vla.
mf
58
Pno. mf
Figure 10.4 The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, Scene 3 , mm. 54–62. (Copyright
© Steve Hui Ngo-shan. Used with permission.)
passages that are sung by the virtual Hui woman and the mother from
the fi rst scene represent some of the most lyrical and melodic writings in
the entire production, featuring a smooth contour with stepwise motions
and small leaps. The scoring is sparse, and the sound world is bright and
consonant, with perfect fourths and octaves in the accompaniment.
Toy Piano
^
3
7
3
14
Figure 10.5 The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, Prologue, mm. 1–18. (Copyright
© Steve Hui Ngo-shan. Used with permission.)
19
Sheng
19
Via.
19
[SynthesizFer Harpsichord]
Pno.
22
Via.
22
Pno.
Figure 10.6 The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, Scene 4, mm. 19–24. (Copyright
© Steve Hui Ngo-shan. Used with permission.)
Tape
Indian drone fade in
18
Vla.
18 [Bongo]
Perc.
mf
24
Vla.
mf
24
Perc.
Figure 10.7 The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, Scene 2, mm. 18–27. (Copyright
© Steve Hui Ngo-shan. Used with permission.)
B
[Kunqu 1]
16 Free tempo 72
^
Bar ^
time...
16
Tape 4
1'30" tape music
16
^
Pno.
^
16 [Chinese small gong] damp
Perc. ^
22 -3.
Beggar
^ ^ ^ ^
[Change to Xiao]
22
Sheng
^ ^ ^ ^
^
PP w
22
Perc.
^ ^ ^ ^
29
3
Beggar
^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
29
Sheng
^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^ ^
29
Vla.
^ ^ ^ ^i 1
^ ^ ^
mf
Figure 10.8 The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, Scene 6, mm. 16–34. (Copyright
© Steve Hui Ngo-shan. Used with permission.)
Border crossings are about movements and mobility of the individual, but
they are also about the extremities that activate these processes in the fi rst
place. We must respect and acknowledge a composer’s agency and debunk
any framework that attempts to lump individuals into one-size-fits-all iden-
tity markers, but we must also interrogate, with equal theoretical rigor, the
political implication of Chinese composers’ engagement with the Western
music tradition. Music that transcends culture need not become an empty
and hegemonic concept, or a convenient sleight of hand for an unchal-
lenged assumption about the tradition of Western classical music. Analysts
should be mindful not to perpetrate the presupposition that Western music
is the “musical universal.”
In a discussion about Hong Kong rap music, cultural theorists Chan
Kwok-bun and Chan Nin commented on the danger of accepting trans-
nationalism and hybridity as new forms of unchallenged solidarity, for it
masks hidden power structures and renders the cultural products of eth-
nic artists culturally indistinct and critically uninteresting. It is some-
times fruitful for theorists and artists to italicize the distinction between
East and West in acts of creativity. That said, if we then view these cre-
ative acts only through ready-made artistic formulae that are assumed to
be culturally neutral, the resulting discussion may warrant little critical
interest (Chan and Chan 2011, 26). While transnationalism, hybridity,
agency, and individualism are all very useful and progressive frame-
works, it is my opinion that they do not fully explain the forces that
continue to fuel the creation of contemporary Chinese compositions in
our age of globalization. They also do not help to grasp “the persis-
tent attachment to real or imagined cultural identities” (Dirlik 2010)
that seem to be evident in works by artists of Chinese backgrounds.
This is particularly so if one takes into account the lived interiority of
race and ethnicity, the “grounded practices of everyday life” as it were,
A “Digital Opera” at the Boundaries of Transnationalism 221
which arose out of local and specific contexts. By way of conclusion, let
me quote extensively a remark by Allen Chun in his controversial essay
“Fuck Chineseness: On the Ambiguities of Ethnicity as Culture as Iden-
tity” (1996):
Chun’s insights from nearly two decades ago still ring true in the new
millennium. Today, Chinese composers are certainly more than just
Chinese, “Eastern,” or oriental. Ethnic artists are undeniably respected
agents with individual artistic impulses. But now that these points are
self-evident, where do we go from here? Chinese composers might have
found their voices, but are they speaking in their own transnational
language? If not, then what are the operational logics of Chineseness,
under the new circumstances brought about by globalization? To take
seriously the question of how two large geo-cultural regions of the
world end up coinciding (Lau 2007, 586) is to reconsider Chun’s ques-
tion on the politics of identifi cation with renewed critical rigor. I hope
that my analysis of The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci has shown that
at the boundaries of transnationalism, it might be possible to derive
explanations for acts of identifi cation that will open new doors for
critical inquiry.
Perhaps the loss of face and voice is not such a negative event after
all—it signifies the beginning of a strategic resistance, an unwillingness
to be integrated, “tolerated,” or domesticated. At the limits of transna-
tionalism, such a loss affords new and exciting opportunities for central-
ity and marginality to be reconfigured within the dominant culture itself,
and offers new tools for commentators and composers alike to account
for the peculiar contradictions of our times.
NOTES
REFERENCES
We can sing about the wonderful life of the New Era, about China’s
impressive achievements during the Olympics and the Asian Games;
about national sentiments and brotherhood. All these topics can
become the content of Red Song performances in the New Era. This
kind of Red Song serves the aesthetics of the times much better, and
they are catchy (Chen Sisi, singer and actress; Qi 2011, 7).
The color red has always enjoyed a positive and meaningful reputation
in China. As an emblem of joy and symbol of virtue and sincerity, it has
been employed for all festive occasions in the traditional context (Williams
1974, 76–79). In modern China, since the rise of socialism and the Chi-
nese Communist Party (CCP), it has also been identified with revolutionary
fervor, socialism, and the color of the national flag. In addition to being a
color, red is used as an adjective in the sense of “being popular” (hong).
This triple meaning of “red” was particularly felt in winter 1991, when
propaganda songs of China’s socialist revolution, so-called “red songs”
(hongse gequ), climbed to an unexpected popularity—the Shanghai Music
Bookstore had ordered a thousand copies of the cassette tape The Red Sun:
Odes to Mao Zedong Sung to a New Beat (Hong taiyang: Mao Zedong
songge xin jiezou lianchang) which were sold out in two days. The Red Sun
turned out to be a bestseller, and by 1993 reportedly 14 million copies had
been sold (Barmé 1996, 186).
About twenty years later, in 2011, the CCP celebrated its 90th anniver-
sary, and red songs were presented as a vital component of today’s popular
(red) culture. China’s news agency Xinhua speaks of a “red song enthusi-
asm” to be heard in public parks, on university campuses, in concert halls,
and on TV channels (Xinhuanet 2011a). Re-edited and modernized revolu-
tionary songs and operas are only two genres of the red wave as Xinhua’s
webpage underscores; other fields include red movies, dramas, and “red
tourism”; one can also add red restaurants and a general trend towards
appreciating “red items” from the Mao Zedong era (Xinhuanet 2011a,
Schrift 2001). Since too much emphasis on the color red can easily arouse
226 Andreas Steen
distrust among critics and foreign observers, officials like Wang Xiaohui,
Deputy Director of the International Department, CCP Central Commit-
tee, are quick to point out: “The cultural life in our society is very color-
ful. Some like singing red songs. Some like pop songs, and some like rock
music. It has nothing to do with ‘turning left’ or ‘turning right,’ politically”
(Xinhuanet 2011b).
The recent hype about red songs is the result of many factors, among
them an emphasis on patriotic education since the early 1990s, the accep-
tance of new content and new performance styles, commercial incentives
as well as several anniversary festivities related to China’s revolutionary
history. China Central-TV (CCTV), for example, aired a special documen-
tary for about ten days, entitled 90 Years of Red Songs (Hongge 90 nian),
to commemorate the 90th anniversary of the Chinese Communist Party,
founded in July 1921. In ten episodes, the documentary offered more than
170 red songs, among them also 36 newly composed songs, the composi-
tion and selection of which began in 2010.
“Red Songs represent the voice of the mainstream [zhuliu shengyin],”
said TV producer Zhu Hai in an interview, while in charge for selecting
the material for this documentary (Chen and Jiang 2011).1 The officially
approved red songs are defi ned by the slogan “six good, one strong” (liu
hao yi qiang) which specifies the six “good” aspects that combine to the
strength of red music: the Chinese Communist Party, socialism, Open Door
Policy, the Great Motherland, People of All Nationalities, and the People’s
Liberation Army. Furthermore, red songs are required to express a strong
sense of the time and should be easy to sing along with (ibid.).
This chapter looks into the repertoire and popularity of red songs since
the 1990s. Due to the genre’s close relationship to the CCP, Chinese history,
and cultural production, a broader perspective on China’s “mainstream
voices” is appropriate:
For many decades, the synthesis and double strategy of learning and teach-
ing was realized in “revolutionary songs” (geming gequ), a musical genre
born in the tumultuous 1920s guided by clear intentions: the songs were
anti-imperialist and anti-Japanese, nationalist and socialist, they were per-
formed in mass choral singing events, inspired by Russian worker songs,
adapted melodies and characteristics of minority and rural folk songs, and
were also performed as “solo songs,” later also in orchestra compositions
“Voices of the Mainstream” 227
and in Beijing opera style. The so-called “red classics” (hongse jingdian)
are commercially successful, and some observers speak of a “red song busi-
ness” (“hongge jingji,” Huang and Ding 2011, 15). In the large music sec-
tion of the Foreign Language Bookstore in Beijing one fi nds them in shelves
entitled “Revolution.”
The popular transition from revolutionary to “red,” however, is of more
recent origin and ambiguous, not the least because the label “red” includes
cultural products of nearly a century of revolutionary struggle and socialist
experience. Red songs, also called “main melody songs” (zhu xuanlü gequ),
are a substantial part of “red culture” (hongse wenhua). Other expressions
often used to refer to this phenomenon include “mainstream culture,”
“central culture” or “official culture,” “Maoist culture,” “the culture of the
party”: “Official culture consists of the myth, discourse, language, and ide-
ology of Maoism, the communist revolution, and to a lesser degree the leg-
acy of the May Fourth Movement” (Lu 2001, 204). This myth corresponds
with China’s nationalism, emotional nostalgia, and a state propaganda that
seeks to give voice to the importance of the CCP in a vastly expanding
cultural consumer market. Its popularity is related to the ambiguity and
the contradictions of China’s postsocialist condition, characterized by the
fact that “both the state apparatus and the mass populace participate in
cultural production and perception” (Cui 2003, 72).
Red song culture is of political, cultural, and economic relevance; it also
proves to be adaptive and flexible to absorb other styles. Distributed and
consumed in various musical genres and formats, a certain “revolutionary
spirit” is kept alive and widely accepted, disseminating messages of patrio-
tism and nationalist pride. The strategy offers “musical workers” fi nancial
benefits and stardom, and it even helps to incorporate voices that were
previously considered “non-mainstream” (fei zhuxuanlü) such as the rock
singer Cui Jian and other protagonists of China’s musical underground.
Red songs are a powerful cultural source in present-day China, and due
to official recognition and promotion also among the commercially saf-
est products in a highly controlled cultural market: “Music industries and
their commodities in China are both serving and subservient to the state,
and even in contemporary China it is difficult to fi nd popular music that is
discordant with state ideologies” (Fung 2008, 45).
This chapter argues that the musical category of “red songs” is both
popular and contradictory, yet it is not “revolutionary,” since “radical art
forms that oppose or ignore the structures of domination can never be
popular because they cannot offer points of pertinence to the everyday life
of the people” (Fiske 1989, 161). Red songs, old and new, are performing a
widely accepted dual goal of learning and teaching, representing and trans-
forming the people. However, today’s “revolutionary” identities are com-
plex and pragmatic, making it difficult to differentiate between the “voice
of the people” and the “voice of the Party.” The phenomenon can be inter-
preted as the result of patriotic education and ideological relaxation, as a
228 Andreas Steen
mass-mediated compromise of an ongoing struggle between the CCP and
“the masses” about voice and representation, and as a new “mainstream”
entertaining program increasingly accepted among younger audiences.
One of the reasons for its [The Red Sun’s] success is that the new
arrangement is entirely in keeping with the sentiments, musical tastes,
and up-beat attitude of today’s audiences. The songs make you feel
good; they allow you to recall all the good things about your youth
and relive the past in a new and positive way. Young listeners enjoy the
songs not simply because they are used to Canto Pop and a Euro-Amer-
ican style of singing, but also because The Red Sun exudes a romantic
spirit that they crave (quoted after Barmé 1996, 189).
Adding to the “romantic spirit” of The Red Sun were anthologies such
as Unforgettable Songs: The Essence of Revolutionary History Songs
(Nanwang gesheng: Geming lishi gequ jingcui),6 published in April 1992,
which demonstrate the quantity of the repertoire. The collection starts with
“The Internationale” (1921), and contains 307 songs with simple notation
on 677 pages. Of these songs, approximately one half relates to the years
prior to 1949, whereas the second half belongs to the “Period of the Social-
ist Revolution and Socialist Construction” (1949–1992). Included is also
the popular tongsu song “The Valiant Spirit of Asia” (Yazhou xiongfeng,
1990), composed for the Asian Games held in Beijing and performed by the
famous duo Wei Wei and Liu Huan (Jones 1992, 49).
At the core of this new trend was a metanarrative of revolution and prog-
ress, led by the CCP, which in the early 1990s paved the way for “increas-
ing investment in cultural productions that glorified the past and present
contributions of the ruling party, creating a new cross-medium genre called
‘the mainstream melody’ (zhuxuanlü)” (Wu Jing 2006, 361). Mao’s words,
poems, and legacy, representing a strong leader and a simple but stable life,
quickly enriched this “melody.” The Chairman was, however, much more
than this, as his image had turned into a “floating sign,” into “a vehicle for
nostalgic reinterpretation, unstated opposition to the status quo, and even
satire” (Barmé 1996, 16).
Another trend was expressed in Beijing’s emerging rock ‘n’ roll under-
ground, starting with Cui Jian and his album Rock ‘n’ Roll on the New
Long March (Xin Changzheng lushang de yaogun, 1989). Cui did not only
reflect the revolutionary period in his lyrics and visual imagery, he also
employed the CCP rhetoric by including the metaphor of the heroic Long
March: to spread rock music in China will be a long-time struggle, and
“Voices of the Mainstream” 233
while “liberated areas” will be established, revolutionaries should be pre-
pared to make sacrifices. Cui employed this image throughout the 1990s,
wrote ambiguous lyrics such as those in “Having Nothing” (Yiwu suoyou)
and “A Piece of Red Cloth” (Yi kuai hongbu), and even sang the revolution-
ary classic “Nanniwan.” The latter aroused the anger of a party official so
that Cui was forbidden to perform in Beijing. Other examples of the early
1990s include the album “Red Rock” (Hongse yaogun, 1992), recorded
by Hou Muren and the Modern Band, featuring among others a distorted
rock version of the classical song “The East Is Red,” and China’s success-
ful heavy metal band Tang Dynasty, which recorded “The Internationale”
(Guoji ge) for their fi rst album (1992).
Since the mid-1990s, revolutionary symbols and images have turned into
popular and attractive consumer items, not necessarily related to “socialist”
content, but for mocking and subversive purposes. Revolutionary design
came to be associated with Chineseness and resistance, also offering visual
assistance to express one’s attitude and identity in times of globalization.
In general, images were often chosen solely for their commercial attractive-
ness. While the “underground,” however, tended to use these images in a
creatively ironic if not provocative manner, “official” usage was marked
by socialist realism and propaganda style with a clear political message.
The album The Red Sun, which appeared with the Tiananmen Square on
the front cover, was a clear example for this “official” usage. Until 1996,
when vol. 5 of The Red Sun was released, all editions presented different
versions of “The Square” on the cover, echoing the song “I Love Beijing
Tian’anmen” and CCP control of the Square. Musically speaking, however,
the revolutionary repertoire underwent major changes, often characterized
by a shift to softer sounds and voices, including melodies played on a saxo-
phone in smooth jazz “Kenny G” style. This modernization of red songs
was a necessity in a highly competitive market, where young audiences
increasingly spent their money for Mando- and Cantopop’s messages of
loneliness and isolation, performed by feminine and often androgynous
voices (Moskowitz 2010).
These musical products and trends evolved during the 1990s, a dynamic
period that was further characterized by two overlapping developments:
fi rst, China’s rapidly changing economic environment, social insecurity,
globalization, and new means of communication, all of which had a tre-
mendous effect on the rise of materialist values and individualism among
the young generation. Economically successful personalities like Bill Gates
and foreign stars in film and sports became the new models to emulate,
threatening the survival of Chinese socialist culture. Secondly, and partly
234 Andreas Steen
as a reaction to this development, the CCP had launched the Patriotic Edu-
cation Campaign in 1991 (see above) and one year later agreed to an impor-
tant ideological shift that was also approved for textbook use: “The official
Maoist ‘victor narrative’ was superseded by a new ‘victimization narrative’
that blames the West for China’s suffering” (Wang 2008, 792). The effects
of the new nationalist discourse became largely visible with the publication
of the bestseller China Can Say No! (Zhongguo keyi shuo bu!, 1996), but
also affected the cultural industry in the realm of both pop and rock. Anti-
foreign tones, patriotic sentiment, and frustrated rebellion were widespread
by the end of the 1990s (see Barmé 1995, Fung 2007, Hao 2001, Ho 2006,
Tuohy 2001).
Based on new official directives, patriotism and nationalism became edu-
cational goals, also to be pursued via music and singing. Emphasis was put
on four musical categories that were regarded as suitable for national educa-
tion and representation: Chinese traditional music, ethnic minority music,
a selection of Western music, and the large repertoire of the PRC’s musical
heritage. The latter also included “praise songs” (song ge) that praise “the
party leaders for guiding citizens in building a beautiful home country, a
well-established society and a fortunate new life. The songs affi rm the love
and enthusiasm of the masses for the Communist Party, as well as their
self-confidence and social responsibility” (Ho 2010, 76). Discussions about
“the importance of an all-round moral, intellectual, physical, and aesthetic
education” (ibid.) involved President Jiang Zemin as well as the various
institutions of higher education. In this context, authors generally stressed
the educational value of red songs (Sun 2011) and the way they strengthen
the listener’s patriotic spirit and improve aesthetic values and a collective
identity. Choral singing, in addition, has a positive effect on the pupil’s over-
all character. It is, therefore, considered important to promote red songs in
primary and secondary school classrooms (ibid.). Similar arguments are
put forward when talking about the usefulness of red songs for the educa-
tion of university students (Zhu 2009). Predictable challenges, as Zhu Kai
(ibid.) admits, derive from an increasing gap between individualism, plural-
ism, and diversity in expression on the one side, and the dogmatic format
of red song activities on the other. Students seem to agree that universities
and institutions of higher learning need to increase the promotion of red
culture.7 Statistics do, however, also reveal that only 10.14% of them fre-
quently visit websites related to red culture (Zhou 2011, 23). To minimize
this gap, China’s cultural authorities engage in numerous activities, among
them also the fruitful cooperation with (foreign) music companies/promot-
ers like MTV-China, in order to promote accepted musical content in an
international setting (Fung 2006, 2008). Here, it should be sufficient to
point at two examples that illustrate official engagement in red song promo-
tion and packaging: Red Jazz and the Song Collection of China.
The emergence of Red Jazz (hongse jueshi) in 2000 was a novelty, ini-
tiated by powerful players in China’s music industry, the state-owned
“Voices of the Mainstream” 235
companies. Red Jazz was released as a set of three CDs by the Shanghai
Record Corporation (2000–2003), introducing the genre as “Chinese jazz”
(Zhongguo jueshi) and “memorable jazz” (nanwang jueshi). All songs
were related to China’s revolutionary history and were performed in an
instrumental smooth-jazz format, with the piano at its center. The style
was defi nitely innovative, including “memorable” melodies such as “The
Sky in the Liberated Areas” (Jiefangqu de tian), “Nanniwan,” “The Red
Sun Shines at the Frontier” (Hong taiyang zhao bianjiang), and “Our Hon-
orable Chairman Mao Zedong” (Zanmen de lingxiu Mao Zedong). The
front covers strengthened the revolutionary aspect by combining images
of the red sun with wartime photographs. Although it remains difficult to
estimate the popularity of red jazz, the production itself was a clever move
that also underlines changes in society and cultural production. Such a
synthesis of revolutionary music and jazz would have been unthinkable in
twentieth-century China. Red Jazz demonstrated considerable adaptability,
flexibility, and creativity and also reflected the state’s dedication to actively
raise its voice in the field of music and popular culture.
This was further emphasized in 2002 by the publication of the Songs
Collection of China (Zhongguo gedian), which was released on ten CDs
to commemorate the 50th anniversary of the PRC. Each decade was repre-
sented by two CDs, whose cover-images were designed to illustrate the rise
of China and the collective efforts under the rule and guidance of the CCP.
The images were painted in a combination of Soviet-style socialist realism,
earlier propaganda posters, and modern pop art. The CD-box proposed a
convenient historical periodization in five decades, which focused on pro-
gressive socialist advancement and strength, eliminating discontinuities
and periods of crisis or protest. Altogether, it provided an official selection
of accepted “red” PRC-Pop. It used popular songs of previous decades,
induced sentimental feelings for the past, and stimulated a historically posi-
tive and uncritical listening habit among consumers. It is not surprising that
the only song with a certain affiliation to rock circles was Zang Tianshuo’s
notorious pop-ballad “Friend” (Pengyou), which was widely circulated.
Both Red Jazz and the Song Collection anticipate what was stated in
an official document in 2004, namely that officials should try to “make
entertainment a medium of education” (Wang 2008, 796). The promo-
tion of revolutionary classics, however, was by no means confi ned to state-
owned enterprises. The CD My Homeland (Wo de zuguo), for example,
was released by the private and independent company Taihe Rye Music
Co., Beijing, in December 2005.8 Though specialized on Mandopop and
promoting itself with the slightly altered but still recognizable slogan of
the Mao era “Serving the Entertainment of the Masses” (Wei renmin de
yule fuwu), the music company had provided a CD with a selection of ten
songs from different periods after 1949. All songs were rerecorded with
new accompaniment and new sound, sung and played by various popular
singers and musicians, which unite under the heading “Sanlitun Music”
236 Andreas Steen
(Sanlitun yinyue)—obviously a reference to the well-known entertainment
district in Beijing. The recording promotes patriotism (aiguozhuyi), as one
can read on the cover, and the design reminds of the propaganda posters
from the Great Leap Forward period (1958–1960), except for the imple-
mentation of modern satellite antennas. Indeed, the CD was released to
commemorate the successful victory over fascism and Japanese imperial-
ism 60 years earlier.9 My Homeland is only one example among many that
illustrates the tendency of pop singers and private companies to benefit
from revolutionary nostalgia and patriotic sentiment.
are mainly red classical songs, e.g., army songs, anti-Japanese songs,
songs of the liberation era, various healthy progressive songs of the
socialist and the reform period as well as outstanding minority songs.
Additionally, they also include classical songs of the various nations
around the world and English language songs (Baidubaike 2012).
The success of this program can not only be attributed to the popularity of
red song’s lyrical content, music, or revolutionary memory and nostalgia.
It is undoubtedly also related to its format, inspiration for which perhaps
came from neighboring Hunan province. In April 2004, Hunan TV, China’s
second largest broadcasting network after CCTV, had launched the highly
successful singing contest and TV program Supergirl (Chaoji nüsheng).
The program is often seen as the Chinese version of the British series
“Voices of the Mainstream” 237
Pop Idol.11 It is said that the fi nal episode in 2005 drew more than 400
million viewers and thereby turned it into one of the most popular shows
in Chinese broadcasting history. Supergirl was a media spectacle, carried
out in six provinces over several weeks. Every young woman was allowed
to participate, no matter of her looks, age, education, or hometown. The
show, therefore, stood in stark contrast to official music events, which offer
a platform for a selected number of talented beauties. Its nationwide attrac-
tiveness is further attributed to democratic audience participation, because
audiences select their stars until the fi nal round via text messages. The
unpredictability of the winner, democratic experience, and identification
with the presumed “star” led to a voting euphoria which in 2005 turned Li
Yuchun, 21, a young woman, into a Supergirl who “is almost the antith-
esis of the assembly-line beauties regularly offered up on the government’s
China Central Television, or CCTV” (Yardley 2005). The show was, how-
ever, cancelled by the State Administration of Radio, Film and Television
(SARFT) in 2006, and again in 2011, due to exceeding broadcasting time
limits and official critique of “violating moral virtues” (Bristow 2011).
Jiangxi Satellite TV, in contrast, clearly was on the safe side with its concept
of Red Song Concerts, both morally and politically. In 2007, the Red Song
Concert commemorated the 80th anniversary of the Red Army and the Har-
vest Uprising. The first competition was held at Beijing University, to remind
people of where the “May Fourth spirit” (wusi jingshen) was born.
In Nanchang, the popularity of red songs now also inspired the rerelease of
Red Ballads (Hongse geyao 2007), a song collection originally released in 1959
containing songs from the Jinggangshan period of the 1920s. In 2008, the
concerts followed the slogan “Concentrate Power—Sing Red Songs” (Ningju
liliang changxiang honge), in order to strengthen and mobilize people for res-
cue work after the Sichuan earthquake and to support the Beijing Olympics.
The event’s national and political significance was clearly emphasized this
time, as the main concert was held in the Great Hall of the People, Beijing. In
2009, the concerts commemorated the 60th anniversary of the PRC, promot-
ing patriotism under the slogan “Loving my China—Sing Red Songs” (Ai wo
Zhonghua—changxiang hongge). In 2010, China had to face several natural
disasters and the concerts were held under the slogan “China, Go On—Sing
Red Songs” (Jiayou Zhongguo changxiang hongge). This time, “red foreign-
ers” (hong laowai) participated in the competition and concerts were even
held in Sidney to include overseas Chinese. In 2011, concerts commemorated
the 90th anniversary of the CCP, inspired by the theme song “If You Sing
Songs, Sing the Reddest Songs” (Changge jiu chang zui hong de ge).12
Within five years “more than one hundred competitions were carried
out nationwide, attracting the direct participation of 400,000 lovers of red
songs [during each concert today]. Through the broadcasting of Jiangxi
Satellite TV an audience of about 1.2 billion people saw the ‘Red Song
Concerts,’ starting a wave of loving and singing red songs all over China”
(Yuan 2011, 80). The concerts and competitions are seen as the embodiment
238 Andreas Steen
of a “healthy” and all-embracing national moral and spirit, loved by cadres
and the masses, artists and journalists alike (Gan 2010, 9). The overall
impact of the spectacle can hardly be overestimated and it comes as no
surprise that red songs are also promoted as an effective weapon against
the “three vulgars” (san su) that are supposedly “contaminating” China’s
entertainment world and cultural standards, namely yongsu (vulgar), disu
(low), and meisu (appealing to vulgar taste, usually for quick profit) (Wang
Hao 2011, Zhang Jianguo 2011).
Today, Red Song Concerts are an institution that also provides a career
path for young musical talents (Huang and Ding 2011). Even more impor-
tant, audiences participate via text messages and, supported by a commit-
tee consisting of music experts and lay persons, select their favorite “stars”
and red songs. These examples testify to the cultural and social significance
of red songs though it is difficult to estimate whether the actual people “on
stage” are motivated by their patriotic spirit or rather by public attention
and the possibility of a career in the music business. The programs’ orga-
nizers realized already in 2007 that many of “the young participants have
absolutely no knowledge of red songs,” that they are very amateur-like, and
some come from poor families (ibid., 13). This notwithstanding, the show
clearly succeeded in the nationwide promotion of—and popular identifica-
tion with—socialist and patriotic pop music.
China’s specialists often express that the repertoire of red songs in the third
period, beginning in 1978, adapted to the new situation and requirements
of the reform policy. The recent hype further stimulated the discourse about
the songs’ “usefulness,” general character, and transformation. The demand
for popularity is reflected in a broader defi nition of red songs guided by the
obvious aim to increase their appeal and ensure widespread participation,
especially of younger audiences. “A good red song has to be an extremely
humanist natural expression,” says Wu Songjin, a Cantonese musician who
had also been in charge of Red Song Concerts, and adds that the repertoire
of red songs should include topics such as the love of the working people
and—as stylistic extension—sentimental love songs (shuqing gequ, Huang
and Ding 2011, 13). He is not the only critic suggesting a reform of the
genre, which explains the ideological shift in its defi nition and content. The
lyrics, however, remain the key point in the concept of “red songs,” while
the musical style is subject to changing musical preferences.
Under these conditions, the spectrum of songs accepted in the realm
of red songs increased considerably. Sometimes included are, for example,
older popular songs such as “Ancestors of the Dragon” (Long de chuan-
ren, 1979), originally sung by Li Jianfu, with lyrics written by the famous
“Voices of the Mainstream” 239
Taiwanese musician Hou Dejian, who played an active role in the democ-
racy movement on Beijing’s Tiananmen Square in 1989, and “My Chinese
Heart” (Wo de Zhongguo xin, 1984), recorded by the Hong Kong art-
ist Zhang Mingmin. While these voices from outside the PRC obviously
qualify as singers of red songs because they glorify Chinese culture, pride
of being Chinese, and a sense of belonging, others are incorporated for
their spiritual wisdom and model character. Even songs of Taiwan’s latest
superstar Jay Chow (Zhou Jielun), who is extremely popular on the Main-
land, contribute to the red repertoire and qualify for this genre. In March
2005, Chow’s song “Snail” (Woniu) was selected as a patriotic song by the
Shanghai City Education Committee. “The lyrics tell of Jay’s pursuit of his
dream: to achieve a goal or satisfy desire, one has to learn from a snail that
‘climbs up [the social ladder] step by step’” (Fung 2009, 297).
Less surprising is perhaps that young pop stars in Mainland China like
Hu Yanwen and Huang Wenfu have joined the patriotic wave and added
red songs to their repertoire, even recording CDs devoted to a whole set of
red songs. Joining the “mainstream” guaranties publicity and is commer-
cially attractive, also for celebrities such as Chen Sisi (b. 1976), who is a
recognized singer and actress, and—in the rank of colonel—Deputy Head
of the Art Troupe at the Political Department of the PLA Second Artillery.
She is also one of China’s new leaders in the field of folk songs. Her latest
song “Prime” (Fenghua zhengmao) was a gift to celebrate the CCP’s 90th
anniversary: “The song mainly expresses the vital and vigorous spirit of
modern people and their love to the Motherland. The music is very modern,
as it carries elements of popular music, and contains the spirit of national
minorities and red songs. It is a typical new red song (xin hongge)” (Qi
2011, 4). Chen Sisi sings praise songs for the CCP and for the Motherland,
and in June 2011 promised to release a CD with red songs by the end of
the year. Two years earlier she gave a successful solo concert in Taiwan; she
also joins Jacky Chan on stage and rumor has it that she will soon cooper-
ate with Jay Chow. She is, above all, a strong voice in the red song reform
debate, repeatedly stressing the importance for red songs to adapt to the
spirit of the times (shidai jingshen).
These examples already show the sometimes heterogeneous origin of
today’s red songs. How complex and professional the production process has
become reveals a closer look at the popular song “Do Not Forget the Memo-
rial” (Buneng wangji de jinian). The song was composed to commemorate the
150th anniversary of Yuanmingyuan’s, the Old Summerpalace’s destruction
and looting by British and French troops in 1860. The lyrics were written by
CCP member Wang Pingjiu (b. 1971), who joined Beijing Television after ten
years of military service and later became a famous event manager for the Bei-
jing Olympics and the Shanghai Expo. Most important in this context, Wang
enjoys a reputation as a “new mainstream lyric writer” (xin zhuliu cizuojia),
who contributed the lyrics to many popular songs, also those related to the
Wenchuan earthquake in Sichuan province (2008).13 The music, however,
240 Andreas Steen
came from the Taiwanese composer Chen Huanchang (b. 1958), known as
“Xiaochong” (Little insect), and one of Taiwan’s three most famous compos-
ers in the realm of popular music.14 The song was recorded and performed by
the male-female duo Han Geng (b. 1984) and Tan Jing (b. 1977), both famous
Mainland singers and film actors.
The result of this cooperation is a slow and dramatic sentimental song
in Mandopop style, based on a melodic piano line and heavy orchestral
strings in the chorus. The two voices cling to the typically soft and emo-
tional singing style of the genre. However, in this case typical melodramatic
expressions of love, loneliness, and longing for the partner were replaced
by grief and love for China’s past treasures and the conviction of a bright
and positive future. This meaning is further emphasized in the music video,
which shows the duo strolling amidst the ruins of Yuanmingyuan, while
singing demonstratively passionately and seriously. Screenshots highlight
groups of visitors and young pupils who are informed about the palace’s
fate; meanwhile, a PLA soldier is advancing towards the camera, gaining
full prominence in the end, underlining the role of the CCP in overcoming
the age of imperialism.15
Such a division of labor has always been a typical feature of popular music.
Interesting is, however, the participation of high-level entertainment celebri-
ties and their “transnational” cooperation in circulating patriotic messages,
all of which underscore the attractiveness of the “red” mainstream melody
and attest to the economic importance of China’s music market.
Rock music, by contrast, has often been seen in opposition to the main-
stream, yet this musical style also provides ambiguous material to the larger
discourse on red culture. A close look at the repertoire reveals that a rework-
ing of images and content from the revolutionary past is not restricted to com-
pilations of propaganda and red music (De Kloet 2005, Steen 2008). Images
of socialist and revolutionary China on CD covers are widespread. The front
cover of the CD compilation SCREAM for the Chinese Rock’n’Roll Yester-
day (Nahan—weile Zhongguo cengjing de yaogun, 2003) shows an image of
Red Guards, now often instrumental to support the rock ’n’ roll revolution,
while the compilation includes Chinese rock music produced around 1990
and a documentary on VCD. Another example offers the punk CD Punk
Party: Rock & Frog (Yaogun qingwa, 2005), released by a band called Work-
ers & Soldiers (Gongbing yuedui), which plays with the image of a Red Guard
who holds the Little Red Book. The names chosen for performance venues in
Beijing, China’s capital of rock music, attest to the same tendency: Mao Live
House, Nameless Highland (Wuming gaodi), and Yu Gong Yishan, the latter
referring to an old parable of a foolish man called Yu Gong who succeeded
in removing two mountains that blocked his village. Mao Zedong later used
this metaphor in a well-known essay to mobilize people to remove the “two
mountains” called imperialism and feudalism (Steen 2011, 141).
Recent debates about red songs, then, seem to pull Chinese rock out
of its underground existence and place it into the larger discourse of red
“Voices of the Mainstream” 241
culture. “Pop can be ‘red,’ Rock can also be ‘red,’” writes the critical news-
paper Nanfang Zhoumo (Southern weekly) with reference to the estab-
lished music critics Jin Zhaojun and Song Xiaoming, who claim that the
rock spirit and the red spirit share a blood relationship of being subversive.
As Jin stresses, some of Cui Jian’s songs particularly demonstrate a strong
social sense of responsibility (Chen and Jiang 2011). The journal Liuxing
gequ (Popular Songs) makes this shift even more explicit. It speaks of Cui
Jian as a formerly “non-main melody musician” (fei zhuxuanlü geshou), but
then refers to Jin Zhaojun’s arguments and points at Cui’s record Rock ‘n’
Roll on the New Long March, his interpretation of “Nanniwan,” and his
use of the word red in many song titles (Huang and Ding 2011, 13–14).
This discourse is intriguing, because it seeks to integrate rock music into
the realm of red songs, acknowledging its patriotism and “usefulness” for
the state. In autumn 2009, Cui Jian held several concerts in China entitled
“Rock ‘n’ Roll on the New Long March” to celebrate the 20th anniver-
sary of China’s fi rst rock recording. The visual arrangement was dominated
by large images of Mao Zedong and revolutionaries, so that the concerts
looked actually quite similar to popular red song gatherings.16 One year
later, Cui gave two concerts at the Workers’ Stadium in Beijing, the “New
Year’s Concerts of Rock Symphony.” Cui and his band joined the stage
with the prestigious Beijing Symphony Orchestra, his former work unit,
performing selected songs of his “revolutionary” repertoire. Notwithstand-
ing the motives on either side for participating in this event, the realization
of the project remains ambiguous. It can be interpreted as a success for
Cui Jian’s “Rock ‘n’ Roll on the New Long March,” but simultaneously
demonstrates the flexibility, attractiveness and cooperative power of the
“mainstream melody.”
NOTES
1. All quotations from Chinese sources in this chapter are translated by the
author.
2. On these compositions, their composers, and history see Qu 2011, Wei Luxi
2010, Wu Zhifei 2011, Xiao Hen 2011.
3. On left-wing initiatives in China’s early recording industry see Jones 2001,
Steen 2006, and Ge Tao 2009.
4. Jiefang ribao, June 4, 1949. See also Steen 2006, 468.
5. On China’s musical production of this period see Kraus 1989, Mittler 1997,
Baranovitch 2003, Melvin and Cai 2004.
6. Edited by Xiao Huang and Jiang Zhensheng.
7. A survey among 1860 students of 13 institutions in Chongqing proved that
63% emphasize the need for a stronger promotion of red culture and red
spirit (Zhang Shaorong 2011). However, with Mayor Bo Xilai’s particular
emphasis on the campaign, Chongqing may not be a representative case
study (Xinhuanet 2009, Branigan 2011, Liu 2011).
8. Chin. Taihe maitian yinyue wenhua fazhan youxian gongsi. Taihe Rye Music
was originally founded as a sublabel of the Warner Music Group (1996). In
2004 it became an independent label in China and turned into one of China’s
biggest entertainment companies. See Montgomery and Fitzgerald 2006 and
http://www.trmusic.com.cn.
9. See http://www.trmusic.com.cn/main/83/category-catid-183.html (accessed
November 15, 2011).
10. http://hgh.cjxtv.com.
11. Pop Idol started as a British TV series in October 2001. In June 2002, the
Fox Network began with American Idol: The Search for a Superstar.
12. For more information see Qiu 2010, Gan 2010, Yuan 2011, Wang Hao 2011,
and the very detailed summary provided at Baidu, http://baike.baidu.com/
view/1015900.htm (accessed March 12, 2012).
13. Wang Pingjiu wrote, among others, the lyrics for “Country” (Guojia), “Life”
(Shengming), “Taking You Home” (Jie ni hui jia), “People’s Livelihood”
(Minsheng), and “Great Love” (Da ai). For more information see http://
baike.baidu.com/view/1814495.htm.
14. Chen Huanchang (Johnny Cheng) is mentioned together with Luo Dayou and Li
Zongcheng (Jonathan Lee). See http://baike.baidu.com/view/30486.htm.
244 Andreas Steen
15. The music video is available at http://www.youtube.com/watch?v=
i7WC1fSY0L8 (accessed December 14, 2011). For general information about
“Do Not Forget the Memorial” see http://baike.baidu.com/view/4410610.
htm (accessed December 14, 2011).
16. See Steen 2011 and Cui Jian’s homepage www.cuijian.com.
REFERENCES
DISCOGRAPHY
Cui Jian. 1989. Xin Changzheng lushang de yaogun [Rock ‘n’ roll on the new
long march], on Zhongguo lüyou shengxiang chubanshe, China Tourist Sound
Corp., TAV9–5, Beijing.
Gong bing yuedui [Workers and soldiers]. 2005. Yaogun qingwa [Punk party—
rock & frog], Scream Records, ISCR CN-A51–05–304–00/A.J6, Beijing.
Hong taiyang: Mao Zedong songge xin jiezou lianchang [The Red Sun: Odes to
Mao Zedong sung to a new beat]. 1992. China Record Corporation, SCD-9201,
Shanghai.
Hong taiyang 5: Mao Zedong songge xin jiezou lianchang [The Red Sun: Odes
to Mao Zedong sung to a new beat, vol. 5]. 1996. China Record Corporation,
ISRC CN-E01–96–0124–0/A.J6, Shanghai.
Hongse jueshi [Red Jazz]. 2000. Shanghai Listen Audio & Video Co. LTD, ISRC
CN-E03–00–443–00/A.J6, Shanghai.
Hou Muren & Xiandairen. 1992. Hongse yaogun [Red rock], Shenzhen Jiguang
Jiemu, SC-92–035, Shenzhen.
Nahan—weile Zhongguo cengjing de yaogun [Scream—for the Chinese rock ‘n’
roll yesterday]. 2002. Jingwen Records Co., LTD, ISRC CN-A51–03–387–
00/A.J6, Beijing.
Sanlitun yinyue [Sanlitun music]. 2007. Wo de zuguo [My homeland], Taihe Rye Music
Co. (Taihe Maitian Yinyue), Beijing, ISRC CN-C18–05–401–00/A.J6, Beijing.
Tang Chao [Tang dynasty]. 1992. Tang Chao, Rock Records & Tapes (Magic
Stone Co.), RD-1183, Taipei.
Zhongguo gedian [Songs collection of China]. 2002. 10 CDs, China Record Cor-
poration, ISRC CN-G01–02–324–00/A.J6, Chengdu.
12 Asagi’s Voice
Learning How to Desire with
Japanese Visual-kei
Oliver Seibt
The usual defi nition of fantasy (“an imagined scenario representing the
realization of desire”) is [ . . . ] somewhat misleading, or at least ambig-
uous: in the fantasy-scene the desire is not fulfi lled, “satisfied,” but
constituted (given its objects, and so on)—through fantasy, we learn
“how to desire” (Slavoj Žižek 1989, 132).
Like Odysseus who had to be bound to the pylon of his ship to withstand
the chant of the sirens, you would have to tie up Maria to prevent her from
traveling to every city where her favorite band D is giving a concert. Why
you should do so? At least, it would save her a lot of time and money. Maria
lives in Sweden, while D is a visual-kei band from Tokyo, Japan, that until
very recently has never performed abroad.
In the opening paragraph of Blurred Genres: The Refiguration of Social
Thought, Clifford Geertz mentions stylistical genre mixing that had become
increasingly characteristic for written ethnographies by the time he pub-
lished his essay in 1983 in the same breath with another significant coeval
development in the social sciences: “Many social scientists have turned
away from a laws and instances ideal of explanation toward a cases and
interpretations one, looking less for the sort of thing that connects planets
and pendulums and more for the sort that connects chrysanthemums and
swords” (2000, 19).
The same logic initially applied to my research on the global spread of
Japanese visual-kei documented in this chapter. Irrespective of Jacques
Lacan’s infamous assumption “that because of the inherent nature of their
language, the Japanese were neither in need of psychoanalysis nor ana-
lyzable” (Shingu 2010, 264), Lacanian structural psychoanalysis in prin-
ciple seems to claim general applicability. However, I was not looking for
a musical “instance” that fits with Lacan’s “theory of desire.” It was the
“case” of visual-kei and the striking international success of this genre,
unprecedented in the history of Japanese popular music, that led me to
Lacanian theory. But as soon as the link between the visual-kei “case”
and the “laws” of structural psychoanalysis was established, a dialectic
Asagi’s Voice 249
seesaw between the “case” and the “laws” of theory unfolded that guided
the course of my further research and analysis.
While trying to understand Lacan’s “graph of desire,” I stumbled over the
term “the voice” that takes a prominent position in the second of the four
manifestations of the graph (Lacan 2005, 234, see below). Only then I real-
ized it made perfect sense that a lot of the European and American visual-kei
fans I had interviewed during my three-months research stay in Tokyo in 2010
had told me that the voice of the singer of their favorite visual-kei band was
one of the main reasons for their fascination for this particular type of Japa-
nese popular music. The complex implications of Lacan’s “graph of desire”
proved to be extremely helpful in interpreting and making sense of these state-
ments. In this chapter, I will first introduce the cultural phenomenon of visu-
al-kei—that in fact is much more than just another genre of Japanese popular
music. Explaining the two Lacanian concepts “desire” and “object (petit) a,”
essential for understanding the role of “the voice” within the architecture of
Lacan’s structural psychoanalysis, will then provide the basis for an applica-
tion of Lacanian theory to explain the importance of the voice in visual-kei.
I first met Maria on April 1, 2010 at a so-called “in-store event” of D at
the Tower Records chain store in Shinjuku, Tokyo. At 7 p.m. an estimated
200 fans had gathered in between the CD shelves on a closed-off part of the
J-Pop sales floor. Like me, they previously had invested ¥4,000 (approxi-
mately $43) for a special edition of D’s latest album 7th Rose (Avex Trax),
not least because its purchase was the precondition for attending this pro-
motional event. Some 20 minutes later, the five band members showed up
in their fantastic stage costumes they would never doff in public in order to
maintain their performance persona. As all visual-kei bands do on the occa-
sion of a new album release, D would also dress up in new outfits that the
musicians present on stage as well as in the visual paratexts orbiting the new
record, the cover artwork, the music videos called piivii by visual-kei fans
(a Japanese-English abbreviation for “promotional video”), and the photo
series that the band’s management agency launches for marketing reasons
in one of the glossy visual-kei magazines like Shoxx, Fool’s Mate, or Cure.
Thematically and stylistically harmonized, the elaborate costumes worn by
the musicians together with the laborious make-up form the main instrument
for the bands to evoke those fantastic imaginary worlds that for their fans
serve as an escape from their everyday lives. For their latest release, 7th Rose,
D had chosen a somehow Spanish imagery, eclectically combining Flamenco
paraphernalia with some black leather and lace lingerie and—as the title
wants it—a lot of red roses.
The band members took a seat on five barstools arranged in a row in the
same order that they generally are positioned on stage: from left to right
rhythm guitarist Hide-Zou, bass player Tsunehito, vocalist Asagi, drum-
mer Hiroki, and lead guitarist Ruiza (like their everyday outfits, also the
real names of visual-kei musicians usually are concealed from their fans).
For about half an hour, the musicians took turns according to the seating
250 Oliver Seibt
arrangement in answering a set of appointed questions posed by a Tower
Record official who acted as the host of the event. Then the fans lined up
to defile along the row of musicians, who were now shielded from direct
contact with their fans by a line of intermediary tables, whereby each of
the fans was allowed to talk—“Don’t touch!”—to each of the musicians
for about ten to fi fteen seconds, before some female Tower Record assistant
standing behind the fan’s queue fi rmly pushed them forward. Since I had
come to Japan to do research on the reasons for the recent success of visual-
kei on the European and American music markets, I waited at the exit to
catch every “Western-looking” fan—there were six of them that evening—
and ask them for an interview. Maria, looking downright happy after meet-
ing the band members, fortunately was among those who agreed.
The term visual-kei (with the kanji kei meaning “system,” “order,” or
“origin”) was established in the early 1990s to designate a new form of
Japanese rock music that was heavily influenced by Western hard rock and
glam metal bands like Kiss, Twisted Sister, Hanoi Rocks, or Mötley Crüe.
In the late 1980s and during the 1990s, Japanese bands like Dead End,
Buck-Tick, or Luna Sea performed in elaborate make-up and sumptuous
stage costumes, some of them selling millions of records. The most suc-
cessful and influential of these bands certainly was X Japan. The genre
label visual-kei is actually said to be coined with reference to the slogan
“Psychedelic violence—Crime of visual shock” written on the cover of their
second album Blue Blood (CBS/Sony) that climbed up to number six in
the Japanese Oricon charts in 1989. The following three albums Jealousy
(1991), Art of Life (1993), and Dahlia (1996) all went directly to number
one. But by the end of the millennium, a number of events seemed to herald
the end of visual-kei: X Japan disbanded in 1997, the band’s guitarist Hide,
who had become one of the key figures of early visual-kei, died the follow-
ing year, and in April 1999 the extremely successful band L’arc~en~ciel
publicly distanced themselves from the genre on the NHK music program
Pop Jam, when they refused to play a second song and angrily left the show
after its host had repeatedly referred to them as a visual-kei band. Finally,
the fi nancial returns of visual-kei releases were no longer meeting the high
economic expectations of the Japanese music industry and thus most major
companies backed out of the genre.
But this was not yet the end of the story. Since the millennium turn,
a second generation of visual-kei bands has emerged and performs in
visual-kei-specific live houses like the Takadanobaba Area or the Meguro
Rockmaykan in Tokyo, marketed by management companies such as PS
Company or Maverick DC that specialized in visual-kei. However, there is
a number of notable differences between the fi rst- and the second-genera-
tion visual-kei bands:
It’s a rock song with operatic elements. It was the fi rst D song that I
heard [ . . . ] and [ . . . ] it was like “Oh! This I like!” because [Asagi]
could use his voice like. . . it has growling elements but it also has
this really, really high falsetto element. [ . . . ] And it is rock but it
is melodic rock. I was kind of hesitant to like it, but I felt that I
liked it. And it’s a bit like that with D all the time: These guys, they
know what they are doing! They are too beautiful for me but I can’t
resist them, I can’t resist them! (personal communication, Tokyo,
April 8, 2010)
The following year, in 2007, Maria returned to Japan on her own expense
just to see as many concerts by visual-kei bands as possible. And of course
D was among those bands she was keen to see live.
I made sure to see one of their lives at least, and that’s when I became
a fan. [ . . . ] At that time, I bought lots and lots of CDs from what-
ever band that seemed interesting. [ . . . ] For a while, I liked a few
bands but the more I listened to D the more I focused on them. So
I started quite wide and then . . . somehow . . . now I just follow
this band (ibid.).
Asagi’s Voice 253
In 2008 Maria returned to Japan again, and this time it was just to follow
D from city to city to attend all the concerts of the band’s last tour as an
independent act, fittingly entitled the “Follow Me Tour.”
In April 2010, when we did the interview, Maria again had come to Japan
just to follow a tour by D, this time it was the “7th Anniversary Tour.” And
without me having to ask what it is exactly that makes her so passionate
about the band, Maria explained:
I fell in love with [Asagi’s] voice right away. Somehow I was edged
towards the singer, to focus more on the vocal thing. I love the music,
too, but the voice is so particular! Somehow I’ve been focusing more
and more on the vocalist, and to me he has become the most . . . he also
is the one who writes most of the music and the lyrics . . . so to me he
has become the most important part of the band (ibid.).
Indeed there is! Contrary to huge events like D’s tour fi nal in the Stellar Ball
in Shinagawa, the smaller live houses like the Takadanobaba Area in Tokyo
(Figure 12.1) are very good places to experience this difference.
Figure 12.1 The “Super Live Theatre” Area established 1997 in Takadanobaba,
Tokyo. (Photo: Oliver Seibt, May 20, 2010.)
Asagi’s Voice 255
The fi rst thing you will notice when you enter the concert hall after
descending a dark stairwell completely plastered with posters announc-
ing bygone visual-kei events (Figure 12.2) and transcending an equally
dark and plastered entrance area where several fans hang around mak-
ing fi nal preparations for the appearance of their favorite band on stage
is that you are almost exclusively surrounded by young women.
I never went to a show where more than roughly 3% of the audience
was male, whereas almost all visual-kei musicians are men. That is not to
say that men generally do not listen to visual-kei music. You will encoun-
ter quite a few male customers at record shops like Closet Child, Like an
Edison, or Pure Sound in Nishi-Shinjuku that specialize in selling visual-
kei recordings and merchandise, though also here females account for the
majority. However men usually do not show up at concerts that not only
Maria but all the female fans I spoke to consider the most important sites
with regard to visual-kei. In the concert hall, the spatial distribution of male
and female agents is quite clear: male musicians on stage, the bangyaru
(Japanese-English for “band girl”), as their female fans call themselves, in
front of it. The fact that the few male visual-kei fans that also come to the
shows are called bangyaru-o, literally meaning “band girl man,” testifies to
the unambiguousness of the spatial gender arrangement within the frame-
work of a visual-kei event.
Similar to Maria, who came to Japan just because of D, most of the fans
attend the event that features the stage appearances of up to ten visual-kei
I don’t know if they recognize me, but you would think that maybe
they do. But, you know, they have lots of fans, and they don’t show it.
They are there for all their fans. And the fans deserve equal attention,
equal respect for loving the band.
258 Oliver Seibt
[Question:] And they would be offended, if the band members would
highlight you by recognizing “our gaijin (foreign) fan”!??
Even the jouren as the inner circle of the bangyaru are not allowed to have per-
sonal contact with the band members. They are not even allowed to approach
the stage without doing shikiri, i.e., without signing up for one of the well-de-
fined and named positions in saizen, as the row in front of the stage is called.
The entire visual-kei etiquette seems to exist for no other reason but to tame
the fan’s desire and to prevent any girl from fulfilling it.
Another aspect that calls the sexual nature of the bangyaru’s desire in
question and that maybe is the most obvious instance of the general ambiv-
alence of all aspects of visual-kei culture is the consciously displayed femin-
ity of many visual-kei musicians of the second generation. In this respect,
D’s vocalist Asagi is not even an extreme example of what visual-kei fans
call an onnagata (female role), following the terminology used in traditional
kabuki theater. Musicians like Hizaki, lead guitarist of the band Versailles,
Ryōhei of Megamasso, or vocalist Mashiro of the band Himeyuri are much
more explicit in their personification of female characters.
But what is so fascinating for adolescent women of 15 or 20 years of
age about a twenty-something-year-old male dressed up in luxurious and
playful female wardrobe, weaving oversized artificial red roses in his flow-
ing long hair, and screwing up his voice to the dazzling heights of a prima
donna? Do they want to be with him, do they want to be his sexual partner?
Given the competitive behavior of the visual-kei fans, the sexual momen-
tum in their adoration for the musicians is hard to ignore. But the rules in
visual-kei culture effectively prevent them from fulfilling this desire. And
the fans submit themselves to these rules as willingly as the musicians who
obviously try hard to pay equal attention to all the girls in the audience and
not to favor any of them. Do the girls want to be like those onnagata? At
the tour fi nal of D at Shinagawa’s Stellar Ball, there were indeed some fans
who were cosplaying Asagi’s current outfit as well as former ones. But if
the bangyaru were looking for an idol to follow suit, why should they turn
to men dressed up as women? When in an interview I asked Inoue Takako,
one of the four co-authors of the only academic publication on visual-kei
so far (Inoue et al. 2003), how to understand the relationship between
the bangyaru and the effeminate male musicians, she pointed me to the
interest among young Japanese girls in yaoi manga, a subgenre of Japa-
nese comic books mostly created by female authors that are dedicated to
Asagi’s Voice 259
male homosexual love stories, sometimes explicitly pornographic (personal
communication, Saitama, April 7, 2010). If you look at those homoerotic
acts visual-kei musicians from time to time perform on stage (kissing other
band members, suggesting oral sex, and the like) that the bangyaru call
fan sābisu (“fan service,” a term borrowed from manga culture where it
designates those elements that are unnecessary to tell the story but designed
to please the audience with sexual connotations), Inoue’s reference to the
young girl’s consumption of yaoi manga proves to be perfectly justified.
What this hint made me understand is that the bangyaru’s apparently
sexual desire is not intended to be fulfilled. The feminine outfits of the
musicians and their homoerotic acts rather point to its latent character.
What the girls want of the male musicians on stage apparently is neither sex
nor identification, neither to be with nor like them. What is desired by the
bangyaru, then, is not the musician himself, but his desire, a logic clearly
reminiscent of Lacan’s famous dictum that man’s desire is the desire of the
other: “Man’s desire fi nds its meaning in the other’s desire, not so much
because the other holds the keys to the desired object, as because his fi rst
object(ive) is to be recognized by the other” (2002a, 222).
For Lacan the human condition is characterized by an unappeasable
lack. The premature and helpless newborn is dependent on an other to
have its bodily needs (which Lacan assigns to the order of the real) ful-
fi lled. Because the object that satisfies the infant’s needs is provided by an
other (usually by its mother), it takes on the added significance of being
a proof of the other’s love. While its needs are fulfi lled by its mother,
the child develops a demand for love that fi nds its expression in its pre-
linguistic scream when she is absent (and which Lacan assigns to the
order of the imaginary). What the infant demands for is not only the
satisfaction of its needs, but the child uses its needs to force the mother to
express her love. Since the demand always exceeds the biological needs,
there is always a deviation that is left over after they are fulfi lled. This
is what Lacan calls desire and in contrast to the biological needs, desire
(which he assigns to the order of the symbolic) cannot be appeased. It
becomes a condition of life that all of us have to cope with as long as we
live. To desire, unlike to need, is nothing that we instinctively know how
to do but something we have to learn. As Slavoj Žižek has repeatedly and
convincingly shown, the products of popular culture often function as a
means to teach us how to desire (see Žižek 1991 and 1993 for example).
And this seems to be one of the main functions of the cultural institu-
tion visual-kei, too: to constitute a training ground for the inescapable
process of learning how to desire.
As Dylan Evans puts it, in Lacanian psychoanalysis there “is only one
object of desire, OBJET PETIT A, and this is represented by a variety of
partial objects in different partial drives. The OBJET PETIT A is not the
object towards which desire tends, but the cause of desire. Desire is not a
relation to an object, but a relation to a LACK” (Evans 2006, 38). Evans
260 Oliver Seibt
lists five “complementary ways” of understanding Lacan’s formula that
man’s desire is the desire of the other:
“1. Desire is essentially ‘desire of the Other’s desire’, which means both
desire to be the object of another’s desire, and desire for recognition
by another” (ibid.).
Though the bangyaru often come to the lives in smaller groups, the pre-em-
inent relationship among the fans is not that of a shared identity but that of
competition. Therefore, one will often fi nd that those bangyaru who come
to the shows together in small groups dispense their interest on different
band members. Accordingly, the highest degree of competitiveness usually
reigns among those fans that adore the same band member (and usually
do not come together to the shows). Though their desire surely features a
pronounced sexual component, what they actually compete for is not to
become a literal sexual partner of that particular musician. In this respect,
visual-kei fans very much differ from those female fans of Western rock
musicians that are often referred to as “groupies.” The bangyaru seem to
know that if “it” really would happen, it would destroy the cultural institu-
tion visual-kei constitutes that supplies them with a space to cope with the
necessity to desire and to learn how to do so. This threat not only explains
why the bangyaru so willingly submit themselves to the strict visual-kei
etiquette, but also why the musicians would never doff their costumes in
public and why their private life is so consequently concealed from the fans.
What the bangyaru compete for—beyond a position in saizen directly in
front of the particular band member they adore while doing shikiri—is
the musician’s attention. According to all the fans I interviewed, the most
important moments during a concert are those when the musicians look
at them, point their fi nger towards them, or touch their hands or heads,
though all those gestures usually happen in a very restrained and ephemeral
manner and often are allotted to several fans simultaneously.
“2. It is qua Other that the subject desires [ . . . ]: that is, the subject desires
from the point of view of another. The effect of this is that ‘the object
of man’s desire . . . is essentially an object desired by someone else’
(Lacan 1951, 12). What makes an object desirable is not any intrinsic
quality of the thing in itself but simply the fact that it is desired by
another” (Evans 2006, 39).
The competition for the musician’s attention among the bangyaru seems to
be the price they have (and are willing) to pay for the affirmation of their
objectal choice and of the way they desire. The more fans desire a certain
musician, the more desirable it is to be desired by him. Lacan distinguishes
between the ideal-ego (the image of the perfect self) and the ego-ideal
(the symbolic authority from which you are looked at). The ideal-ego of a
Asagi’s Voice 261
bangyaru is to be the one who is recognized and desired by the musician
(who in Lacan’s terminology is a little other), but it is the (big) Other, which
in the context of a visual-kei event is impersonated by the fellow bangyaru,
that functions as ego-ideal for whom she wants to be the chosen one.
“3. Desire is desire for the Other (playing on the ambiguity of the French
preposition de)” (ibid.). While the small other is someone else who
as a projection of the subject is conceived as akin to the moi, the ego
of the imaginary order, the (big) Other (the Other with a capital O)
surely is one of the most central and complex concepts in Lacanian
psychoanalysis. It
“4. Desire is always ‘the desire for something else’ [ . . . ], since it is impos-
sible to desire what one already has. The object of desire is continually
deferred, which is why desire is a METONYMY” (Evans 2006, 39).
If the bangyaru would obtain what at fi rst sight she seems to desire, i.e.,
a real sexual relationship with her favorite musician, if she would fi nally
have “had” him, he would no longer be able to function as the object of
her desire given the general metonymic character Lacan assigns to desire.
So the visual-kei etiquette, which the bangyaru as well as the musicians
deliberately and consequently submit themselves to, serves to foreclose such
occurrences. “Real sex” would necessarily destroy what seems to be the
ultimate function of visual-kei, to procure a cultural arena for desiring as
an ineluctable imperative of human existence, a social space that molds
262 Oliver Seibt
desire as an end in itself. This of course is not to say that visual-kei provides
the ultimate solution to this human predicament.
“5. Desire emerges originally in the field of the Other; i.e. in the uncon-
scious. The most important point to emerge from Lacan’s phrase is
that desire is a social product. Desire is not the private affair it appears
to be but is always constituted in a dialectical relationship with the
perceived desires of other subjects” (ibid.).
Since for Lacan “the unconscious is the discourse of the other,” it follows
that if desire emerges from the unconscious it is a social, not an individual
product, even though we have to individually learn how to cope with it.
For this purpose, society provides cultural training grounds, among them
visual-kei (which is certainly not the only one!).
That desire emerges in the unconscious of course does not mean that
the subject, here the bangyaru, is not aware of the fact that it/she desires,
even if most visual-kei fans are rather reluctant to talk about their desire.
A certain degree of unconsciousness with regard to the nature of this desire
and the way the cultural training grounds function where desire is learned
might probably enhance the latter’s effectiveness. Of course, none of the
girls I interviewed used Lacanian arguments to explain visual-kei-related
behavior. But that does not necessarily mean that Lacanian psychoanalysis
cannot be helpful to explain this behavior. The reluctance of the young
women to talk about their desire (that might well have been amplified by
the fact that they were talking to a senior male ethnographer) or rather
their unconsciousness about its nature certainly pose serious troubles to
conventional ethnographic methodology (on the problematic relationship
between psychoanalysis and cultural anthropology see Heald and Deluz
1994). Surely, ethnography in general and the ethnography of popular cul-
ture in particular cannot ignore the fact that social actors are not always
aware of all the motifs for their (musicking) behavior (Small 1998).
So what has all of this to do with Asagi’s voice as the primary motive for
Maria to spend a lot of time and money to repeatedly come to Japan? What
role does music in general and the singer’s voice in particular play within the
cultural arena that visual-kei provides for the fans to cope with desire in terms
of Lacanian psychoanalysis? In his book A Voice and Nothing More, Mladen
Dolar worked out a full-fledged Lacanian theory of the voice (Dolar 2006). In
the second of the four manifestations of the “graph of desire” (Lacan 2005,
234) that Lacan had first introduced in his seminar in 1957 and published
in The Subversion of the Subject and the Dialectic of Desire in the Freudian
Unconscious in 1960 (Lacan 2002c), the term “voice” appears at the end of
the horizontal vector proceeding from left to right that represents the sig-
nifying chain.2 Entering the order of the symbolic, the (barred) subject has
to “weave through” the signifying chain, whereby it retroactively produces
meaning by temporarily arresting the continuous metonymic slippage of the
Asagi’s Voice 263
signifier in the point du caption, i.e., the particular moment when signifier
and signified are knit together (see Žižek 1989 for a detailed explanation of
all four manifestations of the graph).
Dolar writes:
The voice is what is left over when signification is subtracted from the
speech act. The voice is the carrier medium of speech, but in being so, it at
the same time is “what does not contribute to meaning” (ibid., 17). Accord-
ing to Dolar, the voice is “one of the paramount embodiments of what
[Lacan] called objet petit a” (ibid., 127). And as such, as Evans had put
it (see above), the voice is not the object of desire, but its cause. That is to
say, it is not the siren’s/Asagi’s voice that Odysseus/Maria desires, but their/
his voice(s) make Odysseus and Maria desire! While Odysseus had made
some arrangements to protect himself from the siren’s invocation by asking
his crew to bind him to the pylon, Maria defi nitely is not able to resist the
appeal of Asagi’s voice. (As if I had needed a fi nal proof for her devoted-
ness, I met her again in Cologne, Germany, where D gave a concert on May
15, 2011 during their fi rst European tour.)
In a letter to his friend Wilhelm Fließ dated May 2, 1897, Sigmund
Freud wrote:
Phantasies arise from things heard but only understood later (Freud
1977, 196). In “Draft L”, dated the same day, he wrote: “[The phanta-
sies] are related to things heard in the same way as dreams are related
to things seen. For in dreams we hear nothing, but only see” (ibid.,
pp. 197–198). [ . . . ] The basic insight points in one direction: first, the
voice, the noise, things heard, are at the core of the formation of fan-
tasy; a fantasy is a confabulation built around the sonorous kernel, it
has a privileged relationship to the voice, as opposed to dreams which
264 Oliver Seibt
are, supposedly, visual, as if the two modes of psychic functioning
required two different types of objects (Dolar 2006, 135–136).
But the trouble is that the moment for a proper understanding never
arrives; it is as if it were infi nitely deferred. The time between hearing
and understanding is precisely the time of construction of fantasies,
desires, symptoms, all the basic structures which underlie and orga-
nize the vast ramifications of human enjoyment. [ . . . ] When the sub-
ject does fi nally understand, at the supposed moment of conclusion,
it is “always-already” too late, everything has happened in between:
the new understanding cannot dislodge and supplant fantasy—on the
contrary, it necessarily becomes its prolongation and supplement, its
hostage. The true sense, the proper sense, is always preceded by the
fantasmatic sense which sets the stage, takes care of the scenery, so
when the supposed lead actor fi nally appears, he is framed: no matter
what he says, the stage has been set and the setting overdetermines his
words (Dolar 2006, 137).
This is what Žižek means by writing that “through fantasy, we learn ‘how
to desire’” (1989, 132). According to this logic, it is the “phoninary,” “audi-
tive” instead of the imaginary, visual dimension of visual-kei, the musical
sound, and most of all, at least in Maria’s case, the singer’s voice that ini-
tiates fantasy. What is heard is not understood—one might well assume
that the fact that Japanese, the language of most visual-kei lyrics, is not
Maria’s mother tongue even amplifies this effect. The imaginary dimension
of visual-kei that is reflected in its visual paratexts furnishes this fantasy
that spans the time period from the very moment the sounds are heard to
the ever-deferred moment when they are “understood.” It might well be the
inbuilt mechanisms of deference, the strict rules that hinder the fans to act
out their desire, that make visual-kei such an efficient and demanded train-
ing ground for learning how to desire.
Of course, visual-kei cannot provide a fi nal solution to this lifelong
necessity. Due to the general metonymic character of desire (and also due
to social pressure that will arise when an individual fan is considered too
old by her fellow bangyaru) it is quite likely that one day Asagi’s voice
will lose its appeal for Maria and the musicians’ desire will no longer be
Asagi’s Voice 265
what the bangyaru desire. The moment came, when Odysseus’s ship had
passed by the siren’s island, when the lure of her voices elapsed, and the
crew could unbind him from the pylon. But that was not yet the end of the
odyssey. Like the bangyaru, Odysseus was obliged to desire and to fi nd
ever-changing objects to aim his desire at until the end of his days. But from
his encounter with the siren’s voices, from living through the fantasy they
induced, he learned a lot about how to desire.
NOTES
1. It would lead too far at this point to deepen the discussion of the gender-
specific relationship of the subject with the symbolic order as conceived by
Lacan, but in the face of the common occurrences of onnagata in visual-kei
this statement seems worth pursuing; see Seibt in preparation.
2. The graph can be accessed online at Tristam Vivian Adams’s blog Mladden
Dolar—Notes and thoughts from Vocalities blog: http://notesfromthevomi-
torium.blogspot.ch/2011/12/mladden-dolar-notes-and-thoughts-from.html
(accessed July 30, 2012).
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Geertz, Clifford. 2000. “Blurred Genres: The Refiguration of Social Thought.” In
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Heald, Suzette and Ariane Deluz, eds. 1994. Anthropology and Psychoanalysis:
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13 Voicing Body, Voicing Seoul
Vocalization, Body, and Ethnicity
in Korean Popular Music
Michael Fuhr
INTRODUCTION
The centrality of the voice in popular music has been supported by a rich
number of scholarly accounts highlighting its innate connection to the pres-
ence of the human body. Richard Middleton, for example, describes the
voice as “a mark of a certain ‘humanizing’ project,” grasping it “in its
commonly understood significance as the profoundest mark of the human”
(Middleton 1990, 262). He continues:
manifest and stubborn (one hears only that), beyond (or before) the
meaning of the words, their form (the litany), the melisma, and even
the style of execution: something which is directly the cantor’s body,
brought to your ears in one and the same movement from deep down
in the cavities, the muscles, the membranes, the cartilages, [ . . . ] as
though a single skin lined the inner flesh of the performer and the music
he sings. [ . . . ] The “grain” is that: the materiality of the body speaking
its mother tongue (ibid., 181–182).
Choo Hyun Mi’s music marks a significant turn in the history of t’ŭrot’ŭ music
(c. 1900–present). She is renowned for her personal vocal style and for rein-
venting the genre by conveying a fresh and positive feeling. Instead of songs in
slow-tempo and minor keys that are full of sorrow and lament, and that con-
stituted the genre’s standard before, she introduced cheerful up-tempo songs
with major diatonic melodies and joyful lyrics, such as the hit “The Man of
Sinsa Street” (1988). Although she shifted the aesthetic paradigm in t’ŭrot’ŭ
music from han (sadness) to heung (ecstasy), both of which are key concepts in
indigenous Korean aesthetics, it is notable that Choo retained, and even exag-
gerated, the vocalization principles of earlier t’ŭrot’ŭ style based on variation,
ornamentation, and inflection.
Falsetto, vocal breaks, nasal sound, and vibrato belong to the wide range of
vocal techniques Choo artistically employs in her songs. “She never sang a sin-
gle note without changing its vocalization,” wrote Son Min-Jung in her study
on Korean t’ŭrot’ŭ (2004, 195). Son emphasizes the significance of these vocal
techniques in t’ŭrot’ŭ music (in particular of the kkŏngnŭn sori—the vocal
breaks produced by grace notes) and their relevance within a traditionalist
and nationalist discourse. This discourse connects them to vocal practices in
Korean minsogak (folk music, i.e., minyo, p’ansori2) and chŏngak (aristocratic
music, i.e., kagok) traditions (Son 2004, 42–49). Such practices of vocal orna-
mentation have been legitimized as uniquely Korean because of their com-
mon reference to sigimsae, a generic term in traditional music discourse that
is related to the concept of “universal vitality” (him). Hwang Byungki defined
sigimsae as a basic aesthetic principle and related it to the taste-making process
in Korean food culture, such as to the pickling of kimch’i:
First, each musical sound must carry a powerful, vibrant tone color
[ . . . ]. Second, each musical sound must be dynamic, varying delicately
272 Michael Fuhr
in tone color, volume, and pitch. What gives such variation to one sound
or one voice is called sigimsae—the term indicates something that “fer-
ments” a sound in order to make it flavorful (Hwang 2001, 815).
Rock and roll has the characteristic of being approachable and is famil-
iar to almost everyone all over the world. Bringing Korean traditional
music forms through rock and roll could more effectively popularize
our ethnic music. [ . . . ] Using only our traditional instruments, such
as the percussion instruments of samulnori, limits promoting global
awareness of our nation (Yoo 2010).
Similarly, although arguing from the opposite end, singer Yoon Do-Hyun
from the rock band YB states that traditional music may be helpful to pro-
mote a more unique rock sound:
You know, all over the world there are so many rock bands, but their styles
are very similar. In case of the Warped Tour [name of YB’s concert tour
274 Michael Fuhr
in the USA], a lot of bands’ styles are emo-core and punk, that’s it. So we
need more unique music, that’s why we tend to traditional music. We are
Koreans (Yoon Do-Hyun, personal communication, August 3, 2009).
The opening sequence from “88 Manwŏn-wi Losing Game” (The ‘880,000
won’ generation’s losing game), the fi rst track of YB’s eighth album Co-
existence (2008), prominently features Yoon’s voice emulating the p’ansori
style, accompanied by guest member and professional percussion ensemble
samulnori player Yang Sŏk-Chin. The distinct vocal qualities of p’ansori,
which express “the soul, the Korean soul,” as Yoon puts it, here connect
the collective sentiment of han with the precarious economic situation of
South Korea’s lower class and youth facing hardships through unemploy-
ment, low incomes, or unstable jobs (ibid.). Here, the blending of rock and
p’ansori voice is employed to articulate a socio-political stance, becoming a
mouthpiece of those being oppressed by political and economic forces.
Korean pop ballads demonstrate another perspective on the practice of
vocal ornamentation. In general a pop ballad is the musical genre for stories
around unfulfilled love, desire, grief, and the absence of a beloved person.
The claim that singers should be able to express deep emotions through their
voice appears to be universal in international pop music. In the Korean con-
text, however, ballads require a specific vocal technique—the so-called ppong-
style or “mute-style”—that represents the collective sentiment of sorrow, han,
and thus turns the voice into an audible signifier of Korean identity. Ppong is
an unofficial term that music producers and artists sometimes use during the
recording process to make songs sound “Korean,” a strategy used to attract
Korean listeners. Although, in practice, the term is used vaguely and with dif-
ferent meanings (e.g., in ppongtchak, a synonym for t’ŭrot’ŭ, or relating to
the melodic structure in t’ŭrot’ŭ), it can also include several forms of vocal
techniques. The pop duo Fly to the Sky opens their 2007 album with the song
“Saranghae” (I love you), a sentimental piano ballad that highlights the emo-
tional intensity in the voices of its two male singers. During the chorus, the
two members, Hwanhee and Brian Joo, alternately sing the essential line of the
refrain “Saranghae na ttaemune ul chi marayo” (I love you, don’t cry because
of me) with great poignancy. Brian Joo explains the role of ppong as follows:
You could just sing “Sarang hae” [he sings with a soft timbre and clean
vocal attack], but in order to make it ppong or “mute-style,” you have to
sing “Sarang hae” or “na ttaemune ul chi ma” [he sings with the same
timbre as before, but with switching between breathy and hard glottal
attacks in-between and with heavy tremolo at the end creating a whin-
ing sound], you know? It’s got that posy feel, and that’s kind of ppong-
ish. [ . . . ] You could even sing it in a Western pop song, for example, in
Whitney Houston’s song: “And aah-i-yai will always love you” [he emu-
lates Whitney Houston’s vocal style]. And to make it Koreanized: “And
aah-i-yai will always love you” [he exaggerates the vocal inflections sung
Voicing Body, Voicing Seoul 275
by Whitney Houston by singing each syllable with a hard vocal attack
making a kind of “gurgling” sound]. It’s the way you emphasize emotion!
[ . . . ] I never received p’ansori training, so I don’t know, but I guess [the
“Koreanized” vocal technique] derives from the traditional Korean style
(Brian Joo, personal communication, December 6, 2010).
Croaking
The croaking voice of folk singer Hahn Dae-Soo (b. 1948) has become an
aural trademark of his music and to a certain extent a trademark of the
1970s Korean protest folk song era. His bluesy folk songs were written
in Korean but combined with vocal style, guitar techniques, and lyrical
realism drawn from American singer-songwriters, such as Bob Dylan. As
quickly as they gained popularity within dissident student circles, his songs
were banned by the authoritarian Park Chung-Hee government (1961–
1979). On his fi rst album Mŏlgomŏn Kil (Long, long way to go) in 1974,
one can hear his raspy timbre as a signifier for discontent and resistance
276 Michael Fuhr
(even though the lyrics do not contain openly rebellious messages). The
song “Mul Chom Chuso” (Give me some water) seems to celebrate the
“grain” of his voice in an “unhealthy” manner. His croaking and growling
voice becomes physical and his inner sound-producing organs (e.g., throat,
larynx, and lungs) seem to be palpable. His voice is a musical instrument; it
performs a solo during the third verse by croaking and growling the vocal
melody without text, fully exposing its throaty timbre. It resembles the
timbral quality of a kazoo, which appears as the second solo instrument
after the fourth verse. Since the 1970s, Han’s voice, signifying political
oppression and tied to political and musical “underground,” has turned
into a symbol for the dissident people and social commentary—an obvious
reason why the song became a reference for many contemporary indie rock
bands in South Korea.
Screaming
The oppositional stance towards hegemonic structures appears as intentional
and programmatic in punk music. The rebellious habitus of its protagonists
goes along with a range of stylistic features and techniques, which aim at
undermining and reversing the semiotic codes of mainstream culture. Scream-
ing is not limited to punk music, but has remained a central vocal technique
in punk as it subverts any institutionalized practices of vocal training. Since
vocalization is genre-bound, screaming in Korean punk is not different from
screaming in British or in other local punk cultures as far as its vocal produc-
tion is concerned. In the initial phase of the Korean punk scene, following
the opening of the live club Drug in 1994, located in Seoul’s vibrant Hongdae
university district, the bands’ spontaneous, uncontrolled energy, paired with
rough sounds and unrefined vocal and instrumental techniques, evoked highly
affective responses by their fans. Screaming, crying, shouting, out-of-tune
singing, and collective dissonant chanting belong to the common repertoire
of vocal techniques in Korean punk, best demonstrated in early classics, such
as “Mal-Tallicha” (Let’s gallop a horse) by Crying Nut, and “Pada Sanai”
(The seaman) by No Brain. Both songs (1997) feature a characteristic mix of
raucous voices, ragged instrumentation, and switch from single to high-speed
double-time beats, from lilting solo verse to frenzy chorus shouting. The former
is overly punk-style driven by the pulsating beat of rumbling drums, whereas
the latter is held in a mellow laid-back ska beat, before both shift into a col-
lective screaming jumble. The screaming voices in these songs, and in many
other punk songs, have two functions: first, bands refer to the Anglophone
punk tradition and employ the screaming style in order to express anger and
discontent with established identity representations in Korean society, pro-
viding a means to redefine Korean identities during increased globalization
(Epstein 2006). Second, screaming is also crucial to the responsive crowds at
the shows. As a vocal technique it helps to establish group identity. It embodies
the collective sentiment of Korea’s punk subculture and bestows agency upon
the youth. Most enthralling for many punk fans is the engagement in intense
Voicing Body, Voicing Seoul 277
bodily activities, such as jumping, moshing, crowd surfing, and head bang-
ing. In a similar manner, screaming elicits specific somatic processes, as it is
regarded a highly effective means to relieve stress. Screaming in Korean punk
not only exemplifies another facet in the plethora of Korean pop voices, but
it also shows that vocal techniques in Korean pop music can also be adopted
from global pop genres instead of being limited to discourses of Korean tradi-
tion and ethnicity.
Grunting
Deep guttural vocals have become an intrinsic aesthetic feature of heavy
metal subgenres, such as death metal and black metal. Instead of singing, the
vocalist employs a range of harsh guttural sounds, like grunts, roars, growls,
snarls, and low gurgles to support images of death and violence along with
dark, chaotic, and horrific scenarios, as depicted in song lyrics, music videos,
and album iconographies. The 1994 song “Kyosil Idea” (Classroom ideology)
from hip hop pioneers Seo Taiji and Boys introduces a so-called “death grunt-
vocalization” to a wider pop mainstream audience by featuring guest vocalist
Ahn Heung-Chan from the death metal band Crash. The song’s aggressive
sound, the fusion of hardcore rap and heavy metal and its provocative lyrics
about the Korean educational system, were received as novel and controversial
(Jung 2006, 113–114). Ahn’s deep roaring voice in the beginning and middle
sections of the song complements the shouting passages of Seo and his group
mates, consequently stressing the critical lyrics in a dark and morbid man-
ner: “Blocked, completely locked, blocked from all sides; the class room is
swallowing us. It’s too bad to spend my young life in this dark classroom”
(Mak’in kkwak mak’in sapang-i mak’in / Nŏl kŭrigon tŏpssŏk modu-rŭl
mŏkŏ samk’in / I sik’ŏmŏn kyŏsil-esŏ man / Nae chŏlmŭn-ŭl ponaegi-nŭn
nŏmu akkawŏ). Seo Taiji shouts in the first section. Ahn’s death grunt voice
reinforces the claustrophobic impact of the lyrics by merging the addressed
issues of imprisonment and alienation with death metal–specific notions of
mental illness and bodily decline. Here, grunting authorizes social criticism
in a specific manner: it evokes images of the dead or dying body; the harsh
metal voice needs to sound like a “dying old man,” as an online blog recom-
mends to its readers (wikiHow 2012). The decaying body may be imagined as
the singer’s body (his present vocal body as well as his memorized body as a
pupil), the schoolchildren’s body, the school body, or the educational system
of an ill-minded state body. The metal voice gives presence to these deteriorat-
ing figures that in Korea had been largely absent in prior musical as well as in
social and political discourses.
Speaking
Speech-like singing, Sprechgesang, embraces a multitude of vocal articula-
tions, tonal inflections, rhythmic and pace alterations, and timbral shad-
ings, and it is closely entangled with traditional story-telling and the notion
278 Michael Fuhr
of authenticity, suggesting, for example, the “purity” of folk music, or the
“realness” of hip hop. “Speaking” vocalists often take the role of social
commentators, using their voices as vehicles for a message they seek to con-
vey. Furthermore, the voice supposedly proves the vocalist’s integrity as an
artist and individual, and grants him authority over the intoned words (even
if the singer did not write the song) and establishes a coherence between the
roles of songwriter, singer, star persona, and lyrical I.
A compelling example of unconventional talk-singing and rapping beyond
hip hop may be the vocal style of indie musician Jang Ki-Ha. Together with
his band the Faces he gained wider attention, even in mainstream circles,
with their fi rst single “Ssaguryŏ K’ŏp’i” (Cheap coffee) in 2008. The song
features his quirky vocals and quaintly unemotional lyrics in a retro-folk
pop style, reminiscent of Korean 1970s folk rock bands, such as Sanullim or
Songolmae. His vocal delivery constantly oscillates between speaking and
singing, characterized by constrained intonation and subtle timbral and
prosodic variations. Jang’s lukewarm prose about experiences in normal
and absurd daily life situations indicates personal realism and selfhood.
“Individuality” is crucial to his vocal performance and musical concept,
and it is a quality that Jang considers essential for being an artist and creat-
ing meaningful music (Jang Ki-Ha and the Faces n.d.). Unlike previously
discussed vocal techniques, such as screaming and grunting, Jang’s utter-
ances are clearly comprehensible. Throughout the song “Ssaguryŏ K’ŏp’i,”
his voice remains a medium of the textual narrative and a supporter of the
words and their intended meaning(s).
The opposite effect can be grasped in Outsider’s voice. Coined by the
media as “Korea’s fastest rapper,” he released his single Alone in 2009.
This mid-tempo ballad, with 4/4-disco-beat and fi lm-music-like classical
piano-cum-string arrangements, impressively exposes his speed-rapping
style. Whereas his utterances are moderate in the fi rst verse and chorus, he
accelerates the word flow in the second verse to the point of incomprehen-
sion. With his ability to rap 17 syllables per second (Star Focus: Outsider
n.d.), his voice produces a seemingly infi nite high-speed array of vowels
and consonants with a machine-gun-like sound that renders words and
syllables incomprehensible. The gust of utterances disrupts the signification
process. Signifier and signified collapse; their morphological and syntacti-
cal structure disappears together with the meaning of the words and the
words themselves. Communication in the linguistic sense comes to an end.
What remains audible is the plain phonetics of the Korean language shaped
by the materiality of his voice.
Whining
In Korean pop ballads, singers are regarded as talented when they not merely
sing but whine by injecting great pathos in their voice. Beside the ppong-style,
which refers to discourses on Korean ethnicity, ballad singers frequently use
other forms of vocalization such as sounds of crying, sighing, sobbing, and
whispering to express deep sentimental feelings or to intensify the dramatic
effect. Singers adopt a whiny timbre with varying volume and intensity. For
example, Park Hyo-Shin’s husky voice in “Nun-ŭi kkot” (“Snow flower,”
the theme song for the 2005 TV drama Mianhada saranghanda [I’m sorry,
I love you]) features Park switching from low crooning with breathy vibrato
to high trembling, pulling out all the stops to draw forth the plot’s tragic sad-
ness. The story line is typical for Korean melodramas, which mostly revolve
around issues of unfulfilled love, orphanage, terminal illness, tragic death,
280 Michael Fuhr
self-sacrifice, or amnesia. The body in these romantic dramas is either pre-
sented as distorted, harmed and ill, or absent due to death or treachery. The
ballad voice caters to these figures of decomposed and absent bodies in a very
different manner than those in death metal songs, namely not through growl-
ing but through a whining sound.
Disembodied Voices
Finally, Korean pop voices can challenge the notion of bodily presence by
complicating the relation between the voice and the singer’s body. Three
very different forms shall be briefly discussed here. First, voice manipulation
through technical devices, such as vocoder and autotune, 3 is widespread
in the dance pop genre. These synthesized voices, mostly accompanied by
techno sounds, electro beats, and techno-oriental visual aesthetics in music
videos, bear notions of absence and alienation. They appear as evocations
of the dehumanized, de-ethnicized, or simply desired body. The three-mem-
ber girl group SeeYa uses extensive digital voice effects in their smash hit
“Kŭ nom moksori” (“Voice of a bad person,” 2009) to portray the yearning
for the irresistible voice of an ex-lover. The confl ict between the voice as the
desired object and the undesired words that this voice conveys is the para-
mount theme in the song. A heavy vocoder-manipulated female voice in
the beginning sings the line: “Even though I heard your obvious lies, your
voice made me wanna believe them” (“Nŏmu ppŏnhaessŏttŏn kŏchinma-
rŭl tŭrŏdo mitgoman sip’gehan kŭrŏn moksori yŏssŏ”). The voice of an ex-
lover can be bittersweet, both a blessing and a curse. The telephone motif in
the video clip is used to signify the gap between the absence of the lover and
the presence of his voice. Electronic voice manipulation supports this motif
on the sound level, because the female singer’s digitalized voice sounds like
a voice that one hears through a telephone.
Second, the mismatch between the voice and the lips of the singer can
be often seen in its most prominent form—lip-synching. Many singers and
groups pretend to sing on stage by only moving their lips synchronically to
the recorded song. Live singing is faked even though the recorded voice and
the singer’s voice are principally identical (in most cases). The split voices in
boy and girl groups with many members demonstrate a different take on the
lip-synch phenomenon, which is primarily known in the context of live per-
formances. In the case of Girls Generation, for example, all nine members
lip-synch the chorus melody, whereas the audio track contains only the voices
of a few members. Only the most talented singers in the group, three or four
members, record the hook melodies of the songs. Their vocal tracks were
doubled, edited, and accordingly mixed in the studio to create the illusion of
the total number of group members without losing the strength and coherence
of the vocal sound. Reduced and split voices thus represent the multiplicity of
group members.
Third, a subliminal voice is evident to the escapist attitude in indie music
genres. Reverb, delay, and echo are the common sound effects that exaggerate
Voicing Body, Voicing Seoul 281
a voice in order to make it appear spatially distant to the listener. The shoe-
gazing band Vidulgi OoyoO creates a wall of sound with noisy guitar feed-
back loops and hammering bass and drums, interspersed with the ethereal
sounds of a high crystal-clear female voice. The opening track “Siren” of
their 2008 album Aero presents the voice not as foreground but embedded
in the sound of the instruments. Infinite sustain seems to drive the sounds.
Words are hardly comprehensible, the sound of the Korean language can
only be sensed in some moments. The voice presents itself as disembodied,
non-human, and rather feathery and angel-like, a voice not of this world.
CONCLUSION
Due to the increased influx of foreign musical styles, practices, and technolo-
gies into Korea since the early twentieth century, a multiplicity of vocal aes-
thetics, styles, and practices has penetrated into the realm of Korean popular
music. Despite the variety of styles, the primordial notion of Korean identity
in which ethnicity and vocalization is seen as essentially interlinked is still
pervasive in many pop-music-related discourses. This article has sought to
challenge this notion by considering the voice as a performative phenom-
enon. A closer inspection of the entanglements of voice, body, and ethnicity
in recorded pop songs has demonstrated the extent to which they are con-
structed in different contexts by different singers. Voice is neither neutral nor
biologically determined. The vocal body, as Nina Eidsheim stressed in her
attempt of “decolonizing vocal timbre,” is “the vocal apparatus as it is fash-
ioned through repetition of particular sounds, rather than the inner struc-
ture of an essential phenotype” (Eidsheim 2009, 10). I have argued for an
approach to consider the voice’s performativity, its transgressive potential
for constructing bodily presence and absence, and more broadly its “in-be-
tweenness.” By highlighting the material condition of the voice, the physical
production of vocals sounds in Korean popular songs and its relation to the
discursive production of vocalized bodies was shown.
Many Korean pop singers construct the presence of the ethnic Korean
vocal body by applying vocal techniques that refer to the discourses of tra-
ditional music (kugak). The most obvious signifiers for Korean ethnicity are
embellishments and tonal inflections, known as sigimsae, as well as harsh,
raucous timbres, principally embodied in the p’ansori voice. Conspicuously,
singers across genres (e.g., t’ŭrot’ŭ, rock, and ballad) utilize these acoustic
markers to underline their Korean identity. Some forms have even become
idiomatic in certain pop genres as demonstrated, for example, by the use of
vocal breaks in t’ŭrot’ŭ music and the ppong-style in ballads. Vocalization
in Korean pop music is, however, not exclusively shaped along the trajec-
tories of ethnicity. A variety of vocal styles engages in vivid alternatives to
the construction of an ethnic body. The relationship between vocalization
and bodily presence and absence takes shape in very different and some-
times contradictory ways, often depending on respective genre conventions.
282 Michael Fuhr
Hence, the screaming voice in punk, for example, creates the presence
of the rebellious punk subject as well as of the subcultural collective; the
whiny voice in ballads engages with the absence of the desired body; and
cute voices carry the ambivalent notions of the female teenage body. Vocal
deliveries manifoldly address bodily presence and absence. They also take
on a variety of functions, oscillating between signification and sound. As a
vehicle of meaning (of the lyrics) or as a pure-sounding entity, pop voices
perform the full range of mixtures possible within these two extremes.
The fact that the ethnic Korean vocal body is only one configuration
among a rich diversity of vocal styles in Korea’s contemporary pop music
has become evident. The sound of a voice is not essentially linked to an
(ethnic) body, it is rather always performed and stabilized within specific
contexts of power. Western mainstream pop has standardized the soul
voice, essentializing the image of African American singers. This racial con-
struction is challenged by the fake video of Beyoncé with Choo’s t’ŭrot’ŭ
voice in a parodic manner. Its mimicking effect is based on the hegemonic
power of Western pop and at the same time prompts us to continue the
decolonizing project of the voice. We do not fi nd it strange anymore when
today’s Korean pop idols employ a belting soul voice. It remains an open
question, however, if and when African American pop singers will employ
a “Korean” voice. We continue to wait for Beyoncé singing t’ŭrot’ŭ music.
NOTES
1. Charley Pride (b. 1938) is one of the few successful African American coun-
try music singers in the United States. Roberto Blanco (b. 1937) is a German
Schlager singer of African Cuban descent. Jero (b. 1981) is an enka singer of
African American and Japanese descent.
2. P’ansori is a drama-like narrative song form performed by one singer and
one barrel drum player. It is widely known for the singer’s skillful vocal
treatment and for the broad range of employed vocal embellishments and
voice colors, of which the husky and raucous timbre is most prominent. See
Chapter 7, Heekyung Lee’s contribution to this volume, for further details.
3. A vocoder is a technical device that alters the original sound of a voice or an
instrument through band-pass filtering and merges the processed sound with
the input signal. Initially designed for speech synthesizing, the vocoder has been
used as a sound effect tool in pop music production since the 1970s. Autotune
is a real-time audio plug-in that is able to correct intonation problems of vocals
and instruments while retaining all other parameters of the original signals. It
became prominent through the altered vocal effect in Cher’s 1998 song “Believe”
(henceforth also known as “Cher-effect”), created by intentional misuse, an
extreme pitch correction speed setting that let her voice sound automatic.
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284 Michael Fuhr
Žižek, Slavoj. 2001. On Belief, London: Routledge.
This is a book about shifting and contested boundaries, and the role that
music can play in their construction and negotiation. The voice, its osten-
sive topic, stands like an earthquake belt at the junction between multiple
tectonic plates, where deeply embedded cultural values grate against one
another. On the one hand the voice is a biological and cultural given. Like
our faces, our voices mark out who we are, not only as individuals—the
products of personal life histories—but also in terms of the problematically
essentialized categories of the social and political order: white, black, Cau-
casian, working class, C1. As Frederick Lau says in his contribution to this
book, the voice is enmeshed in a politics of sound. Writing proclaims its
artifactual status, as does instrumental music, but by contrast, speech and
vocal music encode naturalness. That makes the voice the perfect instru-
ment of ideology, as illustrated by the story—told here by Andreas Steen—of
the “red songs” of revolutionary and postrevolutionary China, at one time
the vehicle of a xenophobic nationalism but more recently deployed for
purposes ranging from nostalgia to the assertion of a transnational Chi-
nese identity. A perhaps even more spectacular example of the possibility
of political change through song is the “Singing Revolution,” the series of
mass demonstrations that began in Estonia during 1987 and eventually led
to the three Baltic states gaining independence from the Soviet Union. It
is not just a matter of constructing community through singing together:
the singular power of the voice derives from the qualities of tradition, self-
evidence, and facticity that it gives to cultural and political beliefs.
But the very possibility of effecting political change through song reveals
the other side of the coin. More easily than the face, the voice can tell tales.
More obviously than the face, it is socially constructed. The voice is mal-
leable, an instrument of agency. We use it not just to say who we are, but to
make ourselves who we are. As Christian Utz remarks, through vocal qual-
ity and content we switch identities and personae—not only on the musical
stage but also in everyday life. And what applies at the level of the indi-
vidual applies equally to that of the group. Michael Fuhr’s essay on what,
as K-pop, has become a global brand revolves around “the musical con-
struction of Korean ethnicity through vocal timbre, vocal techniques, and
286 Nicholas Cook
aesthetics from folk music traditions” (Chapter 13, 272), but its focus is not
simply historical. The underlying question—equally present in Heekyung
Lee’s study of contemporary Korean art music—is what the voice may con-
tribute towards the redefi nition of “Koreanness” in a world that is not
only becoming increasingly globalized but is experiencing radical shifts
of economic and political power. Old identities are obsolete but new ones
are slow to emerge. New identities build on the past, but transform it in
unpredictable ways. The musical voice furnishes a concrete demonstra-
tion of how traditional ethnic markers can be transformed in light of new
cultural and economic circumstances. In this way it can serve as not just a
metaphor for, but a metonym of, national identity. Many things will con-
tribute to the creation of the future Korea, and one of them will be singing
it into existence.
Samson Young raises similar issues in the Chinese context, asking how
we might “explain ‘the persistent attachment to real or imagined cultural
identities’ [Arif Dirlik] that seem to be evident in works by artists of Chi-
nese backgrounds” (Chapter 10, 220). The context of Young’s question is
The Memory Palace of Matteo Ricci, a “digital opera” staged by the Hong
Kong-based experimental theater company Zuni Icosahedron, in which the
apparent fi xities of facial and vocal identity production are deconstructed.
The use of masks and voice synthesis creates an arena of what Young terms
“free cross-cultural play” (215), within which traditional markers become
destabilized or neutralized, and identities can be negotiated or renegoti-
ated. It is customary to deplore the cultural gray-out of globalization, but
perhaps, Young suggests, “the loss of face and voice is not such a negative
event after all”: it may afford “new and exciting opportunities for central-
ity and marginality to be reconfigured within the dominant culture itself”
(221). Indeed, he adds, the very genre of “digital opera” represents a rene-
gotiation, through the vehicle of technology, of a hegemonic cultural tradi-
tion, a “creative misreading” through which relationships of center and
periphery can be reimagined. Such work falls into a long tradition in which
music has served as an agent in the transformation of Hong Kong from ori-
ental sweatshop to international economic and cultural center: the presence
of Hong Kong composers at international festivals throughout the years has
contributed to a decisive change of image, and changing the image is one of
the most efficacious means of changing the reality. In such a context artistic
practice does not just reflect larger cultural, economic, or political trends.
Rather it stages them, performs them into being.
I have spoken of music and artistic practice more generally, but the voice
embodies the performance of identity in its most concentrated form. It is
the most intimate embodiment of subjectivity, literally part of ourselves,
but, at the same time, to speak or sing is to enter the public domain: you
hear my voice as well as I do, I have no privileged access to it. In speaking I
constitute the other whom I address, even when the other is myself: in this
way, as Dieter Mersch observes, “With the fi rst word language is coupled
Afterword 287
with the structure of alterity and thus fi nds itself already in the social hori-
zon” (Chapter 2, 37). If writing is assertion, then speech—as Mersch goes
on to say—is testimony, or to put it another way, to speak is to perform.
And the insight that, in speaking, singing, playing, or dancing, we do not
simply reproduce existing meanings but generate new ones is the founda-
tion of interdisciplinary performance studies, a field that has developed
from its origins in theater studies and anthropology to encompass the entire
domain of cultural practice. Ritual, for example, may be seen as the repro-
duction of tradition, but it is at the same time its continued asseveration, an
act of constantly renewed commitment: when, in widely differing contexts,
Utz, Fuyuko Fukunaka, and Jörn Peter Hiekel all refer to the ritualistic
qualities of vocal performance, their point is that meaning is being created
on the fly, in the very act of singing. That is the point of Mersch’s reference
to “moments of emergence” (33).
Mersch also quotes Antonin Artaud’s call for words to “be joined again
to the physical movements that gave them birth,” and Artaud continues,
“Let the discursive, logical aspect of language disappear beneath its affec-
tive, physical side, i.e., let words be heard in their sonority” (32). His “disap-
pear beneath” needs careful reading. What gives the voice its special power
in the performance of cultural identity—what, in the words of the book’s
subtitle, renders it “unlimited”—is precisely the fact that the discursive,
logical aspect of language continues to run beneath the performing voice,
resulting in a counterpoint of performative and discursive meanings. But a
Western or Westernized culture that prioritizes writing above speech—the
discursive, logical side of language above its affective, physical side—has
oversensitized us to the one and desensitized us to the other. That is why,
as Mersch puts it, we require “special methods to bring the voice as such
to light, to literally expose its meaning” (28). And one such method, obvi-
ously, is to focus on the corporeality of the voice, the classic formulation
of which is the concept of “grain” that Roland Barthes explained through
contrasting the singing of two classical baritones, Dietrich Fischer-Dieskau
and Charles Panzera.
For Barthes, Fischer-Dieskau’s vocalization represented the epitome of
the pheno-song, in which the voice is employed as a medium for semantic
content, while Panzera—with whom Barthes took lessons—stood for the
geno-song, the signifying of the voice in its fleshy materiality. (Utz com-
ments acidly on this “polemic polarization of French and German aesthetics
of classical singing” [Chapter 3, 68–69], observing that the explorations of
the borderline between song and speech discussed in his article would make
much better examples.) Fukunaka extends Barthes’s distinction to an instru-
mental context when she writes of a flute piece by Hosokawa Toshio that
“one is encouraged to hear not the melody per se but the physical mechanism
that [ . . . ] turns the abstract breath-work into a heavily bodily labor” (Chap-
ter 6, 120). And Mersch follows his reference to moments of emergence by
dwelling on those commonly filtered-out vocal episodes through which the
288 Nicholas Cook
geno-song emerges—“stuttering or interruptions, [ . . . ] whistles, scratches,
or coarseness”—and comments that “here significance is not meaning, but
rather something that jumps out and appears” (33). The same might be said
of the “dirtiness,” “snoring,” and “rattling” sounds that Hiekel identifies in
Helmut Lachenmann’s temA, as well as the croaks, grunts, growls, snarls,
and low gurgles that Fuhr detects in Korean pop vocalization.
In this way, Mersch continues, the voice represents “a surplus, which
cannot be domesticated by any censure or production,” and he concludes:
“This intensity of surplus is the reason why the voice involves us and in
the moment of communication appeals to us and compels us to respond”
(33). This characterization of voice as surplus is echoed by Oliver Seibt,
for whom “the voice is what is left over when signification is subtracted
from the speech act” (Chapter 12, 263). And it is Seibt who most vividly
illustrates Mersch’s “intensity of surplus,” together with the qualities of
appeal and compulsion that it engenders. The context is visual-kei, which
might be described as a peculiarly Japanese recreation of aspects of punk
and glam rock: it is directed at a mainly female, teenage audience, but has
developed an international fan base. A Swedish fan, Maria, describes the
effect that the lead singer of the group she follows, D, has on her: “I fell
in love with [Asagi’s] voice right away. Somehow I was edged towards the
singer, to focus more on the vocal thing. I love the music, too, but the voice
is so particular! [ . . . ] When you’re close to the stage, you feel their energy,
and the music and the voice just go through your body. It is just ecstasy for
me” (254). As Seibt argues, the voice generates desire (it is, in his words,
“its cause”), but at the same time the highly developed concert etiquette
of visual-kei channels and disciplines this desire: it is in this way that the
genre fulfi lls the role of social education hinted at in Seibt’s title. Tracing
how this concert etiquette developed would make a fascinating research
project in its own right.
If a focus on corporeality is one way to bring the voice to light and expose
its meaning, another is a careful survey of the fault lines between its per-
formative and discursive meanings. Georges Aperghis’s Récitations (1977),
one of three case studies featured in Erin Gee’s contribution to this book,
is explicitly designed as an exploration of this unstable terrain. Aperghis
dissolves the French language into phonemes, creating shards of sound and
connotation, rather than—in the manner of a conventional song text—
articulating a pre-existing semantic content already constituted by other
means: “The vocal actions and their resultant sounds,” Gee comments,
“contribute to a heightened awareness of the vocal performer as individual,
centering on the very personal, often intimate nature of the human voice”
(Chapter 9, 197). Performative meaning, then, dominates, with discursive
meaning being reduced to a dimly perceived or inchoate supplement, in
this way reversing the traditional emphasis of Western musical aesthetics.
Similarly Hiekel, who as I said emphasizes the ritual dimension of contem-
porary music with reference to Lachenmann and Giacinto Scelsi, ascribes
Afterword 289
this to the “tendency towards a dissolution—or suppression—of semantics
in new (Western) European music” (Chapter 8, 161).
But as the book makes clear, this is a more widely distributed tendency
than the citation of one or two European examples might suggest. After
referring to composers such as George Crumb and Luciano Berio who aim
to “disrupt the traditional role of the voice by using it as both carrier of
sound and carrier of meaning” (Chapter 5, 106), Lau draws a comparison
with the Hong Kong-based composer Chan Hing-Yan. As Lau explains,
Chan’s choral composition Lachrimae Florarum (2001) draws on a tra-
ditional Chinese recitation style but adds a range of extended vocal tech-
niques, and the result is that “the coherence of the composition lies in the
recurring use of vocal devices that straddle traditional recitation of Chinese
ci-poems and contemporary voice” (106). Utz, too, identifies East Asian
models for the role of the voice in generating performative meaning, and
uses them as a basis for analyzing the “vocal-cultural hybridity” character-
istic of contemporary composers—such as Tan Dun—who draw explicitly
on these traditions. He focuses in particular on the montage-like effects
that result from constant changes in vocal quality and implied persona, so
establishing a link to Fukunaka’s analysis of the role of similar techniques
in destabilizing the linear narratives that characterized the largely Western-
ized Japanese opera of the postwar period. And Utz hints that larger issues
of aesthetic ideology are involved when, invoking Carolyn Abbate, he refers
to “the idea of competing voices of diverse origin that might support, but
sometimes also contradict the ‘monologic’ authority of the composer and
the confi nements of musical structure” (69).
What is at stake in the distinction between performative and discursive
meaning comes into sharpest focus, however, in relation to notation. It is
not surprising, in a book that focuses on the performative dimension of
the voice, that Derrida gets a bad press: Mersch, for example, speaks of
the “fatal theoretical bias” that has “limited the investigation of the voice
to the mediality of the sign” (29), in other words to its role as a vehicle for
semantic content. And his references to “scripturality” nicely capture the
religious dimensions of the prioritization of text that has long been a fea-
ture of Western conceptualization. There is a sense, however, in which the
important thing is not so much text as such but the epistemology in terms
of which it is approached. Writing of one kind or another is commonplace
among the world’s musical traditions, alongside other representations such
as mnemonic syllables and codified gestures, but what is not so common
is for it to be seen as Christian fundamentalists view the Bible, or as tra-
ditional Western aestheticians view the score: a text that is replete with
inherent meaning, and accordingly calls for reproduction in performance.
That is the way of thinking that reduces the voice to the mediality Mersch
referred to, and the history of musical modernization outside Europe and
North America provides many examples of its consequences. Lau refers to
the “school songs” movement of early twentieth-century China (in effect
290 Nicholas Cook
the prehistory of the “red songs”), which did much to eradicate traditional
practices of vocalization. Lee tells a similar story about Korea—though tra-
ditional Korean vocalization was not so much eradicated as marginalized
in relation to a mainstream, Westernized musical culture.
But it is in the context of the attempt to preserve tradition that the scrip-
tural approach becomes most jarring. Lee struggles to do justice to Kim
Dong-Jin, who recognized the value of the p’ansori tradition at a time when
few did, and expended great labor in transcribing and arranging record-
ings. All this, says Lee, is admirable. And in the context of mid-twentieth-
century modernization, it is understandable that Kim would seek to ensure
the future of p’ansori by placing it within the context of the Westernized
mainstream, writing for Western-trained singers and Western instruments.
But Kim’s indifference to traditional performance practice went further
than this, or than his opinion that the peculiar vocal production of p’ansori
was “unscientific.” The basic problem is that he identified the musical con-
tent with the notes on the page, and just the notes on the page, and as a
consequence (in Lee’s words) saw “most p’ansori melodies as monotonous
and simple, only distinguished by their texts” (Chapter 7, 138). In short,
Kim understood music to be a textual product to the exclusion of performa-
tive process.
“Analysts,” remarks Young, “should be mindful not to perpetrate the
presupposition that Western music is the ‘musical universal’” (220). We
might say that the problem with Kim lies in the fact that he perceived no
problem in what he was doing. In other contexts, however, what Utz refers
to as the voice’s “resistance against codification by musical notation” (47)
has been perceived as deeply problematical, and a range of possible solu-
tions attempted. The first and most obvious option is to avoid the voice and
instead compose for instruments. As Utz says, many postwar composers,
both within and outside Europe, steered clear of vocal composition, on the
grounds that “vocal timbres and techniques [ . . . ] were particularly imbued
with historical and cultural aesthetics of sound” (46): they were too strongly
marked by emotional qualities and associations that, in the years after 1945,
seemed deeply suspect. Hiekel, too, speaks of the voice representing “a sub-
versive and uncontrollable element opposed to serialist construction” (159),
though his point is that, for just this reason, the voice became the focus of
an oppositional countertendency to thematize what he terms the “auratic.”
In the same way, Utz traces the processes through which, by the 1980s and
1990s, music for voice had come to play “a key role in the musical self-defi-
nition of the young generation of Chinese composers” (47).
Some composers took a second option: to treat the voice as an instru-
ment. Traditionally you wrote for the piano or violin (instruments), but for
a singer (person). The new way was to write not for the singer but for the
voice. And a radical illustration of this is provided by Brian Ferneyhough,
whose Time and Motion Study III—as Gee explains—uses the Interna-
tional Phonetic Alphabet to break speech down into “mobile atoms of
Afterword 291
articulation” that are then recombined into “new, syntactically meaningful
synthetic units” (189). The quotes are from Ferneyhough, but it is what
he refers to next that is crucial: “Notating the tension of the throat mus-
cles, position of the tongue and the shaping of the lips, etc. as separately-
rhythmicized parametric strands” (quoted in Chapter 9, 189–190). There is
a sense in which Ferneyhough might be seen as scoring directly for the vocal
organs, bypassing the singer as individual, and Sandeep Bhagwati sees this
as a distinctively old-world approach: borrowing a term from George E.
Lewis, he writes that “singing eurological new music today means virtu-
ally the same as playing an instrument, namely, to command and control
each element of the vocal tract in a quasi-independent, technical fash-
ion” (Chapter 4, 81). The picturesque tale of Louis XI’s pig-organ, which
Bhagwati invokes to dramatize the violent wresting of musical sounds from
nature, might also be seen as saying something about how performers have
frequently been represented within the Western aesthetic tradition.
There is however a third, quite different option, one that entails a non-
scriptural approach to the musical text and is also documented in this
book. Perhaps the most telling illustration, because it stands in maximal
opposition to Kim Dong-Jin, comes from a later Korean composer, Lee
Donoung, whose Hansori (1984) is scored for p’ansori singer, alto saxo-
phone, and orchestra. As Lee explains, referring to the practices of orna-
mentation characteristic of traditional Korean singing, “The composer
only indicates basic melodic lines, allowing for the vocalist’s unrestrained
sigimsae; collaboration with the performer in conceiving the lines creates
maximum improvisation opportunities” (150). More radically than in the
Western tradition (at least since the ideology of performance as reproduc-
tion became entrenched), this is an example of writing for the singer rather
than the voice, and it exhibits two identifying features. The fi rst is the
use of some kind of minimalist notation, the purpose of which is not to
provide a comprehensive specification of the intended sound, but rather to
“plug into” a distinctive performance practice possessed by the singer. The
second is implicit in the fi rst: collaboration with the performer. Music of
this type often results from a composer’s long-term relationship with a par-
ticular singer. Lee discusses the role of Hong Sin-Cha in the realization of
compositions by Hwang Byungki and Kang Sukhi, while Utz refers to the
impact of performers as various as Roy Hart, Cathy Berberian, Hirayama
Michiko, and Susan Botti. “In some cases,” Utz adds, “these collabora-
tions have challenged conventional concepts of authorship as the performer
acquired a role as co-composer” (48).
Of course the distinction between the second and third compositional
options I have outlined is not as clear-cut as I have made it appear. Yet it
is underpinned by a contrast in aesthetic ideology that results in quite dif-
ferent approaches to intercultural composition. On the one hand we have
the score as scripture, aspiring to exhaustive specification of sound and
consequently demanding faithful reproduction in performance. This is the
292 Nicholas Cook
tradition of Western aesthetics based, to repeat Utz’s words, on the “‘mono-
logic’ authority of the composer”: sound becomes a medium of intelligent
design. Elements with different historical or ethnic origins may be incorpo-
rated within this design, and contribute as symbols to a work’s meaning.
(A stereotypical example might be fully scored compositions that combine
Western and traditional Chinese instruments, with everyone playing from
staff notation, reflecting the essentially Westernized curriculum that under-
lies all performance studies in Chinese conservatories.) On the other hand
we have a relational approach, in terms of which music is a performative
process that creates, and expresses, social relations between its participants.
Meaning is not so much inherent in the score as prompted by it, created
in the real time of performance. In the intercultural context, a particu-
larly clear example—not described in this book—might be the music of the
Malaysian composer Valerie Ross (b. 1958), written for ensembles compris-
ing members of different ethnic or cultural groups, such as Malay, Chinese,
Indian, or Western musicians: her relatively schematic scores function as
frameworks for negotiation between different musical traditions, result-
ing in a metonymical performance of the multicultural national identity to
which many in Malaysia aspire. This provides an example of compositional
approaches that originally developed in Europe or North America in the
context of technical experimentation, such as the use of graphic or aleatoric
scores, taking on new dimensions of meaning in intercultural contexts.
These contrasted aesthetic ideologies weave in and out of the music dis-
cussed in this book, and form a backdrop to the issues of future musical
developments in East Asia that are posed most sharply in Lee’s contribu-
tion. As Lee describes it, the work of Kang Joon-Il broadly illustrates the
second ideology. Works like Sin Hyangga represent yet another attempt to
embrace p’ansori vocalization within a contemporary art music context,
and reflect Kang’s encounter with the traditional singer Chŏng Hoe-Sŏk.
Sin Hyangga is scored for soprano, p’ansori singer, haegŭm, and strings: as
the line-up implies, it stages an encounter between different musical worlds,
and Lee refers to “the active role of the performers as participants in the
process of moving beyond conventional performance practices” (149). (The
fact that it incorporates a seventh-century hyangga text means that dis-
junctures of time as well as space are being bridged.) At the same time, Lee
sees the dependence on traditional singers as a limitation, perhaps repre-
senting a “transitional stage” pending composers’ full internalization of
traditional vocal practices. That might suggest a movement in the direc-
tion of the fi rst ideology, the evolution of a new style that transforms “the
performativity and orality of Korean musical tradition” in such a way as to
integrate it within an exhaustively authored text. Yet at the same time Lee
recognizes that performativity and orality cannot be fully contained within
the traditional conception of “vocal music,” and considers the potential of
a more broadly defined “media art” in which composition is transformed
into the designing of performances, or—in a phrase that Lee borrows from
Afterword 293
Pedro Rebelo—“performance-centric composition” (156, note 35). And yet
that only opens up new questions: “Could the performative act of tradi-
tional vocal practices be relocated to a totally new context? [ . . . ] How
could traditional vocal practices be reimagined in this high-technology era?
[ . . . ] Is ‘performance-centric composing’ viable?” (152). Returning to my
opening remarks, these are precisely the kind of questions through which
national identities are made and remade.
I have approached this book as it presents itself, a study of the voice
that thematizes the shifting and contested boundaries with which it is
enmeshed: between speech and writing, performative and discursive mean-
ing, body and mind, tradition and modernization, and of course East and
West. Obsolete as what Young refers to as “the ‘East meets West’ binary”
may be, it is inevitable that this particular boundary—if that is the right
word for it—should be a constant presence in a book whose geographi-
cal spread is matched by its multinational authorship. Indeed it would
make just as much sense to think of it as a comparative study of music in
East Asia and the West, with a particular focus on the voice. Reading the
juxtaposed accounts of both art and popular music in Korea, Japan, and
China underlies the similarities of historical development across the region,
regardless of whether the history in question is postcolonial, postimperial,
or postrevolutionary: the extensive and long-standing contacts between
these countries reveal the limitations of current Anglophone literature that
mainly restricts its purview to their individual relations to an often ill-de-
fi ned West, rather than thematizing their relations with one another. At the
same time the cross-cultural perspective focuses attention on commonali-
ties between the East Asian and Western (which in this book mainly means
European) experiences.
One of these is the desire to make a new beginning—in Lau’s words
to “generate a clean slate” (112)—that was felt in so many places in the
aftermath of the Second World War, but has had continued relevance as
cultural identities have been incessantly renewed in response to techno-
logical, economic, social, and political change: Lau is actually talking
about new accommodations with traditional “Chineseness” that date
from the turn of the twenty-fi rst century, something akin to the neutral-
ization of established ethnic markers which Young invokes with refer-
ence to an opera premiered in 2010. That in turn opens up the broader
issue of how the traditions that encode cultural identity are to be rec-
onciled with the institutions and practices of the contemporary world,
avoiding the loss of vitality that results from embracing them within a
museum culture on the one hand, and the dilution that results from the
various different approaches to modernization on the other. The question
of how to maintain a consumer base for Western art music without a
self-defeating degree of dumbing down—in other words, how to estab-
lish a stable niche for it—is as pressing in Europe and North America as
similar questions relating to traditional musics are in East Asia (where,
294 Nicholas Cook
ironically, eighteenth- and nineteenth-century Western art music contin-
ues to enjoy a mainstream status it has lost in North America and much
of Europe). Again, areas such as the impact of technology and the opera-
tion of copyright furnish promising opportunities for comparative study
between geographically distant cultures. And all these issues have direct
ramifications for the music business and education.
To research these issues is to explore the impact in the field of music of
broader socio-economic factors: at the macrolevel music is molded by the
impress of cultural change. Such research is intrinsically valuable, as each
perspective helps to throw the underlying factors into sharper relief, but
there is another approach that is adumbrated in this book. It is primarily
at the microlevel that music creates its own motivations—in Seibt’s terms,
causes its own desires—and in this way acts as an agent in the choreo-
graphing of social action and the generation of cultural meaning. And it is
this level that grounds the “intercultural music historiography” proposed
in Utz’s contribution, the basic method of which he characterizes as “con-
tinuously returning to those elements in the musical microstructure that
construct and trigger crucial components of musical meaning” (69). At first
sight the result looks like something out of Late Junction, in its own words
BBC Radio 3’s “laid-back, eclectic mix of music from across the globe”: one
section of Utz’s chapter offers an “intercultural trajectory” from Takahashi
Yūji (b. 1938) to Jacopo Peri (1561–1633) and back (or rather forward) to
Salvatore Sciarrino (b. 1947). But unlike Late Junction’s “Your 3” feature,
where listeners submit a sequence of three recordings that creates “an excit-
ing yet smooth musical journey,” Utz’s playlist is based on sophisticated
analytical criteria: the link is different ways in which the voice can act as
“a platform for a liberation from rigid structural codification” (66), par-
ticularly in the domain of pitch. One might see this as the fi rst sketch of an
intercultural theory of recitative.
Utz’s contention is that “vocal music of diverse cultural and histori-
cal origin can be reasonably discussed within a common methodological
framework” (69), and obviously judgment has to be exercised in selecting
comparisons that bring into focus those elements of musical microstruc-
ture that trigger meaning, as Utz puts it: the knack is to fi nd a dimension
that combines broad applicability with local specificity, and that is exactly
what the voice does. Other scholars are beginning to explore the same
kind of intercultural analytical comparison, a prominent example (whom
Utz mentions) being Michael Tenzer. The wonder is that such approaches
have taken so long to arrive, or perhaps one should say to come round
again, given the extent to which intercultural comparison was built into
musicology as formulated in the German-speaking countries at the begin-
ning of the twentieth century. Traces of this approach remain in the pres-
ent-day practices of systematic and cognitive musicology. But it became
marginalized with the development of ethnomusicology, which viewed the
comparative approach as complicit with colonialism and the racial music
Afterword 295
historiography of the 1930s, and so redirected attention to the study of
individual musical traditions within their own cultural contexts. Com-
parison became both suspect and unfashionable. The consequence is that
the new cross-cultural analysis—if it is not too early to give this develop-
ment a name—fits awkwardly into the current disciplinary map. Perhaps,
then, the fi nal boundary this book will help to bridge is between different
musicological traditions.
Contributors